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THE WORKS

or

FLAYIUS JOSEPHUS,

3tarir an& JWtwtffc SMjf Jistonmu“ This History spoken of in the highest terms by men of the
greatest learning and the soundest judgment, from its first publication
to the present time.

“The fidelity, the veracity, and the probity of Josephus, are univer-
sally allowed: and Scaliger in particular declares, that not only in the
affairs of the Jews, but even of foreign nations, he deserves more credit
than all the Greek and Roman writers put together. Certain at least it
is, that he had that most essential qualification of an historian,—a perfect
and accurate knowledge of all the transactions which he relates ; that he
had no prejudices to mislead him in the representation of them; and that,
above all, he meant no favour 'to the Christian cause. For even allow-
ing the so much controverted passage, in which he is supposed to bear
testimony to Christ, to be genuine, it does not appear that he ever be=
came a convert to His religion, but continued probably a xcalous Jew
to the end of his life.'

Ficfe Bishop J*often? i Li Vol. II. j 234.Engrafted by J. B>Jvtould_

FILATEUS J(0)§IEPIHIU§.THE WORKS

OF

FLAYIUS JOSEPHUS,

1 j »

THE LEARNED AND AUTHENTIC JEWISH HISTORIAN.

TO WHICH ARE ADDED

THREE DISSERTATIONS,

CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST, JOHN THE BAPTIST, JAMES THE JUST,

god’s Command to abraham, etc.

WITH A COMPLETE INDEX TO THE WHOLE.

TRANSLATED

By WILLIAM WHISTON, A.M.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME.

AUBURN AND ROCHESTER:
ALDEN AND BEARDSLEY.
NEW YORK:

J. C. DERBY, 119 NASSAU STREET.

1855.THE

LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

§ i. The family from which I am derived is
not an ignoble one, but hath descended all
along from the priests; and as nobility among
several people is of a different origin, so with
us to be of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indi-
cation of the splendour of a family. Now, I
am not only sprung from a sacerdotal family
in general, but from the first of the twenty-
four* courses; and as among us there is not
only a considerable difference between one
family of each course and another, I am of
the chief family of that first course also; nay,
farther, by my mother, I am of the royal blood;
for the children of Asamoneus, from whom
that family was derived, had both the office
of the high priesthood, and the dignity of a
king, for a long time together. I will accord-
ingly set down my progenitors in order. My
grandfather’s father was named Simon, with
the addition of Psellus: he lived at the same
time with that son of Simon the high priest,
who first of all the high priests was named
Hyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had nine
sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Eph-
lias: he married the daughter of Jonathan
the high priest; which Jonathan was the first
of the sons of Asamoneus, who was high
priest, and was the brother of Simon the high
priest also. This Matthias had a son called

* We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of
the second hook Against Apion, sect. 8 (for the Greek is
there lost), which says, there were then only four Jribes
or courses of the priests, instead of twenty-four. Nor
is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there
contradicted what he had affirmed here; because even
the account there given better agrees to twenty-four
than to lour courses, while be says that- each of those
courses contained ahove .5,000 men, which, multiplied by
only four, will make not more than 20.000priests; where-
as the number 120,000, as multiplied by 24, seems much
the most probable, they being about one tenth of the
whole people, even after the captivity. See Ezra ii.
36 — 39; Nehem. vii. 39 — 42; 1 Esd. v. 24. 2-5: with
Ezra, ii. 64; Nehem. vii. 66; X Esd. v. 41. Nor with this
common reading or notion of but four courses of priests,
agree with Josephus’s own further assertion elsewhere
(Antiq. b. vii; ch. xiv. sect. 7), that David’s partition of
the priests into twenty-four courses, had continued to
that day.

Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of
the government of Hyrcanus: his son’s name
was Joseph, born in the ninth year of the
reign of Alexandra: his son Matthias was
born in the tenth year of the reign of Arche-
laus; as was I born to Matthias in the first
year of the reign of Caius Caesar. I have
three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was bom
in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian,
as was Justus born in the seventh, and Agrippa
in the ninth. Thus have I Bet down the
genealogy of my family as I have found it de-
scribed f in the public records, and so bid
adieu to those who calumniate me [as of a
lower original].

2. Now, my father Matthias was not only
eminent on account of his nobility, but had a
higher commendation on account of his righte-
ousness; and was in'great reputation in Je-
rusalem, the greatest city we have. I was
myself brought up with my brother, whose
name was Matthias, for he was my own bro-
ther, by both father and mother; and I made
mighty proficiency in the improvements of my
learning, and appeared to have both a great
memory and understanding. Moreover, when
I was a child, and about fourteen, years of
age, I was commended by all for the love 1
had to learning; on which account the high
priests and principal men of the city came
then frequently to me together, in order to
know my opinion about the accurate under-
standing of points of the law; and when I
was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to
make trial of the several sects that were among
us. These sects are three: — The first is that
of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sad-
ducees, and the third that of the Essens, as
we have frequently told you; for I thought
that by this means I might choose the best, if
1 were once acquainted with them all; so I

t An eminent example of the care of the Jews about
their genealogies, especially as to the priests. See Against
Apion, b. i. sect. 7.

A2

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

contented myself with hard fare, and under-
went great difficulties, and went through them
all. Nor did I content myself with these
trials only; but when I was informed that
one, whose name was Banus, lived in the
desert, and used no other clothing than grew
upon trees, and had no other food than what
grew of its own accord, and bathed himself
in cold water frequently, both by night and
by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I
imitated him in those things, and continued
with him three years.* So when I had ac-
complished my desires, I returned back to the
city, being now nineteen years old, and began
to conduct myself according to the rules of the
sect of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the
sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them.

3.	But when I was in the twenty-sixth
year of my age, it happened that I took a
voyage to Rome; and this on the occasion
which I shall now describe. At the time
when Felix was procurator of Judea, there
were certain priests of my acquaintance, and
very excellent persons they were, whom on a
small and trifling occasion he had put into
bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause
before Caesar. These I was desirous to pro-
cure deliverance for; and that especially be-
cause I was informed that they were not un-
mindful of piety towards God, even under
their afflictions; but supported themselves
with figs and nuts.f Accordingly I came to
Rome, though it were through a great num-
ber of hazards, by sea; for, as our ship was
drowned in the Adriatic Sea, we that were in
it, being about six hundred in number, f swam
for our lives all the night; when, upon the
first appearance of the day, and upon our sight
of a ship of Cyrene, I and some others, eighty
in all, by God’s providence, prevented the
rest, and were taken up into the other ship:
and when I had thus escaped, and was come
to Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli,

* When Josephus here says, that from sixteen to nine-
teen, or for three years, he madi

and yet
beside:

i, iic uiauc trial of the three Jewish
'sects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens,
t says presently, in all our copies, that he stayed
> with one partioular ascetic, called

i one partioular ascetic, called Banns, a-u;'
Atm, and this still before he was nineteen,
le room left for his trial of the three other
I suppose, therefore, that tor to.;' mi/ru, with him,
reading might be rx(' avrett, with them; which is
a very small emendation, and takes away the difficulty
before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture, hinted at by
Mr. Hall in his preface to the Doctor’s edition of Jose-

a.vra, with
there is little
sects,
the old re,

with them; which is
he (

I

preface to the Doctor’s edition of Jose-
phus,at all improbable, that this Banus, by this his descrip-
tion, might well be a follower of John the Baptist, and
that from him Josephus might easily imbibe such notions,
as afterwards prepared him to have a favourable opinion
of Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to by John the
Baptist

+ We may note here, that religious men among the
Jews, or at least those that were priests, were some-
times ascetics also, and, like Daniel and his companions
in Babylon (Dan. i. 8—16], ate no flesh, but jigs and
nuts, &c. only. This was like the	or^ustere

diet of the Christian ascetics in Passion Week. Con-
stitut. v. 18.

t It has been thought the number of Paul and his
companions on ship-board (Acts xxvii. 38), which are
276 in our copies, are too many; whereas we find here,
that Josephus and his companions, a very few years after
the other, were about 600.

I became acquainted with Aliturius, an actor
of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a
Jew by birth; and through his interest became
known to Poppea, Caesar’s wife; and took
care, as soon as possible, to entreat her to
procure that the priests might be set at liber-
ty ; and when, besides this favour, I had ob-
tained many presents from Poppea, I returned
home again.

4.	And now I perceived innovations were
already begun, and that there were a great
many very much elevated, in hopes of a re-
volt from the Romans. I therefore endea-
voured to put a stop to these tumultuous per-
sons, and persuaded them to change their
minds; and laid before their eyes against
whom it was that they were going to fight
and told them that they were inferior to the
Romans not only in martial skill, but also in
good fortune; and desired them not rashly,
and after the most foolish manner, to bring
on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs
upon their country, upon their families, and
upon themselves. And this I said with vehe-
ment exhortation, because I foresaw that the
end of such a war would be most unfortunate
to us. But I could not persuade them; for
the madness of desperate men was quite too
hard for me.

5.	I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating
these things so often, I should incur their
hatred and their suspicions, as if I were of
our enemies’ party, and should run into the
danger of being seized by them and slain,
since they were already possessed of Antonia,
which was the citadel; so I retired into the
inner court of the temple; yet did I go out
of the temple again, after Manahem and the
principal of the band of robbers were put to
death, when I abode among the high priests
and the chief of the Pharisees; but no small
fear seized upon us when we saw the people
in arms, while we ourselves knew not what
we should do, and were not able to restrain
the seditious. However, as the danger was
directly upon us, we pretended that we were
of the same opinion with them; but only ad-
vised them to be quiet for the present, and to
let the enemy go away, still hoping that
Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he
came,, and that with great forces, and so put
an end to these seditious proceedings.

6.	But, upon his coming and fighting, he
was beaten, and a great many of those that
were with him fell; and this disgrace which
Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the
calamity of our whole nation; for those that
were fond of the war were so far elevated with
this success, that they had hopes of finally con-
quering the Romans. Of which war another
occasion was ministered; which was this:—
Those that dwelt in the neighbouring cities of
Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among
them, with their wives and children, and slew
them, when they had not the least occasion ofTHE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

3

complaint against them; for they did neither
attempt any innovation or revolt from the
Romans, nor had they given any marks of
hatred or treacherous designs towards the Sy-
rians: but what was done by the inhabitants
of Scythopolis was the most impious and most
highly criminal of all;* for when the Jews, their
enemies, came upon them from without, they
forced the Jews that were among them to hear
arms against their own countrymen, which it
is unlawful for us to do;f and when, by their
assistance, they had joined battle with those
who attacked them, and had beaten them, af-
ter that victory they forgot the assurances they
had given these their fellow-citizens and con-
federates, and slew them all: being in number
many ten thousands [13,000]. The like mis-
eries were undergone by those Jews that were
the inhabitants of Damascus; but we have
given a more accurate account of these things
in the books of the Jewish war. I only men-
tion them now, because I would demonstrate
to my readers that the Jews’ war with the
Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the
main, they were forced by necessity to enter
into it.

7.	So when Gessius had been beaten, as
we have said already, the principal men of
Jerusalem, seeing that the robbers and inno-
vators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest
they, while they were unprovided with arms,
should be in subjection to their enemies, which
also came to be the case afterwards, — and, be-
ing informed that all Galilee had not yet re-
volted from the Romans, but that some part
of it was still quiet, they sent me and two
others of the priests, who were men of excel-
lent characters, Joazar and Judas, in order to
persuade the ill men there to lay down their
arms, and to teach them this lesson, — That it
were better to have those arms reserved for
the most courageous men that the nation had
[than to be kept there;] for that it had been
resolved. That those our best men should al-
ways have their arms ready against futurity ;
but still so, that they should wait to see what
the Romans would do.

8.	When I had therefore received these in-
structions, I came into Galilee, and found the
people of Seppboris in no small agony about
their country, by reason that the Galileans had
resolved to plunder it, on account of the friend-
ship they had with the Romans; and because
they had given their right hand, and made a
league with Cestius Gallus, the president of
Syria: but I delivered them all out of the
fear they were in, and persuaded the multi-
tude to deal kindly with them, and permitted

* See Jewish War, b. ii. eh. Kviii. sect. 3.

+ The Jews inighl collect this unlawfulness of fighting
against their brethren from that law of Moses (Levit.
xix. 16) “Thau shatt not stand against the blood of thy
neighbour;'’ and that (ver. 17) “ Thou shall not avenge
nor hear anygrudge, against the children of thy people;
bui thou shall love thy neighbour as thyself;” as well as
from many other placs in'lie I’enlateuch and Prophets.
Tbe A'ntiq. b. viii. co. vui. seat. 3

them to send to those that were their own hos-
tages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of
Phoenicia, as often as they pleased; though I
still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to
take arms, and that on the occasion follow-
ing:—

9.	There were three factions in this city.
The first was composed of men of worth and
gravity; of these Julius Capellus was. the bead.
Now he, as well as all bis companions, Herod
the son of Miartis, und Herod the son of Ga-
malus, and Compsus the son of Compsus (for
as to Compsus’s brother Crispus, who had once
been governor of the city under the great king*
[Agrippa], be was beyond Jordan in his own
possessions); all these persons before named
gave their advice, that the city should then
continue in their allegiance to the Romans
and to the king; but Pistus, who was guided
by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that
resolution, otherwise he was himself naturally
of a good and virtuous character: but the se-
cond faction was composed of the most igno-
ble persons, and was determined for war. But
as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the
head of the third faction, although he pre-
tended to be doubtful about going to war, yet
was be really desirous of innovation, as sup-
posing that he should gain power to himself
by the change of affairs. He therefore came
into the midst of them, and endeavoured to
inform the multitude that “the city Tiberias
had ever been a city of Galilee; and that in
the days of Herod the tetrarch, who had built
it, it had obtained the principal place; and that
he had ordered that the city Seppboris should
be subordinate to the city Tiberias: that they
had not lost this pre-eminence even under
Agrippa the father; but had retained it until
Felix was procurator of Judea; but he told
them, that now they had been so unfortunate
as to he made a present by Nero to Agrippa,
junior; and that upon Sepphoris’s submission
of itself to the Romans, that was become the
capital city of Galilee, and that the royal trea-
sury and the archives were now removed from
them.” When he had spoken these things,
and a great many more against king ^Agrippa,
in order to provoke the people to a revolt, he
added, That “ this was the time for them to
take arms, and join with the Galileans as
their confederates (whom they might com-
mand, and who would now willingly assist
them, out of the hatred they bear to the peo-
ple of Sepphoris; because they preserved their
fidelity to the Romans), and to gather a great
number of forces, in order to punish them.”
And, as he said this, he exhorted the multi-
tude [to go to war]; for his abilities lay in
making harangues to the people, and in being
too hard in his speeches for such as opposed
him, though they advised what was more to

• That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old
called the Great King, as here, appears by his ooins still
roaming; to which Havercamp refers UB4

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

their advantage, and this by his craftiness and
his fallacies, for he was not unskilful in the
learning of the Greeks; and in dependence
on that skill it was that he undertook to write
a history of these affairs, as aiming, by this
way of haranguing, to disguise the truth; but
as to this man, and how ill were his character
and conduct of life, and how he and his bro-
ther were, in great measure, the authors of
our destruction, I shall give the reader an ac-
count in the progress of my narration. So
when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed
with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms,
nay, and had forced a great many so to do
against their wills, he went out, and set the
villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos
on fire; which villages were situated on the
borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scy-
thopolis.

10.	And this was the state Tiberias was
now in; but as for Gischala, its affairs were
thus:—When John, the son of Levi, saw
some of the citizens much elevated upon their
revolt from the Romans, he laboured to re-
strain them, and entreated them that they
would keep their allegiance to them; but he
coaid not gain his purpose, although he did
nis endeavours to the utmost; for the neigh-
bouring people of Gadara, Gabara, and So-
gana, with the Tyrians, got together a great
army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gis-
chala by force, and set it on fire; and when
they had entirely demolished it, they returned
home. Upon which John was so enraged,
that he armed all his men, and joined battle
with the people forementioned; and rebuilt
Gischala after a manner better than before,
and fortified it with walls for its future secu-
rity.

11.	But Gamala persevered in its allegi-
ance to the Romans for the reason following:
—Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was their
governor under king Agrippa, had been un-
expectedly preserved when the royal palace at
Jerusalem had been besieged; but, as he fled
away, had fallen into another danger; and
that was, of being killed by Manahem, and
the robbers that were with him; but certain
Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and
were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers
from executing their design. So Philip staid
there four days, and fled away on the fifth,
having disguised himself with fictitious hair,
that he might not be discovered; and when
he was come to one of the villages to him be-
longing, but one that was situated at the bor-
ders of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some
of those that were under him, and command-
ed them to come to him ; but God himself
hindered that his intention, and this for his
own advantage also; for had it not so hap-
pened, he had certainly perished; for a fever
having seized upon him immediately, he wrote
to Agrippa and Bernice, and gave them to
one of his freedmen to carry them to Varus,

who at this time was procurator of the king
dom, which the king and his sister had in-
trusted him withal, while they were gone to
Berytus with an intention of meeting Gessius.
When Varus had received these letters of Phi-
lip, and had learned that he was preserved, he
was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he
should appear useless to the king and his sis-
ter, now Philip was come. He therefore pro-
duced the carrier of the letters before the
multitude, and accused him of forging the
same; and said, that he spake fk se: / when he
related that Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting
among the Jews against the Romans. So lie
slew him. And when this freedman of Phi-
lip did not return again, Philip was doubtful
what should be the occasion of his stay, and
sent a second messenger with letters, that he
might, upon his return, inform him what had
befallen the other that had been sent before,
and why he tarripd so long. Varus accused
this messenger also, when he came, of telling
a falsehood, and slew him; for he was puffed
up by the Syrians that were at Ctesarea, and
had great expectations; for they said that
Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the
crimes which the Jews had committed, and
that he should himself take the government,
as derived from their kings; for Varus was,
by the confession of all, of the royal family,
as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had
enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus; for which
reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept
the letters to himself. He contrived also that
the king should not meet with those writings,
by guarding all the passes, lest any one should
escape, and inform the king what had been,
done. He moreover slew many of the Jews,
in order to gratify the Syrians of Caesarea. He
had a mind also to join with the Trachonites
in Batanea, and to take up arms and make an
assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were
at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went
by. He therefore called to him twelve of the
Jews of Caesarea, of the best character, and
ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform
their countrymen who dwelt there, That Varus
hath heard that “ you intend to march against
the king; but, not believing that report, he
hath sent us to persuade you to lay down your
arms; and that this compliance will be a sign
that he did well not to give credit to those that
raised the report concerning you.” He also
enjoined them to send seventy of their prin-
cipal men to make a defence for them as to
the accusation laid against them. So when
the twelve messengers came to their country-
men at Ecbatana, and found that they had no
designs of innovation at all, they persuaded
them to send the seventy men also; who, not
at all suspecting what would coine, sent them
accordingly. So these seventy went down
to Caesarea, together with the twelve ambas-
sadors; where Varus met them with the king’s
forces, and slew them all, together with ib*THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

5

|_ivvelve] ambassadors, and made an expedi-
tion against the Jews of Ecbatana. But one
there was of the seventy who escaped, and
made haste to inform the Jews of their com-
ing; upon which they took their arms, with
their wives and children, and retired to the
citadel at Gamala, leaving their own villages
full of all sorts of good things, and having
many ten thousands of cattle therein. When
Philip was informed of these things, he also
came to the citadel of Gamala; and when he
was come, the multitude cried aloud, and de-
sired him to resume the government, and to
make an expedition against Varus and the
Syrians of Caesarea; for it was reported that
they had slain the king. But Philip restrain-
ed their zeal, and put them in mind of the
benefits the king had bestowed upon them;
and told them how powerful the Romans
were, and said it was not for their advantage
to make war with them; and at length he
prevailed with them. But now, when the king
was acquainted with Varus’sdesign, which was
to cut off the Jews of Caesarea, being many
ten thousands, with their wives and chihlrcr.,

give us leave, but were at length entirely over-
come by us, and Were induced to be of our
opinion. So Jesus the son of Sapphias, one
of those whom we have already mentioned as
the leader of a seditious tumult of mariners
and poor people, prevented us, and took with
him certain Galileans, and set the entire pa-
lace on fire, and thought he should get a great
deal of money thereby, because he saw some
of the roofs gilt with gold. They also plun-
dered a great deal of the furniture, which was
done without our approbation; for, after we
had discoursed with Capellus and the princi-
pal men of the city, we departed from Beth-
maus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But
Jesus and his party slew all the Greeks that
were inhabitants of Tiberias, and as many
others as were their enemies before the war
began.

13. When I understood this state of things,
I was greatly provoked, and went down to
Tiberias, and took all the care I could of the
royal furniture, to recover all that could be
recovered from such as had plundered it. They
consisted of candlesticks made of Corinthian

and all in one d;iy, he called to him Equiculus
Modius, and sent him to be Varus’s succes-
sor, as we have elsewhere related. But still
Philip kept possession of the citadel of Ga-
mala, and of the country adjoining to it, which

brass, and of royal tables, and of a great
quantity of uncoined silver; and I resolved to
preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the
king. So I sent for ten of the principal men
of the senate, and for Capellus the son of

thereby continued in their allegiance to the Antyllus, and committed the furniture to
Romans.	jthem, with this charge, That they should part

12. Isow, as soon as I was come into Gal-with it to nobodj^ else but to myself. From
flee, and had learned this state of things by thence land my fellow-legates went to Gis-
the information of such as told me of them.'chala, to John, as desirous to know his inten-
I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about tions, and soon saw that he was for innova-
them, and required their direction what Ijtions, and had a mind to the principality, for
should do. Their direction was, that I should he desired me to give him authority to carry
continue there, and that, if my fellow-legates|off that corn which belonged to Ctesar, and
were willing, I should join with them in the'lay in the villages of Upper Galilee ; and he
care of Galilee. But those my fellow-legateSjpretended that he would expend what it came
having gotten great riches from those tithesjto in building the walls of his own city. But
which as priests were their dues, and were when 1 perceived what he endeavored at, and
given to them, determined to return to their what he had in his mind, I said I would not
own country. Yet when I desired them to permit him so to do: for that I thought either
stay so long, that we might first settle the to keep it for the Romans or for myself, now
public affairs, they complied with me. So I|I was entrusted with the public affairs there
removed together with them, from the city of jby the people of Jerusalem: but, when he was
Sepplioris, and came to a certain village calledjnot able to prevail with me, he betook himself
Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberi-jtomy fellow-legates, for they had no sagacity
as; and thence I sent messengers to the sen-in providing for futurityand were very "ready
ate of Tiberias, and desired that the princi-;to take bribes: so he corrupted them with
pal men of the city would come to me; and rnouey to decree, That all that corn which was
Vvhen they were come, Justus himself beingjwithin his province should be delivered to
also with them, I told them that I was sent to him; while 1, who was but one, was outvoted
them by the people of Jerusalem as a legate, by two, and held my tongue. Then did John
together with these other priests, in order tojiutroduce another cunning contrivance of his;
persuade them to demolish that house which for he said that those Jews who inhabited Cae-
Ilerod the tetrarch had built there, and which sarea Philippi, and were shut up by the order
had the figures of living creatures in it, al- of the king’s deputy there, had sent to him to
though our laws have forbidden us to make desire him, that, since they had no oil that
any such figures; and I desired that theyjwas pure for their use, he would provide a
would give us leave so to do immediately, sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest
But fora good while Capellus and the prin-!they should be forced to make use of oil that
jipal men belonging to the citv would not'eame from the Greeks, and thereby transgress6

THE LIFE OF FLA ffUS JOSEPHUS.

their own laws. Now this was said by John,
not cut of his regard to religion, but out of
his most flagrant desire of gain; for he knew
that two sextaries were sold with them of Cae-
sarea for one drachma; but that at Gischala
fourscore sextaries were sold for four sextaries:
so he gave order that all the oil which was
there should be carried away, as having my
permission for so doing; which yet I did not
grant him voluntarily, but only out of fear
of the multitude, since, if I had forbidden

him, I should have been stoned by them________

"When I had therefore permitted this to be
done by John, he gained vast sums of money
by this his knavery.

14.	But when I had dismissed my fellow-
legates, and sent them back to Jerusalem, I
took care to have arms provided, and the
cities fortified; and when I had sent for the
most hardy among the robbers, I saw that it
was not in my power to take their arms from
them; but I persuaded the multitude to allow
them money as pay, and told them it was better
for them to give them a little willingly rather
than to [be forced to] overlook them when
they plundered their goods from them. And
when I had obliged them to take an oath not
to come into that country, unless they were
invited to come, or else when they had not
their pay given them, I dismissed them, and
charged them neither to make an expedition
against the Romans, nor against those their
neighbours that lay round about them; for
my first care was to keep Galilee in peace.
So I was willing to have the principal of the
Galileans, in all seventy, as hostages for their
fidelity, but still under the notion of friend-
ship. Accordingly, I made them my friends
and companions as I journeyed, and set them
to judge causes; and with their approbation
it was that I gave my sentences, while I en-
deavoured not to mistake what justice re-
quired, and to keep my hands clear of all
bribery in those determinations.

15.	I was now about the thirtieth year of
mv age; in which time of life it is a hard
thing for any one to escape the calumnies of
the envious, although he restrain himself
from fulfilling any unlawful desires, especially
where a person is in great authority. Yet did
I preserve every woman free from injuries;
and as to what presents were offered me, I
despised them, as not standing in need of
them; nor indeed would I take those tithes,
which were due to me as a priest, from those
that brought them. Yet do I confess, that 1
took part of the spoils of those Syrians which
inhabited the cities that adjoined to us, when
I had conquered them, and that I sent them
t,o my kindred at Jerusalem; although, when
1 twice took Sepphoris by force, and Tiberias
lour times, and Gadara once, and when I bad
subdued and taken John, who often laid
treacherous snares for me, I did not punish
[with death] either him or any of the people

fore-named, as the progress of this discourM
will show. And on this account, I suppose,
it was that God,* who is never unacquainted
with those that do as they ought to do, deli-
vered me still out of the hands of these my
enemies, and afterwards preserved me when I
fell into those many dangers which I shall
relate hereafter.

16.	Now the multitude of the Galileans
had that great kindness for me, and fidelity
to me, that when their cities were taken by
force, and their wives and children carried
into slavery, they did not so deeply lament
for their own calamities, as they were solici-
tous for my preservation. But when John
saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me, de-
siring that I would give him leave to come
down, and make use of the hot baths of Tibe-
rias for the recovery of the health of his body.
Accordingly, I did not hinder him, as having
no suspicion of any wicked designs of his;
and I wrote to those to whom I had commit-
ted the administration of the affairs of Tibe-
rias by name, that they should provide a lodg-
ing for John, and for such as should come
with him, and should procure him what ne-
cessaries soever he should stand in need of.
Now at this time my abode was in a village of
Galilee, which is named Cana.

17.	But when John was come to the city
of Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt
from their fidelity to me, and to adhere to
him; and many of them gladly received that
invitation of his, as ever fond of innovations,
and by nature disposed to changes, and de-
lighting in seditions; but they were chiefly
Justus and his father Pistus that were earnest
in their revolt from me, and their adherence
to John. But I came upon them, and pre-
vented them; for a messenger had come to
me from Silas, whom I had made governor
of Tiberias, as I have said already, and had
told me of the inclinations of the people
of Tiberias, and advised me to make haste
thither; for that, if I made any delay, the
city would come under another’s jurisdiction.
Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas, I took
two hundred men along with me, and travel-
led all night, having sent before a messenger
to let the people of Tiberias know that I was
coming to them. When I came near to the
city, which was early in the morning, the
multitude came out to meet me, and John
came with them, and saluted me, but in a
most disturbed manner, as being afraid that
my coming was to call him to an account for
what I was now sensible he was doing. So
he, in great haste, went to his lodging. But
when I was in the open place of the city,

* Our Josephus shows, both here and every where, that
he was a most religious person, and one that had a deep
sense of God and his providence upon his mind: and
ascribed all his numerous and wonderful escapes and
preservations, in times of danger, to God’s blessing him,
and taking care of him; and tliis on account of his acts
of piety, justice, humanity, and charity, to the Jews his
brethren.THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

7

living dismissed the guards I had about me,
excepting one, and ten armed men that were
with him, I attempted to make a speech to
the multitude of the people of Tiberius; and
standing on a certain elevated place, I entreated
them not to be so hasty in their revolt; for
that such a change in their behaviour would
be to their reproach, and that they would then
justly be suspected by those that should be
their governors hereafter, as if they were not
likely to be faithful to them neither.

18.	But before I had spoken all I designed,
I heard one of my own domestics bidding me
come down; for that it was not a proper time
to take care of retaining the good will of the
people of Tiberias, but to provide for my own
safety, and escape my enemies there; for John
had chosen the most trusty of those armed
men that were about him out of those thou-
sand that he had with him, and hud given
them orders when he sent them, to kill me,
having learned that I was alone, excepting
some of my domestics. So those that were
sent came as they were ordered, and they hud
executed what they came about, had I not
leaped down from the elevation I stood on,
and with one of my guards, whose name was
James, been carried [out of the crowd] upon
the back of one Herod of Tiberias, and guided
by him down to the lake, where I seized a
ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies
unexpectedly, and came to Taricheae.

19.	Now, as soon as the inhabitants of that
city understood the perfidiousness of the peo-
ple of Tiberias, they were greatly provoked
at them. So they snatched up their arms,
and desired me to be their leader against
them; for they said they would avenge their
commander’s cause upon them. They also
carried the report of what had been done to
me to all the Galileans, and eagerly endea-
voured to irritate them against the people of
Tiberias, and desired that vast numbers of
them would get together, and come to them,
that they might act in concert with their com-
mander, what should be determined as fit to
be done. Accordingly, the Galileans came
to me in great numbers, from all parts, with
their weapons, and besought me to assault
Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolish
it, till it lay even with the ground, and then
to make slaves of its inhabitants, with their
wives and children. Those that were Jose-

20.	But now John was afiaid for himself,
since his treachery had proved unsuccessful;
so he took the armed men that «were about
him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala,
and wrote to me to apologize for himself con-
cerning what had been done, as if it had been
done without bis approbation ; and desired
me to have no suspicion of him to his disad
vantage. He also added oaths and certain
horrible curses upon himself, and supposed
he should be thereby believed in the points he
wrote about to me.

21.	But now another great number of the
Galileans came together again with their wea-
pons, as knowing the man, how wicked and
how sadly perjured he was, and desired me
to lead them against him, and promised me
that they would utterly destroy both him and
Gischala. Hereupon I professed that I was
obliged to them for their readiness to'serve
me; and that I would more than requite
their good-will to me. However, I entreated
them to restrain themselves; and begged of
them to give me leave to do what I intended,
which was, to put an end to these troubles
without bloodshed; and when I bad prevailed
with the multitude of the Galileans to let mo
do so, I came to Sepphoris.

22.	But the inhabitants of this city having
determined to continue in their allegiance to
the Romans, were afraid of my coming to
them; and tried, by putting me upon another
action, to divert me, that they might be freed
from the terror they were in. Accordingly
they sent to Jesus, the captain of those rob-
bers who were in the confines of Ptolemais,
and promised to give him a great deal of
money, if he would come with those forces he
had with him, which were in number eight
hundred, and fight with us. Accordingly he
complied with what they desired, upon the
promises they had made him, and was desi-
rous to fall upon us when we were unpre-
pared for him, and knew nothing of his com-
ing beforehand: so he sent to me, and desired
that I would give him leave to come and
salute me. When I had given him that leave,
which I did without the least knowledge of
his treacherous intentions beforehand, he took
his band of robbers, and made haste to coma
to me. Yet did not this his knavery succeed
well at last; for, as he was already nearly ap-
proaching, one of those with him deserted

phus’s friends also, and had escaped out of him, and came to me, and told me what he
Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I ’ ’	’ ' ’	’	'	‘	1

did not comply with them, thinking it a ter-
rible thing to begin a civil war among them;
for I thought that this contention ought not
to proceed farther than words; nay, I told
them that it was not for their own advantage
to do what they would have me to do, while
the Romans expected no other than that we
should destroy one another by our mutual
seditions; and by saying this, I put a stop to
the anger of the Galileans.

had undertaken to do. When l was informed
of this, I went into the market-place, and
pretended to know nothing of his treacherous
purpose. I took with me many Galileans
that were armed, as also some of those of
Tiberias; and, when I had given orders that
all the roads should be carefully guarded, I
charged the keepers of the gates to give ad-
mittance to none but Jesus, when he came,
with the principal of bis men, and to exclude
the rest; and in ease they aimed to force8

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

themselves In, to use stripes [in order to repel
them]. Accordingly, those that had received
such a charge did as they were bidden, and
Jesus came in with a few others; and when
I had ordered him to throw down his arms
immediately, and told him, that if he refused
so to do, he was a dead man, he seeing armed
men standing all round about him, was terri-
fied, and complied; and as for those of his
followers that were excluded, when they were
informed that he was seized, they ran away.
I then called Jesus to me by himself, and
told him, that “ I was hot a stranger to that
treacherous design he had against me, nor
was I ignorant by whom he was sent for;
that, however, I would forgive him what he
had done already, if he would repent of it,
and be faithful to me hereafter.” And thus,
upon his promise to do all that I desired, 1
let him go, and gave him leave te get those
whom he had formerly had with him together
again. But I threatened the inhabitants of
Sepphoris, that, if they would not leave ofF
their ungrateful treatment of me, I would
punish them sufficiently.

23.	At this time it was that two great
men, who were under the jurisdiction of the
king [Agrippa], came to me out of the region
of Trachonitis, bringing their horses and their
arms, and carrying with them their money
also; and when the Jews would force them
to be circumcised, if they would stay among
them, I would not permit them to have any
force put upon them,* but said to them,
“ Every one ought to worship God accord-
ing to his own inclinations, and not to he
constrained by force; and that these men,
who had fled to us for protection, ought not
to be so treated as to repent of their coming
hither.” And when I had pacified the mul-
titude, I provided for the men that were coine-
to us whatsoever it was they wanted, accord-
ing to their usual way of living, and that in
great plenty also.

24.	Now king Agrippa sent an army to
make themselves masters of the citadel of
Gamala, and over it Equiculus Modius; but
the forces that were sent were not enow to
encompass the citadel quite round, but lay-
before it in the open places, and besieged it.
But when Ebutius the decurion, who was in-

usted with the government of the great plain,
heard that I was at Simonias, a village situ-
ated in the confines of Galilee, and was dis-
tant from him sixty furlongs, he took a hun-
dred horsemen that were with him by night,
and a certain number of footmen, about two
hundred, and brought the inhabitants of the

» Josephus’s opinion is here well worth noting,—
that'every one is to he permitted to worship God ac-
cording to his own conscience, and is not to be com-
pelled in matters of religion; as one may here observe,
on the contraiy, that the rest of the Jews wer* still for
obliging all those who married Jewesses to be circumcis-
ed, and become Jews; and were ready to destroy all that
yfooJd not submit to do so. See sect. 31, and Luke ix M.

city Gibea along with him as auxiliaries, and
marched in the night, and came to the village
where I abode. Upon this I pitched my
camp over against him, which had a great
number of forces in it; but Ebutius tried to
draw us down into the plain, as greatly de-
pending upon his horsemen; but we would
not come down; for when I was satisfied ol
the advantage that his horse would have if we
came down into the plain, while we were all
footmen, I resolved to join battle with the ene-
my where I was. Now Ebutius and his party
made a courageous opposition for some time;
but when he saw that his horse were useless
to him in that place, he retired back to the
city Gibea, having lost three of his men in
the fight. So I followed him directly with
two thousand armed men; and when I was
at the city Besara, that lay in the confines ol
Ptolemais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea,
where Ebutius abode, I placed my armed
men on the outside of the village, and gave
orders that they should guard the passes with
great care, that the enemy might not disturb
us until we should have carried off the corn,
a great quantity of which lay there: it belong-
ed to Bernice the queen, and had been gathered
together out of the neighbouring villages into
Besara: so I loaded my camels and asses, a
great number of which I had brought along
with me, and sent the corn into Galilee.

When I had done this, I offered Ebutius
battle; but when he would not accept of the
offer, for he was terrified at our readiness and
courage, I altered my route, and marched to-
wards Neopolitanus, because I had heard that
the country about Tiberias was laid waste by
him. This Neopolitanus was captain of it
and had the custody of Scvtho-
to his care by the enemy; and
when 1 had hindered him from doing any
farther mischief to Tiberias, I set myself to
make provision for the affairs of Galilee.

25.	But when John, the son of Levi, who,
as we before told you, abode at Gisehala, was
informed how all things had succeeded to my
mind, and that I was much in favour with
those that were under me, as also that the
enemy were greatly afraid of me, he was not
pleased with it, as thinking my prosperity
tended to his ruin. So he took lip a hitler
envy and enmity against me; and hoping,
that if he could inflame those that were under
me to hate me, he should put an end to the
prosperity 1 was in, lie tried to persuade the
inhabitants of Tiberias, and of Sepphoris (and
for those of Gabara he supposed they would
be also of the same mind wiih the others;,
which were the greatest cities «f Galilee, to
revolt from their subjection to me. and to be
of his party; and told them that he would
command them better than 1 did. As for
the people of Sepphoris, who belonged to
neither of us, because they bad chosen to be
in subjection to the Remans, they did net

troop of horse,
polis intrustedTHE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

9

comply with his proposal; and for those of
Tiberias, they did not indeed so far comply
as to make a revolt from under me, but they
agreed to be his friends, while the inhabitants
of Gabara did go over to John; and it was
Simon that persuaded them so to do, one who
was both the principal man in the city and a
•particular friend and companion of John. It
U true, these did not openly own the making
18 revolt, because they were in great fear of
the Galileans, and had frequent experience of
the good-will they bore to me; yet did they
privately watch for a proper opportunity to
lay snares for me; and indeed I thereby came
into the greatest danger on the occasion fol-
lowing.

‘26. There were some bold young men of
the village of Dabaritta, who observed that
the wife of Ptolemy, the king’s procurator,
was to make a progress over the great plain
with a mighty attendance, and with some
horsemen that followed as a guard to them,
and this out of a country that was subject to
the kmg and queen, into the jurisdiction of
the Homans; and fell upon them on a sud-
den, and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to fly
away, and plundered all the carriages. They
also came to me to Tariehere, with four mules’
loading of garments, and other furniture; and
the weight of the silver they brought was not
small; and there were five hundred pieces of
gold also. Now I had a mind to preserve
these spoils for Ptolemy, who was my coun-
tryman; and it is prohibited* by our laws
even to spoil our enemies; so I said to those
that brought these spoils, that they ought to
be kept, in order to rebuild the walls of Jeru-
salem with them when they came to be sold;
but the young men took it very ill that they
did not receive a part of those spoils for them-
selves, as they expected to have done; so they
went among the villages in the neighbour-
hood of Tiberias, and told the people that I
was going to betray their country to the Ro-
mans, and that I used deceitful language to
them, when I said that what bad been thus
gotten by rapine should be kept for the re-
building of the walls of the city of Jerusalem;
although I bad resolved to restore these spoils
again to their former owner; and indeed they
were herein not mistaken as to my intentions;
for when 1 had gotten clear of them, I sent

• How Just-phns rould saylit'rclli.it the Jewish lows
forbade tfccrii to •• spoil even their enemies,” while yet, a
tittle before Ins (line, onr Saviour had mentioned it as then
a current maxim with them, “Thou slia.lt love thy neigh-
bour, and hate tlnne enemy” (Matt V. 4d), is worth our
inquiry. I lake it that Josephus, having been now for
many years an Ivbionite Christian, had learned this inter-
pretation of the law of Moses Irom Christ,whom he owned
ior the true Messiah, as it follows in the succeeding
verses, wlneli. tlinugh he might not read in St. Matthew's
gospel, yet unglil lie have read much the same exposition
in tlirtr own I'.luonite m iSaznrcue gospel itself; of which
improvements made by Josephus, alter lie was become a
Christian, we have already had several examples in this
his l.ife. sret. 3. 1:1. |.», 111. 21. 23; am* shall have many
more therein before Us conclusion, as well as we have
them elsewhere in all Ins later writings.

for two of the principal men, Dassion, and
Janneus the son of Levi, persons that were
among the chief friends of the king, and com-
manded them to take the furniture that had
been plundered, and to send it to him; and
I threatened that I would order them to be
put to death by way of punishment, if they
discovered this my command to any other
person.

27.	Now, when all Galilee was filled with
this rumour, that their country was about to
be betrayed by nte to the Romans, and when
all men were exasperated against me, and
ready to bring me to punishment, the inhabi-
tants of Tarichete did also themselves suppose
that what the young men said was true, and
persuaded my guards and armed men to leave
me when I was asleep, and to come presently
to the hippodrome, in order there to take
counsel against me their commander; and
when they had prevailed with them, and they
were gotten together, they found there agreu*
company assembled already, who all joined in
one clamour, to bring the man who was so
wicked to them as to betray them, to his due
punishment; and it was Jesus, the son of
Sapphias, who principally set them on. He
was ruler in Tiberias, a wicked man, and na-
turally disposed to make disturbances in mat-
ters of consequence; a seditious person he
was indeed, and an innovator beyond every
body else. He then took the laws of Moses
into his hands, and came into the midst of the
people, and said, “O my fellow-citizens! if
you are not disposed to hate Josephus on
your own account, have regard, however, to

I these laws of your country, which your coni
I mander-in-chief is going to betray; hate him
therefore on both these accounts, and bring
the man who hath acted thus insolently to his
deserved punishment."

28.	When he had said this, and the multi-
tude had openly applauded him for what he
had said, he took some of the armed men, and
made haste away to the house in which I
lodged, as if he would kill me immediately,
while I was wholly insensible of all till this
disturbance happened; and by reason of th
pains I had been taking, was fallen fast asleep;
hut Simon, who was intrusted with the care of
my body, and was the only person that stayed
with me, and saw the violent incursion the
citizens made upon me, awaked me and told
me of the danger I was in, and desired me to
let him kill me, that I might die bravely, and
like a general, before my enemies came in,
and forced me [to kill myself] or killed me
themselves. Thus did he discourse to me;
but I committed the care of my life to God,
and made haste to go out to the multitude.
Accordingly, I put on a black garment, and
hung my sword at my neck, and went bj
such a different way to the hippodrome
wherein I thought none of my adversaries
would meet me; so I appeared among them10

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

on the sadden, and fell down flat on the earth,
and bedewed the ground with my tears: then
I seemed to them all an object of compassion;
and when I perceived the change that was
made in the multitude, I tried to divide their
opinions before the armed men should return
from my house; so I granted them that I
had been as wicked as they supposed me to
be; but still I entreated them to let me first
inform them for what use l had kept that
money which arose from the plunder; and
that they might then kill me, if they pleased:
and, upon the multitude’s ordering me to
speak, the armed men came upon me, and
when they saw me they ran to kill me; but
when the multitude bade them hold their
hands, they complied; and expected that as
soon as I should own to them that I kept the
money for the king, it would be looked on as
a confession of my treason, and they should
then be allowed to kill me.

29.	When, therefore, silence was made by
the whole multitude, I spake thus to them:
— “ O my countrymen! I refuse not to die,
if justice so require. However, I am desirous
to tell you the truth of this matter before I
die ; for as I know that this city of yours
[ Taricheae] was a city of great hospitality, and
filled with abundance of such men as have
left their own countries, and are come hither
to be partakers of your fortune, whatever it
be, I had a mind to build walls about it, out
of this money, for which you are so angry
with me, while yet it was to be expended in
building your own walls." Upon my saying
this, the people of Tarichea and the strangers
cried out, That “they gave me thanks; and
desired me to be of good courage," although
the Galileans and the people of Tiberias con-
tinued in their wrath against me, insomuch
that there arose a tumult among them, while
some threatened to kill me, and some bade me
not to regard them; but when I promised
them that I would build them walls at Tibe-
rias, and at other cities that wanted them,
they gave credit to what I promised, and re-
turned every one to his own home. So I
escaped the forementioned danger, beyond all
my hopes; and returned to my own house,
accompanied with my friends, and twenty
armed men also.

30.	However, these robbers and other au-
thors of this tumult, who were afraid on their
own account, lest I should punish them for
what they had done, took six hundred armed
men, arid came to the house where I abode,
in order to set it on fire. When this their in-
sult was told me, I thought it indecent for
me to run away, and I resolved to expose my-
self to danger, and to act with some boldness;
so I gave order to shut the doors, and went
up into an upper room, and desired that they
would send in some of their men to receive
the money [from the spoils]; for I told them
they would then have no occasion to be angry

with me; and when they had sent in one of
the boldest of them all, I had him whipped
severely; and I commanded that one of his
hands should he cut off, and hung about his
neck; and in this case was he put out to those
that sent him. At which procedure of mine
they were greatly affrighted, and in no small
consternation; and were afraid that they should
themselves be served in like manner, if they
stayed there; for they supposed that I had in
the house more armed men than they had them-
selves; so they ran away immediately, while
I, by the use of this stratagem, escaped this
their second treacherous design against me.

31.	But there were still some that irritated
the multitude against me, and said that those
great men that belonged to the king ought
rtot to be suffered to live, if they would not
change their religion to the religion of those
to whom they fled for safety; they spake re-
proachfully of them also, and said, that they
were wizards, and such as called in the Ro-
mans upon them. So the multitude was soon
deluded by such plausible pretences as were
agre able to their own inclinations, and were
prevailed on by them; but when I was-inform-
ed of this, I instructed the multitude again,
that those who fled to them for refuge ought
not to be persecuted: I also laughed at the
allegation about witchcraft;* and told them
that the Romans would not maintain so many
ten thousand soldiers, if they could overcome
their enemies by wizards. Upon my saying
this, the people assented for a while; but they
returned again afterwards, as irritated by some
ill people against the great men; nay, they once
made an assault upon the house in which they
dwelt at Taricheae, in order to kill them;
which when I was informed of, I was afraid
lest so horrid a crime should take effect, and
nobody else would make that city their refuge
any more. I therefore came myself, and some
others with me, to the house where these great
men lived, and locked the doors, and had a
trench drawn from their house leading to the
lake, and sent for a ship, and embarked there-
in with them, and sailed to the confines of
Hippos: I also paid them the value of their
horses; nor in such a flight could 1 have their
horses brought to them. I then dismissed
them; and begged of them earnestly that they
would courageously bear this distress which
befel them. 1 was also myself greatly dis-
pleased that I was compelled to expose those
that had fled to me, to go again into an ene-
my’s country; yet did I think it more eligible
that they should perish among the Romans,
if it should so happen, than in the country
that was under my jurisdiction. However,
they escaped at length, and king Agrippa for-
gave them their offences; and this was the
conclusion of what concerned these men.

* Here we may observe the vulgar Jewish notion of
witchcraft; but that our Josephus was too wise to give
any countenance to it.THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

32.	But as for the inhabitants of the city of
Tiberias, they wrote to the king, and desired
him to send them forces sufficient to be a guard
to their country; for that they were desirous
to come over to him. This was what they
wrote to him; but when I came to them, they
desired me to build their walls, as I had pro-
mised them to do; for they had heard that the
walls of Tarichete were already built. I agreed
to their proposal accordingly; and when I had
made preparation for the entire building, I
gave order to the architects to go to work; but
on the third day, when I was gone to Tari-
chete, which was thirty furlongs distant from
Tiberias, it so fell out, that some Roman horse-
men were discovered on their march, not far
from the city, which made it to be supposed
that the forces were come from the king;
upon which they shouted, and lifted up their
voices in commendations of the king, and in
reproaches against me. Hereupon one came
running to me, and told me what their dispo-
sitions were; and that they had resolved to
revolt from me: — upon hearing which news
I was very much alarmed; for I had already
sent away my armed men from Taricheae to
their own homes, because the next day was
our Sabbath; for I would not have the people
of Taricheae disturbed [on that day] by a mul-
titude of soldiers; and indeed, whenever I
sojourned at that city, I never took any par-
ticular care for a guard about my own body,
because I had had frequent instances of the
fidelity its inhabitants bore to me. I had now
about me no more than seven armed men, be-
sides some friends, and was doubtful what to
do; for to send to recall my own forces I did
not think proper, because the present day was
almost over; and had those forces been with
me, I could not take up arms on the next day,
because our laws forbade us so to do, even
though our necessity should be very great; and
if I should permit the people of Taricheae,
and the strangers with them, to guard the city,
I saw that they would not be sufficient for that
purpose, and I perceived that l should be
obliged to delay my assistance a great while;
for I thought with myself that the forces that
came from the king would prevent me, and
that I should be driven out of the city. I con-
sidered, therefore, how to get clear of these
forces by a stratagem; so I immediately placed
those my friends of Taricheae, on whom 1
could best confide, at the gates, to watch those
very carefully who went out at those gates; I
also called to me the heads of families, and
hade every one of them to seize upon a ship.*
to go on board it, and to take a master with

• In this suction, as well as in sect '.8 and 3H, those
small vessels that sailed on the sea of tJi.'ilee, are called
by .loseplius Ninr, and Ilkoia., and 2xti*>«/;	plainly

ships; so that we need not wonder at our Evangelists,
who still call them shins ,• nor ought we to render them
boats, as some do. Their number was in all 2)0. as we
(earn from our author elsewhere. Jewish War, b. ii. ch
cxi. sect. 8.

11

them, and follow fiim to the city of Tiberias.
I also myself went on board one of those ships,
with my friends, and the seven armed men al-
ready mentioned, and sailed for Tiberias.

33.	But now, when the people of Tiberias
perceived that there were no forces come from
the king, and yet saw the whole lake full of
ships, they were in fear what would become
of their city, and were greatly terrified, as
supposing that the ships were full of men on
board; so they then changed their minds, and
threw down their weapons, and met me with
their wives and children, and made acclama-
tions to me with great commendations; for
they imagined that I did not know their for-
mer inclinations [to have been against me],
so they persuaded me to spare the city; but
when I was come near enough, I gave order
to the masters of the ships to cast anchor a
good way off the land, that the people of Ti-
berias might not perceive that the ships hud
no men on board; but I went nearer to the
people in one of the ships, and rebuked them
for their folly, and that they were so fickle as,
without any just occasion in the world, to re-
volt from their fidelity to me. However. I
assured them that I would entirely forgive
them for the time to come, if they would send
ten of the ringleaders of the multitude to me;
and when they complied readily with this pro-
posal, and sent me the men forementioned, I
put them on board a ship, and sent them awav
to Tarichese, and ordered them to be kept, in
prison.

34.	And by this stratagem it was that I
gradually got all the senate of Tiberias into
my power, and sent them to the city foremen-
tioned, with many of the principal men among
the populace; and those not fewer in number
than the other: but, when the multitude saw
into what great miseries they had brought
themselves, they desired me to punish the au-
thor of this sedition: his name was Olitu- a
young man, bold and rash in his undertak-
ings. Now, since I thought it not agreeable
to piety to put one of my own people to death,
and yet found it necessary to punish him, 1
ordered Levi, one of my own guards, to go to
him, and cut olf one of Clitus’s hands; but
as he that was ordered to do this, was afraid
to go out, of the ship alone among so great a
multitude, I was not willing that the timor-
ousness of the soldier should appear to the
people of Tiberias;—so I called to Clitus
himself, and said to him, “ Since thou deserv-
cst to lose both thine hands for thy ingrati-
lude to me, be thou thine own executioner,
lest, irthou refusest so to be, thou undergo a
worse punishment.” And when he earnestly
begged of me to spare him one of his hands,
it was with difficulty th it I granted it. So,
in order to prevent the loss of both his hands,
he willingly took his sword and cut off his
own left hand; and this put an end to the
sedition12

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

35. Now the men of Tiberias, after I was
gone to Taricheae, perceived what stratagem I
had used against them, and they admired how
L'hpd put an end to their foolish sedition,
without shedding of blood. But now, when
I had sent for some of those multitudes of
the people of Tiberias out of prison, among
whom were Justus and his father Pistus, I
made them to sup with me; and during our
supper-time I said to them, that I knew the
power of the Romans was superior to all

others; but did not say so [publicly] because | Jesus, one of his kinsmen, and a brother of
of the robbers. So I advised them to do as
I did, and to wait for a proper opportunity,
and not to be uneasy at my being their com-
mander ; for that they could not expect to have'
another who would use the like moderation
that I had done. I also put Justus in mind
how the Galileans had cut off his brother’s
hands before ever I came to Jerusalem, upon
an accusation laid against him, as if he had
been a rogue, and had forged some letters; as

37. Now there was one Joseph, the son of
a female physician, who excited a great many
young men to join with him. He also inso-
lently addressed himself to the principal per-
sons at Gamala, and persuaded them to revolt
from the king, and take up arms, and gave
them hopes that they should, by his means,
recover their liberty: and some they forced
into the service; and those that would not
acquiesce in what they had resolved on, they
slew. They also slew Chares, and with him

also how the people of Gamala, in a sedition
they raised against the Babylonians, after the
departure of Philip, slew Chares, who was a
kinsman of Philip, and withal how they had
wisely punished Jesus, his brother Justus's sis-
ter’s husband [with death]. When I had said
this to them during supper-time, I in the morn-
ing ordered Justus, and all the rest that were in
prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent away.

36. But before this it happened that Philip,
the son of Jacimus, went out of the cita-
del of Gamala upon the following occasion-
When Philip had been informed tnat Varus
was put out of his government by king Agrip-
pa and that Equiculus Modius, a man that
was of old his friend and companion, was
come to succeed him, he wrote to him, and
related what turns of fortune he had had, and
desired him to forward the letters he sent to
the king and queen. Now, when Modius had
received these letters he was exceedingly glad,
and sent the letters to the king and queen, who
were then about Bcrytus. But when king
Agrippa knew that the story about Philip was
false ('for it had been given out, that the Jews
had begun a war with the Romans, and that
this Philip had been their commander in that
war), he sent some horsemen to conduct Philip
to him; and when he was come, he saluted
him very obligingly, and showed him to the
Roman commanders, and told them that this
was the man of whom the report had gone
about as if he hud revolted from the Romans,
lie also bid him to take some horsemen with
him, and to go quickly to the citadel of Ga-
mala, and to bring out thence all his domes-
tics, and to restore the Babylonians to Batanea
again. He also gave it him in charge to take
all possible care that none of his subjects
should be guilty of making any innovation.
Accordingly, upon these directions from the
king, he made haste to do what he was com-
manded.

Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said.
Those of Gamala also wrote to me, desiring
me to send them an armed force, and work-
men to raise up the walls of their city; nor
did I reject either of their requests. The
region of Gaulanitis did also revolt from the
king, as far as the village of Solyma. I also
built a wall about Seleucia and Soganni,
which are villages naturally of very great
strength.. Moreover, I, in like manner, walled
several villages of Upper Galilee, though they
were very rocky of themselves. Their names
are Jamnia, and Meroth, and Achabare. 1
also fortified, in the Lower Galilee, the cities
Tarichese, Tiberias, Sepphoris, and the vil-
lages, the cave of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin,
Jotapata, Capharecho, and Sigo, and Japha,
and Mount Tabor.* I also laid up a great
quantity of corn in these places, and arms
withal, that might be for their security after-
ward.

38. But the hatred that John, the son ot
Levi, bore to me, grew now more violent,
while he could not bear my prosperity with
patience. So he proposed to himself, by all
means possible, to make away with me; and
built the walls of Gischala, which wa» the place
of his nativity. He then sent his biotin i
Simon, and Jonathan, the son of Sisenna, and
about a hundred armed men, to Jerusalem, tc
Simon, the son of Gamaliel, [ in order to per-
suade him to induce the commonalty of Jeru-
salem to take from me the government overthe
Galileans, and to give their suffrages for con-
ferring that authority upon him. This Simon
was of the city of Jerusalem, and of a very
noble family, of the sect of the Pharisees,
which are supposed to excel others in the ac-
curate knowledge of the laws of their coun-
try. He was a man of great wisdom and
reason, and capable of restoring public affairs
by his prudence, when they were in an ill
posture, lie was also an old friend and com-
panion of John; but at that time he had a
difference with me. When therefore he had

* Part of these fnrtifirations on Mount Tabor may
he those still remaining- aid which were si en lately by
Mr. Maundn-] See his l ravels, p. 112.

+ 'Ibis Gamaliel may he the very same that is men-
tioned by the rabbins in the Mishna. in Jiichasin, and in
Porta Mnsis, as is nbse»\ed in the l.atin notes. lie
nryht lie also that Gamaliel II. whose grandfather wa*
Gamaliel I. who is mentioned in Acts v. ;i4; and a;
\vh<:«p Icct St Paul rms brought up, Acts xxii. 3. See
Prid at the year 440THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

13

received such an exhortation, he persuaded
the high priests, Ananus, and Jesus tne son
of Gamala, and some others of the same se-
ditious faction, to cut me down, now 1 was
growing so great, and not to overlook me
while I was aggrandizing myself to the height
of glory; and he said that it would be for the
advantage of the Galileans if I were deprived
of my government there. Ananus also, and
his friends, desired them to make no delay
about the matter, lest I should get the know-

ed at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus, who
had about him a band of six hundred armed
men, they sent for him, and gave him three
months’ pay, and gave him orders to follow
Jonathan and his companions, and be obedi-
ent to them. They also gave money to three
hundred men that were citizens of Jerusalem,
to maintain them all, and ordered them also
to follow the ambassadors; und when they had
complied, and were gotten ready for the march,
Jonathan and his companions went out with

ledge of what was doing too soon* and should | them, having along with them John’s brother

come and make an assault upon the city with
a great army. This was the counsel of Simon;
but Ananus the high priest demonstrated to
them that this was not an easy thing to be
done, because many of the high priests and
of the rulers of the people, bore witness that
I had acted like an excellent general, and that
it was the work of ill men to accuse one
against whom they had nothing to say.

39.	When Simon heard Ananus say this,
he desired that the messengers would conceal
the thing, and not let it come among many;
for that he would take care to have Josephus
removed out of Galilee very quickly. So he
called for John’s brother [Simon], and charg-
ed him that they should send presents to Ana-
nus and his friends; for, as he said, they might
probably, by that means, persuade them to
change their minds. And indeed Simon did
at length thus compass what he aimed at; for
Ananus, and those with him, being corrupted
by bribes, agreed to expel me out of Galilee,
without making the rest of the ciiizens ac-
quainted with what they were doing. Ac-
cordingly they resolved to send men of dis-
tinction as to their families, and of distinction
as to their learning also. Two of these were
of the populace, Jonathan* and Ananias, by
sect Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of
the stock of the priests, and a Pharisee also;
and Simori, the last of them, was of the young-
est of the high priests. Those had it given
them in charge, that, when they were come to
the multitude of the Galileans, they should
ask them what was the reason of their love to
me? and if they said that it was because I was
born at Jerusalem, that they should reply, that
they four were all born at the same place; and
if they should say, it was because I was well
versed in their law, they should reply, that
neither were they unacquainted with the prac-
tices of.their country; but if, besides these,
they should say they loved me because I was
a priest, they should reply, that two of these
were priests also.

40.	Now, when they had given Jonathan
and his companions these instructions, they
gave them forty thousand [drachmae] out of
the ptiblic money: but when they heard that
there was a certain Galilean that then sojourn-

* This Jonathan is also taken notice of in the I.atin

potes, as the same that is mentioned by the rabbins in
Porta-Musis.

and a hundred armed men. The charge that
was given them by those that sent them was
this: That if I would voluntarily lay down
my arms, they should send me alive to the
city of Jerusalem; but that, in case I op-
posed them, they should kill me, and fear
nothing; for that it was their command for
them so to do. They also wrote to John
to make all ready for fighting me, and gave
orders to the inhabitants of Sepphoris, and
Gabara, and Tiberias, to send auxiliaries to
John.

41.	Now, as my father wrote me an account
of this (for Jesus the son of Gamala, who
was present in that council, a friend and com-
panion of mine, told him of it), I was very
much troubled, as discovering thereby that my
fellow-citizens proved so ungrateful to me, as,
out of envy.to give order that I should be
slain; my father earnestly pressed me also in
his letter to come to him, for that he longed
to see his son before he died. I informed
my friends of these things, and that in three
days’ lime I should leave the country and go
home. Upon hearing this, they were all very
sorry, and desired me, with tears in their eyes,
not to leave them to be destroyed; for so they
thought they should be, if I were deprived oi
the command over them: but as I did not
grant their request, but was taking care of my
own safety, the Galileans, out of their dread
of the consequence of my departure, that they
should then be at the mercy of the robbers,
sent messengers over all Galilee to inform them
of my resolution to leave them. Whereupon,
as soon as they heard it, they got together in
great numbers, from all parts, with their wives
and children; and this they did, as it appeared
to me, not more out of their affection to me,
than out of their fear on their own account;
for, while I staid with them, they supposed
that they should suffer no harm. So they all
came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the
name of which was Asochis

42.	But wonderful it was what a dream I
saw that very night; for when I had betaken
myself to my bed, as grieved and disturbed at
the news that had been written to me, it seem-
ed to me, that a certain person stood by me,f

+ This I take to be the first of Josephus’s remarkable
or divine dreams, which were predictive of the great
thiniis that afterwards cam** to pass; of which see more
in the noie on Antiq. b iii. chap. viii. sect. 9, Tha
other 13 in the War* b. iii. eh. viii. sect. 3, 9.THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

and said, “O Josephus! leave off to afflict
thy soul, and put away all fear; for what now
grieves thee will render thee very considera-
ble, and in all respects most happy ; for thou
shalt get over not only these difficulties, but
many others, with great success. However,
be not cast down, but remember that thou art
to fight with the Romans.” When I had seen
this dream, I got up with an intention of go-
ing down to the plain. Now, when the whole
multitude of the Galileans, among whom were
the women and children, saw me, they threw
themselves down upon their faces, andj with
tears in their eyes, besought me not to leave
them exposed to their enemies, nor to go away
and permit their country to be injured by
them; but, when 1 did not comply with their
entreaties, they compelled me to take an oath,
that l would stay with them: they also cast
abundance of reproaches upon the people of
Jerusalem, that they would not let their coun-
try enjoy peace.

43.	When I heard this, and saw what sor-
row the people were in, I was moved with com-
passion to them, and thought it became me to
undergo the most manifest hazards for the sake
of so great a multitude; so I let them know
I would stay with them; and when I had
given order that five thousand of them should
come to me armed, and with provisions for
their maintenance, I sent the rest away to
their own homes; and, when those five thou-
sand were come, I took them, together with
three thousand of the soldiers that were with
me before, and eighty horsemen, and marched
to the village of Chabolo, situated in the con-
fines of Ptolemais, and there kept my forces
together, pretending to get ready to fight with
Placidus, who was come with two cohorts of
footmen, and one troop of horsemen; and was
sent thither by Cestius Gallns to burn those
villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais.
Upon whose casting up a bank before the city
Ptolemais, I also pitched my camp at about
the distance of sixty furlongs from that vil-
lage; and now we frequently brought out our
forces as if we would fight, but proceeded no
farther than skirmishes at a distance; for when
Placidus perceived that I was earnest to come
to battle, he was afraid, and avoided it; yet
did he not remove from the neighbourhood
of Ptolemais.

44.	About this time it was that Jonathan
and his fellow-legates came. They were sent,
as we have said already, by Simon, and Ana-
nus the high-priest; and Jonathan contrived
how he might catch me by treachery; for he
durst not make any attempt upon me openly.
So he wrote me the following epistle:—“Jona-
than and those that are with him,and are sent by
the people of Jerusalem to Josephus, send
greeting. We are sent by the principal men
of Jerusalem, who have heard that John of
Gischala hath laid many snares for thee, to
rebuke him, and to exhort him to be subject

to thee#hereafter. We are also desirous to
consult with thee about our common concerns,
and what is fit to be done. We, therefore,
desire thee to come to us quickly, and to
bring only a few men with thee; for this vil-
lage will not contain agreat number of soldiei'9. ”
Thus it was that they wrote, as expecting one
of these two things: either that I should come
without armed men, and then they should have
me wholly in their power: or, if I came with a
great number, they should judge me to be a
public enemy. Now it was a horseman who
brought the letter, a man at other times bold,
and one that had served in the army undei
the king. It was the second hour of the
night that he came, when .1 was feasting with
my friends and the principal of the Galileans.
This man, upon my servant’s telling me that
a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was
come, was called in at my command, but did
not so much as salute me at all, but held out
a letter, and said, “ This letter is sent thee by
those that are come from Jerusalem; do thou
write an answer to it quickly, for I am obliged
to return to them very 9oon.” Now my guests
could not but wonder at the boldness of the
soldier; but I desired him to sit down and
sup with us; but when he refused so to do,
I held the letter in my hands as I received it,
and fell a-talking with my guests about other
matters; but, a few hours afterwards, I got
up, and, when I had dismissed the rest to go
to their beds, I bid only four of my intimate
friends to stay; and ordered my servant to get
some wine ready. I also opened the" letter
so that nobody could perceive it; and under-
standing thereby presently the purport of the
writing, I sealed it up again, and appeared as
if I had not yet read it, but only held it
in my hands. I ordered twenty drachm®
should be given the soldier for the charges of
his journey; and when he took the money,
and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived
that he loved money, and that he was to be
caught chiefly by that means; and I said to
him, “ If thou wilt but drink with us, thou
shalt have a drachma for every glass thou
drinkest.” So he gladly embraced this pro-
posal, and drank a great deal of wine, in order
to get the more money, and was so drunk,
that at last he could not keep the secrets he
was intrusted with, but discovered them With-
out iny putting questions to him, viz. That a
treacherous design was contrived against me;
and that I was doomed to die by those that
sent him. When I heard this, I wrote back
this answer: — “Josephus to Jonathan, and
those that are with him, sendeth greeting.
Upon the information that you are come in
health into Galilee, I rejoice, and this espe-
cially because I can now resign the caVe of
public affairs here into your hands, and return
into my native country, — which is what I
have desired to do a great whiles and I con-
fess I ought not only to come to you as farTHfE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

as Xaloth, But farther, and this without your
commands: but I desire you to excuse me,
because I cannot do it now, since I watch the
motions of Placidus, who hath a mind to go
up into Galilee; and this I do here at Cha-
bolo. Do you, therefore, on the receipt of
this epistle, come hither to me. Fare you
well.”

45.	When I had written thus, and given
the letter to be carried by the soldier, l sent
along with him thirty of the Galileans of the best
characters, and gave them instructions to salute
those ambassadors, but to say nothing else to
them. I also gave orders to as many of those
armed men, whom 1 esteemed most faithful to
me, to go along with the others, everyone with
him whom he was to guard, lest some conversa-
tion might pass between those whom I sent and
those who were with Jonathan. So those men
went [to Jonathan], But, when Jonathan and
his partners had failed in this their first at-
tempt, they sent meanotherletter,the contents
whereof were as follows:—“Jonathan, and
those with him, to Josephus, send greeting.
We require thee to come to us to the village
Gabaroth, on the third day, without any
armed men, that we may hear what thou hast
to lay to the charge of John [of Gischala].”
When they had written this letter they sa-
luted the Galileans whom I sent; and came to
Japha, which was the largest village of all
Galilee, and encompassed with very strong
walls, and had a great number of inhabitants
in it. There the multitude of men, with their
wives and children, met them, and exclaimed
Loudly against them; and desired them to be
gone, and not to envy them the advantage of
an excellent commander. With these clamours
Jonathan and his partners were greatly pro-
voked, although they durst not show their
anger openly; so they made them no answer,
but went to other villages. But still the same
clamours met them from all the people, who
said, “ Nobody should persuade them to have
any other commander besides Josephus.” So
Jonathan and his partners went away from
them without success, and came to Seppho-
ris, the greatest city of all Galilee. Now the
men of that city, who inclined to the Romans
in their sentiments, met them indeed, but nei-
ther praised nor reproached me; and when
they were gone down from Sepphoris to
Asochis, the people of that place made a cla-
mour against them, as those of Japha had
done; whereupon they were able to contain
themselves no longer, but ordered the armed
men that were with them to beat those that
made the clamour with their clubs; and when
they came to Gabara, John met them with
three thousand armed men ; but, as I under-
stood by their letter that they had resolved to
fight against me, I arose from Cbabolo, with
three thousand armed men also, but left in my
camp one of my fastest friends, and came to Jo-
tapata, as desirous to be near them, the distance

being no more than forty furlongs. Whence
I wrote thus to them:—“ If you are very de-
sirous that I should come to you, you know
there are two hundred and forty cities and
villages in Galilee: I will come to any of
them which you please, excepting Gabara and
Gischala,—the one of which is John’s native
city, and the other in confederacy and friend-
ship with him."

46.	When Jonathan and his partners had
received this letter, they wrote me no more
answers, but called a council of their friends
together; and taking John into their consul-
tation, they took counsel together by what
means they might attack me. John’s opinion
was, that they should write to all the cities
and villages that were in Galilee; for that
there must be certainly one or two persons in
every one of them that were at variance with
me; and that they should be invited to come,
to oppose me as an enemy. He would also have
tDem send this resolution of theirs to the city
of Jerusalem, that its citizens, upon the know-
ledge of my being adjudged to be an enemy
by the Galileans, might themselves also con-
firm that determination. He said also, that
when this was done, even those Galileans who
were well affected to me, would desert me, out
of fear. When John had given them this coun-
sel, what he had said was very agreeable to
the rest of them. I was also made acquainted
with these affairs about the third hour of the
night, by the means of one Saccheus, who had
belonged to them, but now deserted them and
came over to me, and told me what they were
about; so I perceived that no time was to be
lost. Accordingly I gave command to Jacob,
an armed man of my guard, whom I esteemed
faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and
to guard the passages that led from Gabara
to Galilee, and to seize upon the passengers,
and send them to me, especially such ae were
caught with letters about them: I also sent
Jeremias himself, one of my friends, with six
hundred armed men, to the borders of Galilee,
in order to watch- the roads that led from the
country to the city of Jerusalem; and gave him
charge to lay hold of such as travelled with
letters about them, to keep the men in bonds
upon the place, but to send me the letters.

47.	When I had laid these commands upon
them, I gave them orders, and bid them take
their arms and bring three days' prevision
with them, and be with me the next day. I
also parted those that were about me into
four parts, and ordained those of them that
were most faithful to me to be a guard to my
body. I also set over them centurions^ and
commanded them to take care that not a sol-
dier which they did not know should mingle
himself among them. Now, on the fifth day
following, when I was at Gabaroth, I found
the entire plain that was before the village
full of armed men, who were come out of
Galilee to assist me: many others of the16

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

multitude also out of tlie village, ran along
with me; but as soon as I had taken my
place, and began to speak to them, they all
made an acclamation, and called me the Be-
nefactor and Saviour of the country; and
when I had made them my acknowledge-
ments, and thanked them [for their affection
to me], I also advised them to fight with no-
body,* nor to spoil the country, but to pitch
their tents in the plain, and be content with
the sustenance they had brought with them;
for I told them 1 had a mind to compose
these troubles without shedding any blood.
Now it came to pass, that on the very same
day those who were sent by John with letters,
fell among the guards whom I had appointed to
watch the roads; so the men were themselves
kept upon the place, as my orders were; but
I got the letters, which were full of reproaches
and lies; and 1 intended to fall upon these
men, without saying a word of these matters
to any body.

48.	Now, as soon as Jonathan and his com-
panions heard of my coming, they took all
their own friends, and John with them, and
retired to the house of Jesus, which indeed
was a large castle, and no way unlike a cita-
del; so they privately led a band of armed
men therein, and shut all the other doors but
one, which they kept open, and they expected
that I should come out of the road to them,
to salute them; and indeed they had given
orders to the armed men, that when I came
they should let nobody besides me come in,
but should exclude others; as supposing that,
by this means, they should easily get me
under their power: but they were deceived
in their expectation, for I perceived what
snares they had laid for me. Now, as soon
as I was got off my journey, I took up my
lodgings over against them, and pretended to
be asleap; so Jonathan and his party, think-
ing that I was really asleep and at rest, made
haste to go down into the plain to persuade
tlie people that I was an ill governor: but
rhe matter proved otherwise; for, upon their
appearance, there was a cry made by the Gali-
leans immediately, declaring their good opi-
nion of me as their governor; and they made
a clamour against Jonathan and his partners
for coming to them when they had suffered
no harm, and as though they would overturn
their happy settlement; and desired them by
all means to go back again, for that they
would never be persuaded to have any other
to rule over them but myself. When I heard
of this, I did not fear to go down into the
midst of them; I went therefore myself down
presently, to hear what Jonathan and his

* Josephas’s directions to his soldiero here are much
the same that John the Baptist gave (Luke iii. Id):—
“ Do violence to no m^n, neither accuse any falsely, and
be content with your wages.” Whence Dr. Hudson
confirms this conjecture, that Josephus, in some things,
was, even now, a follower of John the Baptist, which is
no way improbable. See *be note on sect 2.

companions said. As soon, as I appeared,
there was immediately an acclamation made
to me by the whole multitude, and a cry in
my commendation by them, who confessed
their thanks were owing to me for my good
government of them.

49.	When Jonathan and his companions
heard this they were in fear of their own
lives, and in danger lest they should be as-
saulted by the Galileans on my account; so
they contrived how they might run away; but
as they were not able to get off, for 1 desired
them to stay, they looked down with concern
at my words to them. I ordered, therefore,
the multitude to restrain entirely their accla-
mations, and placed the most faithful of my
armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard
to us, lest John should unexpectedly fall
upon us; and I encouraged the Galileans to
take their weapons, lest they should be dis-
turbed at their enemies, if any sudden insult
should be made upon them; and then, in the
first place, I put Jonathan and his partners in
mind of their [former] letter, and after what
manner they had written to me, and declared
they were sent by the common consent of the
people of Jerusalem, to make up the differ-
ences I had with John, and how they had
desired me to come to them; and as I spake
thus, I publicly showed that letter they had
written, till they could not at all deny what
they had done, the letter itself con victingthem.
1 then said, “ O Jonathan, and you that are
sent with him as his colleagues, if I were to
be judged as to my behaviour, compared with
that of John’s, and had brought no more than
two or three witnesses,! good men and true,
it is plain you had been forced, upon the exa-
mination of their characters beforehand, to
discharge the accusations: that, therefore, you
may be informed that I have acted well in the
affairs of Galilee, I think three witnesses too
few to be brought by a man that hath done
as he ought to do; so I give you all these
for witnesses. Inquire of them { how I have
lived, and whether I have not behaved myself
with all decency, and after a virtuous manner
among them. And I farther conjure you, O
Galileans! to hide no part of the truth, but
to speak before these men as before judges,
whether I have in any thing acted otherwise
than well.”

50.	While I was thus speaking, the united
voices of all the people joined together, and
called me their Benefactor and Saviour, and
attested to my former behaviour, and exhorted

+ We here Irarn the practice of the Jews, in the (lays
of Josephus, to inquire into the characters of witnesses
before they were admitted; and that their number ought
io lie three, or two at the least, also exactly as in the law
of Moses, and iri the Apostolical Constitutions, h, ii. ch.
xxxvii. See Horcb Covenant Kevived, page 97, 9B.

t This appeal to the whole body of the Galileans by
Josephus, and the testimony Ihey gave him of integrity is
his conduct as their governor, is very like that appeal au«
testimony in the case of the prophet Samuel (1 Sam. xii
1—5); and porhaps was done by Josephus in imitnt'oL
of him.THE LIFE OF FLvVttJS JOSEPHUS.

17

me to continue so to do hereafter; and they j ready as fast as they could, I sent them on

all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had
been preserved free from injuries, and that no
one had ever been aggrieved by me. After
this, I read to the Galileans two of those epis-
tles which had been sent by Jonathan and his
colleagues, and which those whom I had ap-
pointed to guard the road had taken, and sent
to me. These were full of reproaches and of
lies, as if I had acted more like a tyrant than
a governor against them; with many other
things besides therein contained, which were
no better indeed than impudent falsities. I
also informed the multitude how I came by
these letters, and that those who carried them
delivered them up voluntarily; for I was not
willing that my enemies should know any
thing of the guards I had set, lest they should
be afraid, and leave off writing hereafter.

51.	When the multitude heard these things,

they were greatly provoked at Jonathan and
his colleagues that were with him, and were
going to attack them, and kill them; and this
they had certainly done, unless I had restrained
the anger of the Galileans, and said, that
“ I forgave Jonathan and his colleagues what
was past, if they would repent, and go to
their own country, and tell those who sent
them the truth, as to my conduct.” When I
had said this, I let them go, although I knew
they would do nothing of what they had pro-
mised. But the multitude were very much
epraged against them, and entreated me to
give them leave to punish them for their inso-
lence; yet did I try all methods to persuade
them to spare the men; for I knew that every
instance of sedition was pernicious to the pub-
lic welfare. But the multitude was too angry
with them to be dissuaded; and all of them
went immediately to the house in which Jona-
than and his colleagues abode. However,
when I perceived tnat their.rage could not be
restrained, I got on horseback, and ordered
the multitude to follow me to the village So-
gane, which was twenty furlongs off Gabara;
and by using this stratagem, I so managed
myself, as not to appear to begin a civil war
amongst them.	*

52.	But when I was come near Sogane, I
caused the multitude to make a halt, and ex-
horted them not to be so easily provoked to
anger, and to the inflicting such punishments as
could not be afterwards recalled: I also gave
order, that a hundred men, who were already
in years, and were principal men among them

this errand the third day after they had been
assembled: 1 also sent five hundred armed
men with them [as a guard]. I then wrote
to my friends in Samaria, to take care that
they might safely pass through the country:
for Samaria was already under the Romans,
and it was absolutely necessary for those that
go quickly [to Jerusalem] to pass through
that country ; for in that road you may, in
three days’ time, go from Galilee to Jerusa-
lem. I also went myself, and conducted the
old men as far as the bounds of Galilee, and
set guards in the roads, that it might not be
easily known by any one that these men were
gone. And when I had thus done, I went
and abode at Japha.

53.	Now Jonathan and his colleagues, hav-
ing failed of accomplishing what they would
have done against me, sent John back to
Gischala, but went themselves to the city of
Tiberias, expecting it would submit itself to
them; and this was founded on a letter which
Jesus, their then governor, had written them,
promising that, if they came, the multitude
would receive them, and choose to be under
their government; so they went their ways
with this expectation. But Silas, who, as
I said, had been left curator of Tiberias by
me, informed me of this, and desired me to
make haste thither. Accordingly, I complied
with his advice immediately, and came thither;
but found mydfelf in danger of my life, fron
the following occasion: Jonathan and his col-
leagues had been at Tiberias, and had per-
suaded a great many of such as had a quarrel
with me to desert me; but when they heard
of my coming, they were in fear for them-
selves, and came to me; and when they had
saluted me, they said that I was a happy man
in having behaved myself so well in the go-
vernment of Galilee; and they congratulated
me upon the honours that were paid me: for
they said that my glory was a credit to them,
since they had been my teachers and fellow-
citizens ; and they said farther, that it was but
just that they should prefer my friendship to
them rather than John’s, and that they would
have immediately gone home, but that they
staid that they might deliver up John into my
power; and when they said this, they took
their oaths of it, and those such as are most
tremendous amongst us, and such as I did not
think fit to disbelieve. However, they desired
me to lodge somewhere else, because the next

should get themselves ready to go to the city of day was the Sabbath; and that it was not fit
Jerusalem, and should make a complaint before
the people, of such as raised seditions in the
country. And I said to them, that “ in case
they be moved with what you say, you shall de-
sire the community to write to me, andto enjoin
me to continue in Galilee, and to order Jona-
than and his colleagues to depart out of it."

When I had suggested these instructions to
them, and while they were getting themsolves

the city of Tiberias should be disturbed [on
that day].

54.	So I suspected nothing, and went away
to Tarichea; yet did I withal leave some to
make inquiry in the city how matters went,
and whether any thing was said about me: I
also set many persons all the way that led
from Taricbete to Tiberias, that they might
communicate from one to another, if they
K18

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

learned any news from those that were left in
the city. On the next day, therefore, they
all came into the Proseucha;* it was a large
edifice, and capable of receiving a great num-
ber of people; thither Jonathan went in, and
though he durst not openly speak of a revolt,
yet did he say that their city stood in need of
a better governor than it then had. But Jesus,
who was the ruler, made no scruple to speak
out, and said openly, “ O fellow-citizens! it
is better for you to be in subjection to four
than to one; and those such as are of high
birth, and not without reputation for their
wisdom;” and pointed to Jonathan and his
colleagues. Upon his saying this, Justus came
in and commended him for what he had said,
and persuaded some of the people to be of
his mind also. But the multitude were not
pleased with what was said, and had certainly
gone into a tumult, unless the sixth hour,
which was now come, had dissolved the as-
sembly, at which hour our laws require us to
go to dinner on Sabbath-days; so Jonathan
aud his colleagues put off their council till the
next day, and went off without success. When
I was informed of these affairs, I determined
to go to the city of Tiberias in the morning.
Accordingly, on the next day, about the first
hour of the day, I came from Taricheae, and
found the multitude already assembled in the
Proseucha; but on what account they were
gotten together, those that were assembled did
not know. But when Jonathan and his col-
leagues saw me there unexpectedly, they
were in disorder; after which they raised a
report of their own contrivance, that Roman
horsemen were seen at a place called Union,
in the borders of Galilee, thirty furlongs dis-
tant from the city. Upon which report Jo-
nathan and his colleagues cunningly exhorted
me not to neglect this matter, nor to suffer
the land to be spoiled by the enemy. And
this they said with a design to remove me out
of the city, under the pretence of the want of
extraordinary assistance, while they might dis-
pose the city to be my enemy.

55; As for myself, although I knew of

of the burdens of war, and as one that lived
luxuriously. And as they were discoursing
thus, they produced four letters as written to
them, from some people that lived at the bor-
ders of Galilee, imploring that they would
come to their assistance, for that there was an
army of Romans, both horsemen and foot-
men, who would come and lay waste the coun-
try on the third day; they desired them also

to make haste, and not to overlook them_____

When the people of Tiberias heard this, they
thought they spake truth, and made a clamour
against me, and said I ought not to sit still,
but to go away to the assistance of their coun-
trymen. Hereupon I said (for I understood
the meaning of Jonathan and his colleagues)
that I was ready to comply with what they
proposed, and without delay to march to the
war which they spake of, yet did I advise
them, at the same time, that since these let-
ters declared that the Romans would make
their assault in four several places, they should
part their forces into five bodies, and make
Jonathan and his colleagues generals of each
body of them, because it was fit for brave men
not only to give counsel, but to take the place
of leaders, and assist their countrymen when
such a necessity pressed them; for, said I, it
is not possible for me to lead more than one
party. This advice of mine greatly pleased
the multitude; so they compelled them to go
forth to the war. But their designs were put
into very much disorder, because they had npt
done what they had designed to do, on account
of my stratagem, which was opposite to their
undertakings.

56. Now there was one whose name was
Ananias (a wicked man he was, and very mis-
chievous); he proposed that a general religi-
ous fastf should be appointed the next day
for all tbe people, and gave order that at the
same hour they should come to the same place,
without any weapons, to make it manifest be-
fore God, that while they obtained his assis-
tance, they thought all these weapons useless.
This he said, not out of piety, but that they
might catch me and my friends unarmed.

their design, yet did I comply with what they | Now* I \tas hereupon forced to comply, lest

proposed, lest the people of Tiberias should
have occasion to suppose that I was not care-
ful of their security. I therefore went out;
but, when I was at the place, I found not the
least footstep of any enemy; so I returned as
fast as ever I could, and found the \yhole
council assembled, and the body of the peo-
ple gotten together, and Jonathan and his col-
leagues bringing vehement accusations against
me, as one who had no concern to ease them

* It is worth noting here, that there was now a great
Proseucha, or place of prayer, in the city of Tiberias
Itself, though such Proseucha used to be out of cities, as
tbe synagogues were within them. Of them,

Moyue on Polycarp’s Epistle, page 76. It is alsi
our remark, that the Jews, in the days of Josephus,
to dine at the sixth hour, or noon; and that, in obedi
to their notions of the law of Moses also.

of cities, as
see Le
io worth
used
ience

I should appear to despise a proposal that
tended to piety. As soon, therefore, as we
were gone home, Jonathan and his colleagues
wrote to John to come to them in the morn-
ing, and desiring him to come with as many
soldiers as he possibly could, for that they
should then be able easily to get me into their
hands, and to do all they desired to do.—
When John had received this letter, he resolv-
ed to comply with it. As for myself, on the
next day, I ordered two of the guards of my
body, whom I esteemed the most courageous
and most faithful, to hide daggers under their

+ One may observe here, that this lay-Pharisee, Ana-
nias, as we have seen he was (sect. 39). took upon him to
appoint a fast at Tiberias, and was obeyed; though it*,
deed it was not out of religion, hut knavish policy.THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

garments, and to go along with me, that we
might defend ourselves, if any attack should
be made upon us by our enemies. I also my-
self took my breast-plate, and girded on my
sword, so that it might be, as far as it was pos-
sible, concealed, and came into the Proseucha.

57.	Now Jesus, who was the ruler, com-
manded that they should exclude all that came
with me, for he kept the door himself, and
suffered none but his friends to go in. And
while we were engaged in the duties of the
day, and had betaken ourselves to our pray-
ers, Jesus got up, and inquired of me what
was become of the vessels that were taken out
of the king’s palace when it was burnt down,
[and] of that uncoined silver: and in whose
possession they now were? This he said, in
order to drive away time till John should come.
I said that Capellus, and the ten principal men
of Tiberias, had them all; and I told him that
they might ask them whether I told a lie or
not. And when they said they had them, he
asked me, What is become of those twenty
pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon
the sale of a certain weight of uncoined mo-
ney? I replied, that I had given them to
those ambassadors of theirs, as a maintenance
for them, when they were sent by them to Je-
rusalem. So Jonathan and his colleagues said
that I had- not done well to pay the ambassa-
dors out of the public money. And when
the multitude were very angry at them for
this, for they perceived the wickedness of the
men, I understood that a tumult was going to
arise; and being desirous to provoke the peo-
ple to a greater rage against the men, I said,
“ But if I have not done well in paying our
ambassadors out of the public stock, leave off
your ang;er at me, for I will repay the twenty
pieces of gold myself.”

58.	When I had said this, Jonathan and
his colleagues held their peace; but the peo-
ple were still more irritated against them,
upon their openly showing their unjust ill-will
to me. When Jesus saw this change in the
people, he ordered them to depart, but desired
the senate to stay, for that they could not
examine things of such a nature in a tumult;
and as the people were crying out that they
would not leave me alone, there came one
and told Jesus and his friends privately, that
John and his armed men were at hand: where-
upon Jonathan and his colleagues, being able
to contain themselves no longer (and perhaps
the providence of God hereby'procuring my
deliverance, for, had not this been so, I had
certainly been destroyed by John), said, “ O
you people of Tiberias 1 leave off this inquiry
about the twenty pieces of gold; for Josephus
hath not deserved to die for them; but he
hath deserved it by his desire of tyrannizing,
and by cheating the multitude of the Gali-
leans with his speeches, in order to gain the
dominion over them.” When he had said
this, they presently laid hands upon me, and

endeavoured to kill me: but as soon as those
that were with me saw what they did, they
drew their swords, and threatened to smite
them, if they offered any violence to me.
The people also took up stones, and were
about to throw them at Jonathan; and so
they snatched me from the violence of my
enemies.

59.	But as I was gone out a little way, I
was just upon meeting John, who was march-
ing with his armed men. So I was afraid of
him, and turned aside, and escaped by a nar-
row passage to the lake, and seized on a ship,
and embarked in it, and sailed over to Tari-
cheie. So, beyond my expectation, I escaped
this danger. Whereupon I presently sent for
the chief of the Galileans, and told them after
what manner, against all faith given, I had
been very near to destruction from Jonathan
and his colleagues, and the people of Tiberias.
Upon which the multitude of the Galileans
were very angry, and encouraged me to delay
no longer to make war upon them, but to
permit them to go against John, and utterly
to destroy him, as well as Jonathan and his
colleagues. However, I restrained them,
though they were in such a rage, and desired
them to tarry awhile, till we should be in-
formed what orders those ambassadors that
were sent by them to the city of Jerusalem
should bring thence; for I told them that it
was best to act according to their determina-
tion; whereupon they were prevailed on. At
which time also John, when the snares he
had laid did not take effect, returned back to
Gischala.

60.	Now, in a few days those ambassadors
whom we had sent, came back again and in-
formed us that the people were greatly pro-
voked at Ananus, and Simon the son of Ga-
maliel, and their friends; that, without any
public determination, they had sent to Gali-
lee, and had done their endeavours that I
might be turned out of the government. The
ambassadors said farther, that the people were
ready to burp their houses. They also brought
let ters, whereby the chief men of Jerusalem,
at the earnest petition of the people, confirmed
me in the government of Galilee, and en-
joined Jonathan and his colleagues to return
home quickly. When I had gotten these
letters, I came to the village Arbela, where I
procured an assembly of the Galileans to meet,
and bid the ambassadors declare to them the
anger of the people of Jerusalem at what had
been done by Jonathan and his colleagues,
and how much they hated their wicked doings,
and how they had confirmed me in the go-
vernment of their country, as also what related
to the order they had in writing for Jona-
than and his colleagues to return home. So
1 immediately sent them the letter, and bid
him that carried it to inquire, as well as be
could, how they intended to act [on this occa-
sion].20

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

61.	Now when they had received that let-
ter, and were thereby greatly disturbed, they
sent for John, and for the senators of Tibe-
rias, and for the principal men of the Gaba-
rens, and proposed to hold a council, and de-
sired them to consider what was to be done
by them. However, the governors of Tibe-
rias were greatly disposed to keep the govern-
ment to themselves; for they said it was not
fit to desert their city, now it was committed
to their trust, and that otherwise I should not
delay to fall upon them; for they pretended
falsely that so I had threatened to do. Now
John was not only of their opinion, but ad-
vised them, that two of them should go to
accuse me before the multitude [at Jerusa-
lem], that I did not manage the affairs of
Galilee as I ought to do; and that they would
easily persuade the people, because of their
dignity, and because the whole multitude were
very mutable.—When, therefore, it appeared
that John had suggested the wisest advice to
them, they resolved that two of them, Jona-
than and Ananias, should go to the people of
Jerusalem, and the other two [Simon and
Joazar] should be left behind to tarry at Tibe-
rias. They also took along with them a hun-
dred soldiers for their guard.

62.	However, the governors of Tiberias
took care to have their city secured with walls,
and commanded their inhabitants to take their
arms. They also sent for a great many sol-
diers from John, to assist them against me, if
there should be occasion for them. Now
John was at Gischala. Jonathan, therefore,
and those that were with him, when they were
departed from Tiberias, and as soon as they
were come to Dabaritta, a village that lay in
the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain,
they, about midnight, fell among the guards
l had set, who both commanded them to lay
aside their weapons, and kept them in bonds
upon the place, as I had charged them to do.
This news was written to me-by Levi, who
had the command of that guard committed to
him by me. Hereupon I said nothing of it
for two days; and, pretending to know no-
thing about it, I sent a message to the people
of Tiberias, and advised them to lay their
arms aside, and to dismiss their men, that they
might go home; but supposing that Jona-
than, and those that were with them, were al-
ready arrived at Jerusalem, they made re-
proachful answers to me; yet was I not terri-
fied thereby, but contrived another stratagem
against them; for I did not think it agreeable
with piety to kindle the fire of war against the
citizens. A9 I was desirous to draw those
men away from Tiberias, I chose out ten
thousand of the best of my armed men, and
divided them into three bodies, and ordered
them to go privately, and lie still as an am-
bush, in the villages. I also led a thousand
into another village, which lay indeed in the
mountains, as did the others, but only four

furlongs distant from Tiberias; and gave
orders, that when they saw my signal, they
should come down immediately, while I my*
self lay with my soldiers in the sight of every
body. Hereupon the people of Tiberias, at
the sight of me, came running out of the city
perpetually, and abused me greatly. Nay,
their madness was come to that height, that
they made a decent bier for me, and, standing
about it, they mourned over me in the way of
jest and sport;' and I could not but be my-
self in a pleasant humour upon the sight of
this madness of theirs.

63.	And now being desirous to catch Simon
by a wile, and Joazar with him, I sent a mes-
sage to them, and desired them to come a
little way out of the city, and many of their
friends to guard them; for 1 said I would
come down to them, and make a league with
them, and divide the government of Galilee
with them. Accordingly Simon was deluded,
on account of his imprudence, and out of the
hopes of gain, and did not delay to come;
but Joazar, suspecting snares were laid for
him, staid behind. So when Simon was come
out, and his friends with him for his guard,
I met him, and saluted him with great civi-
lity, and professed that I was obliged to him
for his coming up to me; but a little while
afterwards I walked along with him, as though
I would say something to him by himself;
and when I had drawn him a good way from
his friends, I took him about the’middle, and
gave him to my friends that were with me,
to carry him into a village; and commanding
my armed men to come down, I with them
made an assault upon Tiberias. Now, as the
fight grew hot on both sides, and the soldiers
belonging to Tiberias were in a fair way to
conquer me (for my armed men were already
fled away,), I saw the posture of my affairs;
and encouraging those that were with me, I
pursued those of Tiberias, even when they
were already conquerors, into the city. I
also sent another band of soldiers into the
city by the lake, and gave them orders to set
on fire the first house they could seize upon.
When this was done the people of Tiberias
thought that their city was taken by force,
and so threw down their arms for fear; and
implored, they, their wives, and children, that
I would spare their city. So I was overper-
suaded by their entreaties, and restrained the
soldiers from the vehemency with which they
pursued them; while I myself, upon the com-
ing on of the evening, returned back with my
soldiers, and went to refresh myself. I also
invited Simon to sup with me, and comforted
him on occasion of what had happened; and
I promised that I would send him safe and
secure to Jerusalem, and withal would give
him provisions for his journey thither.

64.	But on the next day, I brought ten
thousand armed men with me, and came to Ti-
berias. I then sent for the principal men of theTHE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS,	#1

multitude into the public place, and enjoined
them to t^ll me who were the authors of the
revolt; and when they told me who the men
were, I sent them bound to the city Jotapata;
but as to Jonathan and Ananias, I freed them
front their bonds, and gave them provisions
for their journey, together with Simon and
Joazar, and five hundred armed men who
should guard them; and so 1 sent them to
Jerusalem. The people of Tiberias also came
to me again, and desired that I would forgive
them for what they had done; and they said
they would amend what they had done amiss
with regard to me, by their fidelity for the
time to come; and they besought me to pre-
serve what spoils remained upon the plunder
of the city, for those that had lost them.
Accordingly, I enjoined those that had got
them, to bring them all before us; and when
they did not comply for a great while, and I saw
one of the soldiers that were about me with a
garment on that was more splendid than ordi-
nary, I asked him whence he had it; and when
he replied that be had it out of the plunder
of the city, I had him punished with stripes;
and I threatened all the rest to inflict a severer
punishment upon them, unless they produced
before us whatsoever they had plundered; and
when a great many spoils were brought to-
gether, I restored to every one of Tiberias
wbat they claimed to be their own.

65. And now I am come to this part of
my narration, l have a mind to say a few
things to Justus, who hath himself written a
history concerning these affairs; as also to
others who profess to write history, but have
little regard to truth, and are not afraid, either
out of ill-will or good-will to some persons,
to relate falsehoods. These men do like those
who compose forged deeds and conveyances;
and because they are not brought to the like
punishment with them, they have no regard
to truth. When, therefore, Justus undertook
to write about these facts, and about the
Jewish war, that he might appear to have
been an industrious man, he falsified in what
he related about me, and could not speak
truth even about his own country; whence it
is, that, being belied by him, I am ,under a
necessity to make my defence; and so I shall
say what I have concealed till now; and let
no one wonder that I have not told the world
these things a great While ago; for although
it be necessary for a historian to write the
truth, yet is such a one not bound severely to
animadvert on the wickedness of certain men,
— not out of any favour to them, but out of
an author’s own moderation. How then
comes it to pass, O Justus 1 thou most saga-
cious of writers (that I may address myself
to him as if he were here present,), for so tbbu
boastest of thyself, that I and the Galileans
have been the authors of that sedition which
thy country engaged in, both against the Ro-
mans and against the king [Agrippa, junior] ?

—for before ever I was appointed governor
of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem,
both thou and all the people of Tiberias had
not only taken up arms, but had made war
with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou
badst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a
domestic servant of thine fell in the battle.
Nor is it I only who say this; but so it is
written in the Commentaries of Vespasian,
the emperor; as also how the inhabitants of
Decapolis came clamouring to Vespasian at
Ptolemais, and desired that thou, who wast
the author [of that war], mightst be brought
to punishment; and thou hadst certainly been
punished at the command of Vespasian, had
not king Agrippa, who bad power given him
to have thee put to death, at the earnest en-
treaty of his sister Bernice, changed the pu-
nishment from death into a long imprison-
ment. Th v political administration of affairs
afterward doth also clearly discover both thy
other behaviour in life; and that thou wast the
occasion of thy country’s revolt from the Ro-
mans; plain signs of which I shall produce
presently. I have also a mind to say a few
things to the rest of the people of Tiberias on
thy account; and to demonstrate to those
that light upon this history, that you bear no
good-will, neither to the Romans nor to the
king. To be sure, the greatest cities of Gali-
lee, O Justus! were Seppboris. and thy coun-
try Tiberias; but Sepphoris, situated in the
very midst of Galilee, and having many vil-
lages about it, and able with ease to have been
bold and troublesome to the Romans, if they
had so pleased,— yet did it resolve to con-
tinue faithful to-those their masters, and at
the same time excluded me out of their city-,
and prohibited all their citizens from joining
with the Jews in the war; and, that they might
be out of danger from me, they, by a wile,
got leave of me to fortify their city with walls;
they also, of their own accord, admitted of a
garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Ces-
tius Gallus, who was then president of Syria,
and so had mein contempt, though I was then
very powerful, and all were greatly afraid of
me; and at the same time that the greatest of
our cities, Jerusalem was besieged, and that
temple of ours, which belonged tous all, was
in danger of falling under the enemy’s power;
they sent no assistance thither, as not willing
to have it thought they -would bear arms
against the Romans; but as for thy country,
O Justus ! situated upon the lake of Gene-
sareth, and distant from Hippos thirty fur-
longs, from Gadara sixty, and from Scytho-
polis, which was under the king’s jurisdicttoii,
a hundred and twenty; when there was no
Jewish city near, it might easily have pre-
served its fidelity [to the Romans] if it had so
pleased them to do; for the city and its peo-
ple had plenty of weapons; but, as thou say-
est, I was then the author [of their revolt];
and pray, O Justus! who was that author of-THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

tenpnrds t—for thou knowest that T was in the
power of the Romans before Jerusalem was
besieged, and before the same time Jotapata
was taken by force, as well as many other for-
tresses, and a great many of the Galileans
fell in the war. It was therefore then a pro-
per time, when you were certainly freed from
any fear on my account, to throw away your
weapons, and to demonstrate to the king and
to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but
as forced by necessity, that you fell into the
war against them; but you staid till Vespasian
came himself as far as your walls, with his
whole army; and then you did indeed lay
aside your weapons out of fear, and your city
had for certain been taken by force, unless
Vespasian had complied with the king’s sup-
plication for you, and had excused your mad-
ness. It was not I, therefore, who was the
author of this, but your own inclinations to
war. Do not you remember how often I got
you under my power, and yet put none of you
to death? Nay, you once fell into a tumult
one against another, and slew one hundred
and eighty-live of your citizens, not on ac-
count of your good-will to the king and to
the Romans, but on account of your own
wickedness, and this while I was besieged by
the Romans in Jotapata. Nay, indeed, were
there not reckoned up two thousand of the
people of Tiberias during the siege of Jeru-
salem, some of whom were slain, and the rest
caught and carried captives? But thou wilt
pretend that thou didst not engage in the war,
since thou didst flee to theiingl Yes, indeed,
thou didst dee to him; but I say it was out of
fear of me. Thou sayest, indeed, that it is I
who am a wicked man. But then, for what
reason was it that king Agrippa, who procured
thee thy life when thou wast condemned to
die by Vespasian, and who bestowed so much
riches upon thee, did twice afterward put thee
in bonds, and as often obliged thee to run
away from thy country, and, when he had once
ordered thee to be put to death, he granted
thee a pardon at the earnest desire of Ber-
nice? And when (after so many of thy wicked
pranks) be had made thee his secretary, he
caught thee falsifying his epistles, and drove
thee away from his sight. But I shall not
inquire accurately into these matters of scan-
dal against thee. Yet cannot I but wonder
at thy impudence, when thou hast the assur-
ance to say, that thou hast better related these
affairs [of the war] than have all the others
that have written aboutthem,whilst thoudidst
Tot know what was done in Galilee; for thou
wast then at Berytus with the king; nor didst
thou know' how much the Rontans suffered at
the siege of Jotapata, or what miseries they
brought upon us; nor couldst thou learn by
inquiry what I did during that siege myself;
for all those that might afford such informa-
tion were quite destroyed in that siege. But
perhaps thou wilt say, thou hast written of

what was done against the people of Jerusa-
lem exactly. But how should that be? foi
neither wast tbou concerned in that1 war, nor
hast thou read the commentaries of Caesar;
of which we have evident proof, because thou
hast contradicted those commentaries of Caesar
in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as
to affirm that thou hast written that history bet-
ter than all the rest, why didst thou not pub-
lish thy history while the emperors Vespasian
and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as
king Agrippa and his family, who were men
very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks,
were all alive? for thou hast had it written
these twenty years, and then mightst thou
have had their testimony of thy accuracy. But
now .when these men are no longer with us,
and thou thinkest tbou canst not be contra-
dicted, thou venturest to nublish it. But then
I was not in like manner afraid of my own
writing, but I offered my books to the emper-
ors themselves, when the facts were almost
under men’s eyes; for I was conscious to my-
self that I had observed the truth of the facts;
and as I expected to have their attestation to
them, so I was not deceived in such expecta-
tion. Moreover, I immediately presented my
history to many other persons, some of whom
were concerned in the war, as was king Agrip-
pa and some of his kindred. Now the em-
peror Titus was so desirous that the knowledge
of these affairs should be taken from these
books alone, that he subscribed his own hand
to them, and ordered that they should be pub-
lished ; and for king Agrippa, he wrote me sixty-
two letters, and attested to the truth of what
I had therein delivered; two of which letters
I have here subjoined, and thou mayst thereby
know their contents:—“ King Agrippa to
Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting. I
have read over thy book with great pleasure,
and it appears to me that thou hast done it
much more accurately, and with greater care,
than have the other writers. Send me the rest
of these books. Farewell, my dear friend.”
“ King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend,
sendeth greeting. It seems by what thou hast
written, that thou standest in need of no in-
struction, in order to our information from the
beginning. However, when thou comest to
me, I will inform thee of a great many things
which thou dost not know.” So when- this
history was perfected, Agrippa, neither byway
of flattery, which was not agreeable to him,
nor by way of irony, as thou wilt say (for he
was entirely a stranger to such an evil dispo-
sition of mind), but he wrote this by way of
attestation to what was true, as all that read
histories may do. And so much shall be said
concerning Justus,* which I am obliged to
add by way of digression.

4*.

• The character of this history of Justus of Tiberias,
the rival of our Josephus, which is now lost, with its
only remaining fragment, are given us by a very able
critic, Photius, who read that history. It is in the 33dTHE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

23

60. Now, when I had settled the'affairs of upon the people of Sepphoris, ana took the

Tiberias, and had assembled mv friends as a
sanhedrim, I consulted what l should do as to
John: whereupon it appeared to be the opin-
ion of all the Galileans that I should arm
them all, and march against John, and punish
him as the author of all the disorders that had
happened. Yet was not I pleased with their
determination; as purposing to compose these
troubles without bloodshed. Upon this 1 ex-
horted them to use the utmost care to learn
the names of all that were under John; which
when they had done, and I thereby was ap-
prized who the men were, I published an edict,
wherein I offered security and my right hand
to such of John’s party as had a mind to 're-
pent; and I allowed twenty days’ time to such
as would take this most advantageous course
for themselves. I also threatened, that unless
they threw down their arms, I would burn
their houses, and expose their goods to public
sale. When the men heard of this, they were
in no small disorder, and deserted John; and
to the number of four thousand threw down
their arms, and came to me. So that no others
staid with John but his own citizens, and about
fifteen hundred strangers that came from the
metropolis of Tyre; and when John saw that
he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he
continued afterward in his own country, and
was in great fear of me.

67. But about this time it was that the peo-
ple of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up
arms, out of a confidence they had in the
strength of their walls, and because they saw
me engaged in other affairs also. So they
sent to Cestius Gallus, who was president of
Syria, and desired that he would either come
quickly to them, and take their city under his
protection, or send them a garrison. Accord-
ingly Gallus promised them to come, but
did not send word when he would come: and
when I had learned so much, I took the sol-
diers that were with me, and made an assault

code of his Bibliotheca, and runs thus:— “I have read
e ch

n

Judah, which succeeded one anothi

eca,

(says Phntius) the chronology
whose title is this, [The Chroi

of Justus of Tiberias,
ronologxj o/] the Kings of
nother. This [Justus] came
in Galilee. He begins his

is, [7’

■eeded

out of the city of Tiberias
history from Moses, and ends it not till the death of
Agrippa, the seventh [ruler] of the family of Herod, and
the last king of the Jews; who took the government
under Claudius, had it augmented uuder Nero, and still
more augmented by Vespasian. He died in the third
year of Trajan, when also his history ends. He is verj
concise in his language, and slightly passes over those
affairs that were most necessary to be insisted on; a
being under the Jewish prejudices, as indeed he was hi
self also a Jew by birth, he makes not the least menti
of the appearance of Christ, of what thing
him, or of the wonderful works that he did.
wl
ibei

ga '

In

not the least mention
s happened to
...... He was the

se name was Pistus. He

or or the wonderful wi
if a certain Jew, whosi
an, as he is described by Josephus, of a most profli-
: cb

pleasure,
and it* i>
but that

r; a slave both to money and to
• n public aHairs he was opposite to Josephus;
related, that he laid many plots against him ;
Josephus, though he had his enemy frequently under his
power, did only reproach him in words, and so let him
go without farther punishment. Re says also, that the
history which this man wrote is for the main fabulous,
and chiefly as to those parts where ho describes the Ho-
man war with the Jaws, and the taking of Jerusalem.”

city by force. The Galileans took this op-
portunity, as thinking they had now a proper
time for showing their hatred to them, since
they bore ill-will to that dlty also. They then
exerted themselves, as if they would destroy
them all utterly, with those that sojourned
there also. So they ran upon them, and set
their houses on fire, as finding them without
inhabitants; for the men, out of fear, ran to-
gether to the‘citadel. So the Galileans car-
ried off every thing, and omitted no kind of
desolation which they could bring upon their
countrymen. When I saw this, I was ex-
ceedingly troubled at it, and commanded them
to leave off, and put them in mind that it was
not agreeable to piety to do such things to
their countrymen: but since they neither
would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to
what F commanded them to do (for the hatred
they bore to the people there was too hard for
my exhortations to them), I bade those my
friends, who were most faithful to me, and
were about me, to give out reports, as if the
Romans were falling upon the other part of
the city with a great army; and this I did,
that, by such a report being spread abroad, I
might restrain the violence of the Galileans,
and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at
length this stratagem had its effect; for, upon
hearing this report, they were in fear for them-
selves, and so they left off plundering, and ran
away; and this more especially, because they
saw me, their general, do the same also; for,
that I might cause this report to be believed,
I pretended to be in fear as well as they. —
Thus were the inhabitants of Sepphoris un-
expectedly preserved by this contrivance of
mine.

68.	Nay, indeed, Tiberias had like to have
been plundered by the Galileans also upon the
following occasion: — The chief men of the
senate wrote to the king, and desired that he
would come to them, and take possession of
their city. The king promised to come, and
wrote a letter in answer to theirs, and gave it
to one of his bed-chamber, whose name was
Crispus, and who was by birth a Jew, to carry
it to Tiberias. When the Galileans knew that
this man carried such a letter, they caught him
and brought him to me; but as soon as the
whole multitude heard of it, they were en-
raged, and betook themselves to their arms.
So a great many of them got together from
all quarters the next day, and came to the city
Asochis, where I then lodged, and made heavy
clamours, and called the city of Tiberias a
traitor to them, and a friend to the king; and
desired leave of me to go down-and utterly de-
stroy it; for they bore the like ill-will to the
people of Tiberias as they did to those of Sep-
phoris.

69.	When I heard this, I was in doubt what
to do, and hesitated by what means I might
daliver Tiberias from the rnge of the Gali-THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

leans; for I could not deny that those of Ti-
berias had written to the king, and invited him
to come to them; for his letters to them, in
answer thereto, wo^ld fully prove the truth of
that. So 1 sat a long time musing with my-
self, and then said to them, “ 1 know well
enough that the people of Tiberias have of-
fended; nor shall I forbid you to plunder the
city. However, such things ought to be done
with discretion; for they of Tiberias have not
been the only betrayers of our liberty, but
many cf the most eminent patriots of the
Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done
the same. Tarry therefore till I shall thor-
oughly find out those authors of our danger,
and then you shall have them all at once under
your power, with all such as you shall your-
selves bring in also.” Upon my saying this,
I pacified the multitude, and they left off their
anger, and went their ways; and I gave or-
ders that he who brought the king’s letters
should be put into bonds; but in a few days
I prettnded that I was obliged, by a necessary
alfair of my own, to go out of the kingdom.
I then called Crispus privately, and ordered
him to make the soldier that kept him drunk,
and to run away to the king. So when Ti-
berias was in danger of being Utterly destroyed
a second time, it escaped the danger by my
skilful management, and the care that I had
for its preservation.

70.	About this time it was that Justus, the
son of Pistus, without my knowledge, ran
away to the king; the occasion of which I
will hese relate. Upon the beginning of the
war between the Jews and the Romans, the
people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the
king, and not to revolt from the Romans;
while Justus tried to persuade them to betake
themselves to their arms, as being himself de-
sirous of innovations, and having hopes of
obtaining the government of Galilee, as well
as of his own country [Tiberias] also. Yet
did he not obtain what he hoped for, because
the Galileans bore ill-will to those of Tiberias,
and this on account of their anger at what
miseries they had suffered from them before
the war; thence it was that they would not
endure that Justus should be their governor.
I myself also, who had been intrusted by the
community of Jerusalem with the govern-
ment of Galilee, did frequently come to that
degree of rage at Justus, that I had almost
resolved to kill him, as not able to bear his
mischievous disposition. He was therefore
much afraid of me, lest at length my passion
should come to extremity; so he went to the
king, as supposing that he would dwell better
and more safely with him.

71.	Now when the people of Sepphoris
had, ir> so surprising a manner, escaped their
first danger, they sent to Cestius Gallus, and
desired him to come to them immediately, and
take possession of their city, or else to send
forces sufficient to repress all their enemies’

incursions upon them; and at the last they
did prevail with Gallus to send them a consi-
derable army, both of horse and foot, which
came in the night-time, and which they ad-
mitted into the city. But when the country
round about it was harassed by the Roman
army, I took those soldiers that were about
me, and came to Garisme, where 1 cast up a
bank, a good way off the city Sepphoris; and
when I was at twenty furlongs distance, I
came upon it by night, and made an assault
upon its walls with my forces: and when 1
had ordered a considerable number of my sol-
diers to scale them with ladders, I became
master of the greatest part of the city. But
soon after, our unacquaintedness with the
places forced us to retire, after we had killed
twelve of the Roman footmen, and two horse-
men, and a few of the people of Sepphoris,
with the loss of only a single man of our own.
And when it afterwards came to a battle in
the plain against the horsemen, and we had
undergone the dangers of it courageously for
a long time, we were beaten; for upon the
Romans encompassing me about, my soldiers
were afraid, and fled back. There fell in that
battle one of those that had been intrusted to
guard my body; his name was Justus, who
at this time had the same post with the king.
At the same time also there came forces, both
horsemen and footmen, from the king, and
Sylla their commander, who was the captain
of-his guard; this Sylla pitched bis camp at
five furlongs distance from Julias, and set a
guard upon the roads, both that which led to
Cana, and that which led to the fortress
Gamala, that he might hinder their inhabi-
tants from getting provisions out of Galilee.

72.	As soon as I had got intelligence of
this, I sent two thousand armed men, and a
captain over them, whose name was Jeremiah,
who raised a bank a furlong off Julias, near
to the river Jordan, and did no more than
skirmish w'ith the enemy; till I took three
thousand soldiers myself, and came to them.
But on the next day, when I had laid an am-
bush in a certain valley, not far from the
banks, I provoked those that belonged to tbe
king to come to a battle, and gave orders to
my own soldiers to turn their backs upon
them, until they should have drawn the ene-
my away from their camp, and brought them
out into the field, which was done accord-
ingly; for Sylla, supposing that our party did
really run away, was ready to pursue them,
when our soldiers that lay in ambush took
them on their backs; and put them all into
great disorder. I also immediately made a
sudden turn with my own forces, and, met
those of the king’s party, and put them to
flight. And I had performed great things
that day, if a certain fate had not been my
hinderance; for the horse on which I rode,
and upon whose back I fought, fell into a
quagmire, and threw me on the ground; andTHIS LIFF OF FLAVIUS JO.SF, FHUS»

25

1 was braised on my wrist, and carried into a
village named Cepharnome, or Capernaum.
When my soldiers heard of this, they were
afraid I had been worse hurt than I was;
and so they did not go on with their pursuit
any farther, but returned in very great con-
cern for me. I therefore sent for the phy-
sicians, and while I was under their hands, I
continued feverish that day; and as the phy-
sicians directed, I was that night removed to
Taricheae.

73. When Sylla and his party were in-
formed what happened to me, they took cou-
rage again; and understanding that the watch
Nvas negligently kept in our camp, they by
night placed a body of horsemen in ambush
beyond Jordan, and when it was day they
provoked us to fight; and as we did not re-
fuse it, but came into'the plain, their horse-
men appeared out of that ambush in which
they bad lain, and put our men into disorder,
and made them run away; so they slew six
men of our side. Ydt did they not go off
with the victory at last; for when they heard
that some armed men were sailed from Ta-
richeae to Julias, they were afraid, and retired.

14. It was not now long before Vespasian
came to Tyre, and "king Agrippa with him;
but the Tyrians began to speak reproachfully
of the king, and called him an enemy to the
Romans; for they said that Philip, the gene-
ral of his army, had betrayed the royal palace
and the Roman forces that were in Jerusa-
lem, and that it was done by his command.
When Vespasian heard of this report, he re-
buked the Tyrians for abusing a man who
was both a king and a friend to the Romans;
but he exhorted the king to send Philip to
Rome, to answer for what he had done before
Nero. But when Philip was sent thither, he
did not come into the sight of Nero, for he
found him very near death, on account of the
troubles that then happened, and a civil war;
and so he returned to the king. But when
Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, the chief
men of Decapolis of Syria made a clamour
against Justus of Tiberias, because he had
set their villages on fire: so Vespasian de-
livered him to the king, to be put to death by
those under the king’s jurisdiction; yet did
the king [only] put him into bonds, and con-
cealed what he had done from Vespasian, as I
ha e before related. But the people of Sep-
phoris met Vespasian, and saluted him, and
had forces sent him, with Placidus their com-
mander: he also went up with them, as I
also followed them, till Vespasian came into
Galilee. As to which coming of his, and
after what manner it was ordered, and how
he fought his first battle with me near the
village Taricheae, and how from thenoe they
went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive,
and bound, and how I was afterwards loosed,
with all that was done by me in the Jewish
war, and during the siege of Jerusalem, I

have accurately related them in the books
concerning the War of the Jews. However,
it will, I think, be fit for me to add now an
account of those actions of mv life^vhich I
have not related in that book of the Jewish
war.

75. For, when the siege of Jotapata was
over, and I was among the Romans, I was
kept with much care, by means of the grgat
respect that Vespasian showed me. More-
over, at his command, I married a virgin, who
was from among the captives of that country ;*
yet did she not live with me long, but was
divorced, upon my being freed from my bonds,
and my going to Alexandria. However, I
married another wife at Alexandria, and was
then sent, together with Titus, to the siege
of Jerusalem, and was frequently in danger
of being put to death, — while both the Jews
were very desirous to get me under their power,
in order to have me punished; and the Romans
also, whenever they were beaten, supposed
that it was occasioned by my treachery, and
made continual clamours to the emperors,
and desired that they would bring me to pun-
ishment, as a traitor to them: but Titus
C®sar was well acquainted with the uncer-
tain fortune of war, and returned no answer
to the soldiers’ vehement solicitations against
me. Moreover, wheu the city Jerusalem was
taken by force, Titus Casar persuaded me
frequently to take whatsoever I would of the
ruins of my country, and said that he gave
me leave so to do; but when my country was
destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of any
value which I could take and keep as a com-
fort under my calamities; so I made this re-
quest to. Titus, that my family might have
their liberty: 1 had also the holy booksf by
Titus’s concession; nor was a long after,
that I asked of him the life of my brother,
and of fifty friends with him ; and was not
denied. When I also went once to the tem-
ple, by the permission of Titus, where there
were a great multitude of captive women and
children, I got all those that I remembered
as among my own friends and acquaintances,
to be set free, being in number about one
hundred and ninety; and so I delivered them,
without their paying any price of redemption,
and restored them to their former fortune;
and when I was sent by Titus C®sar with
Cerealius, and a thousand horsemen, to a cer-
tain village called Thecoa, in order to know
whether it was a place fit for a camp, as I
came back, I saw many captives crucified;

+ Here Josephus,a priest honestly confesses that lie did
that at the command of Vespasian, which he had lielpre
told us was riot lawful for a priest to do by the law of
Moses, Antiq. b iii. chap. xit. sect. 2. I mean, the
taking a captive woman to wife. See also Against Ap-
pion, b i sect. 7. But he seems to have been quickly
sensible that his compliance with the commands of an
emperor would not excuse him. for he soon put her
away, as Reland justly observes here.

+ Of this most remarkable clause, and its most impor.
tant consequences, see Essay on the Old Testament,
page 193—193.26

THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

and remembered three of them as my former
acquaintance. I was very sorry at this in niv
mind, and went with tears in my eyes to
Titus, and told him of them; so he imme-
diately commanded them to be taken down,
and to have the greatest care taken of them,
in order ro fhviv recovery; yet two of them
died un.I-v the physician’s hands, while the
third recovered.

76. But when Titus had composed the
troubles in Judea, und conjectured that the
lands which I had in Judea would bring me
no profit, because a garrison to guard the
country was afterward to pitch there, he gave
me another country in the plain; and, when
he was going away to Rome, he made choice
of me to sail along with him, hnd paid me
great respect; and when we were come to
Rome, I had great care taken of me by Ves-
pasian ; for he gave me an apartment in his
Own house, which he lived in before he. came
to the empire. He also honoured me with
the privilege of a Roman citizen, and gave
me an annual pension; and continued to
respect me to the end of his life, without any
abatement of his kindness to me; which very
thing made me envied, and brought me into
danger; for a certain Jew, whose name was
Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene,
and had persuaded two thousand men of that
country to join with him, was the occasion of
their ruin; but when he was hound by the
governor of that country, and sent to the em-
peror, he told him that I had sent him both
weapons and money. However, he could not
conceal his being a liar from Vespasian, who
condemned him to die; according to which
sentence he was put to death. Nay, after
that when those that envied my good fortune
did frequently bring accusations against me,
by God's providence I escaped them all. 1

also received from Vespasian no small quan>
tity of land, as a free gift, in Judea; about
which time I divorced my wife also, as not
pleased with her behaviour, though not till
she had been the mother of three children;
two of whom are dead, and one, whom I
named Hyrcanus, is alive. AfVr this I mar-
ried a wife who had lived at Cr?"jut a Jew-
ess by birth; a woman she was of eminent
parents, and such as were the most illustrious
in all the country, and whose character was
beyond that of most other women, as her fu-
ture life did demonstrate. By her I had two
sons; the elder’s name was Justus, and the
next Simonides, who was also named Agrippa:
and these were the circumstances of my do-
mestic affairs. However, the kindness of the
emperor to me continued still the same; for
when Vespasian was dead, Titus, who suc-
ceeded him in the government, kept up the
same respect for me which I had from his
father; and when I had frequent accusations
laid against me, he would not believe them;
and Domitian, who succeeded, still augmented
his respects to me; for he punished those
Jews that were my accusers; and gave com-
mand that a servant of- mine, who was a
eunuch, and my accuser, should be punished.
He also made that country I had in Judea
tax free, which is a mark of the greatest ho-
nour to him who hath it; nay, Domitia, the
wife of Caesar, continued to do me kindnesses:
And this is the account of the actions of my
whole life; and let others judge of my cha-
racter by them as they please; but to thee, O
Epaphroditus,* thou most excellent of men!
do I dedicate all this treatise of our Antiqui-
ties; and so, for the present, I here conclude
the whole.

* Of this) Epaphroditus, see the note on the Prefaeo
to the Antiquities,THE

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

PREFACE*

§ 1. Those who undertake to write histories,
do not, I perceive, take that trouble on oue
trad the same account, but for many reasons,
and those such as are very different one from
another; for some of them apply themselves
to this part of learning to show their skill in
composition, and that they may therein acquire
areputation for speaking finely; others of them
there are who write histories, in order to gra-
tify those that happened to be concerned in
them, and on that account have sparsd no
pains, but rather gone beyond their1 own abi-
lities in the performance; but others there are,
who, of necessity and by force, are driven to
write history, because they were concerned in
the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves
from committing them to writing, for the ad-
vantage of posterity: nay, there are not a few
who are induced to draw their historical facts
out of darkness into light, and to produce
them for the benefit of the public, on account
of the great importance of the facts them-
selves with which they have been concerned.
Now of these several reasons for writing his-
tory, I must profess the two last were my own
reasons also; for since I was myself interested
in that war which we Jews had with the Ro-
mans, and knew myself its particular actions,
and what conclusion it had, I was forced to
give the history of it, because I saw that
others perverted the truth of those actions in
their writings.

2. Now I have undertaken the present
work, as thinking it wall appear to all the
Greeksf worthy of their study; for it will
contain all our antiquities, and the constitu-
tion of our government, as interpreted out of
the Hebrew Scriptures; and indeed I did for-
merly intend, when I wrote of the war.J to
explain who the Jews originally were,—what
fortunes they had been subject to,—and by

• This preface of Josephus is excellent in its kind,
and hiiihly worthy the repealed perusal of the reader,
before he set about the perusal of the work itself.

+ That is. all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.

t We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote
his Seven Books of the Jewish War, long before he
ivrote these his Antiquities. Those books of the War
were published about A.D. 75; and these Antiquities.
A D. 93, about eighteen years later.

what legislator they had been Instructed In
piety, and the exercise of other virtues,—
what wars also they had made in remote ages,
till they were unwillingly engaged in this last
with the Romans; but because this work
would take up a great compass. I separated it
into a set treatise by itself, with a beginning
of its own, and its own conclusion; but in
process of time, as usually happens to such
as undertake great things, l grew weary, snd
went on slowly, it being a large subject, and
a difficult thing to translate our history into
a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language.
However, some persons there were who de-
sired to know our history, and so exhorted
me to go on with it; and, above all the rest,
Epaphroditus,§ a man who is a lover of all
kind of learning, but is principally delighted
with the knowledge of history; and this on
account of his having been himself concerned
in great affairs, and many turns of fortune,
and having shown a wonderful vigour of an
excellent nature, and an iinrfloveable virtuous
resolution in them all. I yielded to this man's
persuasions, who always excites such as have
abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to
join their endeavours with his. 1 was also
ashamed myself to permit any laziness of dis-
position to have a greater influence upon me
than the delight of taking pains in such studies
as were very useful: I thereupon stirred up
myself, and went on with my work more
cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I
had others which 1 greatly reflected on; and
these were, that our forefathers were willing
to communicate such things to others; and
that some of the Greeks took considerable
pains to know the affairs of our nation. ‘

3. I found, therefore, that the second of
the Ptolemies was a king who was extraor-
dinarily diligent in what concerned learning
and the collection of books; that he was also

{ This Epaphroditos was certainly alive In the third
year of I rajan, A. D. 100. See the note on Ihe tlret
book Against Apion. sect. I. Who he was we do not
know; for as to Kpaphroditns, the freed.man of Nero,
and afterwards Domitiun’s secretary, who was put ta
death by Domitian. in the 14th or 15th year of his reign,
lie could not he alive In the third of Trajan.28

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation
of our law, and of the constitution'of our
government therein contained, imo the Greek
tongue. Now Eleazar, the high priest, one
not inferior to any other of that dignity
among us, did not envy the forenained king
the participation of that advantage, which
otherwise he would for certain have denied
him, but that he knetv the custom of our
nation was, to hinder nothing of what we
esteemed ourselves from being communicated
to others. Accordingly, 1 thought it became
me both to imitate the generosity of our high
priest, and to suppose there might even now
be many lovers of learning like the king; fur
he did not obtain all our writings at that time;
but those who were sent to Alexandria as in-
terpreters, gave him only the books of the
law, while there were a vast number of other
matters in our sacred books. They indeed
contain in them the history of five thousand
years; in which time happened many strange
accidents, many chances of war, and great
actions of the commanders, and mutations of
the form of our government. Upon the
whole, a man that will peruse this history,
may principally learn from it, that all events
succeed well, even to an incredible degree,
and the reward of felicity is proposed by God;
but then it is to those that follow his will, and
do not venture to break his excellent laws;—
and that so far as men any way apostatize
from the accurate observation of ihem, what
was practicable before, becomes impractica-
ble;* and whatsoever they set about as a good
thing is converted into an incurable calamity:
—and now 1 export all those that peruse these
books to apply their minds to God; and to
examine the mind of our legislator, whether
he hath not understood his nature in a man-
ner worthy of him; and hath not ever ascrib-
ed to him such operations as become his
power, and hath not preserved his writings
from those indecent fables which others have
framed, although, by the great distance of
time when he lived, he might have securely
forged such lies; for he lived two thousand
years ago; at which vast distance of ages the
poets themselves have not been so hardy as to
fix even the generations of their gods, much
less the actions of their men, or their own
laws. As I proceed, therefore, I shall accu-
rately describe what is contained in our re-
cords^ in the order of time that belongs to
them; for 1 have already promised so to do
throughout this undertaking, and this without
adding any thing to what is therein contained,
or taking away any thing therefrom.

4. But because almost all our constitution
depends on the wisdom of Moses, our legisla-
tor, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concern-
ing him beforehand, thoi gh I shall do it brief-

• Josephus here plainly allude* to the famous Greek
verb: I) God be with us, every thing that U uupossi-
bcoomei possible.

ly; I mean, because otherwise those that read
my book may wonder how it comes to pass
that iny discourse, which promises an account
of laws and-historical facts, contains so much
of philosophy. The reader is therefore to know,
that Moses deemed it exceeding necessary,
that be who would conduct his own life well,
and give laws to others, in the first place
should consider the divine nature, and, upon
the contemplation of God’s operations, should
thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so far
as it is possible for human nature to do, and
to endeavour to follow after it; neither could
the legislator himself have a right mind witl^
out such a contemplation; nor would any
thing he should write tend to the promotior
of virtue in his readers: I mean, unless they
be taught first of all, that God is the Father
and Lord of all things, and sees all things,
and that thence he bestows a happy life upon
those that follow him; but plunges such as
do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevit-
able miseries. Now when Moses was desirous
to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did
not begin tbe establishment of his laws after
the same manner tt^t other legislators did; I
mean, upon contracts and other rites between
one man and another, but by raising their
minds upwards to regard God, and bis crea-
tion of the world; and by persuading them,
that we men are the must excellent of the
creatures of God upon earth. Now, when
once he bad brought them to submit to reli-
gion, he easily persuaded them to submit in
all other things; for, as to other legislators,
they followed fables, and, by their discourses,
transferred the most rejmachful of liuniati
vices unto the gods, auG sg afforded wicked
men the most plausible excuses for tl.eir
crimes- but, as for our legislator, when he had
once demonstrated that Gcd was possessed of
perfect virtue, he supposed tLat ire'u also
ought to strive after the paiticipation of it;
and on those who did not so think and str
believe, be inflicted the severest punishments.
1 exhort, therefore, my readeis to examine
this whole undertaking in that view'; fot
thereby it will appear to them that there is
nothing therein disagreeablereither to the ma-
jesty of God, or to his love to mankind ; fot
all things have here a reference to the nature
of the universe; while our legislator speaks
some things wisely, but enigmatically, and
others under a decent allegory, but still ex-
plains such things as required a direct expli-
cation plainly and expressly. However, those
that have a mind to know tbe reasons of every
thing, may find here a very curious philoso-
phical theory, which I now indeed hall waive
the explication of; but if God afford me time
for it, I will set about writing it, f after I

+ As to this intended work of Josephus, concerning
,!ie ua-ons of many of the Jewish laws, and what phi-
H al or allegorical sense they would hear, the lost
ich work is by some of tbe learned not much rs29

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

hare finished the present work. I shall now
betake myself to the history before me, after
1 have first mentioned what Moses says of the

creation of the world, which I find described
in the sacred books after the manner follow*
ing.

BOOK I.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND THIRTY-THREE YEARS.

FROM THE CREATION TO THE DEATH OF ISAAC.

CHAPTER L

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE, WOELD, AND THE
DISPOSITION OF THE ELEMENTS.

§ 1. In the beginning God created the hea-
ven and the earth; but token the earth did
not come into sight, but was covered with
thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its
surface, God commanded that there should be
light; and when that was made, he considered
the whole mass, and separated the light and
the darkness; and the name he gave to one
was Night, and the other he called Day; and
he named the beginning of light and the time
of rest, The Evening and The Morning; and
this was indeed the first day: but Moses said
it was one day,—the cause of which I am
able to give even now; but because I have
promised to give such reasons for all things
in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its expo-
sition till that time. After this, on the second
day, he placed the heaven over the whole
world, and separated it from the other parts;
and he determined it should stand by itself.
He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round
it, and put it together in a manner agreeable
to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture
and rain, and for affording the advantage of
dews. On the third day he appointed the
dry land to appear, with the sea itself round
about it; and on the very same day he made
the plants and the seeds to spring out of the
earth. On the fourth day he adorned the
heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other
stars; and appointed them their motions and
courses, that the vicissitudes of the seasons
might be clearly signified. And on the fifth

gretted. I am inclinable in part to Fabricius’s opinion,
op. Havercamp, p. (33. <34. that “ we need not doubt but,
amnne mime vain and frigid, conjectures derived from
Jewish imaginations, Josephus would have taught us a
greater number of excellent and useful things, which
perhaps nobody, neither amotig the Jews nor among the
Christians, can now inform us of; so that 1 would give
great deal to find it still extant.”

day he produced the ■ living creatures, both
those that swim and those that fly; the former
in the sea, the latter in the air: he also sorted
them as to society and mixture, for procrea-
tion, and that their kinds might increase and
multiply. On the sixth day he created the
four-footed beasts, and made them male and
female: on the same day he also formed man.
Accordingly Moses says, That in just six days
the world and all that js therein was made;
and that the seventh day was a rest, and a re-
lease-from the labour of such operations; —
whence it is that we celebrate a rest from our
labours on that day, and call it the Sabbath;
which word denotes rest in the Hebrew tongue.

2. Moreover, Moses, after the seventh day
was over,* begins to talk philosophically; and
concerning the formation of man, says thus:
That God took dust from the ground, and
formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and
a soul.f This man was called Adam, which
in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that is red,
because he was formed out of red earth com-
pounded together; for of that kind is virgin
and true earth. God also presented the living
creatures, when he had made them, according
to their kinds, both male and female, to Adam,
who gave them those names by which they are
still called. But when he saw that Adam had

* Since Josephus, in his Preface, sect. 4, says that
Moses wrote some things enigmatically, some allegori-
cally, and the rest in plain words, since in his account
of the first chapter of Genesis, and the first three verses
of the second, he gives us no hiuts of any mystery at allj
but when he here comes to ver. 1. &c. be says that Mo-
ses. after the seventh day was over, began to talk philo-
sophically, it is not very improbable that be understood
the rest of the second and the third chapters in some enig-
matical, or .allegorical, or philosophical sense. The
change of the name of God, just at this place, from Elo-
him to Jehovah Elohim, from God to Isjrd God. in the
Hebrew, Samaritan, and Septuagint. does also not a little
favour some such change in thenarration of construction.

4 We may observe here, that Josephus supposed man
to lie compounded of’spirit soul, and body, with St. Paul,
I Thess v. 23, and the rest of 'he ancients: he elsewhere
says also, that the blood of anima'a was forbidden to be
eaten, as having in it soul and spirit. Antiq. b. iii. chap,
xi. sect 2.30

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

no female companion, no society, for there
was no such created, and that he wondered at
the other animals which were male and female,
he laid-bim asleep, and took away one of his
ribs, and out of it formed the woman; where*
upon Adam knew her when she was brought
to him, and acknowledged that she was made
out of himself. Now a woman is called in
the Hebrew tongue Jssa; but the name of
this worn in was Eve, which signifies the mo-
ther of all living.

3. Moses says farther, that God planted a
paradise in the east, flourishing with all sorts
of trees; and that among them was the tree
of life, and another of knowledge, whereby
was to be known what was good and evil;
and that when he brought Adam and his wife
into this garden, he commanded them to take
care of the plants. Now the garden was wa-
tered by one river,* which ran round about
the whole earth, and was parted into four
parts. And Phison, which denotes a multi-
tude, running into India, makes its exit into
the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges.
Euphrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down
into the Red Sea.f Now the name Euphra-

then lived together with Adam aiid his wife,
shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal
of their living happily, and in obedience to
the commands of God ; and imagining, that,
when they disobeyed them, they would fall
into calamities, he persuaded the woman, out
of a malicious intention, to taste of the tree
of knowledge, telling them, that in that tree
was the knowledge of good and eyil; which
knowledge when they should obtain, they
would lead a happy life, nay, a life not infe-
rior to that of a god: by which means he
overcame the woman, and persuaded her to
despise the command of God. Now when
she had tasted of that tree, and was pleased
with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make
use of it also. Upon this they perceived that
they were become naked to one another; and
being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they
invented somewhat to cover them; for the tree
sharpened their understanding; and they co-
vered themselves with fig-leaves; and tying
these before them, out of modesty, they
thought they were happier than they; were
before, as they had discovered what they were
in want of. But when God came into the

tes, or Phratli, denotes either a dispersion, or
a flower: by Tigris, or Diglath, is signified
what is swift, with narrowness: and Geon
runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises
from the east, which the Greeks call Nile.

4. God therefore commanded that Adam
and his wife should eat of all the rest of the
plants, but to abstain from the tree of know-
ledge; and foretold to them, that, if they
touched it, it would prove their destruction.
But while all the living creatures had one
language, % at that time the serpent, which

peculiar to Josephus, but, as Or. Hudson says here, is
derived from older authors, as if four of the greatest
rivers in the world, running two of them at vast dis-
tances from the other two, hy some means or other wa-
tered paradise, is hard to say. t Inly, since Josephus has
already appeared to allegorize this history, and takes no-
tice that these four names had a particular signilication;
Phison lor fiances, a multitudei Phrath for Euphrates,
either a dispersion or a Jtnmer; Diglath for .Tigris, what
is swi ft, with narrowness; and Geon for Nile, what
arises from the east.— we perhaps mistake him when
we suppose he literally means those for rivers; especially
as to Geon or Nile, which arises from the east, while he
veyy well knew the literal Nile arises from the south;
though what farther allegorical sense he had in view, is
now. I fear, impossible to be determined.

+ By the Hed Sea is not here meant the Arabian Golf,
which alone we now call hy that name, but all that South
Sea, which included the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf,
as far as the East Indies; as Reland and Hudson here
truly note, from the old geographers.

t Hence it appears that Josephus thought several, at
least, of the brute animals, particularly the serpent, could
speak before the Fall. And I think few of the more per-
fect kinds of those animals want the organs of speech at
this day. Many inducements theie are also to a notion,
that the present state they are in is not their original
state; and that their capacities have been once much
greater than wg now see them, and are capable of being
restored to their former condition. But as to this must
ancient, and authentic, and probably allegorical account
of that grand affair of the fall of dur first parents, I
have somewhat more to say in way of conjecture, but
being only a conjecture, I omit it; only thus far, that
the imputation of the sin of our first parents to their

ancient,

garden, Adam, who was wont before to come
and converse with him, being conscious of his
wicked behaviour, went out of the way. This
behaviour surprised God; and he asked what
was the cause of this his procedure; and why
he, that before delighted in that conversation,
did now fly from it, and avoid it. When he
made no reply, as conscious to himself that
he had transgressed the command of God,
God said, “ I had before determined about
you both, how you might lead a happy life,
without any affliction, and care, and vexation
of soul; and that all things which might con-
tribute to yoijr enjoyment and pleasure should
grow up by my providence, of their own ac-
cord, without your own labour and pains-
taking; which state of labour and pains-tak.
ing would soon bring on old age; and death
would not be at any remote distance: but
now thou hast abused this my good-will, and
hast disobeyed my commands;, for thy silence
is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil
conscience.” However, Adam excused his
sin, and entreated God not to be angry at him,
and laid the blame of what was done upon
his wife; and said that he was deceived by
her, and thence became an offender; while she
again accused the serpent. But God allotted
him punishment, because he weakly submitted
to the counsel of his wife; and said, the ground
should not henceforth yield its fruits of its
own accord, but that when it should be ha-
rassed by their labour, it should bring forth
some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth

posterity, any .farther than as some way the cause or oc-
casion of man’s mortality, seems almost entirely ground-
less; and that both man, and the other subordinate crea-
tures, are hereafter to be delivered from the curse then
brought npon them, and at last to be delivered from that
bondage of corruption, Rom. viiL 19—32.CHAP. II	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	81

others. He also made Eve liable to the in-
conveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains
of bringing forth children, and this because
she persuaded Adam with the same arguments
wherewith the serpent had persuaded her, and
had thereby brought him into a calamitous
condition. He also deprived the serpent of
speech, out of indignation at his malicious
disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he
inserted poison under his tongue, and made
him.an enemy to men; and suggested to them
that they should direct their strokes against
his head, that being the place wherein lay his
mischievous designs towards men, and it being
easiest to take vengeance' on him that way:
and when he had deprived him of the use of
his feet, he made him to go rolling all along,
and dragging himself upon the ground. And
when God had appointed these penalties for
them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the
garden into another place.

CHAPTER II.

CONCERNING THE POSTERITY OP ADAM, AND

THE TEN GENERATIONS FROM HIM TO THE

DELUGE.

§ 1. Adam and Eye had two sons; the elder
of them was named Cain; which name, when
it is interpreted, signifies a possession. The
younger was Abel, which signifies sorrow.
They had also daughters. Now, the two
brethren were pleased with different courses
of life; for Abel, the younger, was a lover of
righteousness, and. believing that God was
present at all his actions, he excelled in vir-
tue; and his employment was that of a shep-
herd. But Cain was not only very wicked
in other respects, but was wholly intent upon
getting; and he first contrived to plough the
ground. He slew his brother on the occasion
following:—They had .resolved to sacrifice to
God. Now Cain brought the fruits of the
earth, and of his husbandry; but Abel brought
milk, and the first-fruits of his flocks; but God
was more delighted with the Jatter oblation,*
when he was honoured with what grew natur-
ally of its own accord, than he was with what
was the invention of a covetous man, and got-
ten by forcing the ground; whence it was that
Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred
by God before him; and he slew his brother,
and hid his dead body, thinking to escape dis-
covery. But God, knowing what had been
done, came to- Cain, and asked him what wras
become of bis brother, because he had not seen

• St John’s account of the reason why God accepted
the sacrifice of Abel, and rejected tbit of Cain: as also
why Cain slew Abel, on account of that his aoceptanre
with God, — is much belter than this of Josephus: I
mean, because “ Cain was of the evil one, and slew his
brother. And wherefore slew he him * Because his
owu works were evil, and his brother’s riehteous ”	1

John iii. 12. Josephus’s reason seems to be no better
n».n a Pharisaical notion or tradition.

him of many days, whereas he used to observe
them con v ersing together at other times. But
Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew nyt
what answer to give to God. At first he said
that be was himself at . a loss about his bro.
ther’s disappearing; but when he was pro.
voked by God, who pressed him vehemently,
as resolving to know what the matter was, he
replied, hg was not his brother's guardian or
keeper, nor was he an observer of what he
did. But in return, God convicted Cain, as
having been the murderer of his brother; and
said, “ I wonder at thee, that thou knnwest
not what has become of a man w'bom thou thy.
self hast destroyed." God therefore did not
inflict the punishment [of death] upon him,
on account of his offering sacrifice, and there,
by making supplication to him not to be ex-
treme in his wrath to him; but lie made him
accursed, and threatened his posterity in the
seventh generation. He also cast bun, to.
gether with his wife, out of that land. And
when he was afraid, that in wandering about
he should fall among wild beasts, and by that
means perish, God bid him not to entertain
such a melancholy suspicion, and to go over
all the earth without fear of what mischief he
might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a
mark upon him that he might be. known, he
commanded him to depart.

2. And when Cain had travelled over many
countries, he, with his wife, built a city, named
Nod, which is a place so called, and there he
settled his abode; where also be had children.
However, he did not accept ot his punish-
ment in order to amendment, hut to increase
his wickedness; for be only aimed to procure
every thing that was for bis own bodil. plea-
sure, though it obliged him to be injurious
to his neighbours. He augmented his house-
hold substance with much wealth, by rapine
and violence; he excited bis acquaintance to
procure pleasures and spoils by robbery, and
became a great leader of men into wicked
courses. He also introduced a change in that
way of simplicity wherein men lived before;
and was the author of measures and weights.
And whereas they lived innocently and gene-
rously while they knew nothing of such arts,
he changed the world into cunning craftiness.
He first of all set boundaries about lands; he
built a city, and foititled it with walls, and be
compelled bis family to come together to it;
and called that city Enoch, after the name of
bis eldest sou Enoch. Now Jared was the
son Of Enoch; whose son w as Malaliel; whose
son was Mathusela; whose son was Lamech;
who had seventy-seven children by two wives,
Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada,
one was Jabel; he erected tents, and loved
the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was
born of the same mother with him. exerbised
himself in music;f and invented the psaltery

+ From this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel, the
trumpet uf jobel or jubilee, that large and loud maiicelBOOK I.

9*	ANTIQUITIES of the jews.

and the harp. But Tubal, one of his chil-
dren by the other wife, exceeded all men in
strength, and was very expert and famous in
martial performances. He procured w^at
tended to the pleasures of the body by that
method; and first of all invented the art of
making brass. Lamech was also the father
of a daughter, whose name was Naamah;
lid because he was so skilful in matters' of
divine revelation, that he knew he was to be
punished for Cain’s murder of his brother, he
made that known to his wives. Nay, even
while Adam was alive, it came to pass that
the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked,
every one successively dying one after ano-
ther, more wicked than the former. They
were intolerable in war, and vehement in
robberies; and if any one were slow to mur-
der people, yet was. he bold in his profligate
behaviour, in acting unjustly, and doing in-
juries foi* gain.

3. Now Adam’, who was the first man,
and made out of the earth (for our discourse
must now be about him), after Abel was
slain, and Cain fled away on account of his
murder, was solicitous for posterity, and had
a vehement desire of children, he being two
hundred and thirty years old; after which
time he lived other seven hundred, and then
died. He had indeed many other children,*
but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it
would be tedious to name them; I will there-
fore only endeavour to give an account of
those that proceeded from Seth. Now this
Seth, when he was brought up, and came to
those years in which be could discern what
was good, became a virtuous man; and as
he was himself of an excellent character, so
did he leave children behind him who imita-
ted his virtuds.f All these proved to be of
good dispositions. They also inhabited the
same country without dissensions, and in a
happy condition, without any misfortunes
falling upon them till they died. They also
were the inventors of that peculiar sort of
wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly
bodies, and their order. And that tfceir in-
ventions might not be lost before they were
sufficiently known, upon Adam’s prediction
that the world was to be destroyed at one
time by the force of fire, and at another time
by the violence and quantity of water, they
made two pillars;^ the one of brick, the other

instrument, used In proclaiming the liberty at the year
of jubilee.

* The number of Adam’s children, as says the old tra-
dition, was thirty-three sons, and twenty-three daughters.

+ What is here said of Seth and his po terity, that
they were very good and virtuous, and at the same time
very happy, without any considerable misfortunes, for
seven generations [see ch ii. sect 1. before; and ch. iii.
sect 1, hereafter] is exactly agreeable to the state of the
world and the conduct of Providence in all the lirst ages.

t Of Josephus's mistake here, when he took Seth the
ton of Adam for Seth or Sesostris, king of Egypt, the
erecter of this pillar in the land of Siriad, see Essay on
tba.Old Testament, Appendix, p. 159, lfSO. Although
Ike main of this relation might be true, and Adam might

of 9tone: they inscribed their discoveries bn
them both, that in case the pillar of brick
should be destroyed by the flood, the pillnr of
stone might remain, and exhibit those disco-
veries to mankind; and also inform them that
there was another pillar ef brick erected by
them. Now this remains in the land of Si-
riad to this day.

CHAPTER IIL

CONCERNING THE FLOOD; AND AFTER WHAT

MANNER NOAH WAS SAVED IN AN ARK, WITH

HIS KINDRED, AND AFTERWARDS DWELT IN

THE PLAIN OF SH1NAR.

§ 1.’ Now this posterity of Seth continued to
esteem God as the Lord of the universe, and
to have an entire regard to virtue, for Beven
generations; but in process of time they were
perverted, and forsook the practices of theii
forefathers, and did neither pay those honour*
to God which were appointed them, nor had
they any concern to do justice towards men.
But for what degree of zeal they had formerly
shown for virtue, they now showed by their
actions a double degree of wickedness; where-
by they made God to be their enemy; for
many angels § of God accompanied with wo-
men, and begat sons that proved unjust, and
despisers of all that was good, on account of
the confidence they bad in their own strength;
for the tradition is, That these men did what
resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians
call giants. But Noah was very uneasy at
what they did; and, being displeased at theii
conduct, persuaded them to change their dis-
positions and their acts for the better; — but,
seeing that they did not yield to him, but
were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was
afraid they would kill him, together with bis
wife and children, and those they hud mar-
ried; so he departed out of that land.

2. Now God loved this man for his righte-
ousness; yet he not only condemned those
other men for their wickedness, but determi-
ned to destroy the whole race of mankind, mid
to make another race that should be pure from
wickedness; and cutting short their lives, and
making their years not so many as they for-
merly lived, but one hundred and twenty
only,|| he turned the dry land into sea; and

foretell a conflagration and a deluge, which all antiquity
witnesses to be an ancient tradition; nay. Seth’s poste-
rity might engtave their inventions in astronomy on two
such pillars, yet it is no way ciedible that they could sur-
vive the deluge, which has buried all such pillars and
edifices lar under ground, in the sediment ol its waters,
especially since the like pillars of the Egyptian Seth or
Sesostris were extant after the flood, in the land of Si-
riad. and perhaps in the days of Jobephus also, as is shown
in the place here referred to.

$ This notion, that the fallen angels were. In some
sense, the fathers of the old giants, was the constant
opinion of antiquity.

II Josephus here supposes, that the life of these
giants, for of them only do I understand him, was nowCHAP. *11.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

33

thus were all these men destroyed: but Noah
alone was saved; for God suggested to. him
the following contrivance and. way of escape:
— That be should make an ark of four stories
high, three hundred* cubits long, fifty cubits
broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly
he entered into that ark, and his wife and
sons, and their wives; and put into it not
only other provisions, to support their wants
there, but also sent in with the rest all sorts
of living creatures, the male and his female,
for the preservation of their kinds; and others
of them by sevens. Now this ark had firm
walls, and a roof, apd was braced with cross
beams, so that it could not be any way-drown-
ed or overborne by the violence of the water;
and thus was Noah, with his family, preserved.
Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being
the son of Lamech, whose father was Math u-
sala. .He was the son of Enoch, the son of
Jared; and Jared was the son of Malaleel,
who, with many of his sisters, were the chil-
dren of Cainan, the son of Enos. Now Enos
was the son of Seth, the son of Adam.

3. This calamity happened in the six hun-
dredth year of Noah’s government [age], in
the second month,f called by the Macedonians
Dius, but by the Hebrews Marche man; for so
did they order their year in Egypt; but Mo-
ses appointed that Nisan, which is the same
with Xantbicus, should be the first month for
their festivals, because he brought them out
of Egypt-in that month: so that this month
began the year as to all the solemnities they
observed to the honour of God, although he
preserved the original order of the months as
to selling and buying, and other ordinary af-
fairs. Now he says that this flood began on
the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the
foreinentioned month; and this was two thou-

sand six. hundred and fifty-six [one thousand
six hundred and fifty-six] years from Adam,
the first man; and the time is written down
m our sacred books, those who then lived hav-
ing noted down.J with great accuracy, both
the births and deaths of illustrious men.

2<ih.

uses

reduct'd to 120 years; which is confined by the frtg-
-	• -x Eiiom.. seel. 10. in Authent. Rec. Par. 1. p. 2<T

i thr rest of mankind. Josephus himself confer.:;
es were much longer than 120 years, for many

oily;

y shortened till

‘20, chap
it her Enoch
rs for the
the 120

generations after the Flood, as we shall see presently
and he says they were gradually shortened till the day
of Moses,and then fixed [for some time] at 120,
sect. 5. Nor iodeed need we suppose that eith
or Josephus mea it to interpret these 120 yeai
life of men before the Flood, to be different from the 120
years of God's patience [perhaps while the ark was pre-
paring] till the Deluge; which I take to be the meaning
of God, when he threatened this wicked world, that if
they su tong continued impenitent, their days should be
no more than 120 years.

• A cubit is about twenty-one English inches.

+ Josephus here truly determines lhat the year at
Flood began about tbe autumnal equinox. As to w

Mood began about tbe autumnal equinox. As to what
day of the month the Flood began, uur Hebrew and
ps Jose

h day, instead or tne v/th, as here;
i with them as to the distance of 150

rilan, and perhaps Josephus’s own copy, more rightiy
17th day, instead of the 27th, as here

martian, and pe
placed it on the
for Josephus ai

ephus agree

days, to the 1/th day of tbe 7th moDth; as Gen. vii. ult
with viii. 3.

t Josephus nere takes notice, that these ancient gene-
alogies were first set down be those that then lived, and

4.	For indeed Seth was born when Adam
wks in his two hundred pnd thirtieth year
who lived nine hundred and thirty years.
Seth begat Enos in his two hundred and
fifth year; who, when he had lived nine hun-
dred and twelve years, delivered the govern-
ment to Cainan hi9 son, whom he had in his
hundred and ninetieth year: he lived nine
hundred and five years. Cainan, when he
had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his
son Malaleel, who was born in bis hundred
and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having
lived eight hundred and niuety-five years, died,
leaving his son Jared, whom he begut when he
was in his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He
lived nine hundred and sixty-two years; and
then his son Enoch succeeded him, who was
born when his father was one hundred and
sixty-two years old. Now he, when he had
lived three hundred and sixty-five years, de-
parted, and went to God; whence it is that
they have not written down his death. Now
Mathusala, the son of Enoch, who was born to
him when he was one hundred and sixty-five
years old, had Lamech for his son when he
was one hundred and eighty-seven years of
age; to whom he delivered the government,
when he had retained it nine hundred and
sixty mine years. Now Lamech, when he had
governed seven hundred and seventy-seven
years, appointed Noah, his son, to be ruler of
the people, who was born to Lamech when he
was one hundred ami eighty-two years old,
and retained the government nine hundred
and fifty years. Thpse years collected to-
gether make up the sum before set down;
but let no one inquire into tbe deaths of these
men, for they extended their lives along to-
gether with their children and grandchildren;
but let him have regard to their births only.

5.	When God gave the signal, and it began
to rain, the water poured- down forty entire
days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than
the earth; which was the reason why there
was no greater number preserved, since they
had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased,
the water did but just begin to abate, after
one hundred and fifty days (that is, ®n the
seventeenth day of the seventh month), it then
ceasing to subside for a little while. After this
the ark rested on the top of a certain moun-
tain in Armenia; which, when Noah under-
stood, he opened it; and seeing a small piece
of land about it, he continued quiet, and con-
ceived some cheerful hopes of deliverance;

j but a few days afterward, when the water was

| decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a

I raven, iks desirous to learn whether any other
part of the earth were left dry by the water,

from them were transmitted down to posterity i which
1 suppose to be the true account of that matter. For
there is no teason to imagine that men were not taught
to read and write soon after they were taught to speak;
and perhapspll by the Messiah himself, who, under the
Father, was the Creator or Governor of mankind, and
who frequently, in those early days, appeared to them.34	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK 1.

and whether he might go out of the ark with
safety; but the raven, finding all the land
still overflowed, returned to Noah again.
And after seven days he sent out a dove, to
know the state of tlie ground; which came
back to him covered with mud, and bringing
an olive branch. Hereby Noah learned that
the earth was become clear of the flood. So
alter he had staid seven more days, he sent
the living creatures out of the ark; and both he
and his family went out, when he also sacrificed
to God, and feasted with his companions.

__However, the Armenians call this place

( A-roCar^P/oi'*) The Place of Descent; for the
ark being saved in that place, its remains are
shown there by the inhabitants to this day.

6.	Now all the writers of barbarian histo-
ries make mention of this flood and of this
ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean;
for when he is describing the circumstances
of the flood, he goes on thus:—“ It is said'
there is still some part of this ship in Arme-
nia, at the mountain of the Cordyseans; and
that some people carry off pieces of the bitu-
men, which they take away, and use chiefly
as amulets for the averting of mischiefs.”
Hieronymus the Egyptian, also, who wrote
tLe Phoenician Antiquities, and Mnaseas,
and a great many more, make mention of the
same. Nay, Nicolaus of Damascus, in his
ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation
about them, where he speaks thus:—“ There
is a great mountain in Armenia, over Minyas,
called Baris, upon which it is reported that
many who fled at the time of the Deluge were
saved; and that one who wa9 carried in an
ark came on shore upon the top of it; and
that the remains of the timber were a great
while preserved. This might be the man
about whom Moses, the legislator of the Jews,
wrote.”

7.	But as for Noah, he was afraid, since
God had determined to destroy mankind, lest
he should drown the earth every year; so he
offered burnt-offerings, and besought God
that nature might hereafter go on in its for-
mer orderly course, and that he would not
bring on so great a judgment any more, by
which the whole race of creatures might be
in danger of destruction; but that, having
now punished the wicked, he would of his

y-

oren-

the

* This	or Place of Descent, is the pn

per renderinq of the Armenian name of this very cit;
It is called in Ptolemy Naxuana, and hy Moses Che
ensis, the Armenian historian, Idsheuan; but at
place itself, Nachidsheuan, which signifies The first
place of descent; and is a lasting monument of the pre-
servation of Noah in the ark, upon the top of that
mountain, at whose foot it was built, as the first city or
town after the Flood. See Antiq. b. xx. ch. ii. sect. 3;

n alt

and Moses Chorenensis, who also says elsewhere, that
another town was related by tradition to have been
exiled Seron, or 77ie Place of Dispersion, on account
of Jhe dispersion of Xisuthnis’s or Noah’s sons, from

thence first made. Whether any remains of this ark be
still preserved, as the people of the country suppose, I
cannot certainly tell. Mons. Tournefort had, not very
long since, a mind to see the place himself, hut met with
too great dan gers and difficulties to venture through them

goodness spare the remainder, and such as he
had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from
so severe a calamity; for that otherwise these
last must be more miserable than the fi^st,
and that they must be condemned to a worse
condition than the others, unless they be suf-
fered to escape entirely; that is, if they be
reserved' for another deluge, while they must
be afflicted with the terror and sight of the
first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a
second. He also entreated God to accept of
his sacrifice, and to grant that the earth might
never again undergo the like effects of bis
wrath; that men might be permitted to go on
cheerfully in cultivating the same—to build
cities, and live happily in them; and that
they might not be deprived of any of those
good things which they enjoyed before the
Flood; but might attain to the like length of
days and old age which the ancient people
had arrived at before.

8.	When Noah had made these supplica-
tions, God, who loved the man for his righte-
ousness, granted entire success to his prayers;
and said, that it was not be who brought the
destruction on a polluted world, but that they
underwent that vengeance on account of their
own wickedness; and that he had ■not brought
men into the world if he had himself deter-
mined to destroy them, it being an instance
of greater wisdom not to have granted them
life at all, than, after it was granted, to pro-
cure their destruction; “but the injuries,”
said he, “ they offered to my holiness and vir-
tue, forced me to bring this punishment upon
them; but I will leave off for the time to
come to require such punishments, the effects
of so great wrath, for their future wicked ac-
tions, and especially on account of thy pray-
ers; but if I shall at any time send tempests
of rain in an extraordinary manner, be not
affrighted at the largeness of the showers, for
the waters shall no more overspread the earth.
However, I require you to abstain from shed<
ding the blood of men, and to keep yourselves
pure from murder; and to punish those that
commit any such thing. 1 permit you to
make use of all the other living creatures at
your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you;
for I have made you lords of them all, both
of those that walk on the land, and those that
swim in the waters, and of those that fly in
the regions of the air on high — excepting
their blood, for therein is the life : but I will
give you a sign that I huve left off my anger,
by my bow” [whereby is meant the rainbow,’
for they determined that the rainbow was the
bow of God]; and when God had said and
promised thus, he went away.

,	9. Now when Noah had lived three hun-

dred and fifty years after the Flood, and that
all that time happily, he died, having lived
the number of nine hundred and fifty years:
but let no one, upon comparing the lives of
the ancients with our lives, and with the fewCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

35

years which we now live, think that what we
have said of them is false; or make the
shortness of our lives at present an argu-
ment that neither did they attain to so long
a duration of life; for those ancients were
beloved of God, and [lately] made by God
himself; and because their food was then
fitter for the prolongation of life, might well
live so great a number of years; and besides,
God afforded, them a longer .time of life on
account of their virtue, and the good use they
made of it in astronomical and geometrical
discoveries, which would not have afforded
the time of foretelling [the periods of the
stars] unless they had lived six hundred years;
for the Great Year is completed in that inter-
val. Now I have for witness to what 1
have said, all those that have written Antiqui-
ties, both among the Greeks. and barbarians;
for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian
History, and Berosus, who collected the Chal-
dean Monuments, and Moc.hus, and Hes-
tixus, and besides these, Hieronymus the
Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoe-
nician History, agree to what I here say:
Hesiod also, and Hecataeus, Hellanicus, and
Acusilaus; and besides these, Ephorus and
Nicolaus relate that the ancients lived a thou-
sand years: but as to these matters, let every
one look upon them as he thinks fit.

CHAPTER IV.

CONCERNING THE TOWER OF BABYLON, AND
THE CONFUSION OF TONGUES.

§ 1. Now the sons of Noah were three,—
Shem, Japhet, and Hann, born one hundred
years before the Deluge. These first of all
descended from the mountains into the plains,
and fixed their habitation there; and persuad-
ed others, who were greatly afraid of the lower
grounds on account of the food, and so were
very loth to come down from the higher places,
to venture to follow their examples. Now the
plain in which they first dwelt was called Shi-
nar. God also commanded them to send co-
lonies abroad, for the thorough peopling of the
earth, — that they might not raise seditions
among themselves, but might cultivate a great
part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a
plentiful manner: but they were so ill in-
structed, that they did not obey God; for
which reason they fell into calamities, and
were made sensible, by experience, of what
sin they had been guilty; for when they flour-
ished with a numerous youth, God admonish-
ed them again to send out colonies; but they,
imagining the prosperity they enjoyed-was not
derived from the favour of God, but suppos-
ing that their own power was the proper cause
of the plentiful condition they were in, did

not obey him. Nay, they added to this their
disobedience to the divine will, the suspicion
that they were therefore ordered to send out
separate colonies, that, being divided asunder,
they might the more easily be oppressed.

2.	Now it was Nimrod who excited them
to such an affront and contempt of God. He
was the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah
—a bold man, and of great strength of hand
He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God,
as if it was through his means they were
happy, but to believe that it was their own
courage which procured that happiness. He
also gradually changed the government into
tyranny,—seeing no other way of turning men
from the fear of God, but to bring them into
a constant dependence upon his .power. He
also said he would be revenged on God, if he
should have a mind to drown the world again;
for that he would build a tower too* high for
the waters to be able to reach ! and that he
would avenge himself on God for destroying
their forefathers 1

3.	No w the m ultitude were very ready to fol-
low the determination of Nimrod,and to esteem
it a piece of cowardice to submit to God; and
they built a tower, neither sparing any pains,
nor being in any degree negligent about the
work; and by reason of the multitude of
hands employed in it, it grew very high,
sooner than any one could expect; but the
thickness of it was so great, and it was so
strongly built, that thereby its great height
seemed, upon the view, to be less than it real-
ly was. It was built of burnt brick, cement-
ed together with mortar,. made of bitumen,
that it might not be liable to admit water.
When God saw that they acted so madly, he
did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since
they were not grown wiser by the destruction
of the former sinners; but he caused a tu-
mult among them, by producing in them di-
vers languages; and causing that-, through the
multitude of those languages, they should not
be able to understand one another. The place
wherein they built the tower is now called
Babylon; because of the confusion of that
language which they readily understood be-
fore; for the Hebrews mean by the word Ba-
bel, Confusion. The Sibyl also makes mention
of this tower, and of the confusion of the
language, when she says thus:—“ When all
men were of one language, some of them built
a high tower, as if they would thereby ascend
up to heaven; but the gods sent storms of
wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every
one his peculiar language; and for this reason
it was that the city was called Babylon.” But
as to the plain of Shinar, in the country of
Babylonia, Hestiaeus mentions it, when he
says thus:—“ Such of the priests as were sav-
ed, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enya-
lius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia.”38

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I

CHAPTER V.

AFTER WHAT UANNER THE P09TERITT OF
NOAH SENT OUT COLONIES, AND INHA-
BITED THE WHOLE EARTH.

After this they were dispersed abroad, on
account of their languages, and went out by
colonies every where; and each colony took
possession of that land which they light upon,
and unto which God led them; so that the
whole continent was filled with them, both
the inland and maritime countries. There
were some also who passed over the sea in
ships, and inhabited the islands; and some of
those nations do still retain the denominations
which were given them by their first founders;
but some' have lost them also; and some have
only admitted certain changes in them, that
they might be the more intelligible to the in-
habitants; and they were the Greeks who be-
came the authors of such mutations; for when,
in after-age9, they grew potent, they claimed
to themselves the glory of antiquity,—giving
names to the nations that sounded well (in
Greek) that they might be better understood
among themselves; and setting agreeable
forms of government over them, as if they
were a people derived from themselves.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW EVERY NATION WAS DENOMINATED FROM
THEIR FIRST INHABITANTS.

§ 1. Now they were the grand-children of
Noah, in honour of whom names were im-
posed on the nations by those that first seized
upon them. Japhet, the son of Noah, had
seven sons: they inhabited so, that, beginning
at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they
proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Ta-
naisj and along Europe to Cadiz; and settling
themselves on the lands which they light upon,
which none had inhabited before, they called
the nations by their own names; for Gomer
founded those whom the Greeks now call Ga-
latians [Galls], but were then called Gomer-
ites. Magog founded those that from him
were named Magogites, but who are by the
Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan
and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai
came the Madeans, who are called Medes by
the Greeks; but from Javan, Ionia and all
the Grecians are derived. Thobel founded
the Thobelites, who are now called Iberes;
and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch;
now they are Cappadocians. There is also a
mark of their ancient denomination still to be
shown; for there is even now among them a
city called Mazaca, which may inform those

that are able to understand, that so was the
entire nation once called. Thiras also called
those whom he ruled over Tnirasians; hut
the Greeks changed the name into Thracians.
And so many were the countries that had the
children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of
the three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded
the Aschanaxians, who are now called by thd
Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found
the Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians; and
Thrugramma the Thrugramrneans, who, as
the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians.
Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of
Japhet, Elisa gave name to the Eliseans, who
were bis subjects; they are now the .ZEolians.
Tharsus to the Tharsians; for so was Cilicia
of old called; the sign of which is this, that
the noblest city they have, and a metropolis
also, is Tarsus, the tau being by change put
for the theta. Cethimus possessed the island
Cethima; it is now called Cyprus; and from
that it is that all islands, and the greatest part
of the sea-coasts, are named Cethim by the
Hebrews: and one city there is in Cyprus
that has been able to preserve its denomina-
tion; it is called Citius by those who use the
language of the Greeks, and baa not, by the
use of that dialect, escaped the name of Ce-
thim. And so many nations have the children
and grand-children of Japhet possessed. Now
when I have premised somewhat, which per-
haps the Greeks do not know, I will return
and explain what I have omitted; for such
names are pronounced here after the manner
of the Greeks, to please my readers; for our
own country language does not so pronounce
them: but the names in all cases are of one
and the same ending; for the name we here
pronounce Noeas is there Noah, and in every
case retains the same termination.

2. The children of Ham possessed the land
from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains
of Libanus, seizing upon all that was on its
sea-coasts and as far as the ocean, and keep-
ing it as their own. Some indeed of its names
are utterly vanished away; others of them
being changed, and another sound given them,
are hardly to he discovered; yet a few there
are which have kept their denominations entire:
for of the four sons of Ham, time has not at
all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians,
over whom he reigned, are even at this cay,
both by themselves and by all men in Asia,
called Chusites. The memory also of the
Mesraitcs is preserved in their name; for ail
we who inhabit this country [of Judea] call
Egypt Mestre, and the Egyptians Mestreans.
Phut also was the founder of Libya, and
called the inhabitants Phutites, from himself:
there is also a river in the country of the
Moors which bears that name; whence it is
that we may see the greatest part of the Gre-
cian historiographers mention that river and
the adjoining country by the appellation of
Phut: but the name it has now has been byCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

change given it from one of the sons of Mes-
raim, who was called Lybyos. We will in-
form you presently what has been the occasion
why it has been called Africa also. Canaan,
the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country
now called Judea, and called it from his own
name Canaan. The children of these [four]
were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans;
E vilas, who founded the Evileans, who are
called Getuli; Sabathes founded the Sabath-
ens; they arc now called by the Greeks, Asta-
borans; Sabactas settled the Sabactens; and
Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he had two sons,
the one of whom, Judadas, settled the Juda-
deans, a nation of the western Ethiopians,
and left them his name; as did Saba's to the
Sabeans. But Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid
and tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already
informed you. Now all the children of Ales-
raim, being eight in number, possessed the
country from Gaza to Egypt, though it re-
tained the name of one only, the Philistim;
for the Greeks call part of that country Pa-
lestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Ene-
mim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in Li-
bya, and called the country from himself,
Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and
Cephthorim, we know nothing of them be-
sides their names; for the Ethiopic war,*
which we shall describe hereafter, was the
cause that those cities were overthrown. The
sons of Canaan were these: Sidonius, who
also built a city of the same name; it is called
by the Greeks, Sidou; Amathus inhabited in
Amathine,, which is even now called Amathe
by the inhabitants, although the Macedonians
named it Epiphania, from one of his poste-
rity: Arudeus possessed the island Aradus:
Aru as possessed Arce, which is in Laban us;
—but for the seven others, [Eueus], Chetteus,
Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus, Sin-
eus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred
books but their names, for the Hebrews over-
threw their cities; and their calamities came
upon them on the occasion following:—

3.	Noah, when, after the Deluge, the earth
was re-settled in its former condition, set
about its cultivation; and when he had plant-
ed it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe,
and he had gathered the grapes in their sea-
son, and the wine was ready for use, he ofT
fered sacrifice, and feasted, and, being drunk,
he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly
manner. When his youngest son saw this,
he came laughing, and showed him to his bre-
thren; but they covered their father’s naked-
ness. And when Noah was made sensible of

• One observation ought not here to be neglected,
with regard to that Ethiopic war. which Moses, as ge-
neral of the Egyptians, put an end to, Antiq b. ii. chap
I., and about which uur late writers seem very much
unconcerned; viz. I'liat it was a war of that consequence,
as to occasion the removal or destruction ol six or seven
nations of the posterity of Mitzraun. with their cities:
which Josephus would not have said, if he bad not bhd
anoient lecords to justify those his assertions, though
those records be now all lost.

what had been done, he prayed for prosperity
to bis other sons; but for Ham, he did not
curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood,
but cursed his posterity. And when the rest
of them escaped that curse, God indicted it
on the children of Canaan. But as to these
matters, we shall speak more hereafter.

4.	Shem, the third son of Noah, had five
sons, who inhabited the land that began at
Euphrates, and reached to the Indian ocean;
for Elam left behind him the Elamites, the
ancestors of the Persians. Ashur lived at
the city Nineve; an<J named his subjects As-
syrians, who became the most fortunate na-
tion, beyond others. Arphaxad named the
Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans.
Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks
call Syrians; as Laud founded the Laudites,
which are now called Lydians. Of the four
sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachomtis and
Damascus, this country lies between Pales-
tine and Celesyria. U1 founded Armenia:
and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the
Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini.
Sala was the son of Arphaxad; and his son
was Heber, from whom they originally called
the Jews Hebrews, t Heber begat Joctan and
Phaleg: he was called Phaleg, because he
was born at the dispersion of the nations to
their several countries; for Phaleg, among
the Hebrews, signifies division. Now Joctan,
one of the sons of Heber, had these sons,
Elmodad, Saleph, Aserinoth, Jera, Adoram,
Aizel, Deck, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, Opliir,
Euikt, and Joliab. These inhabited from
Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of Asia
adjoining to it. And this shall suffice con-
cerning the sons of Sbein.

5.	I will now treat of the Hehrews. The
son of Phaleg, whose father was lleber, was
Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was
born Nahor; his son was Terah, who was the
rather of Abram, who accordingly was the
tenth from Noah, and was born in the two
hundred and ninety-second year after the
Deluge; for Terah begat Abram in his se-
ventieth year. Nahor begat Haran when he
was one hundred and twenty years old; Na-
hor was born to Serug in his hundred and
thirty-second year; Ragau had Seriig at one
hundred and thirty; at the same age also Pha-
leg had Ragau; Heber begat Phaleg in his
hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself
being begotten by Sala when he was an hun-
dred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad

+ That the Jews were called Hebrews, from this their
progenitor Heber. our author Josephus here rightly af-
firms; and not from Abrarn tile: Hebrew, or passeuye
over Euphrates, as many of the moderns suppose. Sheer
is also called the father of all the children of Heber. o

of all the Hebrews, in a history lung before Abram passed
over Euphrates (Gen. x. ill), though it must be confessed
that (Gen xiv 13). where the original says they told
Abram the. Hebrew, the Septuagint renders it the passen-
ger. m&Tet. But this is spoken only of Ahrain himself,
who had been lately passed over Euphrates: and is ano-
ther signification of the Hebrew word, taken as an ap-
pellative, and not as a proper name.38	ANTIQUITIES OP THE JETTS.	BOOK I.

bad for his son in the hundred and thirty-
fifth year of bis age. Arphaxad was the son
of Shero, and born twelve years after the
Deluge. Now Abram had two brethren,
Nahor and Haran: of these Haran left a sou,
Lot; as also Sarai and Milcha his daughters,
and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of
the Chaldeans, (failed Ur; and his monument
is shown to this day. These married their
nieces. Nahor married Milcha, and Abram
married Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea,
on account of his mourning for Haran, they
all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia, where
Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived
to be two hundred and five years old; for
the life of man was already, by degrees, di-
minished, and became shorter than before, till
the birth of Moses; after whom the term of
human life was one hundred and twenty years,
God determining it to the length that Moses
happened to live. Now' Nahor had eight sons
by Milcha; Uz and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed,
Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These
were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for Teba
and Gaam, and Tachas, and Maaca, were
born of Reuma his concubine; but Bethuel
had a daughter, Rebecca,—and a son, Laban.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW ABRAM OUR FOREFATHER WENT OUT OF
THE LAND OF THE CHALDEANS, AND LIVED
IN THE LAND THEN CALLED CANAAN, BUT
NOW JUDEA.

§ 1. Now Abram having no son of his own,
adopted Lot, his brother Haran’s son, and his
wife Sarai’s brother; and he left the land of
Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old,
and at the command of God went into Ca-
naan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left
it to his posterity. He was a person of great
sagacity, both for understanding all things
and persuading bis bearers, and not mistaken
in his opinions; for which reason he began to
have higher notions of virtue than others had,
and he determined to renew and to change
the opinion all men happened then to have
concerning God; for he was the first that
ventured.to publish this notion, That there
was but one God, the Creator of the universe;
and that, as to other [gods], if they contri-
buted any thing to the happiness of men, that
each of them afforded it only according to his
appointment, and not by their own power.
This his opinion was derived from the irregu-
lar phenomena that were visible both at land
and sea, as well as those that happen to the
sun and moon, and all the heavenly bodies,
thus:—“ If [said he] these bodies had power
of their own, they would certainly take care
of their own regular motions; but since they
do not proserve such regularity, they make it

plain, that so far as they co-operate to our
advantage, they do it not of their own abili-
ties, but as they are subservient to Him that
commands them; to whom alone we ornbt
justly to offer our honour and thanksgiving.”
For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans and
other people of Mesopotamia raised a tumult
against him, he thought fit to leave that
country; and at the command, and by the
assistance of God, he came and lived in the
land of Canaan. And when he was there
settled, he built an altar, and performed a
sacrifice to God.

2. Berosus mentions our father Abram
without naming him, when he says thus : —
“ In the tenth generation after the Flood,
there was among the Chaldeans a man righte-
ous and great, and skilful in the celestial sci-
ence.” But Hecataeus does more than barely
mention him; for he composed and left be-
hind him a book concerning him. And Ni-
colaus of Damascus, in the fourth book of
his history, says thus:—“Abram reigned at
Damascus, being a foreigner, who came with
an army out of the land above Babylon,
called the land of the Chaldeans. But after a
long time he got him up, and removed from
that country also .with his people, and went
into the land then called the land of Canaan,
but now the land of Judea, and this when
his posterity were become a multitude ; as to
which posterity of his, we relate their history
in another work. Now the name of Abram
i9 even still famous in the country of Da-
mascus; and there is shown a village named
from him, The Habitation of Abram.”

CHAPTER VIII.

THAT WHEN THERE WAS A FAMINE IN CANAAN
ABRAM WENT THENCE INTO EGYPT; AND
AFTER HE HAD CONTINUED THERE A
WHILE, HE RETURNED BACK AGAIN.

§ I. Now, after this, when a famine had in-
vaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had
discovered that the Egyptians were in a flour-
ishing condition, he was disposed to go down
to them, both to partake of the plenty they
enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their
priests, and to know what they said concern-
ing the gods; designing either to follow them,
if they had better notions than he, or to con-
vert them into a better way, if his own notions
proved the truest. Now, seeing he wus to take
Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness
of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest
the king should kill him on account of his
wife’s great beauty, he cpntrived this device;
— he pretended to be her brother, and di-
rected her in a dissembling way to pretend the
same, for he said it would be for their benefit.
Now, a£ sodn as he came into Egypt, it hap-CHAP. X,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

39

pened to Abram as be supposed it would; for
the fame of his wife’s beauty was greatly talked
of, for which reason Pharaoh the king of
Egypt would not be satisfied with what was
reported of her, but would needs see her him-
self, and was preparing to enjoy her; but God
put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by send-
ing upon him a distemper, and a' sedition
against his government. And when he in-
quired of the priests, how he might be freed
from these calamities, they told him that this
his miserable condition was derived from the
wrath of God, upon account of his inclina-
tions to abuse the stranger’s wife. He then
out of fear asked Sarai who she was, and who
it was that she brought along with her. And
when he had found out the truth, he excused
himself to Abram, that supposing the woman
to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his
affections on her, as desiring an affinity with
him by marrying her, but not .as incited by
lust to abuse her. He also made him a large
present in money, and gave him leave to enter
into conversation with the most learned among
the Egyptians; from which conversation, his
virtue and his reputation became more con-
spicuous than they had been before.

2.	For whereas the Egyptians were formerly
addicted to different customs, and despised
one another’s sacred and accustomed rites, and
were very angry one with another on that ac-
count, Abram conferred with each qf them,
and, confuting the reasonings they made use
of, every one for their own practices, demon-
strated that such reasonings were vain and
void of truth; whereupon he was admired by
them in those conferences as a very wise ma^,
and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed
on any subject he undertook; and this not only
in understanding it, but in persuading other
men also to assent to him. He communicated
to them arithmetic, and delivered to them
the science of astronomy; for, before Abram
came into Egypt, they were unacquainted with
those parts of learning; for that science came
from the Chaldeans into Egypt, and from
thence to the Greeks also.

3.	As soon as Abram was come back into
Canaan, he parted the land between him and
Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavi-
our of their shepherds, concerning the pastures
wherein they should feed their flocks. How-
ever, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to
choose which lands he would take; and he
took himself what the other left, which were
the lower grounds at the foot of the moun-
tains; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which
is a city seven years more ancient than Tanis
of Egypt. But Lot possessed the land of the
plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the
city of Sodom, which was then a fine city;
but is now destroyed by the will and wrath of
God;—the cause of which I shall show in its
proper place hereafter.

CHAPTER IX.

THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SODOMITES BY
THE ASSYRIAN WAR. '

At this time, when the Assyrians had the
dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom
were in a flourishing condition, both as to
riches and the number of their youth. There
were five kings that managed the affairs of
this country; Balias, Barsas, Senabar, and
Sumob'or, with the king of Bela; and each
king led on his own troops; and the Assy-
rians made war upon them; and, dividing
their army into four parts, fought against
them. Now every part of the army hud its
own commander; and when the battle was
joined, the Assyrians were conquerors; and
imposed a tribute on the kings of the Sodom-
ites, who submitted to this slavery twelve
years; and so long they continued to pay
their tribute; but on the thirteenth year they
rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians
came upon them, under their commanders
Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and Tidal.
These kings had laid waste all Syria, and
overthrown the offspring of the giants; and
when they were come over against Sodom,
they pitched their camp at the vale called the
Slime Pits, for at that time there were pits in
that place; but now, upon the destruction of
the city of Sodom, that vale became the
Lake Asphaltites, as it is called. However,
concerning this lake we shall speak more
presently. Now when the Sodomites joined
battle with the Assyrians, and the fight was
very obstinate, many of them were killed, and
the rest were carried captive; among which
captives was Lot, who had come to assist the
Sodomites.

CHAPTER X.

HOW ABRAM FOUGHT WITH THE ASSYRIANS,
AND OVERCAME THEM, AND SAVED THE
SODOMITE PRISONERS, AND TOOK FROM THE
ASSYRIANS THE PREY THEY HAD GOTTEN.

§ 1. When Abram heard of their calamity,
he was at once afraid for Lot his kinsman,
and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and
neighbours; and thinking it proper to afford
them assistance, he did not delay it, but
marched hastily, and the fifth night fell upon
the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name
of the other spring of Jordan; and before
they could arm themselves, he slew some as
they were in their beds, before they could
suspect any harm; and others, who were not
yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk theyANTIQUITIES QF THE JEWS.

BOOK I

oould not fight, ran away. Abram pursued
after them, till on the second day he drove
them in a body unto Hoba, a place belong-
ing to-Damascus; and thereby demonstrated
that victory does not depend on multitude
and the number of hands, but the alacrity and
courage of soldiers overcome the most nume-
rous bodies of men, while he got the victory
over so great an army with no more than
three hundred and eighteen of his servants,
and three of his friends: but all those that
fled returned home iugloriously.

2.	So Abram, when he had saved the cap-
tive Sodomites who had been taken by the
Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, return-
ed borne in peace. Now the king of Sodom
met liiin at a certain place, which they called
The King’s Dale, where Melchisedec, king
of the city Salem, received him. That name
signifies th-: riyhteous king; and such he was
without dispute, insomuch that, on this ac-
count, he was made the priest of God: how-
ever, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem.
Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram’s army
in a hospitable manner, and gave them provi-
sions in abundance; and as they were feasting,
he began to praise him, and to bless God for
subduing his enemies under him. And when
Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey,
he accepted of the gift: but the king of So-
dom desired Abram to take the prey, but en-
treated that he might have those men restored
to him whom Abram had saved from the As-
syrians, because they belonged to him; but
Abram would not do so; nor would make
any other advantage of that prey than what
his servants had eaten; but still insisted that
he should afford a part to bis friends that had
assisted him in the battle. The first of them
was called Eschol, and then Enner, and
Mambre.

3.	And God commended his virtue, and
said, Thou shalt not,however, lose the rewards
thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glo-
rious actions. He answered, And what ad-
vantage will it be to me to have such rewards,
when 1 have none to enjoy them after me?—
for he was hitherto childless. And God pro-
mised that he should have a son, and that his
posterity should be very numerous, insomuch
that their number should be like the stars.
When he heard that, h? offered a sacrifice to
God. as he commanded bim. The manner
of the sacrifice was this:—He took an heifer
of three years old, and a she-goat of three
years old, and a ram in like manner of three
years old, and a turtle dove and a pigeon;*
and, as he was enjoined, he divided the three
former; but the birds he did not divide. After
which, before he built his altar, where the

• It is worth noting here, that God required no other
sacrifices under the law of Moses, than what were taken
from these live kinds of animals which be here required
of Abram. Nor did the Jews feed upon any other do-
mestic animals than the three here named, as Reland
observes on Antiq. b. iv. cb. iv. sect A

birds of prey flew about, as desirous o' blood,
a divine voice came to him, declaring that
their neighbours would be grievous to his
posterity when they should be in Egypt, for
four hundred years,! during which time they
should be afflicted; but afterwards should
overcome their enemies, should conquer the
Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of
their land, and of their cities.

4.	Now Abram dwelt near the oak called
Ogyges, — the place belongs to Canaan, not
far from the city of Hebron: but being un-
easy at his wife's barrenness, be entreated
God to grant that he might have male issue;
and God required of him to be of good cou-
rage; and said, that he would add to all the
rest of the benefits that he had bestowed on
him ever since he led him out of Mesopota-
mia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai,
at God’s command, brought to his bed one of
her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian de-
scent, in order to obtain children by her; and
when this handmaid was with child, she tri-
umphed, and ventured to affront Sarai, as if
the dominion were to come to a son to be
born of her: but when Abram resigned-her
into the hand of Sarai, to punish her, she
contrived to fly away, as not able to bear the
instances of Sarai’s severity to her; and she
entreated God to have compassion on her.
Now a divine angel met her, as she was go-
ing forward in the wilderness, and bid her re-
turn to her master and mistress, for, if she
would submit to that wise advice, she would
live better hereafter; for that the reason of
her being in such a miserable case was this,
that she had been ungrateful^and arrogant to-
i^rds her mistress. He also told her, that if
she disobeyed God, and went on still in her
way, she should perish; but if she would
return back, she should become the mother of
a son who should reign over that country.
These admonitions she obeyed, and returned
to her master and mistress, and obtained for-
giveness. A little while afterwards, she bare
Ismael, which may be interpreted Heard of
God, because God had heard his mother’s
prayer.

5.	The forementioned son was born to
Abram when be tvas eighty-six years old;
but when he was ninety-nine God appeared
to him, and promised him that he should have
a son by Sarai, and commanded that his name
should be Isaac; andshcfwedhim, that from this
son should spring great nations and kings, and
that they should obtain all the land of Canaan
by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charged
him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed
with others, that they should be circumcised
in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this
should be done on the eighth day after they
were born: the reason of which circumcision
I will explain in another place. Aild Abram

+ As to this affliction of Abram’s posterity for 406
years, see Antiq. b. ii. cb. ix. sect. 1.CHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

41

inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he
should live or not, God signified to him that
he should live to be very old, and should be
the father of great nations. Abram, there-
fore, gave thanks to God for these blessings;
and then he, and all bis family, and his son
Ismael, were circumcised immediately, the
son being that day thirteen years of age, and
he ninety-nine.

CHAPTER XI.

HOW GOD OVERTHREW THE NATION OF THE

Sodomites, out of his wrath against

THEM FOR THEIR SINS.

§ l. About this time the Sodomites grew
proud, on account of their riches and great
wealth: they became unjust towards men,
and impious towards God, insomuch that
they did not call tQ mind the advantages they
received from, him: they hated strangers,
and abused themselves with Sodomitical prac-
tices. God was.therefore much displeased
at them, and determined to punish them for
their pride, and to overthrow their city, and
to lay waste their country, until there should
neither plant nor fruit grow out of it.

2.	When God had thus resolved concern-
ing the Sodomites, Abraham, as be sat by the
oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw
three angels; and, thinking then! to be stran-
gers, be rose up and saluted them, and de-
sired they would accept of an entertainment,
and abide with him; to which when they
agreed, he ordered cakes of. meal to be made
presently: and when he had slain a calf, he
roasted it, and brought it to them, as they
sat under the oak. Now they made a show
of eating; and besides, they asked him about
his wife Sarah, where she was; and when he
said she was within, they said they would
come again hereafter, and find her become a
mother. Upon which the woman laughed,
and said that it was impossible she should
bear children, since she was ninety years of
age, and her husband was an hundred. Then
they concealed themselves no longer, but de-
clared that they were angels of God; and that
one of them was sent to inform them about
the child, and two of the overthrow of So-
dom.

3.	When Abraham heard this, he was
grieved for the Sodomites; and he rose up,
and besought God for them, and entreated
him that he would not destroy the righteous
with the wicked. And when God had replied
that there was no good man among the So-
domites; rfor if there were but ten such men
among them, he would not punish any of
them for their sins, Abraham held his peace.
And the angels came to the city of the So-
domites,and Lot entreated them to accept of

a lodging with him; for he was a very gene-
rous and hospitable man, and one that had
learned to imitate the goodness of Abrubam.
Now when the Sodomites saw the young
men to be of beautiful countenances, and
this to an extraordinary degree; and that they
took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved
themselves to enjoy those beautiful boys by
force and violence; and when Lot exhorted
them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing
immodest to the strangers, but to have re-
gard to their lodging in his house; and pro-
mised, that if their inclinations could not be
governed, he would expose his daughters to
their lust, instead of these strangers—neither
thus were they made ashamed.

4.	But God was much displeased at their
impudent behaviour, so that he both smote
those men with blindness, and condemned the
Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot,
upon God’s informing him of the future de-
struction of the Sodomites, went away, taking
with him his wife and daughters, who were
two, and still virgins; for those that were be-
trothed* to them were above the thoughts of
going, arid deemed that Lot’s words were tri-
fling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the
city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants;
and laid waste the country with the like burn-
ing, as I formerly said when I wrote the Jew-
ish war.f But Lot’s wife continually turn-
ing back to view the city as she went from it,
and being too nicely inquisitive‘what would
become of it, although God had forbidden her
so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt;];
for I have seen it, and it remains at this day.
Now he and his daughters fled to a certain
small place, encompassed with the fire, and
settled in it. It is to this day called Zoar,
for that is the word which the Hebrews use
for a small thing. There it was that he lived
a miserable life, on account of his having no
company, and .his want of provisions.

5.	But his daughters, tbitiking that all
mankind were destroyed, approached to their

* These sons-in-law to Lot. as they are called (Gen.
nix. la -14), might be 60 styled because they were be-
trothed to Lot’s daughters, though not yet married to
them. See the note on Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiii. sect. L.

+ Of the War, b. tv. ch. viii. sect. 4.
t This pillar of salt was, we see here, standing in the
days of Josephus; and he had seen it. That it
-	”	•'	--------------- '	"•	‘ ' Ho

standing then, is also attested by Clement of Home,
ternporary with aosephus'; as also that it was so in the

lury, is attested by Irenseus, with the addition or an
sthesis, how it came to last si

was

con-

next

with all its mem-
e modem tra-

esis, how it came to last so long, with
itire—Whether the account that som
vellers give he trne, that it is still stunding. I do not know.
Its remote situation, at thfe utmost southern point of
the Sea of Sodom, in the wild and dangerous deserts of
Arabia, make* it exceeding difficult for inquisitive tra-
vellers to examine the place; and lor common reports of
country people, at a distance,1 they are not very satisfac-
tory. In the mean time, I have no opinion of Le Clerc’s
dissertation or hypothesis about this question, which can
only be determined by eye-witnesses. When Christian
princes, bo called, lay aside their foolish and unchristian
wars and quarrels, and send a body of fit persons to tra-
vel over the east, and bring us faithful accounts of all
ancient monuments, and procnre us copies of all ancient
records, at present lost among us, we may hope for full
satisfaction in such Inquiries, hut hardly before.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

father,* though taking earenot tobe perceived.
This they did, that human kind might not ut-
terly fail. And they bare sons: the son of
the elder was named Moab, which denotes one
derived from his father. The younger bare
Ammon, which name denotes one derived
from a kinsman. The formet of whom was
the father of the Moabites, which is even still
a great nation; the latter was the father of the
Ammonites: and both of them are inhabitants
of Celesyria. And such was the departure
of Lot from among the Sodomites.

CHAPTER XII.

CONCERNING ABIMELECH; AND CONCERNING
ISMAEL, THE SON OF ABRAHAM; AND CON-
CERNING THE ARABIANS, WHO WERE HIS
POSTERITY.

§ 1. Abraham now removed to Gerar of
Palestine, leading Sarah along with him, un-
der the notion of his sister, using the like dis-
simulation that he had used before, and this
out of fear; for he was afraid of Abimelech,
the king of that country,-who did also him-
self fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed
to corrupt her; but he was restrained from
satisfying his lust by a dangerous distemper,
which befell him from God. Now when his
physicians despaired of curing him, he fell
asleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to
abuse the stranger’s wife; and when he re-
covered, he told his friends that God had in-
flicted that disease upon him, by way of pu-
nishment, for his injury to the stranger, and
in order to preserve the chastity of his wife;
for that she did not accompany him as his sis-
ter, but as his legitimate wife ; and that God
had promised to be gracious to him for the
time to come, if this person be once secure of
his wife’s chastity. When he had said this,
by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abra-
ham, and bid him not be concerned about
his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity;
for that God took care of him, and that it was
by his providence that he received his wife
again, without her suffering any abuse; and he
appealed to God, and to his wife’s conscience,
aud said that he had not any inclination
at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was
his wife; but since, said he, thou ledst her
about as thy sister, I was guilty of no offence.
He also entreated him to be at peace with
him, and to make God propitious to him;

* 1 see no proper wicked intention in these daughters
rbicb

procured themselves to be w:
child hy their father. ' without such an unavoidal

lee no propi

of I^ot, when in a case which appeared to them of un-
avoidable necessity, they procured themselves to be with
fath

necessity, incest is a horrid crimi

i appeal
ured the
bout such an unavoi
irime t but whether in
ipprebended this t6 b

ble
stich
be, ac-

cuse of necessity as they appi
cording to Josephus, it was any sucu ciune, i ai
satisfied. In the mean time, their making their father
drunk, and their solicitous concealment ol what they did
from him, shows that they despaired of persuading him
to an action which, at the best, could not but be very sus-

picions and shocking to so good a man.

and that if he thought fit to continue with him,
he should have what he wanted in abundance;
but that if he designed to go an ay, he should
be honourably conducted, and have whatso-
ever supply he wanted when he came thither.
Upon bis saying this, Abraham told him that
his pretence of kindred to his wife was no lie,
because she was Lis brother’s daughter; and
that he did not think himself safe in his tra-
vels abroad, without this sort of dissimulation;
and that he was not the cause of his distem-
per, hut was only solicitous for his own safety.
He said also, that he was ready to stay with
him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him
land and money; and they covenanted to
live together without guile, and took an
oath at a certain well called Beersheba, which
may be interpreted The Well of the Oath. And
so it is. named by the people of the country
unto this day.

2.	Now in a little time Abraham had a son
by Sarah, as God had foretold to him, whom
he named Isaac, which signifies Laughter;
and indeed they -so called him, because Sarah
laughed when Godf said that she should bear
a son, she not expecting such a thing, as be-
ing past the age of child-bearing, for she was
ninety years old, and Abraham a hundred;
so that this son was born to them both in the
last year of each of those decimal numbers.
And they circumcised him upon the eighth
day. And from that time the Jews continue
the custom of circumcising their sons within
that number of days. But as for the Arab-
ians, they circumcise after the thirteenth year,
because Ismael, the founder of their nation,
who was born to Abraham of the concubine,
was circumcised at that age; concerning
whom I will presently give a particular ac-
count with great exactness.

3.	As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael,
who was born of her own handmaid Hagar,
with an affection not inferior to that of her own
son, for he was brought up, in order to succeed
in the government; but when she herself had
born Isaac, she was not willing that Ismael
should be brought up with him, as being too
old for him, and able to do him injuries when
their father should be dead; she therefore per-
suaded Abraham to send him and his mother
to some distant country. Now, at the first he
did not agree to what Sarah was so zealous for,
and thought it an instance of the greatest bar-
barity to send away a young child J and a wo-

+ It is well worth observation, that Josephus here

calls that principal angel, who appeared to Abraham,
told the birth of Isaac, directly God; which

and foreto

language of Josephus here, prepares us to believe those
other expressions of his, that Jesus mas a wise man, ij
it be lawful to call him a man, Antiq b. xviii. chap. ii.

lawful to call him a man, Antiq b. xvi
sect 3; and of God the Word, in his* homily c(
Hades, may be both genuine. Nor is the othe

it.

iug

lades, may be both genuine. Nor is the other expres-
sion of divine angel, used presently, and before, also of
any otlier signification.

t Josephus here calls Ismael a young child or infant,
though he was about 13 years of age; as Judascalls him
self and his brethren young men, when he was 4~>, and
had two children, Antiq. b. ii. chap. vi. sect. 8, and they
were of much the same age; as Is a damsel of lxCHAP. XIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

man unprovided of necessaries; but at length
he agreed to it, because God was pleased with
what Sarah had determined; so he delivered
Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by
himself; and commanded her to take a bottle
of water, and a loaf of bread, and so to depart,
and to take Necessity for her guide. But as
soon as her necessary provisions failed, she
fobnd herself in an evil case; and when the
water was almost spent, she laid the young
child, who was ready to expire, under a fig-tree,
and went on farther, that so he might die while
she was absent. But a divine angel came to
her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and
bid her take care and bring up the child, be-
cause she should be very happy by the preser-
vation of Ismael. She then took courage, upon
the prospect of what was promised her, and,
meeting with some shepherds, by their care she
got clear of the distresses she had been in.

4. When the lad was grown up, he married
a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the
mother was herself derived originally. Of this
wife were born to Ismael t wel v e sons: Nabaioth,
Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos,
Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus,
Cadmas. These inhabited all the country from
Euphrates to the Red Sea, and called it Na-
batene. They are an Arabian nation, and name
their tribes from these, both because ol their
own virtue, and because of the dignity of Ab-
raham their father.

CHAPTER XIII.

CONCERNING ISAAC, THE LEGITIMATE SON OF
ABRAHAM.

§ 1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as be-
ing his only begotten,* and given to him at the
borders of old age, by the favour of God. The
child also endeared himself to his parents still
more, by the gxercise of every virtue, and ad-
hering to his duty to his parents, and being
zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also
placed his own happiness in this prospect, that,
when he should die, he should leave this his son
in a safe and se'cure condition; which accord-
ingly be obtained by the will of God; who, be-
ing desirous to make an experiment of Abra-
ham’s religious disposition towards himself, ap-
peared to him, and enumerated all the blessings
he had bestowed on him; how he had made him

years old called a little child, Mark v.39 — 42, five seve-
ral times. Herod also is said by Josephus to be a very
young man at 25 See the note on Ant b. xiv.ch ix.s. 2,
and of the War, b.L ch. x. And Arislobulus is styled a
very little child at 16 years of age, Antb, xv. ch. il
7. Domitian is also called by him

s. 6,
child,

.. Jomitian is also called by him a very young child,
when he went on bis German expedition at about 18
War, b. vii. ch. iv. s. 2. Samson’s

years of age, of the War, b. vii. ch. iv. s. 2. Samson’s
wife, and Huth. when they were widows, are called chil-
dren, Ant. b. v. ch. viii. s. 6, and ch. ix. sect. 2,3.

'* Note, that both here and Heb.xi.17, Isaac is c
Abraham’s only begotten son, though he at the :
time bad another son, Ismael. The Septuagint expr
tbe true meaning, by rendering the text the beloved i

superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac,
who was the principal part of his present hap-
piness, was derived from him; and be said
that he required this son of his as a sacrifice
and holy oblation. Accordingly he command-
ed him to carry him to the mountain Moriah,
and to build an altar, and offer him for a
burnt-offering upon it; for that thik would
best manifest his religious disposition towards
him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God,
before tbe preservation of his own son.

2.	Now Abraham thought that it was nob
right to disobey God in any thing, but that he
was obliged to serve him in every circumstance
of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their
life by bis providence, and tbe kindness he be-
stows on them. Accordingly he concealed
this command of God, and his own intentions
about the slaughter of his son, from his wife,
as also from every one of his servants, other-
wise he should have been hindered from his
obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together
with two of his servants, and layi ng what things
were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he
went away to the mountain. Now the two
servants went along with him two days; but
on the third day, as soon as he saw the moun-
tain, he left those servants that were with him
till then in the plain, and, having bis son alone
with him, he came to the mountain. It was
that mountain upon which king David after-
wards built the temple.f Now they had
brought with them every thing necessary for
a sacrifice excepting the animal that was to be
offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years
old. And as he was building the altar he asked
his father what he was about to offer, since
there was no animal there for an oblation: —
to which it was answered, “ That God would
provide himself an oblation, he being able to
make a plentiful provision for men out of what
they have not, and to deprive others of what
they already have, when they put too much trust
therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be
present and propitious at this sacrifice, he
would provide himself an oblation.”

3.	As soon as the altar was prepared, and
Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things
were entirely ready, he said to his son, “ O
son 1 I poured out a vast number of prayers
that I might have thee for my son; when thou
wast come into the world, there was nothing
that could contribute to thy support for which
I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing
wherein I thought myself happier than to see
thee grown up to man’s estate, and that I might
leave thee at my death the successor to my
dominion; but since it was by God’s will that
1 became thy father, and it is pow his will that

t Hen is a plain error in the, copies, which say that
;ing David afterwards built the tetaple on this mount Mo-
iab, while it Was certainly no other than king Solomon
temple, as indeed Procopius cites it from
- it was for certain David, and not Solo-

king
riah,

who built that templi

Josephus. For it was tor certain David, an
moo, who built tbe first altar there, as we learn, 2 Sam.
xxlv.10, frn.1 Ch.xxi.22,&o.and Ant.h.vil.ob.xliLfc4r44	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK I.

I relinquish thee, hear this consecration to God
with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to
God, who has thought fit now to require this tes-
timony of honour to himself, on account of the
favours he hath conferred on me, in being to
me a supporter and defender. Accordingly
thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any common
way of going out of the world, but sent to
God, the Father of all men, beforehand, by
thy own father, in the nature of a sacrifice. I
suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of
this world neither by disease, neither by war,
nor by any other severe way, by which death
usually comes upon men, but so that he will
receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices
of religion, and will place thee near to him-
self, and thou wilt there be to me a succourer
and supporter in my old age; on which ac-
count I principally brought thee up, and thou
wilt thereby procure me God for my Com-
forter instead of thyself.”

4. Now Isaac was of such a generous dis-
position as became the son of such a father,
and was pleased with this discourse; and said
“ That he was not worthy to be born at first,
if he should reject the determination of God
and of bis father, and should not resign him-
self up readily to both their pleasures; since it
would have been unjust if he had not obeyed,
even if his father alone had so resolved.” So
he went immediately to the altar to be sacri-
ficed. And the deed had been done if God
had not opposed it; for he called loudly to
Abraham by his name, and forbade him to
slay his son ; and said, “ It was not out of a
desire of human blood that he was commanded
to slay his son, nor was he willing that he
Bhould be taken away from him whom he had
made his father, but to try the temper of his
mind, whether he would be obedient to such
a command. Since, therefore, he now was
satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the sur-
prising readiness he showed in this his piety,
he was delighted in having bestowed such
blessings upon him; and that he would not
be wanting in all sorts of concern about him,
and in bestowing other children upon him;
and that his son should live to a very great
age; that he should live a happy life, and
bequeath a large principality to his children,
who. should be good and legitimate." He
foretold also, that bis family should increase
into many nations ;* and that those patriarchs

• It seems both here, and in God’s parallel blessing to
Jacob (chap, xix.^sect. lj, that Josephus had yet no no-
tion of the hidden meaning of that most important and
most eminent promise, “In thy seed shall ail the fami-
lies oi the earth be blessed ! He saith not, And to seeds,
as of many, but as of one; and to thy seed, which is
Christ,” Gal. iii. 16. *Nor is it any wonder, he being, I
think, as yet not a Christian; and had he been a Chris-
tian, yet since he was, to be sure, till the latter part of his
life, no more than an Ebionite Christian, who, above
all the apostles, rejected and despised St, Paul, it would
be no great wonder if he did not now follow his inter-
relation. In the mean time, we have in effect St.
Pant’s exposition in the Testament of Hcuben, sect. 6.
in Authent. Aec. Part i. p. 602, who charges bis sons
“to worship the seed of Judab, who should die for

should leave behind them an everlasting name,
that they should obtain tbe possession of the
land of Canaan, and be envied by all men.
When God had said this, he produced to
them a ram, which did not appear before, for
tbe sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac receiv-
ing each other unexpectedly, and having ob-
tained the promises of such great blessings,
embraced one another; and when they had
sacrificed, they returned to Sarah, and lived
happily together, God affording them his as-
sistance in all things they desired.



CHAPTER XIV.

CONCERNING SARAH, ABRAHAM’S WIFE; AND
HOW SHE ENDED HER DAYS.

Now Sarah died a little while after, having
lived one hundred and twenty-seven years.
They buried her in Hebron; the Canaanites
publicly allowing then? a burying-place ; —
which piece of ground Abraham bought, for
four hundred shekels, of Ephron, an inhabi-
tant of Hebron; and both Abraham and his
descendants built themselves sepulchres in
that place.

CHAPTER XV.

HOW THE NATION OF THE TROGLODYTES WERE
DERIVED FROM ABRAHAM BY KETURAH.

Abraham after this married Keturah,hywhom
six sons were born to him; men of cour-
age and of sagacious minds;—Zambran, and
Jazar, and Madan, and Madian, and Josabak,
and Sous. Now the sons of Sous were Saba-
thafi and Dadan;—the sons of Dad an were
Latusim, and Assur, and Luom;—the sons
of Madian were Ephas, and Ophren, and
Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for
all these sons and grandsons, Abraham con-
trived to settle them in colonies; and they took
possession of Troglodytis, and the country ol
Arabia the Happy, as far as it reaches to the
Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren, that
he made war against Libya, and took it; and
that bis grandchildren, when they inhabited
it, called it (from his name) Africa; and in-
deed Alexander Polybistor gives his attesta-
tion to what 1 here sav; who speaks thus:—
“ Cleodemus the prophet, who was also called

them in visible and invisible «tars; and should be among
them an eternal king.” Nor is that observation of a
learned foreigner of my acquaintance to be despised,
who takes notice, that, as seeds, in the plural, must
signify posterity,- so seed, in the singular, may signily
either posterity, or a single persons and that in this
promise of all nations being happy in the seed of Abra-
ham. or Isaac, or Jacob. &c. it is always used in the sin-
gular. To which I shall add. that it is sometimes, as
it were, paraphrased by the son of Abraham, the son of
David, dec. which is capable of no such ambiguity.CHAP. XVI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

Malchus, who wrote a history of the Jews,
in agreement with the History of Moses, their
legislator, relates, that there were many sons
born to Abraham by Keturah; nay, he names
three of them, Apher, and Surira, and Japh-
ran: that from Surim was the land of Assyria
denominated; and that from the other two
(Apher and Japhran) the country of Africa
took its name; because these men were auxi-
liaries to Hercules, when he fought against
Libya and Antaeus; and that Hercules mar-
ried Aphra's daughter, and of her he begat a
son, Diodorus; and that Sophon was his son;
from whom that barbarous people called So-
phacians were denominated.1'

CHAPTER XVI.

HOW ISAAC TOOK. HEBEKA TO WIFE.

§ 1. Now when Abraham, the fathei of Isaac,
had resolved to take Rebeka, who was grand-
daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to
his son Isaac, who was then about forty years
old, he sent the ancientest of his servants
to betroth her, after he had obliged them to
give him the strongest assurances of his fide-
lity;— which assurances were given after the
manner following: — They put each other’s
hands under each other’s thighs; then they
called upon God as the witness of what was
to be done. He also sent such presents to
those that were there, as were in esteem on
account that they either rarely or never were
seen in that country. The servant got thi-
ther not under a considerable time; for it re-
quires much time to pass through Mesopota-
mia, in which it is tedious travelling, both in
winter, for the depth of the clay — and in
summer, for want of water; and, besides this,
for the robberies there committed, which are
not to be avoided by travellers but by caution
beforehand. However, the servant came to
Haran; and when he was in the suburbs, he |
met a considerable number of maidens going
to the water; he therefore prayed to God that
Rebeka might be found among them, or her
whom Abraham sent hitn as his servant to
espouse to his son, in case his will were that
this marriage should be consummated; and
that she might be made known to him by the
sign, That while others denied him water to
drink, she might give it him.

2. With this intention he went to the well,
and desired the maidens to give him some
water to drink: but while the others refused,
on pretence that they wanted it all at home,
and could spare none for him, one only of the
company rebuked them for their peevish be-
haviour towards the stranger; and said, What
is there that you will ever communicate to any
body, who have not so much as given the man
some water? She then offered hiu> water in

an obliging manner; and now he began to
hope that his grand affair would succeed; but
desiring still to know the truth, he commended
her for her generosity and good nature, that
she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency
of water to those that wanted it, though it
cost her some pains to draw it; and asked
who were her parents, and wished them joy
of such a daughter. And mayest thou be
espoused,” said he, “ to their satisfaction, in-
to the family of an agreeable husband, and
bring him legitimate children!” Nor did she
disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told him
her family. “ They,” says she, “ call me Re-
beka; my father was Bethuel, but he is dead;
and Laban is my brother; and, together with
my mother, takes care of all our family af-
fairs, and is the guardian of my virginity.”
When the servant heard this, he was very glad
at what had happened, and at what was told
him, as perceiving that God had thus plainly
directed his journey: and producing his brace-
lets, and some other ornaments which it was
esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave
them to the damsel, by way of acknowledg-
ment, and as a reward for her kindness in
giving him water to drink; saying, it was but
just that she should have them, because she
was so much more Obliging than any of the
rest. She desired also that he would come
and lodge with them, since the approach of
the night gave him not time to proceed far-
ther; and producing his precious ointments
for women, he said he desired to trust them
to none more safely than to such as she had
shown herself to be; and that he believed he
might guess at the humanity of her mother
and brother, that they would not be displea-
sed, from the virtue he found in her; for he
would not be burdensome, but would pay the
hire for his entertainment, and spend his own
money. To which she replied, that he guess-
ed right as to the humanity of her parents;
but complained that he should think them so
parsimonious as to take money, for that he
should have all on free cost: but she said she
would first inform her brother Laban, and, if
he gave her leave, she would conduct him in.

3. As soon then as this was over, she in-
troduced the stranger; and for the camels,
the servants of Laban brought them in, and
took care of them; and he was himself brought
in to supper by Laban. And, after supper,
he says to him, and to the mother of the dam-
sel, addressing himself to her, “ Abraham is
the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours; for
Nahor, the grandfather of these children, was
the brother of Abraham, by both father and
mother: upon which account he hath sent me
to you, being desiious to take this damsel for
his son to wife. He is his legitimate son,
and is brought up as his only heir. He could
indeed have had the most happy of all the
women in that country for him, but he would
not have his son marry any of them; but, outANTI1 ITT.ES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I

of regard to his own relations, he desired to
match him here, whose affection and inclina-
tion I would not have you despise; for it
was by the good pleasure of God that other
accidents fell out in my journey, and that
thereby I lighted upon your daughter and your
house; for when I was near to the city, I saw
a great many maidens coming to a well, and I
prayed that I might meet with this damsel,
which has come to pass accordingly. Do
you, therefore, confirm that marriage, whose
espousals have been already made by u divine
appearance; and show the respect you have
for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much
solicitude, in giving your consent to the mar-
riage of this damsel.” Upon this they un-
derstood it to be the will of God, and greatly
approved of the offer, and sent their daugh-
ter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac mar-
ried her, the inheritance being now come to
him; for the children by Keturah were gone
to their own remote habitations.

CHAPTER XVII.

CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ABRAHAM.

A little while after this, Abraham died.
He was a man of incomparable virtue, and
honoured by God in a manner agreeable to
his piety towards him. The whole time of
his life was one hundred seventy and five
years; and he was buried in Hebron, with
his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Is-
maeL

CHAPTER XVIII.

CONCERNING THE SONS OF ISAAC, ESAU AND
JACOB. OF THEIR NATIVITY AND EDUCA-
TION.

§ 1. Now Isaac’s wife proved with child,
after the death of Abraham;* and when her
belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was very
anxious, and inquired of God; who answer-
ed, that Rebeka should bear twins; and that I
two nations should take the names of those
sous; and that he who appeared the second
should excel the elder. Accordingly she, in
« tittle time, as God had foretold, bare twins;
the elder of whom, from his head to his feet,
was very rough and hairy; but the younger
*ook hold of his heel as they were in the birth.
Now the father loved the elder, who was
called Esau, a name agreeable to his rough-

• The birth of Jacob and Esan is Here said to he after
Abraham’s death: it should have been after Sarah’s
d^th. The order of the narration in (Jenesis, not al-
ways exactly according to the order of time, seems to
Josephus into this error, as Dr. Bernard ob-
•OTMhoa.

ness, for the Hebrews call such an hairy
roughness [Esau,f or] Seir; but Jacob the
younger was best beloved by his mother.

2.	When there was a famine in the land.
Isaac resolved to go into Egypt, the land
there being good; but he went to Gerar, as
God commanded him. Here Abimelech the
king received him, because Abraham had for-
merly lived with him, and had been his
friend; and. as in the beginning he treated
him exceeding kindly, so he was hindered
from continuing in the same disposition to
the end, by his envy at him; for when he
saw that God was with Isaac, and took such
great care of him, he drove him away from
him. But Isaac, when he saw how envy had
changed the temper of Abimelech, retired to
a place called the Valley, not far from Gerar;
and as he was digging a well, the shepherds
fell upon him, and began to fight, in order to
hinder the work; and because he did not de-
sire to contend, the shepherds seemed to get
the better of him; so he still retired, and dug
another well; and when certain other shep-
herds of Abimelech’s began to offer him vio-
lence, be left that also, and still retired; thus
purchasing security to himself by a rational
and prudent conduct. At length the king
gave him leave to dig a well without disturb-
ance. He named this well Rehoboth, which
denotes a large space; but of the former wells,
one was called Escon, which denotes strife;
the other Sitenna, which name signifies en-
mity.

3.	It was now that Isaac’s affairs increased,
and his power was in a flourishing condition;
and this from his great riches. But Abi-
melech, thinking Isaac throve in opposition
to him, while their living together made them
suspicious of each other, and Isaac’s retiring,
showing a secret enmity also, he was afraid
that his former friendship with Isaac would
not secure him, if Isaac should endeavour
to revenge the injuries he had formerly offer-
ed him; he therefore renewed his friendship
with him, and brought with him Philoc, one
of his generals. And when he had obtained
every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac’s
good nature, who preferred the earlier friend-
ship Abimelech had shown to himself and his
father to his later wrath against him, he re-
turned home.

4.	Now when Esau, one of the sons of
Isaac, whom the father principally loved, was
now come to the age of forty years, he mar-
ried Adah, the daughter of Helon, and Aho-
libamah, the daughter of Esebeon; which
Helon and Esebeon were great lords among
the Canaanites, thereby taking upon himself
the authority, and pretending to have domi-
nion over his own marriages, without so much
as asking the advice of his father; for had
Isaac been the arbitrator, he had not given

+ For Seir in Josephus. the coherence requires that we
read Esmu or which signify the same thingCHAP. XVIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

47

him leave to marry thus, for he was not
pleased with contracting any alliance with the
people of that country; but not caring to be
uneasy to his son, by commanding him to put
away these wives, he resolved to be silent.

5.	But when he was old, and could not
see at all, he called Esau to him, and told
him, that besides his blindness, and the dis-
order of his eyes, his very old age hindered
him from his worship of God [by sacrifice];
he bid him therefore to go out a hunting,
and when he had caught as much venison as
he could, to prepare him a supper,* that after
this he might make supplication to God, to be
to him a supporter and an assister during the
whole time of his life; saying, that it wa^un-
certain when he should die, and that he was
desirous, by his prayers for him, to procure,
beforehand, God to be merciful to him.

6.	Accordingly Esau went out a hunting;
hut Rebekaf thinking it proper to have the
supplication made for obtaining the favour of
God to Jacob, and that without the consent
of Isaac, bid him kill kids of the goats, and
prepare a supper. So Jacob obeyed his mo-
ther, according to all her instructions. Now
when the supper was got ready, he took a
goat’s ski.i, and put it about his arm, .that by
reason of its hairy roughness, he might by his
father be believed to be Esau; for they being
twins, and in all things else alike, differed
ordy in this thing. This was done out of his
fear, that before his father had made his sup-

* The supper „f savoury meal, as we call it (Gen.
xxvii. 4). to lie caught hv hunt ng, was intended plainly
for a festival or a sacrifice; and upon the prayers that
were frequent at sacrifices. Isaac expected, as was then
usual in such eminent cases, that a divine impulse would
come upon him, in order to the solemn blessing of his
son there present, and his foretelling his future behavi-
our and fortune. Whence it must he, that when Isaar
had unwittingly blessed Jacoh. and was afterwards made
sensible of his mistake, yet did he not attempt to alter
it, how earnestly soever his affection for F.sau might in-
cline him to wish it might he altered, because he knew
that this blessing came not from hiinseif, but from God,
and that an alteration was out of his power. A second
afflatus then came upon him. and enabled him to foretell
Esau's future behavinui and fortune also.

+ Whether Jacob or his mother Hebeka were most
blameable in this imposition upon Isaac in his old age,
I cannot determine. However, the blessing, heing de-
livered as a prediction of future events, by a divine im-
pulse, and focetelling things to befal to the posterity of
Jacob and Esau in future ages, was for certain provi-
dential; and according to what Rebeka knew to he the
purpose of God, when he answered her inquiry, “ before
the children were born” (Gen. xxv. 23). “ that one peo-
ple should he stronger than the other people; and the
elder, Esau, should serve the younger. Jacob.” Whether
Isaac knew or remembered this old oracle, delivered in
our copies only to Rebeka; or whether, if he knew and
remembered it, lie did not endeavour to alter the divine
determination, out of his fondness for his elder and
worse son Esau, to the damage of his younger and bet-

worse son r.sau, to the damage ot ms younger and Set-
ter son Jacob; as Josephus elsewhere supposes, Antiq.
b. ii ch. vii. sect. I cannot certainly say. If so, this
might tempt Rebeka to contrive, and Jacob to put this
imposition upon him. However, Josephus says here,
that it was Isaac, and not Rebeka. who inquired of God
at first, and received the forementioned oracle (sect. 1);
which, if it be the true reading, renders Isaac’s proce-
dure more inexcusable. Nor was it probably any thing
else that so much encouraged Esau formerly 1o mairy
two Canaanitish wires, without his parents’ consent, as
Isaae’s unhappy fondness for him.

plications, he should be caught in his evil
practice; and lest he should, on the contrary,
provoke his father to curse him. So he
brought in the supper to his father. Isaac
perceiving, by the peculiarity of his voice, who
he was, called his son to him, who gave him
his hand, which was covered with the goat’s
skin. When Isaac felt that, he said, “ Thy
voice is like the voice of Jacob, yet, because
of the thickness of thy hair, thou seemest to
be Esau.” So suspecting no deceit, he ate
the supper, and betook himself to his prayers
and intercessions with God; and said, “ O
Lord of all ages and Creator of all substance;
for it was thou that didst propose to my fa-
ther great plenty of good things, and hast
vouchsafed to bestow on me what I have;
and hast promised to my posterity to be their
kind supporter, and to bestow on them still
greater blessings,—do thou, therefore, con-
firm these thy promises, and do not overlook
me, because of my present weak condition,
on account of which I most earnestly pray to
thee. Be gracious to this my son; and pre-
serve him, and keep him from every tning
that is evil. Give him a happy life, and the
possession of as many good things as thy
power is able to bestow. Make him terrible
to his enemies, and honourable and beloved
among his friends!”

7.	Thus did Isaac pray to God, thinking
his prayers had been made for Esau. He
had hut just finished them, when Esau came
in from hunting; and when Isaac perceived
his mistake, he was silent; but Esau required
that he might he made partaker of the like
blessing from his father that his brother had
partook of; but his father refused it, because
all his prayers had been spent upon Jacoh;
so Esau lamented the mistake. However,
his father being grieved at his weeping, said,
that “ he should excel in hunting and strength
of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work;
and should obtain glory for ever on those ac-
counts, lie and his posterity after him; but
still should serve his brother."

8.	Now the mother delivered Jacob, when
she was afraid that his brother would inflict
some punishment upon him, because of the
mistake about the prayers of Isaac; for she
persuaded her husband to take a wife for
Jacoh out of Mesopotamia, of her own kin-
dred, Esau having married already Basem-
math, the daughter of Ismael, without his
father’s consent; for Isaac did not like the
Canaanites, so that he disapproved of Esau’s
former marriages, which made him take Ba-
semmath to wife, in order to please him; and
indeed he had a great affection for her.48	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK I.

CHAPTER XIX.

CONCERNING JACOB’S FLIGHT INTO MESOPO-
TAMIA, BY REASON OF THE FEAR HE WAS
IN OF HIS BROTHER.

§ 1. Now Jacob was sent, by his mother to
Mesopotamia, in order to marry Laban her
brother’s daughter (which marriage was per-
mitted by Isaac, on account of his obsequi-
ousness to the desires of his wife,); and he
accordingly journeyed through the land of
Canaan; and because he hated the people of
that country, he would not lodge with any of
them, but took up his lodging in the open
air, and laid his head on a heap of stones
that he had gathered together. At which time
he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by
him:—he seemed to see a ladder, that reached
from the earth unto heaven, and persons de-
scending upon the ladder that seemed more
excellent than human; and at last God him-
self stood above it, and was plainly visible to
him; who, calling him by his name, spake to
him these words: —

2.	“ O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who
art the son of a good father, and grandson of
one who had obtained a great reputation for
bis eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy pre-
sent circumstances, but to hope for better
times, for thou sbalt have great abundance of
all good things by my assistance; for I brought
Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when
he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I
made thy father a happy man; nor will I be-
stow a less degree, of happiness on thyself;
be of good courage, therefore, nnd under my
conduct proceed on this thy journey, for the
marriage thou goest so zealously about shall
be consummated; and thou shalt have chil-
dren of good characters, but their multitude
shall be innumerable; and they shall leave
what they have to a still more numerous pos-
terity, to whom, and to whose posterity, I
give the dominion of all the land, and their
posterity shall fill the entire earth and sea, so
far as the sun beholds them; but do not thou
fear any danger, nor be afraid of the many
labours thou must undergo, for by my provi-
dence I will direct thee what thou art to do
in the time present, and still much more in
the time to come.”

3.	Such were the predictions which God
made to Jacob; whereupon he became very
joyful at what he had seen and heard; and
he poured oil on the stones, because on them
the prediction of such great benefits was
made. He also vowed a vow, that he would
offer sacrifices upon them, if he lived and re-
turned safe; and if he came again in such a
condition, he would give the tithe of what he
had gotten to God. He also judged the
place to be honourable, and gave it the name

of Bethel, which, in the Greek, is interpreted,
The House of God.

4.	So he proceeded on his journey to Me-
sopotamia, and at length came to Haran;
and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs,
with boys grown up, and maidens sitting
about a certain well, he staid with them, as
wanting water to drink; and beginning to
discourse with them, he asked them whether
they knew such a one as Laban, nnd whether
he was still alive. Now they all said they
knew him, for he was not so inconsiderable a
person as to be unknown to any of them;
and that his daughter fed her father’s flock
together with them; and that indeed they
wondered that she was not yet come, for by
her means thou mightest learn more exactly
whatever thou desirest to know about that
family. While they were saying this the
damsel came, and the other shepherds that
came down along with her. . Then they
showed her Jacob, and told her that he was a
stranger, who came to inquire about her fa-
ther’s affairs. But she, as pleased, after the
custom of children, with Jacob’s coming,
asked him who he was, and whence he came
to them, and what it vyas he lacked that he
came thither. She also wished it might be
in their power to supply the wants he caine
about.

5.	But Jacob was quite overcome, not so
much by their kindred, nor by that affection
which might arise thence, as by his love to
the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty,
which was so flourishing, as few of the women
of that age could vie with. He said then,
“ There is a relation between thee and me,
elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be
the daughter of Laban; for Abraham was the
son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor.
Of the last of whom (Nahor) Betbuel thy
grandfather was the son. Isaac my father
was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who
was the daughter of Haran. But there is a
nearer and later cement of mutual kindred
which we bear to one another, for my mother
Rebeka was sister to Laban thy father, both
by the same father and mother; I therefore
and thou are cousins-german; and I am now
come to salute you, and to renew that affinity
which is proper between us.” Upon this the
damsel, at the mention of Rebeka, as usually
happens to young persons, wept, and that out
of the kindness she had for her father, and
embraced Jacob, she having learned an ac-
count of Rebeka from her father, and knew
that her parents loved to hear her named; and
when she Rad saluted him, she said that “he

thinking of her, and her alone; and that this
will make thee equal in his eves to any advan-
tageous circumstances whatsoever.” Then
she Rid him go to her father, and follow her

brought the most desirable and greatest plea-
sures to her father, with all their family, who
was always mentioning his mother, and alwaysCHAP. XIX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

49

while she conducted him to him; and not to
deprive him of such a pleasure, by staying any
longer away from him.

6.	When she had said thus, she brought
him to Laban; and being owned by his uncle,
he was secure himself, as being among his
friends; and he brought a great deal of plea-
sure to them by his unexpected coming. But
a little while afterward, Laban told him that
he could not express in words the joy he had
at his coming; but still he inquired of him
the occasion of his coming, and why he left
his aged mother and father, when they wanted
to be taken care of by him; and that he
would afford him all the assistance he wanted.
Then Jacob gave him an account of the
whole occasion of his journey, and told him,
“ that Isaac had two sons that were twins,
himself and Esau; who, because he failed of
his father’s prayers, which by his mother’s
wisdom were put up for him, sought to kill
him, as deprived of the kingdom* which was
to be given him of God, and of the blessings
for which their father prayed; and that this
was the occasion of his coming hither, as his
mother had commanded him to do: for we
are all (says he) brethren one to another; but
our mother esteems an alliance with your fa-
mily more than she does one with the families
of the country; so I look upon yourself and
God to be the supporters of my travels, and
think myself safe in my present circum-
stances.”

7.	Now Laban promised to treat him with
great humanity, both on account of his an-
cestors, and particularly for the sake of his
mother, towards whom, he said, he would show
his kindness, even though she were absent, by
taking care of him; for he assured him he
would make him the head shepherd of his
flock; and give him authority sufficient for
that purpose; and when he should have a
mind to return to his parents, he would send
him back with presents, and this in as honour-
able a manner as the nearness of their relation
should require. This Jacob heard gladly;
and said he would willingly, and with plea-
sure, undergo any sort of pains while he tar-
ried with him, but desired Rachel to wife, as
the reward of those pains, who was not only
on other accounts esteemed by him, but also
because she was the means of his coming to
him; for he said he was forced by the love of
the damsel to make this proposal. Laban
was well pleased with this agreement, and
consented to give the damsel to him, us not
desirous to meet with any better son-in-law;

* By this “deprivation of the kingdom that was to be
given Ks«m of God,** as the lirst-born, it appears that
Josephus thoii'ht that a kingdom to be derived from
find” was due to him whom Isaac should bless as his

fn.st-bori); which I take to be that kingdom which w.is
<x pec ted under the (Messiah, who therefore was to he
born of his
therefore,
became the
to kaau

unner me oiessiar,. woo merciore was m oe
s posterity whom Isaac should so bless. Jacob,
by obtaining Ibis .blessing of the first-born.
ie genuine heir of that kingdom, in opposition

and said he would do this, if he would stay
with him some time, for he was not willing to
send his daughter to be among the Canaanites,
for he repented of the alliance he had made
already by marrying his sister there. And
when Jacob had given his consent to this, he
agreed to stay seven years; for so many years
he bad resolved to serve his fatber-in-law, that,
having given a specimen of his virtue, it might
be better known what sort of a man he was:
and Jacob accepting of his terms, after the
time was over, he made the wedding feast;
and when it was night, without Jacob’s per-
ceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed
to him, who was both elder than Rachel, and
of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her
that night, as being both in drink and in the
dark. However, when it was day, he knew
what had been done to him; and he reproached
Laban for his unfair proceeding with him;
who asked pardon for that necessity which
forced him to do what he did; for he did not
give him Lea out of any ill design, but as
overcome by another greater necessity; that,
notwithstanding this, nothing should hinder
him from marrying Rachel; but that when
he had served another seven years, he would
give him her whom he loved. Jacob sub-
mitted to this condition, for his love to the
damsel did not permit him to do otherwise;
and when another seven years were gone, he
took Rachel to wife.

8.	Now each of these had handmaids, by
their father’s donation. Zilpha was hand-
maid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel; by no
means slaves,* hut however subject to their
mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at
her husband’s love to her sister; and she ex-
pected she should be better esteemed if she
hare him children? so she entreated God per-
petually ; and when she had bom a son, and
her husband was on that account better recon-
ciled to her, she named her son Reubel, be-
cause God had had mercy upon her, in tjiving
her a son; for that is the signification of this
name. After some time she bare three more
sons; Simeon, which name signifies that God
had hearkened to her prayer. Then she hare
Levi, the confirmer of their friendship. After
him was born Judah, which denotes thanksgiv-
ing. But Rachel, fearing lest the fruitfulness
of her sister should make herself enjoy a less
share of Jacob's affections, put to bed to him

* Here we have the difference between slaves for life
and servants, such as we now hire for a time agreed upon
on both sides, and dismiss again after the time contracted
lor is over, which are no slaves, but tree men and free
women. Accordingly, when the apostulical constitutions
forbid a clergyman to marry perpetual servants or slaves,
h. vi ell xvii. it is meant only of the former surt; as
we learn elsewhere from the same constitutions, ch- xlvii.
Can. Ixxxii. Hut concerning these twelve sous of Jacob;
the reasons of their several names, and the times of their
several births in the intervals here assigned,—their sever-
al excellent characters, their several laults and repent-
ance. the several accidents of their lives, with their se-
veral prophecies at their deaths, see the Testaments of
these twelve patriarchs, still preserved at large in the
Authent. llcc. parti, p.	—11.1.

D50

ANTIQUITIES &F THE JEWS.

BOOK I

her handmaid Bilha; by whom Jacob had
Dan: one may interpret that name into the
Greek tongue, a divine judgment. And after
him Nepthalim, as it were, unconquerable in
stratagems, since Rachel tried to conquer the
fruitfulness of her sister by this stratagem.
Accordingly, Lea took the same method, and
used a counter-stratagem to that of her sister;
for she put to bed to him her own handmaid.
Jacob therefore had by Zilpha a son, whose
name was Gad, which may be interpreted
fortune; and after him Asher, which may be
called a happy man, because he added glory
to Lea. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea,
brought apples of mandrakes* to his mother.
When Rachel saw them, she desired that she
would give her the apples, for she longed to
eat them; but when she refused, and bid her
be content that she had deprived her of the
benevolence she ought to have had from her
husband, Rachel, in order to mitigate her
sister’s anger, said she would yield her hus-
band to her; and he should lie with her that
evening. She accepted of the favour; and
Jacob slept with Lea, by the favour of
Rachel. She bare then these sons: Issachar,
denoting one born by hire; and Zabulon, one
born as a pledge of benevolence towards her;
and a daughter, Dina. After some time
Rachel had a son, named Joseph, which sig-
nified there should be another added to him.

9.	Now Jacob fed the flocks of Laban, his
father-in-law, all this time, beingtwenty years;
after which he desired leave of his father-in-law
to take bis wives and go home; but when his
father-in-law would not give him leave, he con-
trived to do it secretly. He made trial, there-
fore, of the disposition of his wives, what they
thought of this journey;—when they appeared
glad, and approved of it. Rachel took along
with her the images of the gods which, accord-
ing to their laws, they used to worship in their
own country, and ran away together with her
sister. The children also of them both, and
the hand-maids, and what possessions they had,
went along with them. Jacob also drove
away half the cattle, without letting Laban
know of it beforehand; but the reason why
Rachel took the images of the gods, although
Jacob had taught her to despise such worship
of those gods, was this, That in case they were
pursued, and taken by her father, she might
have recourse to these images, in order to ob-
tain his pardon.

10.	But Laban, after one day’s time, being
acquainted with Jacob’s and his daughters’
departure, was much troubled, and pursued
after them, leading a band of men with him;

« I formerly explained these mandrakes, as we, with
the Septuagint, and Josephus, render the Hebrew word
Dudaim, of the Syrian Maux, with l.udolphus, Authent.
Kec. Part i. p. 420, but have since seen such a very pro-
bable account in MS. of my learned triend Mr. Samuel
Barker, of what we still call Mandrakes, and their de-
scription by the ancient naturalists and physicians, as
inclines me to think these here mentioned were really
mandrakes, and no other.

and on the seventh day overtook them, and
found them resting on a certain hill; and then
indeed he did not meddle with them, for it was
even-tide; but God stood by him in a dream,
and warned him to receive his son-in-law and
his daughters in a peaceable manner; and not
to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath
to them, but to make a league with Jacob •
and he told him, that if he despised their
small number, and attacked them in a hostile
manner, he would himself assist them. When
Laban had been thus forewarned by God, he
called Jacob to him the next day, in order to
treat with him, and showed him what dream
he had; in dependence whereupon he came
confidently to him, and began to accuse him;
alleging that he had entertained him when he
was poor, and in want of all things, and had
given him plenty of all things which he had;
“ For,” said he, “ I have joined my daugh-
ters to thee in marriage, and supposed that thy
kindness to me would be greater than before;
but thou hast had no regard to either thy mo-
ther’s relation to me, nor to the affinity now
newly contracted between us; nor to those
wives whom thou hast married; nor to those
children, of whom I am the grandfather. Thou
hast treated me as an enemy, by driving away
my cattle; and by persuading my daughters
to run away from their father; and by carry-
ing home those sacred paternal images which
were worshipped by my forefathers, and have
been honoured with the like worship which
they paid them, by myself. In short, thou
hast done this whilst thou art my kinsman,
and my sister’s son, and the husband of my
daughters, and wast hospitably treated by me,
and didst eat at my table.” When Laban
had said this, Jacob made his defence: —
That he was not the only person in whom
God had implanted the love of his native
country, but that he had made it natural to
all men; and that therefore it was but reason-
able that, after so long time, he should go back
to it. “ But as to the prey, of whose driving
away thou accusest me, if any other person
were the arbitrator, thou wouldst be found in
the wrong; for, instead of those thanks I
ought to have had from thee, for both keeping
thy cattle and increasing them, how is it that
thou art unjustly angry at me because I have
taken, and have with me a small portion ot
them? But then, as to thy daughters, take
notice, that it is not through any evil practices
of mine that they follow me in my retorn
home, but from that just affection which
wives naturally have to their husbands. They
follow, therefore, not so properly myself as
their own children.” And thus far of his
apology was made, in order to clear himself
of having acted unjustly. To which he added
his own complaint and accusation of Laban;
saying, While I was thy sister’s son, and thou
hadst given me thy daughters in marriage,
thou hast worn me out with thv harsh com-CHAP. XX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWSw

51

mands, and detained me twenty years under
them. That, indeed, which was required in
■order to my marrying thy daughters, hard as
it was, I own to have been tolerable; but as
to those that were put upon me after those
marriages, they were worse, and such indeed
as an enemy would have avoided.” For cer-
tainly Laban had used Jacob very ill; for
when he saw that God was assisting to Jacob
in all that he desired, he promised him, that
of the young cattle which should be born, he
should have sometimes what was of a white
colour, and sometimes what should be of a
black colour; but when those that came to
Jacob’s share proved numerous, he did not
keep his faith with him, but said he would
give them to him the next year, because of
his envying him the multitude of his pos-
sessions. He promised him as before, because
he thought such an increase was not to be ex-
pected; but when it appeared to be fact, he
deceived him.

11. But then, as to the sacred images, he
bid him search for them; and when Laban ac-
cepted of the offer, Rachel, being informed of
it, put those images into that camel’s saddle
on which she rode, and sat upon it; and said,
that her natural purgation hindered her rising
up: so Laban left off searching any farther,
uot supposing that his daughter in such cir-
cumstances would approach to those images.
So he made a league with Jacob, and bound
it by oaths, that he would not bear him any
malice on account of what had happened; and
Jacob made the like league, and promised to
love Laban’s daughters. And these leagues
they confirmed with oaths also, which they
made upon certain mountains, whereon they
erected a pillar, in the form of an altar;
whence that hill is called Gilead; and from
thence they call that land the Land of Gilead
at this day. Now when they had feasted,
after the making of the league, Laban returned
home.

CHAPTER XX.

CONCERNING THE MEETING OF JACOB AND
ESAU.

§ 1. Now as Jacob was proceeding on his
journey to the laud of Canaan, angels appeared
to him, and suggested to him good hope of
his future condition; and that place he named
the Camp of God. And being desirous of
knowing what his brother’s intentions were to
him, he sent messengers, to give him an exact
account of every thing, as being afraid, on
account of the enmities between them. He
charged those that were sent, to say to Esau,
"Jacob had thought it wrong to live toge-
ther with him, while he was in auger against
biin, and so had gone out of the country;
and that he now. thinking the length of time

of his absence must have made up their dif-
ferences, was returning; that he brought with
him his wives, and his children, with what pos-
sessions he had gotten; and delivered himseif,
with what was most dear to him, into his hands;
and should think it his greatest happiness to
partake together with his brother of what God
had bestowed upon him." So these messen-
gers told him this message. Upon which
Esau was very glad, and met his brother with
four hundred men. And Jacob, when he
heard that he was coming to meet him with
such a number of men, was greatly afraid:
however, he committed his hope of deliver-
ance to God; and considered how, in his pre-
sent circumstances, he might preserve himself
and those that were with him, and overcome
his enemies if they attacked him injuriously.
He therefore distributed his company into
parts; some he sent before the rest, and the
others he ordered to come close behind, that
so, if the first were overpowered when his bro-
ther attacked them, they might have those that
followed as a refuge to fly unto. And when
he had put his company in this order, be sent
some of them to carry presents to his brother.
The presents were made up of cattle, and a
great number of four-footed beasts, of many
kinds, such as would be very acceptable to
those that received them, on account of their
rarity. Those who were sent went at certain
intervals of space asunder, that, by following
thick one after another, they might appear to
be more numerous; that Esau might remit
of his anger on account of these presents,
if he were still in a passion. Instructions
were also given to those that were sent to
speak gently to him.

2. When Jacob had made these appoint-
ments all the day, and night came on, he moved
on with his company; and, as they were gone
over a certain river called Jabboc, Jacob
was left behind; and meeting with an angel
he wrestled with him, the angel beginning the
struggle; but he prevailed over the angel,
who used a voice, and spake to him in words,
exhorting him to he pleased with what had
happened to him, and not to suppose that his
victory was a small one. but that he had over-
come a divine angel, and to esteem the vic-
tory as a sign of great blessings that should
come to him; and that his offspring should
never fail; and that no man should be too
hard for his power. He also commanded him
to be called Israel, which in the Hebrew
tongue signifies one that struggled with the di-
vine angel* These promises were made at the
prayer of Jacob; for when he perceived him
to he the angel of God, he desired he would
signify to him what should befal him hereafttr.

* Perhaps this may be the proper meaning of the
word Israel, by the present and the old Jerusalem analogy
of the Hebrew tongue. In the mean time, it is certain
that the Hellenists of the first century, in Egypt and
elsewhere, interpreted Israel to be a man seeing God, as
is evident from the argument fore cited.52

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

BOOK i

And when the angel had said what is before
related, he disappeared; but Jacob was pleased
with these things, and named the place
Phanuel which signifies the face of God. Now
when he felt pain, by this struggling, upon
his broad sinew, he abstained from eating that
sinew himself afterward; and for his sake it
is still not eaten by us.

3. When Jacob understood that his bro-
ther was near, he ordered his wives to go be-
fore, each by herself, with the handmaids, that
they might see the actions of the men as they
were fighting, if Esau were so disposed. He
then went up to his brother Esau, and bowed
down to him, who had no evil design upon
him, but saluted him; and asked him about
the company of the children and of the wo-
men ; and desired, when he had understood all
he wanted to know about them, that he would
go along with him to their father; but Jacob
pretending that the cattle were weary, Esau
returned to Seir, for there was his place of
habitation; he having named the place Rough-
ness, from, his own hairy roughness.

CHAPTER XXL

CONCERNING THE VIOLATION OF DINA’s
CHASTITY.

§ 1. Hereupon Jacob came to the place, till
this day called Tents (Succoth); from whence
he went to Shechem, which is a city of the
Canaanites. Now as the Shechemites were
keeping a festival, Dina, who was the only
daughter of Jacob, went into the city to see
the finery of the women of that country. But
when Shechem, the son of Hamor the king,
saw her, he defiled her by violence; and, be-
ing greatly in love with her, desired of his fa-
ther that he would procure the damsel to him
for a wife:—to which desire he condescended,
and came to Jacob, desiring him to give leave
that his son Shechem might, according to law,
marry Dina. But Jacob, not knowing how
to deny the desire of one of such great dig-
nity, and yet not thinking it lawful to marry
his daughter to a stranger, entreated him to
give him leave to have a consultation about
what he desired him to do. So the king went
away, in hopes that Jacob would grant him
this marriage. But Jacob informed his sons
of the defilement of their sister, and of the
address of Hamor; and desired them to give
their advice what they should do. Upon this,
the greatest part said nothing, not knowing
what advice to give. But Simeon and Levi,
the brethren of the damsel by the same mo-
ther, agreed between themselves upon the
action following: It being now the time of a
festival, when the Shechemites were employed
in ease and feasting, they fell upon the watch
when they were asleep, and, coming into the

city, slew all the males ;* as also the king and
his son with them; but spared the women
and when they had done this without their
father’s consent, they brought away their
sister.

2.	Now while Jacob was ustonished at the
greatness of this act, and was severely blaming
his sons for it, God stood by him, and bid him
be of good courage; but to purify his tents,
and to offer those sacrifices which he had vowed
to offer when he went first into Mesopotamia,
and saw his vision. As he was therefore
purifying his followers, he lighted upon the
gods of Laban (for he did not before know they
were stolen by Rachel); and he hid them i»
the earth, under an oak, in Shechem; and de-
parting thence, he offered sacrifice at Bethel,
the place where he saw his dream, when he
went first into Mesopotamia.

3.	And when he was gone thence, and war
come over-against Eplirata, he there buried
Rachel, who died in child-bed; she was the
only one of Jacob's kindred that had not the
honour of burial at Hebron; and when he had
mourned for her a great while, he called the
son that was born of her Benjamin,f because
of the sorrow the mother had with him. These
are all the children of Jacob, twelve males
and one female; — of them eight were legiti-
mate, viz. six of Lea, and two of Rachel; and
four were of the handmaids, two of each; all
whose names have been set down already.

CHAPTER XXII.

IIOW ISAAC DIED, AND WAS BURIED IN HEBRON.

FnoM thence Jacob came to Hebron, a city
situate among the Canaanites; and there it
was that Isaac lived: and so they lived toge-
ther for a little while; for as to Rebeka, Ja-
cob did not find her alive. Isaac also died
not long after the coming of bis son; and
was buried by his sons, with his wife, in He-
bron, where they had a monument belonging
to them from their forefathers. Now Isaac

• Of this slaughter of the Shechemites bj Simeon and
Levi, see Auth. Rec. Part 1, p. 309, 410, 432—439. Rut
why Josephus lias omitted the circumcision of these
Shechemites, as the occasion of thoir death; and of Ja-
cob’s ereat grief, as in the Testament of Levi, { 5. 1 can-
not tell.

+ Since Beuoni signifies the son of my sorrow, and
Benjamin the son of days, or one born in the father's old
aye (Gen. xliv. 20.), I suspect Josephus’s present copies
to be here imperfect; and I suppose that, in correspon-
dence to other copies, he wrote that Rachel culled her
son’s name Benoni; but his father called him Benjamin.
Gen. xxxv. IB. A h for benjamin, as commonly explained,
the son of the riyht hand, it makes no sense at all, and!
seems io be a gross modern error only. The Samaritan
always writes this name truly Benjamim, which probably
is here of the same signification, only with the CliaF
termination in, instead of tm in the Hebrew, us we |

signification, only with the Chaldee
■ad of tm in the Hebrew, us we pro-
nounce Chentbin or Cherubim indiUerenlly. Accord-
ingly, both the Testament of Benjamin (sect. 2, p. 4Ulj,
and Philo de Nominum Alutatione (p. K'-j'J). write 'V*
name Benjamin; hut explaiu it not the sun of the
hand, but the son of days.CHAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

was a man who was beloved of God, and was
vouchsafed great instances of providence by
God, after Abraham his father, and lived to

be exceeding old; for when he had lived vir-
tuously one hundred and eighty-five years, he
then died.

BOOK II.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTT TEARS.

FROM THE DEATH OF ISAAC TO THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT.

CHAPTER I.

HOW ESAU AND JACOB, ISAAC’S SONS, DIVIDED
THEIR HABITATIONS; AND ESAU POSSESSED
IDUMEA, AND JACOB CANAAN.

§ 1. After the death of Isaac, his sons di-
vided their habitations respectively; nor did
they retain what they had before; but Esau
departed from the city of Hebron, and left it
to his brother, and dwelt in Seir, and ruled
over Idumea. He called the country by that
name from himself, for he was named Adorn;
which appellation he got on the following oc-
casion:— One day returning from the toil of
hunting very hungry (it was when he was a
child in age), he lighted on his brother when
he was getting ready lentile-pottage for his din-
ner, which was of a very red colour; on which
account he the more earnestly longed for it,
and desired him to give him some of it to
eat: but he made advantage of his brother’s
hunger, and forced him to resign up to him
his birthright; and he, being pinched with
famine, resigned it up to him, under an oath.
Whence it came, that, on account of the red-
ness of this pottage, he was, in way of jest,
by his contemporaries, called Adorn, for the
Hebrews call what is red Adorn; and this
was the name given to this country: but the
Greeks gave it a more agreeable pronuncia-
tion, and named it Idumea.

2. He became the father of five sons; of
whom Jaus, and Jalomus, and Coreus, were
by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but
of the rest, Aliphaz was born to him by Ada,
and Raguel by Basemmath: and these were
the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legiti-
mate sons:	Theman, Omer, Saplnis, Go-

tham, and Kanaz; for Amalek was not legi-
timate, but by a concubine, whose name was
Tbamna. These dwelt in that part of Idu-
mea which is called Gebalitis, and that deno-
minated from Amalek, Amalekitis; for Idu-

1 mea was a large country, and did then pre-
serve the name of the whole, while in its seve-
ral parts it kept the names of its peculiar
inhabitants.

CHAPTER IL

HOW JOSEPH, THE YOUNGEST OF JACOB’S
SONS, WAS ENVIED BY HIS BRETHREN,
WHEN CERTAIN DREAMS HAD FORESHOWN
HIS FUTURE HAPPINESS.

§ 1. It happened that Jacob came to so great
happiness as rarely any other person had ar-
rived at. He was richer than the rest of the
inhabitants of that country; and was at once
envied and admired for such virtuous sons,
for they were deficient in nothing, but were
of great souls, both for labouring with their
hands and enduring of toil; and shrewd also
in undersianding; and God exercised such a
providence over him, and such a care of his
happiness, as to bring him the greatest bless-
ings, even out of what appeared to be the
most sorrowful condition; and to make him
the cause of our forefathers’ departure out of
Egypt, him and his posterity. The occasion
was this: — When Jacob had his son Joseph
born to him by Rachel, his father loved him
above the rest of his sons, both because of the
beauty of his body, and the virtues of his
mind; for he excelled the rest in prudence.
This affection of his father excited the envy
and the hatred of his brethren; as did also
his dreams which he saw, and related to his
father and to them, which foretold his future
happiness, it being usual "with mankind to
envy their very nearest relations such their
prosperity. Now the visions which Joseph
saw in his sleep were these: —

2. When they were in the middle of har-
vest, and Joseph was sent by his father, wi'h54

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II,

his brethren, to gather the fruits of the earth,
he saw a vision in a dream, but greatly ex-
ceeding the accustomary appearances that
come when we are asleep; which, when he
was got up, he told his brethren, that they
might judge what it portended. He said, he
saw the last night, that his wheat-sheaf stood
still in the place where he set it, but that their
sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants
bow down to their masters; but as soon as they
perceived the vision foretold that he should
obtain power and great wealth, and that his
power should be in opposition to them, they
gave no interpretation of it to Joseph, as if
the dream were not by them understood: but
they prayed that no part of what they sus-
pected to be its meaning might come to pass;
and they bare a still greater hatred to him on
that aocount.

3.	But God, in opposition to their envy,
sent a second vision to Joseph, which was
much more wonderful than the former; for
it seemed to him that the sun took with him
the moon and the rest of the stars, and came
down to the earth, and bowed down to him.
He told this vision to his father, and that, as
suspecting nothing of ill-will from his breth-
ren, when they were there also, and desired
him to interpret what it should signify. Now
Jacob was pleased with the dream; for, con-
sidering the prediction in his mind, and
shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning
he rejoiced at the great things thereby signi-
fied, because it declared the future happiness
of his son; and that, by the blessing of God
the time would come when he should be ho-
noured, and thought worthy of worship by his
parents and brethren, as guessing that the
moon and sun were like his mother and fa-
ther ; the former, as she that gave increase
and nourishment to all things, and the latter,
he that gave form and other powers to them;
and that the stars were like his brethren,
since they were eleven in number, as were
the stars that receive their power from the
sun and moon.

4.	And thus did Jacob make a judgment
of this vision, and that a shrewd one also;
but these interpretations caused very great
grief to Joseph’s brethren; and they were
afFected to him hereupon as if he were a cer-
tain stranger that was to have those good
things which were signified by the dreams,
and not as one that was a brother, with whom
it was probable they should be joint partakers;
and as they had been partners in the same
parentage, so should they be of the same
happiness. They also resolved to kill the
lad; and having fully ratified that intention
of theirs, as soon as their collection of the
ftpits was over, they went to Shechem, which
is a country good for feeding of cattle, and
for pasturage; there they fed their flocks
without acquainting their father with their
removal thither; whereupon he had melan-

choly suspicions about them, as being igno-
rant of his sons’ condition, and receiving no
messenger from the flocks that could inform
him of the true state they were in; so, because
he was in great fear about them, he sent Jo-
seph to the flocks, to learn the circumstances
his brethren were in, and to bring him word
how they did.

CHAPTER III.

HOW JOSEPH WAS THUS SOLD BY HIS BRETH-
REN INTO EGYPT, BY REASON OF THEIR
HATRED TO HIM; AND HOW HE THERE
GREW FAMOUS AND ILLUSTRIOUS, AND HAD
HIS BRETHREN UNDER HIS POWER.

§ 1. Now these brethren rejoiced as soon as
they saw their brother coming to them, not
indeed as at the presence of a near relation,
or as at the presence of one sent by their fa-
ther, but as at the presence of an enemy, and
one that by divine providence was delivered
into their hands; and they already resolved
to kill him, and not let slip the opportunity
that lay before them; but when Reubel, the
eldest of them, saw them thus disposed, and
that they had agreed together to execute their
purpose, he tried to restrain them, showing
them the heinous enterprise they were going
about, and the horrid nature of it; that this
action would appear wicked in the sight of
God, and impious before men, even though
they should kill one not related to them, but
much more flagitious and detestable to appear
to have slain their own brother; by which
act the father must be treated unjustly in the
son’s slaughter, and the mother* also be in
perplexity while she laments that her son is
taken away from her, and this not in a na-
tural way neither. So he entreated them to
have a regard to their own consciences, and
wisely to consider wrbat mischief would betide
them upon the death of so good a child, and
their youngest brother; that they would also
fear God, who was already both a spectator
and a witness of the designs they had against
their brother; that he would love them, if
they abstained from this act, and yielded to
repentance and amendment; but in case they
proceeded to do the fact, all sorts of punish-
ments would overtake them from God for
this murder of their brother, since they pol-
luted his piovidence, which was everywhere
present, and which did not overlook what was
done, either in deserts or in cities; for where-
soever a man is, there ought he to suppose

ondenre to
liis mother,

* We may here observe, that in corresp<

Joseph’s second dream, which implied that I
who was then alive, as well as his father, should come
and bow down to him, Josephus repiesents her here as
j still alhe after she was dead, for the decorum of the
| dream that foretold it; as the interpretation of the dream
1 does also in all our copies. Gen. xxxvii 10.CHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

that God is also. He told them farther, that
their consciences would be their enemies, if
they attempted to go through so wicked an
enterprise, which they can never avoid, whether
it be a good conscience, or whether it be such
a one as they will have within them when
once they have killed their brother. He also
added this besides to what he had before said,
that it was not a righteous thing to kill a
brother, though he had injured them; that it
is a good thing to forget the actions of such
near friends, even in things wherein they
might seem to have offended; but that they
were going to kill Joseph, who had been
guilty of nothing that was ill towards them,
in whose case the infirmity of his small age
should rather procure him mercy, and move
them to unite together in the care of his pre-
servation: that the cause of killing him made
the act itself much worse, while they deter-
mined to take him off out of envy at his fu-
ture prosperity, an equal share of which they
would naturally partake while he enjoyed it,
since they were to him not strangers, but the
nearest relations, for they might reckon upon
what God bestowed upon Joseph as their
own; and that it was fit for them to believe,
that the anger of God would for this cause be
more severe upon them, if they slew him who
was judged by God to be worthy of that pros-
perity which was to be hoped for; and while,
by murdering him, they made it impossible
for God to bestow it upon him.

2. Reubel said these, and many other
tiling's, and used entreaties to them, and
thereby endeavoured to divert them from the
murder of their brother; but when he saw
that his discourse had not mollified them at
all. and that they made haste to do the fact,
be advised them to alleviate the wickedness
they were going about, in the manner of tak-
ing Joseph off; for as he had exhorted them
first, when they were going to revenge them-
selves, to be dissuaded from doing it, so, since
the sentence for killing their brother had pre-
vailed, he said that they would not, however,
be so grossly guilty, if they would be per-
suaded to follow his present advice, which
would include what they were so eager about,
but was not so very bad, but, in the distress
they were in, of a lighter nature. He begged
of them, therefore, not to kill their brother
with their own hands, but to cast him into
the pit that was hard by, and so to let him
die; by which they would gain so much, that
they would not defile their own hands with
his blood. To this the young men readily
agreed; so Reubel took the lad and tied him
to a cord, and let him down gently into the
pit, for it had no water at all in it; who,
when he had done this, went his way to seek
for such pasturage as was fit for feeding his

docks.

3. But Judas, being one of Jacob’s sons
also, seeing some Arabians, of the posterity

S3

of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares
out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians,
after Reubel was gone, advised his brethren
to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him
to the Arabians; for if he should die among
strangers a great way off, they should be
freed from this barbarous action. This,
therefore, was resolved on; so they drew Jo-
seph up out of the pit, and sold him to the
merchants for twenty pounds.* He was now
seventeen years old: but Reubel, coming in
the night-time to the pit, resolved to save
Joseph, without the privity of his brethren;
and when, upon bis calling to him, he made
no answer, he was afraid that they had de-
stroyed him after he was gone; of which he
complained to bis brethren; hut when they
bad told him what they had done, Reubgl
left off his mourning.

4. When Joseph’s brethren had done thus
to him, they considered what they should do
to escape the suspicions of their father. Now
they had taken away from Joseph the coat
which he had on when he came to them at
the time they let him down into the pit; so
they thought proper to tear that coat to pieces,
and to dip it into goat’s blood, and then to
carry it and show it to their father, that he
might believe he was destroyed by wild
beasts; and when they had so done, they
came to the old man, but this not till what
had happened to his son had already come to
his knowledge.. Then they said that they
had not sgen Joseph, nor knew what mishap
had befallen him, but that they had found
his coat bloody and tom to pieces, whence
they had a suspicion that be had fallen among
wild beasts, and so perished, if that was ihe
coat he had on when he came from home.
Now Jacob bad before some better hopes that
his son was only made a captive; but now he
laid aside that notion, and supposed that this
coat was an evident argument that he was
dead, for he well remembered that this was
the coat he had on when he sent him to his
brethren; so he hereafter lamented the lad as
now dead, and as if he had been the father of
no more than one, without taking any com-
fort in the rest; and so he w.is also affected
with his misfortune before he met with Jo-
seph’s brethren, when he also conjectured that
Joseph was destroyed by wild beasts. He
sat down also clothed in sackcloth and ia
heavy affliction, insomuch that he found no
ease when his sons comforted him, neither did
his pains remit by length of time.

* The Septuagint have twenty pieces of gold; the
Testament of Gad th rty; the Hebrew and Samaritan
twenty of silver: ami the vulvar Latin thirty. What
was the true number and true sum, cannot theretoce
now be known.66

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II,

CHAPTER IV.

CONCEBNING THE SIGNAL CHASTITY OF
JOSEPH.

§ 1. Now Potiphar, an Egyptian, who was
chief cook to king Pharaoh, bought Joseph
of the merchants, who sold him to him. He
had him in the greatest honour, and taught
him the learning that became a free man,
and gave him leave to make use of a diet
better than was allotted to slaves. He in-
trusted also the care of his house to him. So
he enjoyed these advantages, yet did not he
leave that virtue which he had before, upon
such a change of bis condition; but he de-
monstrated that wisdom was able to govern
the uneasy passions of life, in such as have it
in reality, and do not only put it on for a
show, under a present state of prosperity.

2.	For when his master’s wife was fallen
in love with him, both on account of bis
beauty of body and his dexterous management
of affairs; and supposed, that if she should
make it known to him, she could easily per-
suade him to come and lie with her, and that
he would look upon it as a piece of happy for-
tune that his mistress should entreat him, as
regarding that state of slavery he was in, and
not his moral character, which continued after
his condition was changed: so she made
known her naughty inclinations, and spake
to him about lying with her. However, he
rejected her entreaties, not thinking it agree-
able to religion to yield so far to her, as to
do what would tend to the affront and injury
of him that purchased him, and had vouch-
safed him so great honours. He, on the con-
trary, exhorted her to govern that passion;
and laid before her the impossibility of her
obtaining her desires, which he thought might
be conquered, if she had no hope of succeed-
ing: and he said, that as to himself, he would
endure any thing whatever before he would
be persuaded to it; for although it was fit
for a slave, as he was, to do nothing contrary
to his mistress, he might well be excused in a
case where the contradiction was to such sort
of commands only. But this opposition of
Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her
still more violent in her love to him; and as
she was sorely beset with this naughty pas-
sion, so she resolved to compass her 'design
by a second attempt.

3.	When, therefore, there was a public fes-
tival coming on, in which it was the custom
for women to come to the public solemnity,
she pretended to her husband that she was
sick, as contriving an opportunity for solitude
and leisure, that she might entreat Joseph
again; which opportunity being obtained, she
used more kind words to him than before;
and said that it had been good for him to
have yielded to her first solicitation, and to

have given her no repulse, both because of the
reverence he ought to bear to her dignity who
solicited him, and because of the vehemence
of her passion, by which 9he was forced,
though she were his mistress, to condescend
beneath her dignity; but that be may now,
by taking more prudent advice, wipe off the
imputation of his former folly; for, whether
it were that he expected the repetition of
her solicitations she had now made, and th^J
with greater earnestness than before, for that
she had pretended sickness on this very ac-
count, and had preferred his conversation be-
fore the festival and its solemnity; or whether
he opposed her former discourses, as not be-
lieving she could be in earnest, she now gave
him sufficient security, by thus repeating her
application, that she meant not in the least
by fraud to impose upon him; and assured
him, that if he complied with her affections,
he might expect the enjoyment of the advan-
tages he already had; arid if he were submis-
sive to her, he should have still greater ad-
vantages; but that he must look for revenge
and hatred from her, in case he rejected her
desires, and preferred the reputation of chas-
tity before his mistress; for that he would
gain nothing by such procedure, because she
would then become his accuser, and would
falsely pretend to her husband that he had
attempted her chastity; and that Potiphar
would hearken to her words rather than to
his, let his be ever so agreeable to the truth.

4.	When the woman had said thus, and
even with tears in her eyes, neither did pity
dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did
fear compel him to a compliancejWith her;
but he opposed her solicitations, and did not
yield to her threatening9, and was afraid to
do an ill thing, and chose to undergo the
sharpest punishment rather than to enjoy his
present advantages, by doing what his own
conscience knew would justly deserve that
he should die for it. He also put her in
mind that she wns a married woman, and that
she ought to cohabit with her husband only;
and desired her to suffer these considerations
to have more weight with her than the short
pleasure of lustful dalliance, which would
bring her to repentance afterwards, would
cause trouble to her, and yet would not amend
what had been done amiss. He also sug-
gested to her the fear she would be in lest they
should be caught; and that the advantage of
concealment was uncertain, and that only
while the wickedness was not known [would
there be any quiet for them]; but that she
might have the enjoyment of her husband’s
company without any danger: and he told
her, that in the company of her husband she
might have great boldness from a good con-
science, both before God and before men:
nay, that she would act better like his mistress,
and make use of her authority over him better
while she persisted in her chastity, than whenCHAP. V.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

57

they were both ashamed for what wickedness
they had been guilty of; and that it is much
better to depend on a good life, well acted,
and known to have been so, than upon the
hopes of the concealment of evil practices.

5. Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried
to restrain the violent passion of the woman,
and to reduce her affections within the rules
of reason; but she grew more ungovernable
and earnest in the matter; and since she des-
paired of persuading him, she laid her hands
upon him, and had a mind to force him. But
as soon as Joseph had got away from her an-
ger, leaving also his garment with her, for he
left that to her, and leaped out of her chamber,
she was greatly afraid lest he should discover
her lewdness to her husband, and greatly trou-
bled at the affront he had offered her; so she
resolved to be beforehand with him, and to
accuse Joseph falsely to Potiphar, and by that
means to revenge herself on him for his pride
and contempt of her; and she thought it a
wise thing in herself, and also becoming a
woman, thus to prevent his accusation. Ac-
cordingly she sat sorrowful and in confusion,
framing herself so hypocritically and angrily,
that the sorrow, which was really for her
being disappointed of her lust, might appear
to be for the attempt upon her chastity; so
that when her husband came home, and was
disturbed at the sight of her, and inquired
what was the cause of the disorder she was in,
she began to accuse Joseph: and, “O hus-
band,” said she, “ mayst thou not live a day
longer if thou dost not punish the wicked
slave who has desired to defile thy bed; who
has neither minded who he was when he came
to our house, so as to behave himself with
modesty; nor has he been mindful of what
favours he had received from thy bounty (as
he must be an ungrateful man indeed, unless
he, in every respect, carry himself in a man-
ner agreeable to us): this man, I say, laid a
private design to abuse thy wife, and this at
the time of a festival, observing when thou
wouldst be absent. So that it now is clear
that his modesty, as it appeared to be formerly,
was only because of the restraint he was in
out of fear of thee, but that he was not really of
a good disposition. This has been occasioned
by his being advanced to honour beyond wHSt
he deserved, and what he hoped for; insomuch
that he concluded, that he who was deemed
fit to be trusted with thy estate and the govern-
ment of thy family, and was preferred above
thy eldest servants, might be allowed to touch
thy wife also.” Thus when she had ended
her discourse, she showed him his garment,
as if he then left it with her when he attempted
to force her. But Potiphar not being able
to disbelieve what his wile’s tears showed, and
what bis wife said, and what he saw himself,
and being seduced by his love to his wife, did
not set himself about the examination of the
truth; but. taking it for granted that his wife

was a modest woman, and condemning Joseph
as a wicked man, he threw him into the male-
factors’ prison; and had a still higher opinion
of his wife, and bare her witness that she was
a woman of a becoming modesty and chastity.

CHAPTER V.

WHAT THINGS BEFELL JOSEPH IN PRISON.

§ 1. Now Joseph, commending all his affairs
to God, did not betake himself to make his
defence, nor to give an account of the exact
circumstances of the fact, but silently under-
went the bonds and the distress he was in,
firmly believing that God, who knew the
cause of his affliction and the truth of the fact,
would be more powerful than those that in-
flicted the punishments upon him: — a proof
of whose providence he quickly received; for
the keeper of the prison taking notice of his
care and fidelity in the affairs he had set him
about, and the dignity of his countenance,
relaxed his bonds, and thereby made his heavy
calamity lighter, and more supportable to
him : he also permitted him to make use of
a diet better than that of the rest of the pri-
soners. Now, as his fellow-prisoners, when
their hard labours were over, fell to discours-
ing one among another, as is usual in such as
are equal sufferers, and to inquire one of ano-
ther, what were the occasions of their being
condemned to a prison: among them the
king’s cup-bearer, and one that had been res-
pected by him, was put in bonds, on the king’s
anger at him. This man was under the same
bonds with Joseph, and grew more familiar
with him; and upon his observing that Joseph
had a better understanding than the rest had,
he told him of a dream he had, and desired he
would interpret its meaning, complaining that,
besides the afflictions he underwent from the
king, God did also add to him trouble from
his dreams.

2. He therefore said, that in his sleep he
saw three clusters of grapes hanging upon
three branches of a vine, large already, and
ripe for gathering; and that he squeezed
them into a cup which the king held in his
hand; and when he had strained the wine,
he gave it to the king to drink, and that he
received it from him with a pleasant counte-
nance. This, he said, was what he saw; and
he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion
of understanding in such matters, he would
tell him what this vision foretold: — who bid
him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed
from his bonds in three days’ time, because
the king desired his service, and was about to
restore him to it again; for he let him know
that God bestows the fruit of the vine upon
men for good; which wine is poured out to
him, and is the pledge of fidelity and mutual58

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II,

confidence among men; and puts an end to
their quarrels, takes away passion and grief
out of the minds of them that use it, and makes
them cheerful. “ Thou sayest that thou didst
squeeze this wine from three clusters of grapes
with thine hands, and that the king received
it know, therefore, that this vision is for thy
good, and foretells a release from thy present
distress within the same number of days as
the branches had whence thou gatheredst thy
grapes in thy sleep. However, remember
what prosperity I have foretold thee when
thou hast found it true by experience; and
when thou art in authority, do not overlook us
in this prison, wherein thou wilt leave us when
thou art gone to the place we have foretold;
for we are not in prison for any crime; but
for the sake of our virtue and sobriety are we
condemned to suffer the penalty of malefac-
tors, and because we are not willing to injure
him that has thus distressed us, though it were
for our own pleasure.” The cup-bearer, there-
fore, as was natural to do, rejoiced to hear such
an interpretation of his dream, and waited the
completion of what had been thus shown him
beforehand.

3.	But another servant there was of the
king, who had been chief baker, and was now
bound in prison with the cup-bearer; he also
was in good hope, upon Joseph’s interpre-
tation of the other’s vision, for he had seen a
dream also; so he desired that Joseph would
tell him what the visions he had seen the
night before might mean. They were these
that follow:—“ Methought,” says he, “I
carried three baskets upon my bead; two were
full of loaves, and the third full of sweatmeats
and other eatables, such as are prepared for
kings; but that the fowls came flying, and
eat them all up, and had no regard to my at-
tempt to drive them away;”—and he expected
a prediction like to that of the cup-bearer.
But Joseph, considering and reasoning about
the dream, said to him, that he would willingly
be an interpreter of good events to him, and not
of such as his dream denounced to him; but he
told him that he had only three days in all to
live, forthat the [three] baskets signify,that on
the third day he should be crucified, and de-
voured by fowls, while he was not able to help
himself. Now both these dreams had the same
several events that Joseph foretold they should
have, and this to both the parties; for on the
third day before mentioned, when the king so-
lemnized his birth-day, he crucified the chief
baker, but set the butler free from his bonds,
and restored him to his former ministration.

4.	But God freed Joseph from his confine-
ment, after he had endured his bonds two
years, and had received no assistance from
the cup-bearer, who did not remember what
he had said to him formerly; and God con-
trived this method ol’ deliverance for him.
Pharaoh the king had seen in his sleep the
same evening two visions; and after them

had the interpretations of them both given
him. He had forgotten the latter, but re-
tained the dreams themselves. Being there-
fore troubled at what he had seen, for it
seemed to him to be all of a melancholy na-
ture, the next day he called together the
wisest men among the Egyptians, desiring to
learn from them the interpretation of his
dreams. But when they hesitated about them,
the king was so much the more disturbed.
And now it was that the memory of Joseph,
and his skill in dreams, came into the mind
of the king’s cup-bearer, when he saw the
confusion that Pharaoh was in; so he came
and mentioned Joseph to him, as also the
vision he had seen in prison, and how the
event proved as he had said; as also that the
chief baker was crucified on the very same
day; and that this also happened to him ac-
cording to the interpretation of Joseph. That
Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar,
who was his head cook, as a slave; but, he
said, he was one of the noblest of the stock
of the Hebrews; and said farther, his father
lived in great splendour. “ If, therefore,
thou wilt send for him, and not despise him
on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt
learn what thy dreams signify.” So the
king commanded that they should bring Jo-
seph into his presence; and those who received
the command came and brought him with
them, having taken care of his habit, that it
might be decent, as the king had enjoined
them to do.

5.	But the king took him by the hand;
and, “ O young man,” says he, “ for my ser-
vant bears witness that thou art at present the
best and most skilful person I can consult
with; vouchsafe me the same favours which
thou bestowedst on this servant of mine, and
tell me what events they are which the visions
of my dreams foreshow; and I desire thee to
suppress nothing out of fear, nor to flatter
me with lying w'ords, or w'ith what may please
me, although the truth should be of a melan-
choly nature. For it seemed to me that, as I
walked by the river, I saw kine fat and very
large, seven in number, going from the river
to the marshes; and other kine of the same
number like them, met them out of the
marshes, exceeding lean and ill-favoured,
which ate up the fat and the large kine, and
yet were no better than before, and not less
miserably pinched with famine. After I had
seen this vision, I awaked out of my sleep;
and being in disorder, and considering with
myself what this appearance should be, I fell
asleep again, and saw another dream, much
more wonderful than the foregoing, which
still did more affright and disturb me: — I
saw seven ears of corn growing out of one
root, having their heads borne dov/n by the
weight of the grains, and bending down with
the fruit, which was now ripe and fit for reap-
ing; and near these I saw seven other earsCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

69

of corn, meagre and weak, for want of rain,
which fell to eating and consuming those that
were fit for reaping, and put me into great
astonishment.”

6.	To which Joseph replied: “This dream,”
said he, “O king, although seen under two
forms, signifies one and the same event of
things; for when thou sawest the fat kine,
which is an animal made for the plougk and
for labour, devoured by the worse kine, and
the ears of corn eaten up by the smaller ears,
they foretell a famine, and want of the fruits
of the earth for the same number of years,
and equal with those when Egypt was in a
happy state; and this so far, that the plenty
of these years will be spent in the same num-
ber of years of scarcity, and that scarcity of
necessary provisions will be very difficult to
be corrected; as a sign whereof, the ill-fa-
voured kine, when they had devoured the
better sort, could not be satisfied. But still
God foreshows what is to come upon men,
not to grieve them, but that, when they know
it beforehand, they may by prudence make
the actual experience of what is foretold the
more tolerable. If thou, therefore, carefully
dispose of the plentiful crops which will come
in the former years, thou wilt procure that
the future calamity will not be felt by the
Egyptians.”

7.	Hereupon the king wondered at the
discretion and wisdom of Joseph; and asked
him by what means he might so dispense the
foregoing plentiful crops, in-the happy years,
as to make the miserable crops more tolerable.
Joseph then added this his advice: To spare
the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians
to spend them luxuriously; but to reserve
what they would have spent in luxury beyond
their necessity, against the time of want. He
also exhorted him to take the corn of the hus-
bandmen, and give them only so much as will
be sufficient for their food. Accordingly
Pharaoh being surprised at Joseph, not only
for his interpretation of the dream, but for
the counsel he had given him, entrusted him
with dispensing the corn; with power to do
what he thought would be for the benefit of
the people of Egv pt, and for the benefit of
the king, as believing that he who first disco-
vered this method of acting, would prove the
best overseer of it. But Joseph having this
power given him by the king, with leave to
make use of his seal, and to vvear purple,
drove in his chariot through all the land of
Egypt, and tuok the corn of the husbandmen,*
allotting as much to every one as would be
sufficient for seed and for food, but without
discovering to any one the reason why he did
so.

• That is, bought It for Pbaraob at a very low price.

CHAPTER VL

HOW JOSEPH, WHEN HE WAS BECOME FAMOUS
IN EGYPT, HAD HIS BUETHBEN IN SUBJEC-
TION.

§ 1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty
years of age, and enjoyed great honours from
the king, who called him Psothom Phanech,
out of regard to his prodigious degree of
wisdom; for that name denotes the revealtr
of secrets. He also married a wife of very
high quality; for he married the daughter of
Petephres.f one of the priests of Heliopolis:
she was a virgin, and her name was Asenath.
By her he had children before the scarcity
came on: Manasseh, the elder, which signi-
fies forgetful, because his present happiness
made him forget his former misfortunes; and
Ephraim, the younger, which signifies restored,
because he was restored to the freedom of
his forefathers. Now after Egypt had hap-
pily passed over seven years, according to Jo-
seph’s interpretation of the dreams, the famine
came upon them in the eighth year; and be-
cause this misfortune fell upon them when
they had no sense of it beforehand, J they
were all sorely afflicted by it, and came run-
ning to the king’s gates; and he called upon
Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being be-
come confessedly a saviour to the whole mul-
titude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open
this market of corn for the people of that
country only, but strangers had liberty to
buy also; Joseph being willing that all men,
who are naturally akin to one another, should
have assistance from those that lived in happi-

ness.

2. Now Jacob also, when he understood
that foreigners might come, sent all his sons
into Egypt to buy corn; for the land of Ca-
naan was grievously afflicted with the famine,
and this great misery touched the whole con-
tinent. He only retained Benjamin, who
was born to him by Rachel, and was of the
same mother with Joseph. These sons of
Jacob then came into Egypt, and applied
themselves to Joseph, wanting to buy corn;
for nothing of this kind was done without his
approbation, since even then ordy was the
honour that was paid the king himself advan-

+ This Potiphar, or, as Josephus* Petephres, who was
now a priest of On, or Heliopolis, is toe same name in
Josephus, and perhaps in Moves also, with him who Is
before called head cook or captain of the guard, and to
whom Joseph was sold. See Gen. xxxvii 3.>, xxxix. 1,
with x,!i..jO. They are also affirmed to he one and the
same person in the Testament oi Joseph (s. 1H). for he is
there said to have married the daughter of his master and
mistress. Nor is this a notion peculiar to that testa-
ment. hut. as Dr. Bernard confesses (note on Antiq b ii.
ch iv.s. 1), common to Josephus, to the Septuagiut in
terpreters, and to other learned Jews of old time.

I I his entire ignorance ot the I'.'jyptians of these
years of famine before they came, told us before, as well
as here (chap. ▼. sect. 7), by Josephus, seems to be al-
most incredible. It is in no other copy that I know oU60

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II

tageous to the persons that paid it, when they
took care to honour Joseph also. Now when
he well knew his brethren,they thought nothing
of him; for he was but a youth when he left
them, and was now come to an age so much
greater, that the lineaments of his face were
changed, and he was not known by them:
besides this, the greatness of the dignity
wherein he appeared, suffered them not so
much as to suspect it was he. He now made
trial what sentiments they had about affairs of
the greatest consequence; for he refused to sell
them corn, and said they were come as spies
of the king’s affairs; and that they came
from several countries, and joined themselves
together, and pretended that they were of
kin, it not being possible that a private man
should breed up so many sons, and those of
so great beauty of countenance as they were,
such an education of so many children being
not easily obtained by kings themselves.
Now this he did in order to discover what
concerned his father, and what happened to
him after his own departure from him, and as
desiring to know what was become of Benja-
min his brother; for he was afraid that they
had ventured on the like wicked enterprise
against him that they had done to himself,
and had taken him off also.

3.	Now these brethren of his were under
distraction and terror, and thought that very
great danger hung over them; yet not at all
reflecting upon their brother Joseph, and
standing firm under the accusations laid
against them, they made their defence by
Reubel, the eldest of them, who now became
their spokesman : “ We come not hither,”
said he, “ with any unjust design, nor in
order to bring any harm to the king’s affairs;
we only want to he preserved, as supposing
your humanity might be a refuge for us from
the miseries which our country labours under,
we having heard that you proposed to sell
corn, not only to your own countrymen, but to
strangers also, and that you determined to
allow that corn, in order to preserve all that
want it; but that we are brethren, and of the
same common blood, the peculiar lineaments
of our faces, and those not so much different
from one another, plainly show. Our father’s
name is Jacob, an Hebrew man, who had
twelve of us for his sons by four wives; which
twelve of us, while we were all alive, were a
happy family; but when one of our brethren,
whose name was Joseph, died, our affairs
changed for the worse; for our father could
not forbear to make a long lamentation for
him; and we are in affliction, both by the
calamity of the death of our brother, and the
miserable state of our aged father. We are
now, therefore, come to buy corn, having in-
trusted the care of our father, and tin provi-
sion for our family, to Benjamin, our young-
est brother; and if thou sendest to our bouse,

thou mayest learn whether we are guilty « •
the least falsehood in what we say.”

4.	And thus did Reubel endeavour to per-
suade Joseph to have a better opinion of them.
But when he had learned from them that Ja-
cob was alive, and that his brother was not
destroyed by them, he for the present put them
in prison, as intending to examine more into
their affairs when he should be at leisure.
But on the third day he brought them out,
and said to them, “ Since you constantly
affirm that you are not come to do any harm
to the king’s affairs; that you are brethren,
and the sons of the father whom you named,
you will satisfy me of the truth of what you
say, if you leave one of your company with
me, who shall suffer no injury here; and if,
when ye have carried corn to your father, you
will come to me again, and bring your bro-
ther, whom you say you left there, along with
you, for this shall be by me esteemed an as-
surance of the truth of what you have told
me.” Hereupon they were in greater griet
than before; they wept, and perpetually de-
plored one among another the calamity of Jo-
seph; and said, “ They were fallen into this
misery as a punishment inflicted by God for
what evil contrivances they had against him.”
And Reubel was large in his reproaches of
them for their too late repentance, w'hence no
profit arose to Joseph; and earnestly exhorted
them to bear with patience whatever they suf-
fered, since it was done by God in way of pun-
ishment, on his account. Thus they spake
to one another, not imagining that Joseph un-
derstood their language. A general sadness
also seized on them at Reubel’s words, and a
repentance for what they had done; and they
condemned the wickedness they had perpetra-
ted, for which they judged they were justly
punished hy God. Now’ w hen Joseph saw that
they were in this distress, he was so affected
at it that he fell into tears, and, not being
willing that they should take notice of him, he
retired; and after a w'hile came to,them again,
and taking Synieon,* in order to his being a
pledge for his brethren’s return, he bid them
take the corn they had bought, and go their
way. He also commanded his steward pri-
vily to put the money w'hich they had brought
with them for the purchase of corn into their
sacks, and to dismiss them therewith; who
did wbut he wra9 commanded to do.

5.	Now when Jacob’s sons were come into
the land of Canaan, they told their father what
had happened to them in Egypt, und that they
were taken to have come thither as spies upon
the king; and how they said they were bre-
thren, and had left their eleventh brother with
their father, but were not believed; and how

* The reason why Symeon might be selected out of
r Joseph’s prisoner, is plain in the Testament
viz. that he was one of the bitterest of ail

the rest for Joseph’s
of S\me<

oi Mmeon, viz. that he was one o( the bitterest ol ail
Joseph’s brethren against him. .-* (t. '2; which appears
also in part by the Testament of Zabulon, sectCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

61

they had left Symeon with the governor, un-
til Benjamin should go thither, and be a tes-
timonial of the truth of what they bad said:
and they begged of their father to fear nothing,
but to send the lad along with them. But
Jacob was not pleased with any thing his sons
had done; and he took the detention of Sy-
meon heinously, and thence thought it a fool-
ish thing to give up Benjamin also. Neither
did he yield to Reubel’s persuasion, though be
begged it of him; and gave leave that thegrand-
father might, in way of requital, kill his own
sons, in case any harm came to Benjamin in
thejourney. So they were distressed, andknew
not what to do: nay, there was another acci-
dent that still disturbed them more,—the mo-
ney that was found hidden in their sacks of corn.
Yet when the corn they had brought failed
them, and when the famine still afflicted them,
and necessity forced them, Jacob did* [not]
still resolve to send Benjamin with his breth-
ren, although there was no returning into
Egypt unless they came with what they had
promised. Now the misery growing every
day worse, and his sons begging it of him, he
had no other course to take in bis present cir-
cumstances. And Judas, who was of a hold
temper on other occasions, spake his mind very
freely to him: “ That it did not become him
to he afraid on account of his son, nor to sus-
pect the worst, as he did; for nothing could
be done to his son but by the appointment of
God, which must also for certain come to pass,
though he were at home with him; that he
ought not to condemn them to such manifest
destruction; nor deprive them of that plenty of
food they might have from Pharaoh, by his un-
reasonable fear about his son Benjamin, but
ought to take care of the preservation of Sy-
meon, lest, by attempting to hinder Benjamin’s
journey, Symeon should perish. He exhorted
him to trust God for him; and said he would
either bring his son back to him safe, or toge-
ther with his, lose his own life.” So that Jacob
was at length persuaded, and delivered Benja-
min to them, with the price of the corn dou-
bled; he also sent presents to Joseph of the
fruits of the land of Canaan; balsam and rosin,
as also turpentine and honey, f Now their father
shed many tears at the departure of his sons,
as well as themselves. His concern was, that he
might receive them back again safe after their
journey; and their concern was, that they
might find their father well, and no way afflicted
with grief for them. And this lamentation last-
ed a whole day; so that the old man was at last
tired with grief, and staid behind; but they
went on their way for Egypt, endeavouring to
mitigate their grief for their present misfor-
tunes, withthe hopes of better success hereafter.

» The coherence seems to me to show that ttie nega-
tive particle is here wanting, which 1 have supplied in
brackets; and I wonder none have hitherto suspected
tlml it ought In he supplied.

+ Of lhe precious halsaui of Judea, and the turpentine,
•ce the note uu Anllq. h.vlii. ch. sect. 0

6.	As soon as they came into Egypt, they
were brought down to Joseph: but here no
small fear disturbed them, lest they should be
accused about the price of the corn, as if they
had cheated Joseph. They then made a long
apology to Joseph’s steward; and told him,
that when they came home they found the mo-
ney in their sacks, and that they had now
brought it along with them. He said he did
not know what they meant:—so they were
delivered from that fear. And when he had
loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome
habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren;
at which time Joseph came from his attend-
ance on the king. So they offered him their
presents; and upon his putting the question
to them about their father, they answered, that
they found him well. He also, upon his dis-
covery that Benjamin was alive, asked whether
this was their younger brother? for he bad
seen him. Whereupon they said he was: he
replied, that the God over all was his protec-
tor. But when his affection to him made him
shed tears, he retired, desiring he might not
be seen in that plight by his brethren. Then
Joseph took them to supper, and they were set
down in the same order as they used to sit at
their father’s table. And although Joseph
treated them all kindly, yet did he send a
mess to Benjamin that was double to what
the rest of the guests had for their shares.

7.	Now when after supper they had com-
posed themselves to sleep, Joseph commanded
his steward both to give them their measures
of corn, and to hide its price again in their
sacks; and that withal they should put into
Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which
he loved himself to drink: — which things he
did, in order to make trial of his brethren,
whether they would stand by Benjamin when
he should be accused of having stolen the cup,
and should appear to be in danger; or whether
they would leave him, and, depending on their
own innocency, go to their father without
him.—When the servant had done as he was
bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing nothing
of all this, went their way, and took Symeon
along with them, and had a double cause of
joy, both because they had received him again,
and because they took back Benjamin to their
father, as they had promised. But presently
a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and
brought with them Joseph’s servant, who had
put the cup into Benjamin’s sack. Upon
which unexpected attack of the horsemen they
were much disturbed, and asked what the rea-
son was that they came thus upon men, who
a little before had been by their lord thought
worthy of an honourable and hospitable re-
ception 1 They replied, by calling them wick-
ed wretches, who had forgot that very hospi-
table and kind treatment which Joseph had
given them, and did not scruple to be injuri-
ous to him, and to carry off that cup out of
which he had in so friendly a manner, drankANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

to them, and not regardingtheir friendship with
Joseph, no more than the danger they should
be in if they were taken, in comparison of the
unjust gain. Hereupon he threatened that
they should be punished; Cor though they had
escaped the knowledge of him who was but
a servant, yet had they not escaped the know-
ledge of God, nor had gone off with what they
had stolen; and after all, asked why we come
upon them? as if they knew nothing of the
matter:'and he told them that they should
immediately know it by their punishment.
This, and more of the same nature, did the
servant say, in way of reproach to them: but
they being wholly ignorant of any thing here
that concerned them, laughed at what he said;
and wondered at the abusive language which
the servant gave them, when he was so hardy
as to accuse those who did not before so much
as retain the price of their corn, which was
found in their sacks, but brought it again,
though nobody else knew of any such thing,—
so far were they from offering any injury to
Joseph voluntarily. But still, supposing that
a search would be a more sure justification of
themselves than their own denial of the fact,
they bid him search them, and that if any of
them had been guilty of the theft, to punish
them all; for being no way conscious to them-
selves of any crime, they spake with assurance,
and, as they thought, without any danger to
themselves also. The servants desired there
might be a search made; but they said the |
punishment should extend to him alone who
should be found guilty of the theft. So they
made the search; and, having searched all the
rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as
knowing it was Benjamin’s sack in which they
had hidden the cup, they having indeed searched
the rest only for a show of accuracy: so
the rest were out of fear for themselves, and
were now only concerned about Benjamin, but
still were well assured that he would also be
found innocent; and they reproached those
that came after them for their hindering them,
while they might, in the mean while, have got-
ten a good way on their journey. But as soon
as they had searched Benjamin’s sack, they
found the cup. and took it from him; and all
was changed into mourning and lamentation.
They rent their garments, and wept for the
punishment which their brother was to under-
go for his theft, and for the delusion they had
put on their father, when they promised they
would bring Benjamin safe to him. What
added to their misery was, that this melan-
choly accident came unfortunately at a time
when they thought they had been gotten off
clear: but they confessed that this misfortune
of their brother, as well as the grief of their fa-
ther for him, was owing to themselves, since
it was they that forced their father to send him
with them, when he was averse to it.

8. The horsemen then took Benjamin, and
brought him to Joseoh his brethren also

following him; who, when he saw him in
custody, and them in the habit of mourners,
said, “ Howcame you, vile wretches as you are,
to have such a strange notion of my kindness
to you, and of God’s providence, as impudent-
ly to do thus to your benefactor, who in such
an hospitable manner had entertained you?’’
— Whereupon they gave up themselves to be
punished, in order to save Benjamin ; and
called to mind what a wicked enterprize they
had been guilty of against Joseph. They
also pronounced him more happy than them-
selves, if he were dead, in being freed from
the miseries of this life; and if he were alive,
that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God’s
vengeance upon them. They said farther, that
they were the plague of their father, since they
should now add to his former affliction for
Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin.
Reubel also was large in cutting them upon
this occasion. But Joseph dismissed them ;
for he said they had been guilty of no offence,
and that he would content himself with the
lad’s punishment; for he said it was not a fit
thing to let him go free, for the sake of those
who had not offended; nor was it a fit thing
to punish them together with him whohad been
guilty of stealing. And when he promised to
give them leave to go away in safety, the rest
of them were under great consternation, and
were able to say nothing on this sad occasion.
But Judas, who had persuaded their father to
send the lad from him, being otherwise also a
very bold and active man, determined to hazard
himself for the. preservation of his brother,
“ * It is true,” said he, “ O governor, that we
have been very wicked with regard to thee, and
on that account deserve punishment; even all
of us may justly be punished, although the theft
were not committed by all, but only by one of
us, and he the youngest also: but yet there
remains some hope for us, who otherwise must
be under despair on his account, and this
from thy goodness, which promises us a de-
liverance out of our present danger. And
now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that
great crime we have been guilty of, but at thy
own excellent nature, and take advice of thine
own virtue, instead of that wrath thou hast
against us; which passion those that other-
wise are of lower character indulge, as they
do their strength, and that not only on great,
but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome,
Sir, that passion, and be not subdued by it,
nor suffer it to slay those that do not other-
wise presume upon their own safety, but are
desirous to accept of it from thee; for this is
not the first time that thou wilt bestow it on
us, but before, when we came to buy corn,

« This oration serins to me too large, and too un-
usual u digression, to have been composed by Judas on
this occasion It seems to me a speech or declamation
composed formerly, in the person of Judas, and in the
way of oratory, that layby him, and which he thought
fit to insert on this occasion. See two more such speeches
or declamations, AnUq h. vi. cb. xiv. sect. 4.CftAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

63

thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and
gavest us leave to carry so much home to our
family as has preserved them from perishing
by famine. Nor is there any difference between
not overlooking men that were perishing for
want of necessaries, and not punishing those
that seem to be offenders, and have been so un-
fortunate as to lose the advantage of that glori-
ous benefaction which they received from thee.
This will be an instance of equal favour,
though bestowed after a different manner;
for thou wilt save those this way whom thou
didst feed the other; and thou wilt hereby
preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls
which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by
famine, it being indeed at once a wonderful
and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn,
and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby,
now we are distressed, we may continue those
lives. And I am ready to suppose, that God
is willing to afford thee this opportunity of
showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing
us into this calamity, that it may appear thou
canst forgive the injuries that are done to thy-
self, and mayst be esteemed kind to others,
besides those who, on other accounts, stand in
need of thy assistance; since it is indeed a
right thing to do well to those who are in
distress for want of food, but still a more
glorious thing to save those who deserve to be
pimished, when it is on account of heinous
offences against thyself; for if it be a thing
deserving commendation to forgive such as
have been guilty of small offences, that tend
to a person’s loss, and this be praiseworthy in
him that overlooks such offences, to restrain
a man’s passion as to crimes which are capi-
tal to the guilty, is to be like the most excel-
lent nature of God himself: — and truly, as
for myself, had it not been that we had a
father, who had discovered, on occasion of
the death of Joseph, how miserably he is
always afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had
not made any words on account of the saving
of our own lives; I mean, any farther than
as that would be an excellent character for
thyself, to preserve even those that would
have nobody to lament them when they were
dead, but we would have yielded ourselves up
to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; but now
(for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves,
though indeed, if we die, it will be while we
are young, and before we have had the enjoy-
ment of life) have regard to our father, and
take pity of his old age, on whose account it
is that we make these supplications to thee.
We beg thou wilt give us those lives which
this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxi-
ous to thy punishment; and this for his sake
who is not himself wicked, nor does his being
our father make us wicked. lie is a good
man, and not w'orthy to have such trials of
his patience; and now, we are absent, he is
afflicted with care for us: but if he hear of
our deaths, and what was the cause of it, he

will on that account die an immature death;
and the reproachful manner of our ruin will
hasten his end, and will directly kill him, nay,
will bring him to a miserable death, while he
will make haste to rid himself out of the world,
and bring himself to a state of insensibility,
before the sad story of our end come abroad
into the rest of the world. Consider these
things in this manner, although our wicked-
ness does now provoke thee with a just desire
of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it
for our father’s sake; and let thy commise-
ration of him weigh more with thee than our
wickedness. Have regard to the old age of
our father, who, if we perish, will be very
lonely while he lives, and will soon die him-
self also. Grant this boon to the name of
fathers, for thereby thou wilt honour him
that begat thee, and wilt grant it to thyself
also, who enjoyest already that denomination;
thou wilt then, by that denomination, be pre-
served of God, the Father of all, — by show-
ing a pious regard to which, in the case of
our father, thou wilt appear to honour him
who is styled by the same name; I mean, if
thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon
this consideration, how miserable he will be if
he be deprived of his sonsl It is thy part
therefore to bestow on us what God has given
us, when it is in thy power to take it away,
and so to resemble him entirely in charity;
for it is good to use that power, which can
either give or take away, on the merciful side;
and when it is in thy power to destroy, to for-
get that thou ever hadst that power, and to
look on thyself as only allowed power for
preservation; and that the more any one ex-
tends this power, the greater reputation does
he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our
brother what he ^s unhappily committed,
thou wilt preserve us all; for we cannot
think of living if he be put to death, since we
dare not show ourselves alive to our father
without our brother, but here must we par-
take of one and the same catastrophe of his
life; and so far we beg of thee, O governor,
that if thou condemnest .our brother to die,
thou wilt punish us together with him, as
partners of his crime,—for we shall not think
it reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves
for grief of our brother’s death, but so to die
rather as equally guilty with him of this
crime! I will only leave with thee this one
consideration, and then will say no more, viz.
That our brother committed his fault when
he was young, and not yet of confirmed
wisdom in his conduct; and that men natu-
rally forgive such young persons. I end
here, without adding what more I have to
say, that in case thou condemnest us, that
omission may be supposed to have hurt us,
and permitted thee to take the severer side;
but in case thou settest us free, that this may
be ascribed to thy own goodness, of which
thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest64

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

us from condemnation; and that not by barely joys
preserving us, but by granting us such a fa- "
vour as will make us appear more righteous
than we really are, and by representing to
thyself more motives for our deliverance than
v/e are able to produce ourselves. If, there-
fore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou
wilt slay me in his stead, and send him back
to bis father; or if thou pleasest to retain him
with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labour for
thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou
seest, am better prepared for either of those
sufferings.”* So Judas, being very willing
to undergo any thing whatever for the deliver-
ance of his brother, cast himself down at Jo-
seph’s feet, and earnestly laboured to assuage
and pacify his anger. All his brethren also
fell down before him, weeping and delivering
themselves up to destruction for the preserva-
tion of the life of Benjamin.

10. But Joseph, as overcome now with his
affections, and no longer able to personate an
angry man, commanded all that were present
to depart, that he might make himself known
to his brethren when they were alone; and
when the rest were gone out, he made him-
self known to his brethren; and said, “ I
commend you for your virtue, and your kind-
ness to our brother; I find you better men
than I could have expected from what you
contrived about me. Indeed, I did all this
to try your love to your brother; so I believe
you were not wicked by nature in what you
did in my case, but that all has happened ac-
cording to God’s will, who has hereby pro-
cured our enjoyment of what good things we
have; and, if he continue in a favourable
disposition, of what we hope for hereafter.

Since, therefore, I> know that our father is
safe and well, beyond expectation, and I see
you so well disposed to^our brother, I will
no longer remember what guilt you seem to
have had about me, but will leave off to hate
you for that your wickedness; and do rather
return you my thanks, that you have concur-
red with the intentions of God to bring things
to their present state. _ I would have you
also rather to forget the same, since that im-
prudence of yours is come to such a happy
conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at
those your offences. Do not, therefore, let
your evil intentions, when you condemned
me, and that bitter remorse which might fol-
low, be a grief to you now, because those in-
tentions were frustrated. Go, therefore, your
way, rejoicing in what has happened by the
Divine Providence, and inform your father
of it, lest he should be spent with cares for
you, and deprive me of the most agreeable
part of my felicity; I mean, lest he should
die before he comes into my sight, and en-

• In all this speech of Jmlas we may observe, that
Josephus still supposed that death was the punishment
of theft in Egypt. in the days of Joseph, thorn'll it never
was so among the Jews, by the law of Aloscs.

the good things that we now have.
Bring, therefore, with you our father, and
your wives and children, and all your kin-
dred, and remove your habitations hither; for
it is not proper that the persons dearest to me
should live remote from me, now my affairs
are so prosperous, especially when they must
endure five more years of famine.” When
Joseph had said this, he embraced his breth-
ren, who were in tears and sorrow; but the
generous kindness of their brother seemed to
leave among'them no room for fear, lest they
should be punished on account of what they
had consulted and acted against him; and
they were then feasting. Now the king, as
soon as he heard that Joseph’s brethren were
come to him, was exceeding glad of it, as if
it had been a part of his own good fortune;
and gave them waggons full of corn, and gold
and silver, to be conveyed to his father. Now
when they had received more of their brother,
part to be carried to their father, and part as
free gifts to every one of themselves, Benja-
min having still more than the rest, they de-
parted.

CHAPTER YIL

THE REMOVAL OF JOSEPH’S FATHER,WITH AH
HIS FAMILY, TO HIM, ON ACCOUNT OF THB
FAMINE.

§ 1. As soon as Jacob came to know, by his
sons returning home, in what state Joseph
was; that be bad not only escaped death, for
which yet he lived all along in mourning, but
that he lived in splendour and happiness, and
ruled over Egypt, jointly with the king, and
had intrusted to his care almost all his affairs,
he did not think any thing he was told to be
incredible, considering the greatness of the
works of God, and his kindness to him, al-
though that kindness had, for some late times,
been intermitted; so he immediately and
zealously set out upon his journey to him.

2.	When he came to the Well of the Oath
(Beersheba), he offered sacrifice to God;
and being afraid that the happiness there was
in Egypt might tempt his posterity to fall in
love with it and settle in it, and no more
think of removing into the land of Canaan,
and possessing it, as God had promised them ;
as also being afraid, lest, if this descent into
Egypt were made without the will of God,
his family might be destroyed there; out of
fear, withal, lest he should depart this life
before he came to the sight of Joseph, he fell
asleep, revolving these doubts in his mind.

3.	But God stood by him, and called to
him twice by his name; and when he asked
who he was, God said, “ No, sure; it is not
just that thou, Jacob, shouldst be unac-
quainted with that God who has been everCHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

i protector and a helper to thy forefathers,
and after them to thyself: for when thy fa-
ther would have deprived thee of the domi-
nion, I gave it thee; and by my kindness it
was that, when thou wast sent into Mesopo-
tamia all alone, thou obtainedst good wives,
and returnedst with many children, and much
wealth. Thy whole family also has been
preserved by my providence; and it was I
who conducted Joseph thy son, whom thou
gavest up for lost, to the enjoyment of great
prosperity. I also made him lord of Egypt,
so that he differs but little from a king. Ac-
cordingly, I come now as a guide to thee in
this journey; and foretell to thee, that thou
shalt die in the arms of Joseph: and I in-
form thee, that thy posterity shall be many
ages in authority and glory, and that I will
settle them in the land which I have promised
them.”

4. Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went
on more cheerfully for Egypt with his sons,
and all belonging to them. Now they were
in all seventy. I once, indeed, thought it
best not to set down the names of this family,
especially because of their difficult pronunci-
ation [by the Greeks]; but, upon the whole,
I think it necessary to mention those names,
that I may disprove such as believe that we
came not originally from Mesopotamia, but
are Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons;
of these Joseph was come thither before. We
will therefore set down the names of Jacob’s
children and grandchildren. Reubel had
four sons—Anoch, Phallu, Assaron, Charmi;
Symeon had six—Jamuel, Jamin, Avod, Ja-
chin, Soar, Saul; Levi had three sons—Ger-
som, Caath, Merari; Judas had three sons—
Sala, Phares, Zerah; and by Phares two
grandchildren—Esrom and Amar; Issachar
had four sons—Thola, Phua, Jasob, Samaron;
Zabulon had with him three sons—Sarad,
Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea;
with whom went her daughter Dina. These
are thirty-three. Rachel had two sons, the
one of whom, Joseph, had two sons also,
Manasseh and Ephraim. The other, Benja-
min, had ten sons—Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel,
Geras, Naaman, Jes, Ros, Momphis, Opphis,
Arad. These fourteen added to the thirty-
three before enumerated, amount to the num-
ber forty-seven; and this was the legitimate
posterity of Jacob. He had besides, by Bilhah,
the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephthali;
which last had four sons that followed him—
Jescl, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an
only-begotten son, Usi. If these be added
to those before mentioned, they complete the
number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the
sons of Zilpha, who was the handmaid of Lea.
These had with them, Gad seven—Saphoniah,
Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Eroed, Ariel;
Aser had a daughter, Sarah, and six male
children, whose names were Jomne, Isus,
Isoui, Baris, Abar, and Melchiel. If we add

65

these, which are sixteen, to the fifty-four, the
forementioned number [70] is completed,* Ja
cob not being himself included in that number.

5. When Joseph understood that his father
was coming, for Judas his brother was come
before him, and informed him of his approach,
he went out to meet him; and they met to-
gether at Heroopolis. But Jacob almost
fainted away at this unexpected and great
joy; however, Joseph revived him, being yet
not himself able to contain from being affect-
ed in the same manner, at the pleasure he
now had; yet was he not wholly overcome
with his passion, as his father was. After
this he desired Jacob to travel on slowly;
but he himself took five of his brethren with

him, and made haste to the king, to tell him
that Jacob and his family were come; which
was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid
Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren
loved to lead, that he might give them leave
to follow the same; who told him they were
good shepherds, and had been used to follow
no other employment but this alone. Where-
by he provided for them, that they should
not be separated, but live in the same place,
and take care of their father; as also hereby
he provided, that they might be acceptable to
the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would
be common to them with the Egyptians; for
the Egyptians are prohibited to meddle with
feeding of sheep.f

6.	When Jacob was come to the king, and
saluted him, and wished all prosperity to his
government, Pharaoh asked him how old he
now was; upon whose answer, that he was a
hundred and thirty years old, he admired Ja-
cob on account of the length of his life. And
when he had added, that still he had not lived
so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave
to live with his children in Hcliapolis; for
in that city the king’s shepherds had their
pasturage.

7.	However, the famine increased among
the Egyptians; and this heavy judgment
grew mdre oppressive to them, because nei-
ther did the river overflow the ground, for it
did not rise to its former height, nor did God
send rain upon it;J nor did they indeed make

* All the Greek copies of Josephus have the negative
particle here, that Jacob himself was not reckoned one
of the seventy souls that came into Egypt: but the old
Latin copies want it, and directly assure us he was one
of them. Jt is therefore hardly certain which of these
was Josephus’s true reading, since the number seventy
is made up without him, if we reckon Leah for one;
but if she be not reckoned, Jacob must himself be one,
to complete the number.

f Josephus thought that the Egyptians hated or de-
spised the employment of a shepherd in the days of Jo-
seph ; whereas Bishop Cumberland has 6hown that they
rather hated such Phoenician or Canaanite shepherds

that had long enslaved the Egyptians of old time. See
his Sanchoniatho, p. 361, 362.

I Roland here puts the question, how Josephus could
complain of its not raining in Egypt during this famine,
while the ancients affirm that it never dops naturally
rain there. Ilis answer is, thnt when the ancients deny
that it rains in Egypt, they only mean the Upper Egypt
above the Delta, which is called Egypt in the strictest

E66

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK II.

the least provision for themselves, so ignorant
were they what was to he done; but Joseph
sold them corn for their money. But when
their money failed them, they bought corn
with their cattle and their slaves; and if any
of them had a small piece of land, they gave
up that to purchase them food, by which
means the king became the owner of all their
substance; and they were removed, some to
one place and some to another, that so the
possession of their country might be firmly
assured to the king, excepting the lands of
the priests; for their country continued still
in their own possession. And indeed this
sore famine made their minds as well as their
bodies slaves; and at length compelled them
to procure a sufficiency of food by such dis-
honourable means. But when this misery
ceased, and the river overflowed the ground,
and the ground brought forth its fruits plen-
tifully, Joseph came to every city, and ga-
thered the people thereto belonging together,
and gave them back entirely the land which,
by their own consent, the king might have
possessed alone, and alone enjoyed the fruits
of it. He also exhorted them to look on it as
every one’s own possession, and to fall to
their husbandry with cheerfulness; and to
pay, as a tribute to the king, the fifth part* of
the fruits for the land which the king, when
it was his own, restored to them. These men
rejoiced upon their becoming unexpectedly
owners of their lands, and diligently observed
what was enjoined them; and by this means
Joseph procured to himself a greater autho-
rity among the Egyptians, and greater love
to the king from them. Now this law, that
they should pay the fifth part of their fruits
as tribute, continued until their latter kings.

CHAPTER VIII.

OF THE DEATH OF JACOB AND JOSEPH.

§ 1. Now when Jacob had lived seventeen
years in Egypt, he fell into a disease, and
died in the presence of his sons; but not till
he made his prayers for their enjoying pros-
perity, and till be had foretold to them pro-
phetically how every one of them was to dwell
in the land of Canaan. But this happened
many years afterward. He also enlarged
upon the praises of Joseph;! how he had not

sense; but that in tbe Delta [and by consequence in the
Lower Egypt adjoining to it], it did of old, and still
does, rain sometimes. See the Mote on Antiq. h. iii.
ch. i. sect. 6.

* Josephus supposes that Joseph now restored the
Egyptians their lands again, upon the payment of a filth
part as tribute. It seems to ine rather that the land
was now considered as Pharaoh’s land, and this fifth
part as its rent, to he paid to him, as he was their land-
lord, and they his tenants; and that the lands were not
reserved as tribute
the Old

Essay

lorn, and they his tenants; ana uiat
properly restored, and this filth part
only till the days of Sesostris. See
Testament, Append. MS, 149,

+ As to this encomium upon Joseph, as preparatory
to Jacob’s adopting Ephiaim and Manasseh into his |

remembered the evil doings of his brethren to
their disadvantage; nay, on the contrary, was
kind to them, bestowing upon them so many
benefits, as seldom are bestowed on men's
own benefactors. He then commanded Ills
own sons that they should admit Joseph’s
sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, into their num-
ber, and divide the land of Canaan in com-
mon with them; concerning whom we shall
treat hereafter. However, he made it his re-
quest that he might be buried at Hebron. So
he died, when be had lived full a hundred
and fifty years, three only abated, having not
been behind any of his ancestors in piety to-
words God, and having such a recompense
for it, as it was fit those should have who were
so good as these were. But Joseph, by the
king’s permission, carried his father's dead
body to Hebron, and there buried it, at a
great expense. Now his brethren were at
first unwilling to return back with him, be-
cause they were afraid lest, now their father
was dead, be should punish them for their
secret practices against him; since he was
now gone, for whose sake he had been so
gracious to them. But he pensuaded them to
fear no harm, and to entertain no suspicions
of him: so he brought them along with him,
and gave them great possessions, and nevei
left off his particular concern for them.

2. Joseph also died when he had lived a
hundred and ten years; having been a man
of admirable virtue, and conducting all his
affairs by the rules of reason; and used his
authority with moderation, which was the
cause of his so great felicity among the Egyp-
tians, even when be came from another coun-
try, and that in such ill circumstances also,
as we have already described. At length his
brethren died, after they had lived happily in
Egypt, Now the posterity and sons of these
men, after some time, carried their bodies,
and buried them at Hebron; but as to the
bones of Joseph they carried them into the
land of Canaan afterward, when the Hebrews
went out of Egypt, for so had Joseph made
them promise him upon oath; but what be-
came of every one of these men, and by what
toils they got the possession of the land of
Canaan, shall be shown hereafter, when I
have first explained upon what account it was
that they left Egypt.

own family, and to be admitted for two tribes, wbicll
Josephus here mentions, all our copies of Genes’* omit
it (ch. xlviii.); nor do we know whence ne toot It, or
whether it be not his own embellishment cn!y.CHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

67

CHAPTER IX.

CONCERNING THrt AFFLICTIONS THAT BEFELL

THE HEBREWS IN EGYPT, DURING FOUR

HUNDRED YEARS.*

1.	Now it happened that the Egyptians
grew delicate and lazy, as to pains-taking;
and gave themselves up to other pleasures,
and in particular to the love of gain. They
also became very ill affected towards the He-
brews, as touched with envy at their prospe-
rity; for when they saw how the nation of
the Israelites flourished, and were become
eminent already in plenty of wealth, which
they had acquired by their virtue and natural
love of labour, they thought their increase
was to their own detriment; and having, in
length of time, forgotten the benefits they
had received from Joseph, particularly the
crown being now come into another family,
they became very abusive to the Israelites,
and contrived many ways of afflicting them;
for they enjoined them, to cut a great number
of channels for the river, and to build walls
for their cities and ramparts, that they might
restrain the river, and hinder its waters from
stagnating, upon its running over its own
banks: they set them also to build pyramids,!
and by all this wore them out; and forced
them to learn all sorts of mechanical arts,
and to accustom themselves to hard labour.
And four hundred years did they spend under
these afflictions; for they strove one against
the other which should get the mastery, the
Egyptians desiring to destroy the Israelites
by these labours, and the Israelites desiring
to hold out to the end under them.

2.	While the affairs of the Hebrews were
in thiscondition, there was this occasion offered
itself to the Egyptians, which made them
more solicitous for the extinction of our na-
tion. One of those sacred scribes,! who are
very sagacious in foretelling future events tru-
ly, told the king, that about this time there
would a child be horn to the Israelites, who,
if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian
dominion low, and would raise the Israelites;
that he would excel all men in virtue, and ob-

* As to the affliction of Abraham’s posterity for 400
years, see Antiq. book i chan, x sect. 3; and as to what
cities they built in Egypt, under Pharaoh Sesostris, and
of Pharaoh Sesostris’s drowning li e bed Sea, see
Essay on the Old Testament, Append, p 139—162.

+ Of this building of the pjramids of Egypt by the
Israelites, see Perizonius Orig. jEgyptiac. chap. xxi. It
is not impossible they might build one or more of the
small ones; but the large ones seem much later. Only,
if they be all built of stone, this does not so well agree
with the Israelites' labours, which are said to have been
in brick, and not in stone, as Mr. Sandys observes in his
Travels, p. 127. 128.

I Dr. Bernard informs us here, that instead of this

single priest or prophet of the Egyptians, without a
name in Josephus, the Targum of Jonathan names the
two famous antagonists of Moses, Jannes and Jamhres.

Nor is It at all unlikely that it might be one of these
who foreboded so much misery to the Egyptians, and
Sii much happiness to the Israelites, from the rearing of

Moses.

tain a glory that would be remembered through
all ages. Which thing was so feared by the
king, that, according to this man’s opinion,
he commanded that Uiey should cast every
male child, which was born to the Israelites,
into the river, and destroy it; that besides this,
the Egyptian midwives§ should watch the la-
bours of the Hebrew women, ar.d observe
what is bom, for those were the women who
were enjoined to do .the office of midwives to
them ; and by reason of their relation to the
king, would not transgress his commands. He
enjoined also, That if any parents should dis-
obey him, and venture to save their male
children alive,j| they and their families should
be destroyed. This was a severe affliction in-
deed to those that suffered it, not only as they
were deprived of their sons, and, while they
were the parents themselves, they were obliged
to be subservient to the destruction of their
own children, but as it was to be supposed to
tend to the extirpation of their nation, while
upon the destruction of their children, and
their own gradual dissolution, the calamity
would become very hard and inconsolable to
them: and this was the ill state they were in.
But no one can be too hard for the purpose
of God, though he contrive ten thousand
subtile devices for that end; for this child,
whom the sacred scribe foretold, was brought
up and concealed from the observers appointed
by the king; and he that foretold him did
not mistake in the consequences of his preser-
vation, which were brought to pass after the
manner following : —

3. A man, whose name was Amram, one
of the nobler sort of the Hebrews, was afraid
for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by the
want of young men to be brought up here-
after, and was very uneasy at it, his wife be-
ing then with child, and he knew not what to
do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer
to God; and entreated him to have compas-
sion on those men who had nowise transgressed
the laws of his worship, and to afford them
deliverance from the miseries they at that time
endured, and to render abortive their enemies’
hopes of the destruction of their nation. Ac-
cordingly God had mercy on him, and was
moved by his supplication. He stood by him
in his sleep, and exhorted him not to despair
of his future favours. He said farther, that

? Josephus is clear that these mid wives were Egyp-
tians, and not Israelites, as in our other copies: which
is very probable, it being not easily to be supposed tha
Pharaoh could trust the Israelite midwives to execute
so barbarous a command against their own nation. Con-
sult, therefore, and correct hence, our ordinary copies,
Exod. i. 16, 22. And, indeed, Josephus seems to have
had much completer copies of the Pentateuch, or other
authentic records now lost, about the birth and actions
of Moses, than either our Hebrew, Samaritan, or Greek
Bibles afford us, which enabled him to be so large'and
particular about him.

II Of this grandfather of Sesostris. Harnesses the Great,

II Ol this grandfather ot Sesostris. Harnesses the Gre
who slew the Israelite infants, and of the inscription
his obelisk, containing, in my opinion, one of the old
records of mankind, see Essay on the Oh

p. 139. 145. 147, 217—220.

ne of the oldest
Id Test Append,68

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK

he did not forget their piety towards him, and
would always reward them for it, as he had
formerly granted his favour to their forefathers,
and made them increase from a few, to so
great a multitude. He put him in mind, that
when Abraham was come alone out of Meso-
potamia into Canaan, he had been made hap-
py, not only in other respects, but that when
his wife was at first barren, she was afterwards
by him enabled to conceive seed, and bear
him sons. That he left to Ismael and to his
posterity the country of Arabia; as also to his
sons by Ketura, Troglodytis: and to Isaac,
Canaan. That by my assistance, said he, he
did great exploits in war, which, unless you
be yourselves impious, you must still remem-
ber. As for Jacob, he became well known to
strangers also, by the greatness of that pros-
perity in which he lived, and left to his sons,
who came into Egypt with no more than seven-
ty souls, while you are now become above six
hundred thousand. Know, therefore, that I
shall provide for you all in common what is
for your good, and particularly for thyself
what shall make thee famous; for that child,
out of dread of whose nativity the Egyptians
have doomed the Israelite children to destruc-
tion, shall be this child of thine, and shall be
concealed from those who watch to destroy
him; and when he is brought up in a surpris-
ing way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation
from the distress they are under from the
Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while
the world lasts; and this not only among the
Hebrews, but foreigners also:—all which shall
be the effect of my favour to thee, and to thy
posterity. He shall also have such a brother,
that he shall himself obtain my priesthood,
and his posterity shall have it after him to
the end of the world.

4. When the vision had informed him of
these things, Amram awaked and told it to
Jochebed, who was his wife. And now the
fear increased upon them on account of the
prediction in Amram’s dream; for they were
under concern, not only for the child, but on
account of the great happiness that was come
to him also. However, the mother’s labour
was such as afforded a confirmation to what
was foretold by God; for it was not known
to those that watched her, by the easiness of
her pains, and because the throes of her deli-
very did not fall upon her with violence. And
now they nourished the child at home private-
ly for three months; but after that time Am-
ram, fearing he should be discovered, and by
falling under the king’s displeasure, both he
and his child should perish, and so he should
make the promise of God of none effect, he
determined rather to intrust the safety and care
of the child to God, than to depend on his
own concealment of him, which he looked
upon as a thing uncertain, and whereby both
the child, so privately to be nourished, and
himself, should be in imminent danger; but

he believed that God would some way for
certain procure the safety of the child, in or
der to secure the truth of his own predictions
When they had thus determined, they made
an ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a
cradle, and of a bigness sufficient for an in
fant to be laid in, without being too straitened
they then daubed it over with slime, which
would naturally keep out the water from en-
tering between the bulrushes, and put the in-
fant into it, and setting it afloat upon the ri-
ver, they left its preservation to God; so the
river received the child, and carried him along.
But Miriam, the child’s sister, passed along
upon the bank over against him, as her mother
had bid her, to see whither the ark would be
carried; where God demonstrated that hu-
man wisdom was nothing, but that the Su-
preme Being is able to do whatsoever he plea-
ses: that those who, in order to their own
security, condemn others to destruction, and
use great endeavours about it, fail of their
purpose; but that others are in a surprising
manner preserved, and obtain a prosperous
condition almost from the very midst of then
calamities; those, I mean, whose dangers
arise by the appointment of God. And, in-
deed, such a providence was exercised in the
case of this child, as showed the power of
God.

5. Thermuthis was the king’s daughter.
She was now diverting herself by the banks of
the river; and seeing a cradle borne along by
the current, she sent some that could swim,
and bid them bring the cradle to her. When
those that were sent on this errand, came to
her with the cradle, and she saw the little child,
she was greatly in love with it, on account of
its largeness and beauty ; for God had taken
such great care in the formation of Moses,
that he caused him to be thought worthy of
bringing up, and providing for, by all those
that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on
account of the dread of his nativity, for the
destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation.
Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that
might afford her breast to the child ; yet would
not the child admit of her breast, but turned
away from it, and did the like to many other
women. Now Miriam was hy when this hap-
pened, not to appear to be there on purpose,
but only as staying to see the child; and she
said, “ It is in vain that thou, O queen, call-
est for these women for the nourishing of the
child, who are no way of kin to it; but still,
if thou wilt order one of the Hebrew women
to be brought, perhaps it may admit the breast
of one of its own nation.” Now since she
seemed to speak well, Thermuthis bid her pro-
cure such a one, and to bring one of those
Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she
had such authority given her, she came back
and brought the mother, who was known to
nobody there. And now the child gladly ad-
mitted the breast, and seemed to stick close toCHAP. X,

ANTIQUITIES (

it; and so it was, that, at the queen’s desire,
the nursing of the child was entirely intrusted
to the mother.

6.	Hereupon it was that Thermuthis im-
posed this name Mouses upon him, from what
had happened when he was put into the river;
for the Egyptians call water by the name
of Mo, and such as are saved out of it, by the
name of Uses; so by putting these two words
together, they imposed this name upon him ;
and he was, by the confession of all, according
to God’s prediction, as well for his greatness
of mind as for his contempt of difficulties, the
best of all the Hebrews; for Abraham was his
ancestor, of the seventh generation. For Mo-
ses was the son of Amram, who was the son
of Caath, whose father, Levi, was the son of
Jacob, who was the son of Isaac, who was the
son of Abraham. Now Moses’s understand-
ing became superior to his age, nay, far be-
yond that standard; and when he was taught,
he discovered greater quickness of apprehension
than was usual at his age; and his actions at
that time promised greater, when he should
come to the age of a man. God did also give
him that tallness, when he was but three years
old, as was wonderful; and as for his beauty,
there was nobody so unpolite as, when they
saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised at
the beauty of his countenance ; nay, it hap-
pened frequently, that those that met him as
he was carried along the road, were obliged
to turn again upon seeing the child; that they
left what they were about, and stood still a
great while to look on him; for the beauty of
the child was so remarkable and natural to
him on many accounts, that it detained the
spectators, and made them stay longer to look
upon him.

7.	Thermuthis, therefore, perceiving him
to be so remarkable a child, adopted him for
her son, having no child of her own. And
when one time she had carried Moses to her
father, she showed him to him, and said she
thought to make him her father’s successor,
if it should please God she should have*no
legitimate child of her own; and said to him,
“ I have brought up a child who is of a di-
vine form,* and of a generous mind; and as
I have received him from the bounty of the
river, in a wonderful manner, I thought pro-
per to adopt him for my son, and the heir of
thy kingdom.” And when she had said this,
she put the infant into her father’s hands: so
he took him, and hugged him close to his
breast; and on his daughter’s account, in a
pleasant way, put his diadem upon his head;
but Moses threw it down to the ground, and,
in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and
trod upon it with his feet: which seemed to
bring along with it an evil presage concern-

* What Josephus here soys of tho beauty of Moses,
that he was of a divine form, is very like what St.
Stephen says of the same beauty, that Moses was beau-
tiful. in the sight of God, Acts vii. 20.

>F THE JEWS.	09

ing the kingdom or Egypt. But when the
sacred scribe saw this (he was the same per-
son who foretold that his nativity would bring
the dominion of that kingdom low), he made
a violent attempt to.kill him; and crying out
in a frightful manner, he said, “This, O
king! this child is he of whom God foretold,
that if we kill him we shall be in no danger;
he himself affords an attestation to the predic-
tion of the same thing, by his trampling upon
thy government, and treading upon thy dia-
dem. Take him, therefore, out of the way,
and deliver the Egyptians from the fear they
are in about him; and deprive the Hebrews
of the hope they have of being encouraged
by him.” But Thermuthis prevented him,
and snatched the child away. And the king
was not hasty to slay him, God himself,
whose providence protected Moses, inclining
the king to spare him. He was, therefore,
educated with great care. So the Hebrew's
depended on him, and were of good hopes
that great things would be done by him; but
the Egyptians were suspicious of what would
follow such his education. Yet because, if
Moses had been slain, there was no one, either
akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his
side for pretending to the crown of Egypt,
and likely to be of greater advantage to them,
they abstained from killing him

CHAPTER X.

HOW MOSES MADE WAS WITH THE ETHIOPIANS.

§ 1. Moses, therefore, when he was born,
and brought up in the foregoing manner, and
came to the age of maturity, made his virtue
manifest to the Egyptians; and showed that
•ho was born for the bringing them down, and
raising the Israelites; and the occasion ho
laid hold of was this:—The Ethiopians, who
are next neighbours to the Egyptians, made
an inroad into their country, which they seized
npon, and carried off the effects of the Egyp-
tians, who, in their rage, fought against them,
and revenged the affronts they had received
from them; but, being overcome in battle,
some of them were slain, and the rest ran
away in a shameful manner, and by that
means saved themselves; whereupon the
Ethiopians followed after them in the pur-
suit, and thinking that it would be a mark of
cowardice if they did not subdue all Egypt,
they went on to subdue the rest with greater
vehemence; and when they had tasted the
sweets of the country, they never left off the
prosecution of the war; and as the nearest
parts had not courage enough at first to fight
with them, they proceeded as far as Memphis,
and the sea itself; while not one of the cities
was able to oppose them. The Egyptians,ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

70

under this sad oppression, betook themselves
to their oracles and prophecies; and when
God had given them this counsel, to make
use of Moses the Hebrew, and take his assist-
ance, the king commanded his daughter to
produce him, that he might be the general*
of their army. Upon which, when she had
made him swear he would do him no barm,
she delivered him to the king, and supposed
his assistance would be of great advantage to
them. She withal reproaehed the priest, who,
when they had before admonished the Egyp-
tians to kill him, was not ashamed now to own
their want of his help.

2. So Moses, at the persuasion both of
Thermuthis and the king himself, cheerfully
undertook the business: and the sacred scribes
of both nations were glad; those of the Egyp-
tians, that they should at once overcome their
enemies by his valour, and that by the same
piece of management Moses would be slain;
but those of the Hebrews that they should
escape from the Egyptians, because Moses
was to be their general; but Moses prevented
the enemies, and took and led his army before
those enemies were apprized of his attacking
them; for he did not march by the river, but
by land, where he gave a wonderful demon-
stration of his sagacity; for when the ground
was difficult to he passed over, because of the
multitude of serpents (which it produces in
vast numbers, and indeed is singular in some
of those productions, which other countries
do not breed, and yet such as are worse than
others in power and mischief, and an unusual
fierceness of sight, some of which ascend out
of the ground unseen, and also fly in the air,
and so come upon men at unawares, and do
them a mischief), Moses invented a wonder-
ful stratagem to preserve the army safe, and
without hurt; for he made baskets, like unto
arks, of sedge, and filled them with ibes,f
and carried them along with them; which
animal is the greatest enemy to serpents ima-
ginable, for they fly from them when they
come near them; and as they fly they are
caught and devoured by them, as if it were
done by the harts; but the ibes are tame
creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine
kind: but about these ibes I say no more at
present, since the Greeks themselves are not
- The history of Moses, as general of the Egyptians
av iinst the Ethiopians, is wholly omitted in our Bibles;
b . t is thus cited by Iren ecus, from Jloseplius, and that
s in after his own age; — “ Josephus says, that when
ioses was nourished in the king's palace, lie was
pointed general of the army against the Ethiopians, t
conquered them, when he married that king’s dan,,
ter; because, out of her affection for him. she delivered
the city uj> to him.” See the Fragments of Irenseus,
ap.

gen

liopians, is wholly omitted in our
b . t is thus cited by Irenmus, from Joseph us, and that

hen
ap-

1 general ot the army against the Ethiopians, and
red them, when he married that king’s daugh-
, out of ~
city up to him.'
rp. edit. Grab. p. 472. Nor perhaps did St. Stephen
efer to any thing else when he said of IMoses, before he
was sent by God to the Israelites, that he was not only
learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, but was
also mighty in words and in deeds. Ac's vii. 22.

+ Pliny speaks of these birds called Ibes; and says,
"The Egyptians invoked them against the serpents.”
Hist. Nut. hook x. chap. 28. Strabo speaks of this
island Me roe, pnd the rivers Aslapus’ and A 6 tabor as,
fegpfc xvi. p. 971. 786; and book xvii. p. 821.

unacquainted with this sort of bird. As soon,
therefore, as Moses was come to the land
which was the breeder of these, serpents, he
let loose the ibe9, and by their means repelled
the serpentine kind, and used them for his
assistants before the army came upon that
ground. When he had therefore proceeded
thus on his journey, he came upon the Ethio-
pians before they expected him; and, joining
battle with them, be beat them, and deprived
them of the Lopes they had of success against
the Egyptians, and went on in overthrowing
their cities, and indeed made a great slaugh-
ter of these Ethiopians. Now when the
Egyptian army had once tasted of this pros-
perous success, by the means of Moses, they
did not slacken their diligence, insomuch that
the Ethiopians were in danger of being re-
duced to slavery, and all sorts of destruction;
and at length they retired to Saba, which was
a royal city of Ethiopia, which Cambyses
afterwards named Meroe, after the name of
his own sister. The plaee was to be besieged
with very great difficulty, since it was both
encompassed by the Nile quite round, and
the other rivers, Astapus and Astaboras, made
it a very difficult thing for such as attempted
to pass over them; for the city was situate
in a retired place, and was inhabited after the
manner of an island, being encompassed with
a strong wall, and having the rivers to guard
them from their enemies, and having great
ramparts between the wall and the rivers, in-
somuch, that when the waters come with the
greatest violence it can never be drowned;
which ramparts make it next to impossible
for even such as are gotten over the rivers to
take the city. However, while Moses was
uneasy at the army’s lying idle (for the ene-
mies durst not come to a battle), this acci-
dent happened::—Tharbis was t’he daughter
of the king of the Ethiopians: she happened
to see Moses as he led the army near the
walls, and fought with great courage; and
admiring the subtilty of his undertakings,
ahd believing him to be the author of the
Egyptians’ success, when they had before de-
spaired of recovering their liberty, and to be
the occasion of the great danger the Ethio-
pians were in, when they had before boasted
of their great achievements, she fell deeply
in love with him; and upon the prevalency
of that passion, sent to him the most faithful
of all her servants to discourse with him about
their marriage. He thereupon accepted the
offer, on condition she would procure the de-
livering up of the city; and gave her the assur-
ance of an oath to take her to his wife; aud
that when he had once taken possession of
the city, he would not break his oath to her.
No sooner was the agreement made, but it took
effect immediately; and when Moses had cut
off the Ethiopians, he gave thanks to God,
and consummated his marriage, and led tiiq
Egyptians back to their own land.CHAP. XII.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	71

CHAPTER XL

HOW MOSES FLED OUT OF EGYPT INTO M1DIAN.

§ 1. Now the Egyptians, after they had been
preserved by Moses, entertained a hatred to
him, and were very eager in compassing their
designs against him, as suspecting that he
would take occasion, from his good success,
to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into
Egypt; and told Jhe king he ought to be
slain. The kingTiad also some intentions of
himself to the same purpose, and this as well
out of envy at his glorious expedition at the
head of his army, as out of fear of being
brought low by him; and being instigated by
the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake
to kill Moses; but when he had learned be-
forehand what plots there were against him,
he went away privately; and, because the
public roads were watched, he took his flight
through the deserts, and where his enemies
could not suspect he would travel; and,
though he was destitute of food, he went on,
and despised that difficulty courageously;
and when he came to the city Midian, which
lay upon the Red Sea, and was so denomi-
nated from one of Abraham’s sons by Ketu-
rah, he sat upon a certain well, and rested
himself there after his laborious journey, and
the affliction he had been in. It was not far
from the city, and the time of the day was
noon, where he had an occasion offered him
by the custom of the country of doing what
recommended his virtue and afforded him an
opportunity of bettering his circumstances.

2. For that country having but little water,
the shepherds used to seize on the.wells be-
fore others came, lest their flocks should want
water, and lest it should be spent by others be-
fore they came. There were now come, there-
fore, to this well seven sisters that were virgins,
the daughters of Raguel, a priest, and one
thought worthy by the people of the country of
great honour. These virgins, who took care of
their father’s flocks, which sort of work it was
customary and very familiar for women to do
in the country of the Troglodites, they came
first of all, and drew water out of the well in
a quantity sufficient for their flocks, into
troughs, which were made for the reception
of that water; but when the shepherds came
upon the maidens, and drove them away, that
they might have the command of the water
themselves, Moses, thinking it would be a
terrible reproach upon him if he overlooked
the young women under unjust oppression,
and should suffer the violence of the men to
prevail over the right of the maidens, he drove
away the men, who had a mind to more than
their share, and afforded a proper assistance
to the women; who, when they had received
ouch a benefit from him, eame to their father,

and told him how they bad been affronted by
the shepherds, and assisted by a stranger, and
entreated that he would not let this generous
action be done in vain, nor go without a re-
ward. Now the father took it well from his
daughters that they were so desirous to re-
ward their benefactor; and bid them bring
Moses into his presence, that he might be
rewarded as he deserved; and when Moses
came, he told him what testimony his daugh-
ters bare to him, that he had assisted them ;
and that, as he admired him for his virtue, he
said that Moses had bestowed such his assist-
ance on persons not insensible of benefits,
but where they were both able and willing to
return the kindness, and even to exceed the
measure of his generosity. So he made him
his son, and gave him one of his daughters in
marriage; and appointed him to be the
guardian and superintendant over his cattle;
for of old, all the wealth of the barbarians
was in those cattle.

CHAPTER XII.

CONCERNING THE BURNING BUSH, AND THB
ROD OF MOSES.

§ 1. Now Moses, when he had obtained tbe
favour of Jethro, for that was one of the
names of Raguel, staid- there and fed his
flock; but some time afterward, taking his
station at the mountain called Sinai, he drove
his flocks thither to feed them. Now this is
the highest of all the mountains thereabout,
and the best for pasturage, the herbage being
there good; and it had not been before fed
upon, because of the opinion men bad that
God dwelt there, the shepherds not daring to
ascend up to it; and here it was that a won-
derful prodigy happened to Moses; for a fire
fed upon a thorn-bush, yet did the green
leaves and the flowers continue untouched,
and the fire did not at all consume the fruit-
branches, although the flame was great and
fierce. Moses was affrighted at this strange
sight, as it was to him; but he was still more
astonished when the fire uttered a voice, and
called to him by name, and spake words to
him, by which it signified how bold he had
been in venturing to come into a place whither
no man had ever come before, because the
place was divine; and advised him to remove
a great way off from the flame, and to be con-
tented with what he had seen; and though
he were himsell
spring of great
pry any farther:
he should have glory and honour among men,
by the blessing of God upon him. He also
commanded him to go away thence with con-
fidence lo Egypt, in order to his being the
commander and conductor of the body of the
Hebrews, and to his delivering his own peo-

f a good man, and the off-
men, yet that he should not
and he foretold to him, that72

BOOK II

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

Tile from the injuries they suffered there;
‘For,” said God, “ they shall inhabit this
happy land which your forefather Abraham
inhabited, and shall have the enjoyment of all
sorts of good things; and thou, by thy pru-
dence, shalt guide them to those jjood things.”
But still he enjoined him, when he had brought
the Hebrews out of the land of Egypt, to come
to that place, and to offer sacrifices of thanks-
giving there. Such were the divine oracles
which were delivered out of the fire.

2.	But Moses was astonished at what he
saw, and much more at what he heard; and
he said, “ I think it would be an instance of
too great madness, O Lord, for one of that
regard I bear to thee, to distrust thy power,
since I myself adore it, and know that it has
been made manifest to my progenitors; but
I am still in doubt how I, who am a private
man, and one of no abilities, should either
persuade my own countrymen to leave the
country they now inhabit, and to follow me
to a land whither I lead them; or, if they
should be persuaded, how can I force Pha-
raoh to permit them to depart, since they
augment their own wealth and prosperity by
the labours and works they put upon them?”

3.	But God persuaded him to be cou-
rageous on all occasions, and promised to be
with him, and to assist him in his words,
when he was to persuade men; and in his
deeds, when he was to perform wonders. He
bid him also to take a signal of the truth of
what he said, by throwing his rod upon the
ground; which when he had done, it crept
along, and was become a serpent, and rolled
itself round in its folds, and erected its head,
as ready to revenge itself on such as should
assault it; after which it became a rod again
as before. After this God bid Moses to put
his right hand into his bosom: he obeyed,
and when he took it out it was white, and in
colour like to chalk, but afterward it returned
to its wonted colour again. He also, upon
God’s command, took some of the water that
was near him, and poured it upon the ground,
and saw the colour vfras that of blood. Upon
the wonder that Moses showed at these signs,
God exhorted him to be of good courage,
and to be assured that he would be the great-
est support to him; and bid him make use of
those signs, in order to obtain belief among
all men, that “thou art sent by me, and
dost all things according to my commands.
Accordingly, I enjoin thee to make no more
delays, but to make haste to Egypt, and to
travel night and day, and not to draw out the
time, and so make the slavery of the Hebrews
and their sufferings to last the longer.”

4.	Moses, having now seen and heard these
wonders that assured him of the truth of these
promises of God, had no room left him to dis-
believe them: he entreated him to grant him
that power when he should be in Egypt; and
Drought him to vouchsafe him the knowledge

of his own name; and, since he had heard
and seen him, that he would also tell him his
name, that when he offered sacrifice he might
invoke him by such his name in his oblations.
Whereupon God- declared to him his holy
name, which had never been discovered to
men before; concerning which it is not law-
ful for me to say any more.* Now these
signs accompanied Moses, not then only, but
always when he prayed for them:	of all

which signs he attributed the firmest assent to
the fire in the bush; and believing that God
would be a gracicus supporter to him, he
hoped he should be able to deliver his own
nation, and bring calamities on the Egyptians.

CHAPTER XIII.

HOW MOSES AND AARON RETURNED INTO
EGYPT TO PHARAOH.

§ I. So Moses, when he understood that the
Pharaoh, in whose reign he fled away, was
dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to Egypt,
for the benefit of his own people: and he
took with him Zipporah, the daughter of Ra-
guel, whom he had married, and the children
he had by her, Gersom and Eleazar, and
made haste into Egypt. Now the former of
those names, Gersom, in the Hebrew tongue,
signifies that he was in a strange land; and
Eleazar, that, by the assistance of the God of
his fathers, he hadescapedfrom the Egyptians
Now when they were near the borders, Aaror
his brother, by the command of God, met
him, to whom he declared what had befallen
him at the mountain, and the commands that
God had given him. But as they were go-
ing forward, the chief men among the He-
brews, having learned that they were coming,
met them; to whom Moses declared the signs
lie had seen; and while they could not be-
lieve them, he made them see them. So they
took courage at these surprising and unex-
pected sights, and hoped well of their entire
deliverance, as believing now that God took
care of their preservation.

2. Since then Moses found that the He-
brews would be obedient to whatsoever he
should direct, as they promised to be, and
were in love with liberty, he came to the king,
who had indeed but lately received the govern-

* This superstitious fear ofdiscovering the name with
four letters, which of late we have been used falsely to
pronounce Jehovah, hut seems to have been originally
pronounced Jehoh, or Jao, is never, I think, heard of till
this passage of Josephus; and this superstition, in not
pronouncing that name, has continued among the Rab-
binical Jews to thisday (though whether the Samaritans
and Caraltes observed it so early, does net appear).
Josephus also durst not set down the very words of the
ten commandments, as we shall see hereafter, Antiq.
hook iii. chap. v. sect. 4 ; which superstitious silence, I
think, hns vet not been continued even by the Rabbins.
It is however no doubt, but belli these cautious conceal-
ments were taught Josephus by the Pharisees; a body
| of men at oooe very wieked and very superstitious.CHAP. XIV,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

ment, and told him how much he had done
for the good of the Egyptians, when they
were despised by the Ethiopians, and their
country laid waste by them; and how he had
been the commander of their forces, and had
laboured for them, as if they had been his
own people; and he informed him in what
danger he had been during that" expedition,
without having any proper returns made him
as he had deserved. He also informed him
distinctly what things happened to him at
mount Sinai; and what God said to him;
and the signs that were done by God, in order
to assure him of the authority of those com-
mands which he had given him. He also ex-
horted him not to disbelieve what we told him,
nor to oppose the will of God.

3.	But when the king derided Moses, he
made him in earnest see the signs that were
done at mount Sinai. Yet was the king very
angry with him, and called him an ill man,
who had formerly run away from his Egyp-
tian slavery, and came now back with deceit-
ful tricks, and wonders and magical arts, to
astonish him. And when he had said this,
he commanded the priests to let him see the
same wonderful sights; as knowing that the
Egyptians were skilful in this kind of learn-
ing, and that he was not the only person who
knew them, and pretended them to be divine;
as also he told him, that when he brought
such wonderful sights before him, he would
only be believed by the Unlearned. Now
when the priests threw down their rods, they
became serpents. But Moses was not daunted
at it; and said, “O king, I do not myself
despise the wisdom of the Egyptians, but I
say that what I do is so much superior to
what these do by magic arts and tricks, as
divine power, exceeds the power of man: but
I will demonstrate that what I do is not cfone
by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really
true, but that they appear by the providence
and power of God.” And when he had said
this, he cast his rod down upon the ground,
and commanded it to turn itself into a ser-
pent. It obeyed him, and went all around, and
devoured the rods of the Egyptians, which
seemed to be dragons, until it had consumed
them all. It then returned to* its own form,
and Moses took it into his hand again.

4.	However, the king was no more moved
when this was done than before; and being
very angry, he said that he should gain no-
thing by this his cunning and shrewdness against
the Egyptians;—and he commanded him
that was the^chief task-master over the He-
brews, to give them no relaxation from their
labours, but to compel them to submit to
greater oppressions than before; and though
he allowed them chaff before for making
their bricks, he would allow it them no longer;
but he made them to work hard at brick-
making, in the day-time, and to gather chaff
in the night. Now when their labour was

thus doubled upon them, they laid the blame
upon Moses, because their labour and their
misery were on his account become more se-
vere to them. But MosCB did not let his cour-
age sink for the king’s threatenings; nor did
he abate of his zeal on account of the He-
brews’ complaints; but he supported himself,
and set his soul resolutely against them both,
and used his own utmost diligence to procure
liberty to his countrymen. So he went to
the king, and persuaded him to. let the He-
brews go to mount Sinai, and there to sacri-
fice to God, because God had enjoined them
so to do. He persuaded him also not to
counterwork the designs of God, but to esteem
his favour above all things, and to permit
them to depart, lest, before he be aware, he
lay an obstruction in the way of the divine
commands, and so occasion his own suffering
such punishments as it was probable any one
that counterworked the divine commands
should undergo, since the severest afflictions
arise from every object to those that provoke
the divine wrath against them; for such as
these have neither the earth nor the air foT
their friends; nor are the fruits of the womb
according to nature, but every thing is un-
friendly and adverse towards them. He said
farther, that the Egyptians should know this
by sad experience; and that besides, the He-
brew people should go out of their country
without their consent.

CHAPTER XIV.

CONCERNING THE TEN PLAGUES WHICH CAME
UPON THE EGYPTIANS.

§ 1. But when the king despised the words
of Moses, and had no regard at all to them,
grievous plagues seized the Egyptians ; every
one of which I will describe, both because no
such plagues did ever happen to any other
nations as the Egyptians now felt,—and be-
cause I would demonstrate that Moses did not
fail in any one thing that he foretold them; and
because it is for the good of mankind, that they
may learn this caution:—Not to do any thing
that may displease God, lest he be provoked
to wrath, and avenge their iniquities upon
them. For the Egyptian river ran with bloody
water at the command of God, insomuch that
it could not be drunk, and they had no other
spring of water neither; for the water was
not only of the colour of blood, but it brought
upon1 those that ventured to drink of it, great
pains and bitter torment. Such was the river
to the Egyptians; but it was sweet and fit for
drinking to the Hebrews, and no way different
from what it naturally used to be. As the king
therefore knew not what to do- in these sur-
prising circumstances, and was in fear for the
Egyptians, he gave the Hebrews leave to go74

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II,

away; but when the plague ceased,be changed
his mind again, and would not suffer them to go.

2.	But when God saw that he was un-
grateful, and upon the ceasing of this calam-
ity would not grow wiser, he sent another
plague upon the Egyptians: — An innumer-
able multitude of frogs consumed the fruit of
the ground; the river was also full of them,
insomuch that those who drew water had it
spoiled by the blood of these animals, as they
died in, and were destroyed by, the water;
and the country was full of filthy slime; as
they were born and as they died: they also
spoiled their vessels in their houses, which
they used, and were found among what they
ate and what they drank, and came in great
numbers upon their beds. There was also an
ungrateful smell, and a stink arose from them,
as they were born, and as they died therein.
Now, when the Egyptians were under the
oppression of these miseries, the king ordered
Moses to take the Hebrews with him, and be
gone. Upon which the whole multitude of
the frogs vanished away; and both the land
and the river returned to their former natures.
But as soon as Pharaoh saw the land freed
from this plague, he forgot the cause of it,
and retained the Hebrews; and, as though
he had a mind to try the nature of more such
judgments, he would not yet suffer Moses
and his people to depart, having granted that
liberty rather out of fear than out of any good
consideration.*

3.	Accordingly God punished his falseness
with another plague, added to the former;
for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyp-
tians an innumerable quantity of lice, by which,
wicked as they were, they miserably perished,
as not able to destroy this sort of vermin
either with washes or with ointments. At
which terrible judgment the king of Egypt
was in disorder, upon the fear into which he
reasoned himself, lest his people should be
destroyed, and that the manner of this death
was also reproachful, so that he was forced
in part to recover himself from his wicked
temper to a sounder mind, for he gave leave for
the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when
the plague thereupon ceased, he thought it
proper to require that they should leave their
children and wives behind them, as pledges
of their return; whereby he provoked God
to be more vehemently angry at him, as if he
thought to impose on his providence, and as if it
were only Moses, and not God, who punished
the Egyptians for the sake of the Hebrews ;
for he filled that country full of various sorts
of pestilential creatures, with their various
properties, such indeed, as had never come
into the sight of men before, by whose means
the men perished themselves, and the land

* Of this judicial hardening the hearts, and blinding
the eyes of wicked men, or infatuating them, as a just
punishment for their other wilful sins, to their own de-
struction. see the nute on Antiq. b- vii. cli. ix. sect. 6.

was destitute of husbandmen for its culti-
vation ; but if any thing escaped destruction
from them, it was killed by a distemper which
the men underwent also.

4.	But when Pharaoh did not even then
yield to the will of God, but, while he gave
leave to the husbands to take their wives with
them, yet insisted that the children should be
left behind, God presently resolved to punish
his wickedness with several sorts of calamities,
and those worse than the foregoing, which yet
had so generally afflicted them; for their bo-
dies had terrible boils, breaking forth with
blains, while they were already inwardly con-
sumed; and a great part of the Egyptians per-
ished in this manner. But when the king
was not brought to reason by this plague, hail
was sent down from heaven; and such hail it
was, as the climate of Egypt had never suffered
before, nor was it like to that which falls in
other climates in winter time,* but was larger
than that which falls in the middle of spring
to those that dwell in the northern and north-
western regions. This hail broke down their,
boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe
of locusts consumed the seed which was not
hurt by the hail; so that to the Egyptians all
hopes of the future fruits of the ground were
entirely lost.

5.	One would think the forementioned ca-
lamities might have been sufficient for one that
was only foolish, without wickedness, to make
him wise, and to make him sensible w’hat was
for his advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so
much by his folly as by his wickedness, even
when he saw the cause of his miseries, he still
contested with God, and wilfully deserted the
cause of virtue; so he bid Moses take the He-
brews away, with their wives and children, but
to leave their cattle behind, since their own
cattle were destroyed. But when Moses said
that what he desired was unjust, since they
were obliged to offer sacrifices to God of those
cattle; and the time being prolonged on this
account, a thick darkness, without the least
light, spread itself over the Egyptians, where-
by their sight being obstructed, and theii
breathing hindered by the thickness of the air
they died miserably, and under a terror lest
they should be swallowed up by the dark cloud.
Besides this, when the darkness,after three days
and as many nights, was dissipated, and when
Pharaoh did not still repent and let the Hebre ws
go, Moses came to him and said, “ How long
wilt thou be disobedient to the command or
God ? for he enjoins thee to let the Hebrews
go; nor is there any other way of being freed
from the calamities you are under, unless you
do so.” But the king was angry at what he
said, and threatened to cut off his head if he
came any more to trouble him about these mat-
ters. Hereupon Moses said he would not

* As to this winter or spring hail near Egypt and Ju-
dea, sre the like on thunder and lightning there, in
the note on Autiq. b. vi. ch. v. sect vi.CHAP. XV.

ANTIQUITIES? OF THE JEWS.

75

speak to him any more about them, for that
lie himself, together with the principal men
among the Egyptians, should desire the He-
brews to go away. So when Moses had said
this, he went his way.

6 But when God had signified, that withone
more plague he would compel the Egyptians to
let the Hebrews go, he commanded Moses to
tell the people that they should have a sacrifice
ready, and that they should prepare them-
selves on the tenth day of the month Xan-
thicus, against the fourteenth (which month
is called by the Egyptians Pharmuth, and
Nisan by the Hebrews; but the Macedonians
calf it Xanthieus) and that he should carry
away the Hebrews with all they had. Accord-
ingly, he having got the Hebrews ready for
their departure, and having sorted the people
into tribes, he kept them together in one
place: but when the fourteenth day was come,
and all were ready to depart, they offered the
sacrifice, and purified their houses with the
blood, using bunches of hyssop for that pur-
pose; and when they had supped, they burnt
the remainder of the flesh, as just ready to de-
part. Whence it is that we do still offer this
sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call
this festival Pascha, which signifies the feast of
the passover; because on that day God passed
us over, and sent the plague upon the Egyp-
tians ; for the destruction of the first-born
came upon the Egyptians that night, so that
many of the Egyptians who lived near the
king’s palace, persuaded Pharaoh to let the
Hebrews go. Accordingly he called for Mo-
ses, and bid them begone; as supposing, that
if once the Hebrews were gone out of the
country, Egypt should be freed from its
miseries. They also honoured the Hebrews
with gifts;* some, in order to get them to
depart quickly, and others on account of their
neighbourhood, and the friendship they had
with them.

CHAPTER XV.

HOW THE HEBREWS, UNDER THE CONDUCT OF
MOSES, LEFT EGYPT.

§ 1. So the Hebrews went out of Egypt,
while the Egyptians wept, and repented that
they had treated them so hardly—Now they

• These large presents made to the Israelites, of ves-
sels of silver, and vessels of gold, and raiment, were', as
Josephus truly calls them, gifts really given them: not
lent tliein, as our English falsely renders them. They
were spoils required, hot borrowed of them, Gen. xv. 14,
Exud. iii. 22, xi. 2, Psalm cv. 37, as the same version
falsely renders the Hebrew word here used, Exoi. xii.
3-i. 3ii. God had ordered the Jews to demand these as
their pay and reward, during their long and hitler slavery
in r.gvpt, as atonements for the Eves of the Egyptians,
and as the condition of the Jews’ departure, anil ol the
Egyptians’ deliverance from these terrioe judgment'
whinli had they not now ceased, they had soon been ai!
dead men. as thev themselves confess, ch xii. 33. iVn
was there any sense in liorrowing or lending, when tile
Israelites were finally departing out of the laud for ever.

took their journey by Letopolis, a place at that
time deserted, but where Babylon was built
afterwards, when Cambyses laid Egypt waste:
but a9 they went away hastily, on the third
day they came to a place called Baalzephon,
on the Red Sea; and when they had no food
out of the land, because it was a desert, they
eat of loaves kneaded of flour, only warmed by
a gentle heat; and this food they made use of
for thirty days; for what they brought with
them out of Egypt would not suffice them
any longer time; and this only while they
dispensed it to each person, to use so much
only as would serve for necessity, but not for
satiety. Whence it is that, in memory of the
want we were then in, we keep a feast for
eight days, which is called the feast of un-
leavened bread. Now the entire multitude of
those that went out, including the women and
children, was not easy to be numbered; but
those that were of an age fit for war, were six
hundred thousand.

2.	They left Egypt in the month Xanthi-
cus, on the fifteenth day of the lunar month;
four hundred and thirty years after our fore-
father Abraham came into Canaan, but two
hundred and fifteen years only after Jacob re-
moved into Egypt.f It wa9 the eightieth
year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron
three more. They also carried out the bones
of Joseph with them, as he had charged his
sons to do.

3.	But the Egyptians soon repented that
the Hebrews were gone; and the king also
was mightily concerned that this had been
procured by the magic arts of Moses; so
they resolved to go after them. Accordingly
they took their weapons, and other warlike
furniture, and pursued after them, in order
to bring them back, if once they overtook
them, because they would now have no pre-
tence to pray to God against them, since they
had already been permitted to go out; and
they thought they should easily overcome
them, as they had no armour, and would be
weary with their journey; so they made haste
in their pursuit, and asked of every one they
met which way they were gone. And indeed
that land was difficult to be travelled over,
not only by armies, but by single persons.
Now Moses led the Hebrews this way, that
in case the Egyptians should repent and be
desirous to pursue after them, they might
undergo the punishment of their wickedness,
and of the breach of those promises they had
made to them. As also he led them this way
on account of the Philistines, who had quar-

+ Why our Masorete copy so groundlessly abridges this
account in l’.xod. xii. 40. as to ascribe 4)0 years to tha
sole peregrination of the Israelites in 'Egypt, when it it
clear even by that Masorete chronology elsewhere, at
well as from the express text itself, in the Samaritan,
Neptnagint. and Josephus, that.they sojourned in Egypt
but half that time, — and that by consequence, the other
half of their peregrination was in the land of Canaan,
before they came into Egypt,—is hard to say. San Essay
on the Old Testament, p. 62, 62.ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK IJ

relied with them, and hated them of old, that
by all means they might not know of their
departure, for their country is near to that of
Egypt; and thence it was that Moses led
them not along the road that tended to the
land of the Philistines, but he was desirous
that they should go through the desert, that
so after a long journey, and after many
afflictions, they might enter upon the land of
Canaan. Another reason of this was, that
God commanded him to bring the people to
mount Sinai, that there they might offer him
sacrifices. Now when the Egyptians had
overtaken the Hebrews, they prepared to
fight them, and by their multitude they drove
them into a narrow place; for the number
that pursued after them was six hundred cha-
riots, with fifty thousand horsemen, and two
hundred thousand footmen, all armed. They
also seized upon the passages by which they
imagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting
them up* between inaccessible precipices and
the sea; for there was [on each side] a [ridge
of] mountains that terminated at the sea,
which were impassable by reason of their
roughness, and obstructed their flight; where-
fore they there pressed upon the Hebrews
with their army, where [the ridges of] the
mountains were closed with the sea; which
army they placed at the chops of the moun-
tains, that so they might deprive them of any
passage into the plain.

4. When the Hebrews, therefore, were
neither able to bear up, being thus, as it were,
besieged, because they wanted provisions, nor
saw any possible way of escaping; and if
they should have thought of fighting, they
had no weapons; they expected a universal
destruction, unless they delivered themselves
up to the Egyptians. So they laid the blame
on Moses, and forgot all the signs that had
been wrought by God for the recovery of

* Take the main part of Reland’s excellent note here,
which greatly illustrates Josephus, and the Scripture, in
this history, as follows:—“ [A traveller, says Ueland,
whose name was] Eneman, when he returned out of
Egypt, told methat he went the same way from Egypt
to mount Sinai, which he supposed the Israelites of old
travelled; and that he found several mountainous
tracks, that ran down towards the Red Sea. lie thought
the Israelites had proceeded as far as the desert of
Etham (Exod. xiii. 20), when they were commanded by
God to return back (Exod. xiv. 2), and to pitch their

amp between Migdol and the sea; and that when they
rere not able to fly, unless by sea, they were shut in on
oh side by mountains, lie also thought we might
idently learn hence, how it might be said that the Is-
raelites were in Etham before they went over the sea.
and yet might be said to have come into Etham after
they had passed over the sea also. Besides, he gave me
an account how he passed over a river in a boat near the
city Suez, which he says must needs be the Hcroopolis
of the ancients, since that eity could not be situate any-
where else in that neighbourhood.”

As to the famous passage produced here by Br. Ber-
nard, out of Herodotus, as the most ancient heathen
testimony of the Israelites coming from the Red Sea
into Palestine, Bishop Cumberland has shown that it
belongs to the old Canannite or Phoenician shepherds,
and their retiring out of Egypt into Canaan or Phoe-
nicia, long before the days of Moses. Sanchoniatho,
p. 374 &e.

their freedom; and this so far, that their in
credulity prompted them to throw stones a*
the prophet, while he encourged them and
promised them deliverance; and they resolved
that they would deliver themselves up to the
Egyptians. So there was sorrow and lamen-
tation among the women and children, who
had nothing but destruction before their eyes,
while they were encompassed with mountains,
the sea, and their enemies, and discerned no
way of flying from them.

5. But Moses, though the multitude looked
fiercely at him, did not, however, give over
the care of them, but despised all dangers,
out of his trust in God, who; as he ifad
afforded them the several steps already taken
for the recovery of their liberty, which he had
foretold them, would not now suffer them to
be subdued by their enemies, to be either
made slaves or be slaip by them: and, stand-
ing in the midst of them, he said, “ It is not
just of us to distrust even men, when they
have hitherto well managed our affairs, as if
they would not be the same men hereafter; but
it is no better than madness, at this time, to
despair of the providence of God, by whose
power all those things have been performed
which he promised when you expected no
such things: I mean all that I have been
concerned in for your deliverance and escape
from slavery. Nay, when we are in the ut-
most distress, as you see we are, we ought
rather to hope that God will succour us, by
whose operation it is that we are now encom-
passed within this narrow place, that he may
deliver us out of such difficulties as are other-
wise insurmountable, and out of which nei-
ther you nor your enemies expect you can be
delivered, and may at once demonstrate his
own power and his providence over us. Nor
does God use to give his help in small diffi-
culties to those whom he favours, but in such
cases where no one can see how any hope in
man can better their condition. Depend,
therefore, upon such a protector as is able to
make small things great, and to show that
this mighty force against you is nothing but
weakness, and be not affrighted at the Egyp-
tian army, nor do you despair of being pre-
served, because the sea before, and the moun-
tains behind, afford you no opportunity for
flying; for even these mountains, if God so
please, may be made plain ground for you,
and the sea become dry land.”

CHAPTER XVI.

HOW THE SEA WAS DIVIDED ASUNDER FOR TOE
HEBREWS, WHEN THEY W’EHE PURSUED BY
THE EGYPTIANS, AND BO GAVE THEM AN
OPPORTUNITY OF ESCAPING FROM THEM.

§ 1. When Moses had said this, he led them
to the sea, while the Egyptians looked on.CHAP. XVI.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

for they were within sight. Now these were
so distressed by the toil of their pursuit, that
they thought proper to put off fighting till the
next day. But when Moses was come to the
Sea-shore, he took his rod, and made suppli-
cation to God, and called upon him to be
their helper and assistant; and said, “ Thou
art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is beyond
human strength and human contrivance to
avoid the difficulties we are now under; but
it must be thy work altogether to procure de-
liverance to this army, which has left Egypt
at thy appointment. We despair of any
other assistance or contrivance, and have re-
course only to that hope we have in thee;
and if there be any method that can promise
us an escape by thy providence, we look up
to thee for it. And let it come quickly, and
manifest thy power to us; and do thou raise
up this people unto good courage and hope
of deliverance who are deeply sunk into a
disconsolate state of mind. We are in a
helpless place, but still it is a place that thou
possessest; still the sea is thine, the mountains
also that enclose us are thine; so that these
mountains will open themselves if thou com-
mandest them, and the sea also, if thou com-
mandest it, will become dry land. Nay, we
might escape by a flight through the air, if
thou shouldst determine we should have that
way of salvation.”

2.	When Moses had thus addressed him-
self to God, he smote the sea with his rod,
which parted asunder at the stroke, and re-
ceiving those waters into itself, left the ground
dry, as a road and a place of flight for the
Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this ap-
pearance of God, and that the sea went out
of its own place, and left dry land, he went
first of all into it and bid the Hebrews to
follow him along that divine road, and to re-
joice at the danger their enemies that followed
them were in; and gave thanks to God for
this so surprising a deliverance which appeared
from him.

3.	Now, while these Hebrews made no
stay, but went on earnestly, as led by God’s
presence with them, the Egyptians supposed
at first that they were distracted, and were
going rashly upon manifest destruction. But
when they saw that they were gone a great
way without any harm, and that no obstacle
or difficulty fell in their journey, they made
haste to pursue them, hoping that the sea
would be calm for them also. They put their
horse foremost, and went down themselves
into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while these
were putting on their armour, and therein
spending their time, were beforehand with
them, and escaped them, and got first over to
the land on the other side without any hurt.
Whence the others were encouraged, and
more courageously pursued them, as hoping
no harm would come to them neither: but
the Egyptians were not aware that they went

into a road made for the Hebrews, and not
for others; that this road was made for the
deliverance of those in danger, but not for
those that were earnest to make use of it for
the others’ destruction. As soon, therefore,
as ever the whole Egyptian army was within
it, the sea flowed to its own place, and came
down with a torrent raised by storms of wind,*
and encompassed the Egyptians. Showers
of rain also came down from the sky, and
dreadful thunders and lightning, with flashes
of fire. Thunder-bolts also .were darted upon
them; nor was there any thing which used to
be sent by God upon men, as indications of
his WTath, which did not happen at this time;
for a dark and dismal night oppressed them.
And thus did all these men perish, so that
there was not one man left to be a messenger
of this calamity to the rest of the Egyptians.

4.	But the Hebrews were not able to con-
tain themselves for joy at their wonderful deli-
verance, and destruction of their enemies. N ov
indeed, supposing themselves firmly delivered,
when those that would have forced them
into slavery were destroyed, and when they
found they had God so evidently for their
protector; and now these Hebrews having
escaped the danger they were in, after this
manner, and besides that, seeing their ene-
mies punished in such a way as is never re-
corded of any other men whomsoever, were
all the night employed in singing of hymns,
and in mirth.f Moses also composed a song

Psalm lxxvii. 16,17,18, and in that of Josephus here,
see Essay on the Old Test. Append, p. 154, 155.

f What some have here objected against this passage
of the Israelites over the Bed Sea, in this one night,
from the common maps, viz. that this sea being here
about thirty miles broad, so great an army could not
pass over it in so short a time, is a great mistake. Mons.
Thevenot, an authentic eye-witness, informs us, that
this sea, for about five days’ journey, is fiowhere more
than about eight or nine miles over-cross, and in one
place but four or five miles, according to De Lisle’s map,
which is made from the best travellers themselves, and
not copied from others. What has been further ob-

might carry the Israeli
out any miracle, while yet the Egyptians, not knowing
the tide so well as he, might be drowned upon the return
of the tide, is a strange story indeed I That Moses, who
never had lived there, should know the quantity and
time of the flux and reflux of the Bed Sea better than
the Egyptians themselves in its neighbourhood I Yet
does Artapanus, an ancient heathen historian, inform
us, that this was what the more ignorant Memphites,
who lived at a greater distance, pretended, though he
confesses, that the more learned lleliopolitans, who
lived much nearer, owned the destruction of the Egyp-
tians, and the deliverance of the Israelites, to have been
miraculous; and De Castro, a mathematician,who sur-
veyed this sea with great exactness, informs us, that
there is no great flux or reflux in this part of the Bod
"	a colour to this hypothesis; nay, that at

n of the tide there is little above half the

Sea, to give
the elevation of the tide there
hei

ight of a man. See Essay on the Old Test. Appen
239, 240. So vain and groundless arc these aud t'

ind.
he

like evasions and subterfuges of our modern sceptics
and unbelievers, and so certainly do thorough Inquiries
and authentic evidence disprove and confute such eva-
sions and subterfuges upon all occasions!ANTIQUITIES i.F THE JEWS.

EOOK II.

unto God, containing his praises, and a
thanksgiving for his kindness, in hexameter
verse.*

5. As for myself, I have delivered every
part of this history as I found it in the sacred
books; nor let any one wonder at the strange-
ness of the narration, if a way were discovered
to those men of old time, who were free from
the wickedness of the modern ages, whether
it happened by the will ot God, or whether it
happened of its own accord,—while, for the
sake of those thst accompanied Alexander,
king of Alai edotna, who yet lived, compara-
tively, hut a little while ago, the Pamphylian
Sea retired and afforded them a passagej-
through itself, when they had no other way
to go; I mean, when it was the will of God

umpbant song is here said to be written,

esent ignorance of the old Hebrew metre

means, our 1

What that hexameter verse, in which Moses’s tri-
•	1	" to be wi'“ ”	''

ok
e.

is h
i of

re, botli here and elsewhere,
book iv. ch. viii. sect. 44; and book vii. ch. xii. sect. 3.

written, distinctly

d
II

that metre or measure, both here and elsewhi

' Pre

or measure will not let us determine. Nor does it
lertain that even Josephus himself had a
act notion of it, though he speaks of several sorts of
ir measure, both here

pec

tin'

ap-

d 13-

Antiq.

s of the four old ?.u-
transit of Alexander

+ Take here the original passage;
thors that still remain, as to this
the Great over the Pamphylian Sea: I mean, of Callis-
thenes, Strabo, Arrian, and Appian. As to Callisthenes,
who himself accompanied Alexander In this expedition,
Eustathius, in his Notes on the third Iliad of Homer,
(as Or. Bernard here informs us) says,That “ this Callis-
thenes wrote how the Pamphylian Sea did not only open
a passage for Alexander, but, by rising and elevating its
waters, did pay him homage as its king.” Strabo’s account
is this (Geog. book xiv. p. 666): “ Now about Pbaselis
is that narrow passage, by the sea-side, through which
Alexander led his army. There is a mountain called
Climax, which adjoins to the Sea of Pamphylia, leaving
a narrow passage on the shore, winch, in calm weather,
is bare, so as to be passable by travellers; but when the
sea overflows, it is covered to a great degree by the
waves. Now then, the ascent by the mountains being
round about and steep, in still weather they make use
of the road along the coast; but Alexander fell into the
winter season, and committing himself chiefly to fortune
he marched on before the waves retired; and so it hap-
pened that they were a whole day in journeying over it,
and were under water up to the navel.” Arrian’s account
is this (book i. p. 72, 73): “ When Alexander removed
from Phaselis, he sent some part of his army over the
mountains to Perga; which road the Thracians showed

him. A difficult way it was, but short However he

to destroy the monarchy of the Persians;
and this is confessed to be true by all that
have written about the actions of Alexander;
but as to these events, let every one determine
as he pleases.

6. On the next day Moses gathered to-
gether the weapons of the Egyptians, which
were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by
the current of the sea, and the force of the
winds assisting it; and he conjectured that
this also happened by Divine Providence,
that so they might not be destitute of weapons.
So when he had ordered the lieo.cws to arm
themselves with them, he led them to mount
Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and
•to render oblations for the salvation of the
multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand,
himself conducted those that were with him by the sea-
shore. This road is impassable at any other time than
when the north wind blows; but if the south wind pre-
vail, there is no passing by the shore. Now at this time,
after strong south winds, a north wind blew; and that
not without the Divine Providence (as both he and they
that were with him supposed) and afforded him un easy
and quick passage.” Appian, when he compares C;esar
and Alexander together (De Bel. Civil, book ii. p. 522)
says, “ That they both depended on their boldness and
fortune, as much as on their skill in war.” As an instance
of which, Alexander journeyed over a country without
water, in the heat of summer, to the oracle of [Jupiter]
Hammon, and quickly passed over the Bay of Pam-
phylia, when, by Divine Providence, the sea was cut
off: — thus Providence restraining the sea on his ac-
count, as it had sent him rain when he travelled [over
the desert].”

N.B.—Since, in the days of Josephus, as he assures ns,
all the more numerous original historians of Alexander
gave the account lie has here set down, as to the provi-
dential going back of the waters of the Pamphylian Sea,
when he was going with his army to destroy the Persian
monarchy, which the forenamed authors how remaining
fully confirm, it is without all just foundation that Jo-
sephus is here blamed by some late writers for quoting
those ancient authors upon the present occasion; nor
can the reflections of Plutarch, or any other author later
than Josephus, be in the least here alleged to contradict
him. Josephus went by all the evidence he then had,
and that evidence of the most authentic sort also. So
that whatever the moderns may think of the thing itself
there is hence not the least colour for finding fault with
Josephus: he would rather have been much to blamo
had be omitted these quotations.T9

BOOK III.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO YEAFg.

FROM THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT, TO THE REJECTION
OF THAT GENERATION.

CHAPTER L

BOW HOSES, WHEN HE HAD BROUGHT THE
PEOPLE OUT OF EGYPT, LED THEM TO MOUNT
SINAI; BUT NOT TILL THEY HAD SUFFERED
MUCH IN THEIR JOURNEY.

§ 1. When the Hebrews had obtained such
a wonderful deliverance, the country was a
great trouble to them, for it was entirely a
desert, and without all sustenance for them;
and also had exceeding little water, so that it
not only was not at all sufficient for the men,
but not enough to feed any of the cattle; for
it was parched up, and had no moisture that
might afford nutriment to' the vegetables ; so
they were forced to travel over this country,
as having no other country but this to travel
in. They bad indeed carried water along
with them, from the land over which they
had travelled before, as their conductor had
bidden them: but when that was spent, they
were obliged to draw water out of wells, with
pain, by reason of the hardness of the soil.
Moreover, what water they found was bitter,
and not fit for drinking, and this in small
quantities also; and as they thus travelled,
they came late in the evening to a place called
Marah,* which had-that name from the bad-
ness of its water, for Mar denotes bitterness.
Thither they came, afflicted both by the te-
diousness of their journey, and by their want
of food, for it entirely failed them at that
time. Now here was a well,- which made
them choose to stay in the place, which, al-
though it were not sufficient to satisfy so
great an army, did yet alford them some com-
fort, as found in such desert places; for they
heard from those who had been to search, that
there was nothing to be found, if they tra-
velled on farther. Yet was this water bitter,
• Dr. Bernard taaes notice here, that this place. Mar,
where the waters were bitter, is called by the Syrians
and Arabians Mariri. and by the Syrians sometimes Mo-
rath, all derived from the Hebrew Mar. He also takes
notice, that it is called The Bitter Fountain by Pliny
himself; which waters remain there to this day, lutcf are
still bitter, as Thevenot assures ns; and that there are
also ahundancr of palm-trees. See his Travels, part i.
chap. xxvi. p. 166.

and not fit for men to drink; and not only
so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle
themselves.

2. When Moses saw how much the people
were cast down, and that the occasion of it
could not be contradicted, for the people were
not in the nature of a complete army of men,
who might oppose a manly fortitude to the
necessity that distressed them; the multitude
of the children, and of the women also, being
of too weak capacities to be persuaded by rea-
son, blunted the courage of the men them-
selves,— he was therefore in great diffi-
culties, and made every body’s calamity bis
own; for they ran all of them to him, and
begged of him; the women begged for their
infants, and the men for the women, that he
wou^l not overlook them, but procure some
way or other for their deliverance. He there-
fore betook himself to prayer to God, that he
would change the water front its present bad-
ness, and make it fit for drinking. And when
God had granted him that favour, he took the
top of a stick that lay down at his feet, and
divided it in the middle, and made the section
lengthwuys. He then let it down into the
well, and persuaded the Hebrews that God
had hearkened to his prayers, and had pro-
mised to render the water such as they desired
it to ke, in case they would be subservient to
him in what he should enjoin him to do, and
this not after a remiss or negligent manner.
And when they asked what they were to do
in order to have the water changed for the bet-
ter, he bid the strongest men among them that
stood there, to draw up water f; and told them,

+ The additions here to Moses’s account of the sweet-
ening of the waters at Marah, seem derived from some
ancient profane author, and he such an author also as
looks less authentic than are usually followed by Jose-
phus. Philo has not a syllable of these additions, nor any
other ancienter writer that we know of. Had'Josephus
written these his Antiquities for the use of Jews, he
would hardly have giveu them these vety improbable
circumstances; but writing to Gentiles, that they might
not complain of his omission of any accounts of such
miracles derived from Gentiles, ha did not think proper
to conceal what he had met with there about this mat-
ter: which procedure is perfectly agreeable to the char-
acter and usace of Josephus upon many occasions. This
note is, I confess, barely conjectural, and since Jobo-
phus never tells us when his own copy, taken out of the80

book m.

ANTIQUITIES OF -THE JETTS.

that when the greatest part was drawn up, the
remainder would be fit to drink: so they la-
boured at it till the water was so agitated and
purged as to be fit to drink.

3.	And now removing from thence they
came to Elim; which place looked well at a
distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees;
but when they came near to it, it appeared to
be a bad place, for the palm-trees were no
more than seventy; and they were ill grown
and creeping trees, by the want of water, for
the country about was all parched, and no
moisture sufficient to water them, and make
them hopeful and useful, was derived to them
from the fountains, which were in number
twelve: they were rather a few moist places
than" springs, which not breaking out of the
ground, nor running over, could not suffi-
ciently water the trees. And when they dug
into the sand, they met with no water; and
if they took a few drops of it into their hands,
they found it to be useless, on account of its
mud. The trees also were too weak to bear
fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished
and enlivened by the water. So they laid the
blame on their conductor, and made heavy
complaints against him; and said that this
their miserable state, and the experience they
had of adversity, were owing to him; for that
they had then journeyed an entire thirty days
and had spent all the provisions they had
brought with them; and meeting with no re-
lief, they were in a very desponding condition.
And by fixing their attention upon nothing
but their present misfortunes, they were •hin-
dered from remembering what deliverances
they had received from God, and those by the
virtue and wisdom of Moses also; so they
were very angry at their conductor, and were
zealous in their attempt to stone him, as the
direct occasion of their present miseries.

4.	But as for Moses himself, while the
multitude were irritated and bitterly set
against him, he cheerfully relied upon God,
and upon his consciousness of the care he had
taken of these his own people: and he came
into the midst of them, even while thcy«clam-
oured against him, and had stones in their
hands in order to dispatch him. Now he Was
of an agreeable presence, and very able to per-
suade the people by his speeches; according-
ly he began to mitigate their anger, and ex-
horted them not to be over-mindful of their
present adversities, lest they should thereby
suffer the benefits that had formerly been be-
stowed on-them to slip out of their memo-
ries ; and he desired them by no means, on ac-

temple, hod Buch editions, or -when any ancient notes
supplied them; or indeed when they are derived from
Jewish, and when from Gentile antiquity,—we can go
no farther than bare conjectures in such cases; only the
notions of Jews were generally so different from those
of Gentiles; that we may sometimes make no improba-
ble conjectures to which sort such additions belong.
See also somewhat like these additions in JoBephqs’s
account of Elisha’s making sweet the bitter and barren
spring new Jericho, War, b. tv. eh. vill. seat. 8.

count of their present uneasiness, to cast those
great and wonderful favours and gifts, which
they had obtained of God, out of their minds,
but to expect deliverance out of those their
present troubles which they could not free'
themselves from, and this by the means of that
Divine Providence which watched over them ;
seeing it is probable that God tries their vir-
tue, and exercises their patience by these ad-
versities, that it may appear what fortitude
they have, and what memory they retain of
his former wonderful works in their favour,
and whether they will not think of them upon
occasion of the miseries they now feel. He
told them, it appeared they were not really
good men, either in patience, or in remember-
ing what had been successfully done for them,
sometimes by contemning God and his com-
mands, when by those commands they left the
land of Egypt; and sometimes by behaving
themselves ill towards him who was the ser-
vant of God, and this when he had never de-
ceived them, either in what he said, or had or-
dered them to do by God’s command. He
also put them in mind of all that had passed :
how the Egyptians were destroyed when they
attempted to detain them, contrary to the com-
mand of God; and after what manner the
very same river was to the others bloody, and
not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet and
fit for drinking; and how they went a new
road through the sea, which fled a long way
from them, by which very means they were
themselves preserved, but saw their enemies
destroyed; and that when they were in want
of weapons, God gave them plenty of them:
—and so he recounted all the particular in-
stances, how when they were, in appearance,
just going to be destroyed, God had saved
them in a surprising manner; that he had still
the same power; and that they ought not even
pow to despair of his providence over them;
: and accordingly he exhorted them to continue
quiet, and to consider that help would not come
too late, though it come not immediately, if
it be present with them before they suffer any
great misfortune; that they ought to reason
thus: that God delays to assist them, not be-
cause he has no regard to them, but because
he will first try their fortitude, and the plea-
sure they take in their freedom, that he may
learn whether you have souls great enough to
bear want of food, and scarcity of water, on
its account; or whether you rather love to bo
slaves, as cattle are slaves to such as own them,
and feed them liberally, but only in order to
make them more useful in their service. That
as for himself, he shall not be so much con-
cerned for his own preservation; for if he die
unjustly, he shall not reckon it any affliction ;
but that he is concerned for them, lest, by
casing stones at him, they should be thought
to condemn God himself.

5.	By this means Moses pacified the people,
and restrained them from stoning him, andCHAJP. I»

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.	81

brought them to repent of what they were go-
ing to do; and because he thought the neces-
sity they were under made their passion less
unjustifiable, he thought he ought to apply
himself to God by prayer and supplication;
and, going up to an eminence, he requested of
God for some succour for the people, and
some way of deliverance from the want they
were in, because in him, and in hits alone,
was their hope of salvation: and he desired
that he would forgive what necessity had forced
the people to do, since such was the nature
of mankind, hard to please, and very complain-
ing under adversities. Accordingly, God pro-
mised ho would take care of them, and afford
them the succour they were desirous of. Now
when Moses had heard this from God, he
came down to the multitude: but as 60on as
they saw him joyful at the promises he had
received from God, they changed their sad
countenances into gladness. So he placed
himself in the midst of them, and told them
he came to bring them from God a deliverance
from their present distresses. Accordingly,
a little after came a vast number of quails,
which is a bird more plentiful in this Arabian
gulf than anywhere else, flying over the sea,
and hovered over them, till, wearied with their
laborious flight, and, indeed, as usual, flying
very near to ‘the earth, they fell down upon
the Hebrews, who caught them, and satisfied
their hunger with them, and supposed that this
was the method whereby God meant to sup-
ply them with food. Upon which Moses re-
turned thanks to God for affording them his
assistance so suddenly, and sooner than he
had promised them.

6. But presently after this first supply of
food, he sent them a second; for as Moses
was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew fell
down: and Moses, when he found it stick to
his hands, supposed this was also come for
food from God to them: he tasted it; and
perceiving that the people knew not what it
was, and thought it snowed, and that it was
what usually fell at that time of the year, he
informed them that this dew did not fall from
heaven after the manner they imagined, but
came for their preservation and sustenance.
So he tasted it, and gave them some of it,
that they might be satisfied about what he
told them. They also imitated their con-
ductor, and were pleased with the food, for it
was like honey in sweetness and pleasant
taste, but like in its body to bdellium, one of
the sweet spices, and in bigness equal to cori-
ander seed. And very earnest they were in
gathering it; but they were enjoined to gather
it equally ;* the measure of an omer for each
one every day, because this food should not

* It seems to me, from wbat Moses (Exod. xvi. 18),
St. Paul (2 Cor. viii. 15), and Josephus here, say, com-
pared togethor, that the quantity of manna that fell
daily, and did not putrefy, was just so much as came
to an omer a-plece, through the whole host of Israel,
and no more. -

come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker
might not be able to get their share, by rea-
son of the overbearing of the strong in col-
lecting it. However, these strong men, when
they had gathered more than the measure ap-
pointed for them, had no more than others,
but only tired themselves more in gathering
it, for they found no more than an omer
a-piece; and the advantage they got by what
was superfluous was none at all, it corrupting,
both by the worms breeding in it, and by its
bitterness. So divine and wonderful a food
was this! It also supplied the want of other
sorts of food to those that fed on it; and even
now, in all that place, this manna comes down
in rain,f according to what Moses then ob-
tained of God, to send it to the people for their
sustenance. Now the Hebrews call this food
manna; for the particle man, in our language,
is the asking of a question, What is this?
So the Hebrews were very joyful at what was
sent them from heaven. Now they made use
of this food for forty years, or as long as they
were in the wilderness.

7. As soon as they were removed thence,
they came to Rephidim, being distressed to the
last degree by thirst; and while in the fore-
going days they had lit on a few small foun-
tains, but now found the earth entirely desti-
tute of water, they were in an evil case.
They again turned their anger against Moses;
but he at first avoided the fury of the multi-
tude, and then betook himself to prayer to
God, beseeching him, that as he had given
them food when they were in the greatest
want of it, so he would give them drink, since
the favour of giving them food was of no va-
lue to them while they had nothing to drink:
and God did not long delay to give it them,
but promised Moses that he would procure
them a fountain, and plenty of water from a
place they did not expect any; so he com-
manded him to smite the rock which they saw
lying there,J with his rod, and out of it to re-
ceive plenty of what they wanted; for he had

f This supposal, that the sweet honey dew or manna,
so celebrated in ancient and modern authors, as fulling
usually in Arabia, was of the very same tort with this
manna sent to the Israelites, savours more of Gentilism
than of Judaism or Christianity. It is not improbable
that some ancient Gentile author, read by Josephus, so
thought; nor would he here contradict him; though
just before, and Antiq. b. iv. chap. iii. sect. 2, he seems
directly to allow that it had not been seen before. How-
ever, this food from heaven is here described to be like
snow; and in Avtapanus, a heathen writer, it is com-
pared to meal, “ like to oatmeal, in colour like to snow,
rained down by God” (Essay on the Old Test. Append,
p. 239); but 9s to the derivation of the word manna,
whether from man, which Josephus says then signified
What is it t or from mannah, to divide, i. e. a dividend
or portiori allotted to every one, it is uncertain: I in-
cline to the latter derivation. This manna is called
angels’ food (Psalm lxxviii. 26), and by our Saviour
(John vi. 31, Ac.), as well os by Josephus here and else-
where (Antiq. b. iii. ch. v. sect. 3), said to be sent the
Jews from heaven.

X This rock is there at this day, as the travellers
agree, and must be the same that was there in the
days of Moses, as being too large to be brought thither
hy our modern carriages.

F82.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

taken care that drink should come to them
without any labour or pains-taking. When
Moses bad received this command from God,
he came to the people, who waited for him,
and looked upon him; for they saw already
that he was coming apace from his eminence.
As soon as he was come, he told them that
God would deliver them from their present
distress, and had granted them an unexpec-
ted favour; and informed them, that a river
should run for their sakes out of the rock;
but they were amazed at that hearing, sup-
posing they were of necessity to cut the rock
in pieces, now they were distressed by their
thirst, and by their journey—while Moses,
only smiting the rock with bis rod, opened a
passage, and out of it burst water, and that
in great abundance, and very clear; but they
were astonished at this wonderful effect, and,
as it were, quenched their thirst by the very
sight of it. So they drank this pleasant, this
sweet water; and such it seemed to be, as
might well be expected where God was the
donor. They were also in admiration how
Moses was honoured by God; and they made
grateful returns of sacrifice to God for his
providence towards them. Now that Scrip-
ture which is laid up in the temple,* informs
us, how God foretold to Moses, that water
should in this manner be derived out of the
rock.

CHAPTER II.

HOW THE AMALEKITE8, AND THE NEIGHBOUR-
ING NATIONS, MADE WAR WITH THE HE-
BREWS, AND WERE BEATEN, AND LOST A
GREAT PART OF THEIR ARMY.

§ 1. The name of the Hebrews began already
to be everywhere renowned, and rumours
about them ran abroad. This made the in-
habitants of those countries to be in no small
fear. Accordingly, they sent ambassadors to
one another, and exhorted one another to de-
fend themselves, and to endeavour to destroy
these iqen. Those that induced the rest to
do so, were such as inhabited Gobolitis and
Petra. They were called Amalekites, and
were the most warlike of the nations that
lived thereabout; and whose kings exhorted
one another and their neighbours to go to
this war against the Hebrews; telling them
that an army of strangers, and such a one as
had run away from slavery under the Egyp-
tians, lay in wait to ruin them; whieh army
they were not, in common prudence and re-
gard to their own safety, to overlook, but to
crush them before they gather strength, and

* Note here, that the small book of the principal
laws of Moses is ever said to he laid up in the holy house
itself; but the larger Pentateuch, as here, somewhere
within the limits of the temple and its courts only* See
Antiq. b. v. ch. i. sect 17.

come to he in prosperity; and perhaps attack
them first in a hostile manner, as presuming
upon our indolence in not attacking them
before; and that we ought to avenge our-
selves of them for what they have done in the
wilderness, but that this cannot be so well
done when they have once laid their hands on
our cities and our goods: that those who en-
deavour to crush a power in its first rise, are
wiser than those that endeavour to put a stop
to its progress when it is become formidable;
for these last seem to be angry only at the
flourishing of others, but the former do not
leave any room for their enemies to become
troublesome to them. After they had sent
such ambassages to the neighbouring nations,
and among one another, they resolved to at-
tack the Hebrews in battle.

2.	These proceedings of the people of
those countries occasioned perplexity and
trouble to Moses, who expected no such war-
like preparations; and when these nations
were ready to fight, and the multitude of the
Hebrews were obliged to try the fortune of
war, they were in a mighty disorder, and in
want of all necessaries, and yet were to make
war with men who were thoroughly well pre-
pared for it. Then, therefore, it was that
Moses began to encourage them, and to ex-
hort them to have a good heart, and rely on
God’s assistance, by which they had been ad-
vanced into a state of freedom, and to hope
for victory over those who were ready to fight
with them, in order to deprive them of that
blessing: that they were to suppose their own
army to be numerous, wanting nothing, nei-
ther weapons, nor money, nor provisions, nor
such other conveniences as, when men are in
possession of, they fight undauntedly; and
that they are to judge themselves to have all
these advantages in the divine assistance.
They are also to suppose the enemy’s army
to be small, unarmed, weak, and such as want
those conveniences which they know must be
wanted, when it is God’s will that they shall
be beaten; and how valuable God’s assistance
is, they had experienced in abundance of
trials; and those such as were more terrible
than war, .for that is only against men; but
these were against famine and thirst, things
indeed that are in their own nature insupe-
rable ; as also against mountains, and that sea
which afforded them no way of escaping; yet
had all these difficulties been conquered by
God’s gracious kindness to them. So be ex-
horted them to be courageous at this time,
and to look upon their entire prosperity to
depend on the present conquest of their ene-
mies.

3.	And with these words did Moses encou-
rage the multitude, who then called together
the princes of their tribes and their chief men;
both separately and conjointly. The young
men he charged to obey their elders, and the
elders to hearken to their leader. So theCHAP. IT.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

people were elevated in their minds, and
ready to try their fortune in battle, and hoped
to be thereby at length delivered from all
their miseries: nay, they desired that Moses
would immediately lead them against their
enemies without the least delay, that no back-
wardness might be a hinderance to their pre-
sent resolution. So Moses sorted all that
vvere fit for war into dilferent troops, and set
Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of Eph-
raim, over them; one that was of great cou-
rage, and patient to undergo labours; of great
abilities to understand, and to speak what was
proper; and very serious in the worship of
God ; and indeed made, like another Moses,
a teacher of piety towards God. He also
appointed a small party of the armed men to
be near, the water, and to take care of the
children, and the women, and of the entire
camp. So that whole night they prepared
themselves for the battle; they took thelf
weapons, if any of them had such as were
well made, and attended to their commanders
as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as
Moses should give the word of command.
Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after
what manner he should order his camp. But
when the day began, Moses called for Joshua
again, and exhorted him to approve himself
in deeds such a one as his reputation made
men expect from him; and to gain glory by
the present expedition, in the opinion of those
under him, for his exploits in this battle.
He also gave a particular exhortation to the
principal men of the Hebrews, and encouraged
the whole army as it stood armed before him.
And when he had thus animated the' army,
both by his words and works, and prepared
every thing, he retired to a mountain, and
committed the army to God and to Joshua.

4. So the armies joined battle, and it
came to a close fight, hand to hand, both sides
showing great alacrity, and encouraging one
another. And indeed while Moses stretched
out his hands towards heaven,* the Hebrews
were too hard for the Amalekites: but Moses
not being able to sustain his hands thus
stretched out (for as often as he let down his
hands, so often were his own people worsted),
he had his brother Aaron, and Hur their
sister Miriam’s husband, to stand on each

* This eminent circumstance, that while Moses’s
hands were lifted lip towards heaven, the Israelites

side of him, and take hold of hia hands, and
not permit bis weariness to prevent it, but to
assist him in the extension of his hands.
When this was done, the Hebrews conquered
the Amalekites by main force; and indeed
they had all perished, unless the approach of the
night had obliged the Hebrews to desist from
killing any more. So our forefathers obtained
a most signal and most seasonable victory
for they not only overcame those that fough
against them, but terrified also the neighbour-
ing nations, and got great and splendid advan
tages, which they obtained of their enemies by
their hard pains in this battle: for when they had
taken the enemy’s camp, they got ready booty
for the public, and for their own privat,
families, whereas till then they had not any
sort of plenty, of even necessary food. The
forementioned battle, when they had once got
it, was also the occasion of their prosperity,
not only for the present, but for the future
ages also; for they not only made slaves of
the bodies of their enemies, but subdued their
minds also, and after this battle, became
terrible to all that dwelt round about them.
Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of
riches; for a great deal of silver and gold was
left in the enemy’s camp; as also brazen
vessels, which they made common use of in
their families; many utensils also that were
embroidered, there were of both sorts, that is
of what were weaved, and what were the or-
naments of their armour, and other things that
served for use in the family, and for the fur-
niture of their rooms; they got also the prey
of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to
follow camps, when they remove from one
place to another. So the Hebrews now valued
themselves upon their courage, and claimed
great merit for their valour; and they perpet-
ually inured themselves to take pains, by
which they deemed every difficulty might be
surmounted. Such were the consequences of
this battle.

5. On the next day, Moses stripped the
dead bodies of their enemies, and gathered
together the armour of those that were fled,
and gave rewards to such as had signalized
themselves in the action; and highly com-
mended Joshua, their general, who was at-
tested to by all the army, on account of the
great actions he had done. Nor was any one
of the Hebrews slain; but (he slain of the
enemy's army were too many to be enumera-
ted. So Moses offered sacrifices of thanks-

eyes] towards heaven, as other passages of the Old and mimed The Lord the CoiHjUcrov. He also
New Testament inform ns Nay. by tbe way, this pos- 1 foretold that the Amalekites should Utterly be
ture seems to have continued in the Christian church, I j , j	i .1	. u l\	c

till the clergy, instead of learning their prayers by bean,; destroyed ; and that net carter none of them
read them out of a hook, which is in a great measure | should remain, because they fought against
inconsistent with such an elevated posture, and which the Hebrews, and this when they were in tha
seems to me to have been only a later practice, intro- I ., .	J

dared under the corrupt state of the church; though I wi.tlerness, ana in their distress also. More
the constant use of divine forms of prayer, praise, and | over, he refreshed the army with feasting

i *"■' ‘hr ',i<1 *he>',i,u'^

the pastaces	those that ventured to opoosc them, after thqy

hands were titled lip
vailed, and while they

iy w

Amalekites prevailed, seems to me the earliest intima-

ere letdown towards the earil

rih,

ntin

pre-

sideBOOK II!.

84

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

were gone out of Egypt. But when Moses
had celebrated this festival for the victory, he
permitted the Hebrews to rest for a few days,
and then he brought them out after the fight,
in order of battle; for they had now many
soldiers in light armour. And going gradually
on, he came to mount Sinai, in three months’
time after they were removed out of Egypt;
at which mountain, as we have before related,
the vision of the Bush, and the other wonder-
ful appearances, had happened.

CHAPTER m.

THAT MOSES KINDLY RECEIVED HIS FATHER-IN-
LAW, JETHnO, WHEN HE CAME TO HIM TO
MOUNT SINAI.

Now when Raguel, Moses’s father-in-law,
understood in what a prosperous condition his
affairs were, he willingly came to- meet him.
And Moses took Zipphorah, his wife, and his
children, and pleased himself with his com-
ing. And when he had offered sacrifice, he
made a feast for the multitude, near the Bush
he had formerly seen; which multitude, every
one, according to their families, partook of
the feast. But Aaron and his family took
Raguel, and sung hymns to God, as to him
who had been the author and procurer of
their deliverance, and their freedom. They
also praised their conductor, as him by whose
virtue it was that all things had succeeded so
well with them. Raguel also, in his cucha-
ristical oration to Moses, made great enco-
miums upon the whole multitude: and he
could not but admire Moses for his fortitude,
and that humanity he had shown in the deli-
very of his friends.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW RAGUEL SUGGESTED TO MOSES TO SET
HIS PEOPLE IN ORDER, UNDER THEIR RULERS
OF THOUSANDS, AND RULERS OF HUNDREDS,
WHO LIVED WITHOUT ORDER BEFORE J AND
HOW MOSES COMPLIED IN ALL THINGS WITH
HIS FATHER-IN-LAw’s ADMONITION.

§ 1. The next day, as Raguel saw Moses in
the midst of a crowd of business (for he deter-
mined the differences of those that referred them
to him, every one still going to him, and sup-
posing that they should then only obtain jus-
tice, if he were the arbitrator; and those*that
lost their causes thought it no harm while they
thought they lost them justly, and not by par-
tiality); Raguel, however, said nothing to
him at that time, as not desirous to be any
hinderance to such as had a mind to make use
of the virtue of their conductor. But after-

ward he took him to himself, and when he
had him alone, he instructed him in what he
ought to do; and advised him to leave the
trouble of lesser causes to others, but himself
to take Care of the greater, and of the people’s
safety; for that certain others of the Hebrews
might be found that were fit to determine
causes, but that nobody but a Moses could
take care of the safety of so many ten thou-
sands. “ Be not, therefore,” says he, “ insen-
sible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast
done by ministering under God to the people’s
preservation. Permit, therefore, the deter-
mination of common causes to be done by
others, but do thou reserve thyself to the atten-
dance on God only, and look out for methods
of preserving the multitude from their pre-
sent distress. Make use of the method I
suggest to you, as to human affairs; and take
a review of the army, and appoint chosen
rulers over tens of thousands, and then over
thousands; then divide them into five hun-
dreds, and again into hundreds, and into
fifties; and set rulers over each of them, who
may distinguish them into thirties, and keep
them in order; and at last number them by
twenties and by tens: and let there be one
commander over each number, to be denomi-
nated from the number of those over whom
they are rulers, but such as the whole multi-
tude have tried, and do approve of, as being
good and righteous men ;* and let these rulers
decide the controversies they have one with
another. But if any great cause arise, let
them bring the cognisance of it before the
rulers of a higher dignity; but if any great
difficulty arise that is too hard for even their
determination, let them send it to thee. By
these means two advantages will be gained;
the Hebrews will have justice done them,
and thou wilt be able to attend constantly
on God, and procure him to be more favour-
able to the people.”

2. This was the admonition of Raguel;
and Moses received his advice very kindly,
and acted according to his suggestion. Nor
did he conceal the invention of this method,
nor pretend to it himself, but informed the
multitude who it was that invented it: nay,
he has named Raguel in the books he wrote,
as the person who invented this ordering of
the people, as thinking it right to give a true
testimony to worthy persons, although he
might have gotten reputation by ascribing to
himself the inventions of other men ; whence
we may learn the virtuous disposition of
Moses: but of such his disposition, we shall
have proper occasion to speak in other places
of these books.

* This manner of electing the judges and officers of
the Israelites by the testimonies and suffrages of the
people, before they were ordained by God. or by Moses,
deserves to be carefully noted, because it was the pat-
tern of the like manner of the choice and ordination
of llishopa, Presbyters, and Deacons, in the Christian
church.CHAP. Y.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

85

CHAPTER Y.

HOW MOSES ASCENDED UP TO MOUNT SINAI,

AND RECEIVED LAWS FROM GOD, AND DE-
LIVERED THEM TO THE HEBREWS.

§ 1. Now Moses called the multitude to-
gether, and told them that he was going from
them unto mount Sinai to converse with God;
to receive from him, and to bring back with
him, a certain oracle; but he enjoined them
to pitch their tents near the mountain, and
prefer the habitation that was nearest to God,
before one more remote. When he had said
this, he ascended up to mount Sinai, which is
the highest of all the mountains that are in
that country,* and is not only very (jifficult
to be ascended by men, on account of its vast
altitude, but because of the sharpnecs of its
precipices also; nay, indeed, it cannot be
looked at without pain of the eyes: and be-
sides this, it was terrible and inaccessible, on
account of the rumour that passed about, that
God dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed
their tents as Moses had bidden them, and
took possession of the lowest parts of the
mountain ; and were elevated in their minds,
in expectation that Moses would return from
God with promises of the good things he had
proposed to them. So they feasted: and waited
for their conductor, and kept themselves pure
as in other respects, and not accompanying
with their wives for three days, as he had
before ordered them to do. And they prayed
to God that he would favourably receive
Moses in his conversing with him, and be-
stow some such gift upon them by which
they might live well. They also lived more
plentifully as to their diet; and put on their
wives and children more ornamental and de-
cent clothing than they usually wore.

2. So they passed two days in this way of
feasting; but on the third day, before the
sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the
whole camp of the Hebrews, such a one as
none had before seen, and encompassed the
place where they had pitched their tents; and
while all the rest of the air was clear, there
came strong winds, that raised up large
showers of rain, which became a mighty tem-
pest. There was also such lightning, as was

* Since this mountain, Sinai, Is here said to he the
highest of all the mountains that are in that country,
it must be that now called St. Katherine’s, which is one-
third higher than that within a mile of it, now called
Sinai, as Mons. Thevenot Informs us, Travels, part i.
chap, xxiil. p. 168. The other name of it, Horeb, is
never used by Josephus, and perhaps was its name
among the Egyptians only, whence the Israelites were
lately come, as Sinai was its name among the Arabians,
Canuanites. and other nations. Accordingly, when (1
Kings ix. 8) the Scripture says that Elijah came to
lloreb, tbe mount of God. Josephus justly says (Antiq.
b. v. iii. chap. xlii. sect. 7), that he came to the moun-
tain called Sinai: and Jerome, here cited by Dr. Hud-
son. says, that he took this mountain to have two
names, Sinai and Choreb. De Nomin. Heb.p. 427.

terrible to those that saw it; and vthunder,
with its thunder-bolts, was sent down, and
declared God to be there present in a gra-
cious way to such as Moses desired he should
be gracious. Now, as to those matters, every
one of my readers may think as he pleases:
but I am under a necessity of relating this
history as it is described in the sacred books.
This sight, and the amazing sounds that came
to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a pro-
digious degree, for they were not such as
they were accustomed to; and then the ru-
mour that was spread abroad, how God fre-
quented that mountain, greatly astonished
their minds, so they sorrowfully contained
themselves within their tents, as both suppos-
ing Moses to be destroyed by the divine
wrath, and expecting the like destruction for
themselves.

3. When they were under these apprehen-
sions, Moses appeared as joyful and greatly
exalted. When they saw him, they were
freed from their fear, and admitted of more
comfortable hopes as to what was to come.
The air also was become clear and pure of its
former disorders, upon the appearance of
Moses; whereupon he called together the
people to a congregation, in order to their
hearing what God would say to them; and
when they were gathered together, he stood
on an eminence whence they might all hear
him, and said,' “ God has received me gra-
ciously, 0 Hebrews, as he has formerly done,
and has suggested a happy method of living
for you, and an order of political government,
and is now present in the camp: I therefore
charge you, for his sake and the sake of his
works, and what we have done by his means,
that you do not put a low value on what I
am going to say, because the Commands have
been given by me that now deliver them to
you, nor because it is the tongue of a man
that delivers them to you; but if you have a
due regard to the great importance of the
things themselves, you will understand the
greatness of him whose institutions they are,
and who has not disdained to communicate
them to me for our common advantage; for
it is not to be supposed that the author of
these institutions is barely Moses, the son of
Amram and Jochebed, but he who obliged
the Nile to run bloody for your sakes, and
tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by
various sorts of judgments; he who pro-
vided a way through the sea for us; he who
contrived a method of sending us food from
heaven, when we were distressed for want of
it; he who made the water to issue out of a
rock, when we had very little of it before;
he by whose means Adam was made to par-
take of the fruits both of the land and of the
sea; he by whose means Noah escaped the
deluge; he by whose means our forefather
Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was made
the heir of the land of Canaan ; he by whose80

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

means Isaac was bom of parents that were j 7- When matters were brought to this state,
very old; he by whose means Jacob was adorn- : ' loses went up again to Mount Sinai, of which
ed with twelve virtuous sons; he by whose I he had told them beforehand. He made his

means Joseph became a potent lord over the
Egyptians: he it is who conveys these instruc-
tions to you by me as his interpreter. And
let them be to you venerable, and contended
for more earnestly by you than your own'
children and your own wives; for if you will
follow them, you will lead a happy life; you
will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm, arid
the fruit of the womb born complete, as na-
ture requires; you will be also terrible to
your enemies: for I have been admitted into
the presence of God, and been made a hearer
of his incorruptible voice; so great is his con-
cern for your nation, and its duration.”

4.	When he had said this, he brought the
people, with their wives and children, so near
the mountain, that they might hear God him-
self speaking to them about the precepts which
they were to practise; that the energy of what
should be spoken might not be hurt by its
utterance by the tongue of a man, which
could but imperfectly deliver it to their un-
derstanding. And they all heard a voice that
came to all of them from above, insomuch
that no one of these words escaped them,
which Moses wrote on two tables; which it is
not lawful for us to set down directly, but
their import we will declare.*

5.	The first commandment teaches us, That
there is but one God, and that we ought to
worship him only; — the second commands
us not to make the image of any living crea-
ture to worship it;—the third, That we must
not swear by God in a false matter;—the
fourth, That we must keep the seventh day,
by resting from all sorts of work;—the fifth,
That we must honour our parents; — the
sixth, That we must abstain from murder;—
the seventh, That we must not commit adul-
tery;—the eighth, That we must not be guil-
ty of theft;—the ninth, That we must not
bear false witness;—the tenth, That we must
not admit of the desire of any thing that is
another’s.

6.	Now when the multitude had heard God
himself giving those precepts which Moses
had discoursed of, they rejoiced at what was
said; and the congregation was dissolved:
but on the following days they came to his
tent, and desired him to bring them, besides,
other laws from God. Accordingly he ap-
pointed such laws, and afterwards informed
them in what manner they should act in all
cases; which laws l shall make mention of
in their proper time; but I shall reserve most
of those laws for another work,f and make
there a distinct explication of them.

ascent in their sight; and while he staid there
so long a time (for he was absent from them
forty days), fear seized upon the Hebrews,
lest Moses should have come to any harm;
nor was there any thing else so sad, and that
so much troubled them, as this supposai that
Moses was perished. Now there was a va-
riety in their sentiments about it; some say
ing that he was fallen among wild beasts;
and those that were, of this opinion were
chiefly such as were ill-disposed to him ; but
others saying that he was departed, and gone
to God; but the wiser sort were led by their
reason to embrace neither of those opinions
with any satisfaction, thinking, that as it was
a thing that sometimes happens to men to
fall among wild beasts, and perish that way,
so it was probable enough that he might de-
part and go to God, on account of his virtue;
they therefore were quiet, and expected the
event: yet were they exceeding sorry upon
the supposai that they were deprived of a go-
vernor and a protector,- such a one indeed as
they could never recover again; nor would
this suspicion give them leave to expect any
comfortable event about this man, nor could
they prevent their trouble and melancholy
upon this occasion. However, the camp
durst not remove all this while, because Mo-
ses had bidden them afore to stay there.

8. But when the forty days, and as many
nights, were over, Moses came down, having
tasted nothing of food usually appointed for
the nourishment of men. His appearance
filled the army with gladness, and he declared
to them what care God had of them, and by
what manner of conduct of their lives they
might live happily; telling them, that during
these days of his absence he had suggested to
him also that he would have a tabernacle built
for him, into which he would descend when
he came to them; and how we should carry
it about with us when we remove from this
place; and that there would be no longer any
occasion for going up to mount Sinai, but
that he would himself come and pitch his ta-
bernacle amongst us, and be present at our
prayers; as also, that the tabernacle should be
of such measures and construction as he had
shown him; and that you are to fall to the
work, and prosecute it diligently. When he
had said this, he showed them the two tables,
with the ten commandments engraven upon
them, five upon each table; and the writing
was by the hand of God.

the reasons of many of the laws of Moses: of which sec
the note on the Preface, sect. 4.

• Of this and another like superstitions notion of the
Pharisees, which Josephus complied with, see the note
on Antiq. b. ii. chap. xii. sect. iv.

t This other work of Josephus, here referred to,
seems to be that which does not appear to have been
ever ouhlishod, which yet be intended to publish, aboutCHAP. VI,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

87

CHAPTER VI.

CONCERNING THE TABERNACLE WHICH MOSES

BUILT IN THE WILDERNESS FOR THE HO-
NOUR OF GOD, AND WHICH SEEMED TO BE

A TEMPLE.

§ 1. Hereupon the Israelites rejoiced at what
they had seen and heard of their conductor,
and were not wanting in diligence according
to theic ability; for they brought silver, and
gold, and brass, and of the best sorts of wood,
and such as would not at all decay by putre-
faction; camels' hair also, and sheep-skins,
some of them dyed of a blue colour, and
some of a scarlet; some brought the flower
for the purple colour, and others for white,
with wool dyed by the flowers aforemention-
ed ; and fine linen and precious stones, which
those that use costly ornaments set in ouches
of gold; they brought also a great quantity
of spices; for of these materials did Moses
build the tabernacle, which did not at all dif-
fer from a moveable and ambulatory temple.
Now when these things were brought together
with great diligence, (for every one was am-
bitious to further the work even beyond their
ability,) he set architects over the works, and
this by the command of God ; and indeed the
very same which the people themselves would
have chosen, had the election been allowed to
them. Now their names are set down in
writing in the sacred books; and they were
these: Besaleel the son of Uri, of the tribe
of Judah, the grandson of Miriam, the sister
of their conductor; and Aholiab, the son of
Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan. Now the
people went on with what they had under-
taken with so great alacrity, that Moses was
obliged to restrain them, by making procla-
mation, that what had been brought was suf-
ficient, as the artificers had informed him; so
they fell to work upon the building of the
tabernacle. Moses also informed them, ac- |
cording to the direction of God, both what I
the measures were to be, and its largeness; !
and how many vessels it ought to contain for I
the use of the sacrifices. The women also !
were ambitious to do their parts, about the f
garments of the priests, and about other
things that would be wanted in this work,
both for ornament, and for the divine service
itself.

2. Now when all things were prepared, the
gold, and the silver, and the brass, and what
was woven, Moses, when he had appointed
beforehand that there should be a festival, and
that sacrifices should be offered according to
every one’s ability, reared up the tabernacle;*
and when he had measured the open court,

* Of tliis tabernacle of Moses, with its several parts
and furniture, see my description at large, chap. vi. vii.
tiii.i\. x. xi. xii. hereto belonging.

fifty cubits broad and a hundred long, he set
up brazen pillars, five cubits high, twenty on
each of the longer sides, and ten pillars for
the breadth behind; every one of the pillars
also had a ring. Their chapiters were of sil-
ver, but their bases were of brass: they re-
sembled the sharp ends of spears, and were
of brass, fixed into the ground. Cords were
also put through the rings, and were lied ut
their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit
long, which, at every pillar, were driven into
the floor, and would keep the tabernacle from
being shaken by the violence of winds; but
a curtqin of fine soft linen went round all ihe
pillars, and hung down in a flowing and loose
manner from their chapiters, and enclosed the
whole space, and seemed not at all unlike to
a wall about it. And this was the structure of
three of the sides of this enclosure; but as for
the fourth side, which was fifty cubits in ex-
tent, and was the front of the whole, twenty
cubits of it were for the opening of the gates,
wherein stood two pillars on each side, alter
the resemblance of open gates. These were
made wholly of silver, and polished, and that
all over, excepting the bases, which were of
brass. Now on each side of the gates there
stood three pillars, which were inserted into
the concave bases of the gates, and were
suited to them; and round them was drawn a
curtain of fine linen; but to the gates them-
selves, which were twenty cubits in extent,
and five in height, the curtain was composed
of purple, and scarlet, and blue, and fine
linen, and embroidered with many and divers
sorts of figures, excepting the figures of ani-
mals. Within these gates was the brazen
laver for purification, having a basin beneath
of the like matter, whence the priests might
wash their hands and sprinkle their feet; and
this was the ornamental construction of the
inclosure about the court of the tabernacle,
which was exposed to the open air.

3. As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed
it in the middle of that court, with its front
to the east, that, when the sun arose, it might
send its first rays upon t. Its iiigth, when
it was set up, was tinny emits, and its
breadth was twelve [ten] cuoits. The one
of its walls was on the south, and the other
was exposed to the north, and on the back
part of it remained the west. It was neces-
sary that its height should be equal to its
breadth [ten cubits]. There were also pillars
made of wobd, twenty on each side; they
were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in
breadth a cubit and a half, but the thickness
was four fingers: they had thin plates of gold
affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and
outwardly: they had each of them two tenons
belonging to them, inserted into their bases,
and these were of silver, in each of which
bases there was a socket to receive the tenon;
but the pillars on the west wall were six.
Now all these tenon3 and sockets accuratelyBOOK m.

88

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

fitted one another, insomuch that the joints
were invisible, and both seemed to be one
entire and united wall. It was also covered
with gold, both within and without. The
number of pillars was equal on the opposite
sides, and there were on each part twenty,
and every one of them had the third part of
a span in thickness; so that the number of
thirty cubits were fully made up between
them; but as to the wall behind, where the
six pillars made up together only nine cu-
bits, they made two other pillars, and cut them
out of one cubit, which they placed in the

comers, and made them equally fine with the
other. Now every one of the pillars had rings
of gold affixed to their fronts outward, as if
they had taken root in the pillars, and stood
one row over against another round about,
through which were inserted bars gilt over
with gold, each of them five cubits long, and
these bound together the pillars, the head of
one bar running into another, after the nature
of one tenon inserted into another; but for
the wall behind, there was but one row of
bars that went through all the pillars, into
which row ran the ends of the bars on each
side of the longer walls; the male with its
female being so fastened in their joints, that
they held the whole firmly together; and for
this reason was all this joined so fast together,
that the tabernacle might not be shaken,
either by the winds, or by any other means,
but that it might preserve itself quiet and
immovable continually.

4. As for the inside, Moses parted its length
into three partitions. At the distance of ten
cubits from the most secret end, Moses placed
four pillars, the workmanship of which was
the very same with that of the rest; and they
stood upon the like basis with them, each a
small matter distant from his fellow. Now
the room within those pillars was the most
holy place; but the rest of the room was the
tabernacle, which was open for the priests.
However, this proportion of the measures of
the tabernacle proved to be an imitation of
the system of the world: for that third part
thereof which was within the four pillars, to
which the priests were not admitted, is, as it
were, a Heaven peculiar to God; but the
space of the twenty cubits, is, as it were, sea
and land, on which men live, and so this part
is peculiar to the priests only; but at the
front, where the entrance was made, they
placed pillars of gold, that stood on bases of
brass, in number seven; but then they spread
ever the tabernacle veils of fine linen and
purple, and blue, and scarlet colours, embroi-
dered. The first veil was ten cubits every
way, and this they spread over the pillars
which parted the temple, and kept the most
holy place concealed within; and this veil
was that which made this part not visible to
any. Now the whole temple was called The
Holy Place ; but that part which was within

tde four pillars, and to which none were ad-
mitted, was called The Holy of Holies. This
veil was very ornamental, and embroidered
with all sorts of flowers which the earth pro-
duces ; and there were interwoven into it all
sorts of variety that might be an ornament,
excepting the forms of animals. Another
veil there was which covered the five pillars
that were at the entrance. It was like the
former in its magnitude, and texture, and
colour; and at the corner of every pillar a
ring retained it from the top downwards half
the depth of the pillars, the other half afford-
ing an entrance for the priests, who crept un-
der it. Over this there was a veil of linen,
of the same largeness with the former: it was
to be drawn this way or that way by cords,
the rings of which, fixed to the texture of the
veil, and to the cords also, were subservient
to the drawing and undrawing of the veil,
and to the fastening it at the corner, that then
it might be no hinderance to the view of the
sanctuary, especially on solemn days; but that
on other days, and especially when the wea-
ther was inclined to snow, it might be ex-
panded, and afford a covering to the veil of
divers colours; whence that custom of ours
is derived, of having a fine linen veil, after
the temple has been built, to be drawn over
the entrances; but the ten other curtains were
four cubits in breadth, and twenty-eight in
length; and had golden clasps, in order to
join the one curtain to the other, which was
done so exactly that they seemed to be one
entire curtain. These were spread over the
temple, and covered all the top and parts of
the walls, on the sides and behind, so far as
within one cubit of the ground. There were
other curtains of the same breadth with these,
but one more in number, and longer, for they
were thirty cubits long; but these were woven
of hair, with the like subtilty as those of wool
were made, and were extended loosely down
to the ground, appearing like a triangular
front and elevation at the gates, the eleventh
curtain being used for this very purpose.
There were also other curtains made of skins
above these, which afforded covering and pro-
tection to those that were woven, both in hot
weather and when it rained; and great was
the surprise of those who viewed these cur-
tains at a distance, for they seemed not at all
to differ from the colour of the sky; but those
that were made of hair and of skins, reached
down in the same manner as did the veil at
the gates; and kept off the heat of the sun,
and what injury the rains might do; and after
this manner was the tabernacle reared.

5. There was also an ark made sacred to
God, of wood that was naturally strong, and
could not be corrupted. This was called Enron,
in our own language. Its construction was
thus: Its length was five spans, but its breadth
and height was each of them three spans.
It was covered all over with gold, both with-CHAP. vn.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

89

in and without, so that the Wooden part was
not seen. It had also a cover united to it, by
golden hinges, after a wonderful manner;
which cover was every way evenly fitted to it,
and had no eminences to hinder its exact con-
junction. There were also two golden rings
belonging to each of the longer boards, and
passing through the entire wood, and through
them gilt bars passed along each board, that
it might thereby be moved and carried about,
as occasion should require; for it was not
drawn in a cart by beasts of burden, but borne
on the shoulders of the priests. Upon this its
cover were two images, which the Hebrews
call Cherubims; they are flying creatures, but
their form is not like to that of any of the crea-
tures which men have seen, though Moses
said he had seen such beings near the throne
of God. In this ark he put the two tables
whereon the ten commandments were writ-
ten, five upon each table, and two and a half
upon each side of them; and this-ark he
placed in the most holy place.

6.	But in the holy place he placed a table,
like those at Delphi; its length was two cu-
bits, and its breadth one cubit, and its height
three spans. It had feet also, the lower part
of which were complete feet, resembling those
which the Dorians put to their bedsteads; but
the upper parts towards the table were wrought
into a square form. The table had a hollow
towards every side, having a ledge of four
fingers’ depth, that went round about like a
spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the
body of the work. Upon ewery one of the
feet was there also inserted a ring, not far
from the cover, through which went bars of
wood beneath, but gilded, to be taken out
upon occasion, there being a cavity where it
was joined to the rings; for they were not en-
tire rings; but before they came quite round
they ended in acute points, the one of which
was inserted into the prominent part of the
table, and the other into the foot; and by these
it was carried when they journeyed. Upon
this table, which Was placed on the north side
of the temple, not far from the most holy place,
were laid twelve unleavened loaves of bread,
six upon each heap, one above another: they
were made of two tenth-deals of the purest
flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a mea-
sure of the Hebrews, containing seven Athe-
nian cotylsE,- and above those loaves were put
two vials full of frankincense. Now after
seven days other loaves were brought in their
stead, on the day which is by us called the
Sabbath; for we call the seventh day the
Sabbath. . But for the occasion of this inven-
tion of placing loaves here, we will speak to
it in another place.

7.	Over against this table, near the south-
ern wall, was set a candlestick of cast gold,
hollow within, being of the weight of one
hundred pounds, which the Hebrews call
Chinc/taresif it be turned into the Greek lan-

guage, it denotes a talent. It was made with
its knobs, and lilies, and pomegranates, and
bowls (which ornaments amounted to seventy
in all); by which means the shaft elevated
itself on high from a single base, and spread
itself into as many branches as there are pla-
nets, including the sun among them. It ter-
minated in seven heads, in one row, all stand-
ing parallel to one another; and these branches
carried seven lamps, one by one, in imitation of
the number of the planets. These lamps looked
to the east and to the south, the candlestick
being situate obliquely.

8.	Now between this candlestick and the
table, which, as we said, were within the sanc-
tuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood
indeed, but of the same wood of which the
foregoing vessels were made, such as was not
liable to corruption; it was entirely crusted
over with a golden plate. Its breadth on each
side was a cubit, but the altitude double.
Upon it was a grate of gold, that was extant
above the altar, which had a golden crown en-
compassing it round about, whereto belonged
rings and bars, by which the priests carried it
when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle
there was reared a brazen altar, but it was
within made of wood, five cubits by measure
on each side, but its height was but three, in
like manner adorned with brass plates as
bright as gold. It had also a brazen hearth
of net-work; for the ground underneath re-
ceived the fire from the hearth, because it had
no basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay
the basins, and the vials, and the censers, and
the chaldrons, made of gold ; but the other ves-
sels, made for the use of the sacrifices, were
all of brass. And such was the construction
of the tabernacle; and these were the vessels
thereto belonging.

CHAPTER VII.

CONCERNING THE GARMENTS OF THE PRIESTS,
AND OF THE HIGH-PRIEST.

§ 1. There were peculiar garments appoint-
ed for the priests, and for all the rest, which
they call Cahanxx [priestly] garments, as also
for the high-priest, which they call Cahanxx
Rabbx, and denote the high-priest’s garments.
Such was therefore the habit of the rest; but
when the priest approaches the sacrifices, he
purifies himself with the purification which
the law prescribes; and, in the first place, he
puts on that which is called Machanase, which
means somewhat that is fast tied. It is a girdle,
composed of fine twined linen, and is put
about the privy parts, the feet being to be
inserted into them, in the nature of breeches;
but about half of it is cut off, and it ends at
the thighs, and is there tied fast.90

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II)

2.	Over this he wore a linen vestment, made
of line flax doubled: it is called Chethone', and
denotes linen, for we call linen by the name
of Chethone. This vestment reaches down to
the feet, and sits close to the body; and has
sleeves that are tied fast to the arms: it is
gil ded to the breast a little above the elbows,
by a girdle often going round, four'fingers
broad, but so loosely woven, that you would
think it were the skin of a serpent. It is em-
broidered with flowers of scarlet, and purple,
and blue, and fine twined linen; but the warp
was nothing but fine linen. The beginning
of its circumvolution is at the breast; and
when it has gone often round, it is there tied,
and hangs loosely there down to the ancles :
I mean this, all the time the priest is not
about any laborious service, for in this position
it appears in the most agreeable manner to the
spectators; but when he is obliged to assist
at the offering sacrifices, and to do the appoint-
ed service, that he may not be hindered in his
operations by its motion, he throws it to the
left, and bears it on his shoulder. Moses in-
deed calls this belt Abanelh; but we have
learned from the Babylonians to call it Emia,
for so it is by them called. This vestment
has no loose or hollow parts any where in it,
but only a narrow aperture about the neck;
and it is tied with certain strings hanging
down from the edge over the breast and back,
and is fastened above each shoulder: it is
called Massabazanes.

3.	Upon his head he wears a cap, not
brought to a conic form nor encircling the
whole head, but still covering more than the
half of it, which is called Masjiaeinplithes: and
its make is such that it seems to be a crown,
being made of thick swathes, but the contex-
ture is of linen; and it is doubled round many
times, and sewed together: besides which, a
piece of fine linen covers the whole cap from
the upper part, and reaches down to the fore-
head, and hides the seams of the swathes, which
would otherwise appear indecently: this ad-
heres closely upon the solid part of the head,
and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may
not fall off during the sacred service about
tire sacrifices. So we have now shown you
what is the habit of the generality of the
priests.

4.	The high-priest is indeed adorned with
the same garments that we have described,
without abating one; only over these he puts
on a vestment of a blue colour. This also is
a long robe, reaching to his feet [in our lan-
guage it is called Meeir\ and is tied round
with a girdle, embroidered with the same co-
lours and flowers as the former, with a mixture
of gold interwoven. To the bottom of which
garment are hung fringes, in colour like
pomegranates, with golden bells,* by a curi-
ous and beautiful contrivance; so that bc-

* The use of these golden bells at the bottom of the
h^U*priest*8 long garment, seems to me to bare been time

tween two bells hangs a pomegranate, and be •
tween two pomegranates a hell. Now this
vesture was not composed of two pieces, nor
was it sewed together upon the shoulders and
the sides, but it was one long vestment so
woven as to have an aperture for the neck;
not an oblique one, but parted all along the
breast and the back. A border also was
sewed to it, lest the aperture should look too
indecently: it was also parted where the
hands were to come out.

5.	Besides these, the high-prie9t put on a
third garment, which is called the Ejihod,
which resembled the Epomis of the Greeks.
Its make was after this manner: it was wo-
ven to the depth of a cubit, of several colours,
with gold intermixed, and embroidered, but
it left the middle of the breast uncovered : it
was made with sleeves also; nor did it appear
to be at all differently made from a short coat.
But in the void place of this garment there
was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span,
embroidered with gold, and the other colours
of the ephod,and was called Essen [the breast-
plate], which in the Greek language signifies
the Oracle. This piece exactly filled up the
void space in the ephod. It was united to it by
golden rings at every corner, the like rings
being annexed to the ephod, and a blue riband
was made use of to tie them together by those
rings: and that the space between the rings
might not appear empty, they contri ved to fill
it up with stitches of blue ribands. There
were also two sardonyxes upon the ephod, at
the shoulders, to fasten it in the nature of but-
tons, having each end running to the sardo-
nyxes of gold, that they might be buttoned by
them. On these were engraven the names ot
the sons of Jacob, in our own country letters,
and in our own tongue, six on each of the
stones, on either side; and the elder sons’
names were on the right shoulder. Twelve
stones also were there upon the breast-plate,
extraordinary in largeness and beauty; and
they were an ornament not to be purchased
by men, because of their immense value.
These stones, however, stood in three rows,
by four in a row, and were inserted into the
breast-jflate itself, and they were set in ouches
of gold, that were themselves inserted in the
breast-plate, and were so made that they might
not fall out. Now the first three stones were a
sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second

That by shaking his garment at the time of bis offering
incense in the temple, on the great day of expiation, ot
at other proper periods of his sacred ministrations there,
on the great festivals, the people might have notice ot

h'rea	.	.

it, and might fall to their own prayers at the time of in-
proper

ation might at once olfer those comr

cense or other proper periods; and so the whole con-
gregation might at once olfer those common prayers
jointly with the high priest himself to the Almighty.

grega
jointl_

See lluhe i. 10. Itev. viii. 3, 4.
of Sirach to be otherwise nnderstoi

son
s ot

Nor probably is the
w.	........erstood, when he say

Aaron the first high-priest. Ecclus. xlv. 9. "And God
encompassed Aaron with pomegranates, and with many
golden hells round about, (hat as he wient there might he
a sound, and a noise made that might be heard iu the
temple, for a memorial to the children of his people.”CHAP. vri.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

91

row contained a carbuncle, a jasper, and a
sapphire. The first of the third row was a
figure, then an amethyst, and the third an agate,
being the ninth of the whole number. The
first of the fourth row was a chrysolite, the
next was an onyx, and then a beryl, which
was the last of all. Now the names of all
those sons of Jacob were engraven in these
stones, whom we esteem the heads of our tribes,
each stone having the honour of a name, in
the order according to which they were born.
And whereas the rings were too weak of them-
selves to bear the weight of the stones, they
made two other rings of a larger size, at the
edge of that part of the breast-plate which
reached to the neck, and inserted into the
very texture of the breast-plate, to receive
chains finely wrought, which connected, them
with golden bands to the tops of the shoul-
ders, whose extremity turned backwards, and
went into the ring, on the prominent back
part of the ephod; and this was for the secu-
rity of the breast-plate, that it might not fall
out of its place. There was also a girdle sewed
to the breast-plate, which was of the fore-
mentioned colours, with gold intermixed,
which, when it had gone once round, wa3 tied
again upon the sf*;tm, and hung down. There
were also golden loops that admitted its
fringes at each extremity of the girdle, and
included them entirely.

fi. The high-priest’s mitre was the same
that we described before, and was wrought
like that of all the other priests; above which
there was another, with swathes of blue em-
broidered, and round it was a golden crown
polished, of three rows, one above another;
out of which arose a cup of gold, which re-
sembled the herb which we call Sacchurus;
but those Greeks that are skilful in botany
call it Hi/oscyamus. Now, lest any one that
has seen this herb, but has not been taught its
name, and is unacquainted with its nature, or,
having known its name, knows not the herb
when he sees it, I shall give such as these are a
description of it. This herb is oftentimes in tall-
ness above three spans, but its root is like that
of a turnip (for he that should compareitthere-
to would not be mistaken); but its leaves are
like the leaves of mint. Out of its branches
it sends out a calyx, cleaving to the branch ;
and a coat encompasses it, which it naturally
puts off when it is changing, in order to pro-
duce its fruit. This calyx is of the bigness
of the bone of the little finger, but in the coin-
pass of its aperture is like a cup. This I will
farther describe, for the use of those that are
unacquainted with it. Suppose a sphere be
divided into two parts, round at the bottom,
but having another segment that grows up to
a circumference from that bottom; suppose
it become nanower by degrees, and that the
cavity of that part grow decently smaller, and
then gradually grow wider again at the brim,
■uch as we see in the navel of a pomegranate,

with its notches. And indeed such a coat
grows over this plant as renders it an hemi-
sphere, and that, as one may say, turned ac-
curately in a lathe, and having its notches ex-
tant above it, which, as I said, grow like a
pomegranate, only that they are sharp, and
end in nothing but prickles. Now the fruit is
preserved by this coat of the calyx, which fruit
is like the seed of the herb Sidcritis: it sends
out a flower that may seem to resemble that
of poppy. Of this was a crown made, as far
as from the hinder part of the head to each of
the temples; but this Ephtelis, for so this
calyx may be called, did not cover the fore-
head, but it was covered with a golden plate,*
which had inscribed upon it the name of God
in sacred characters. And such were the or-
naments of the high-priest.

7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-
will which men bear to ms, and which they
profess to bear on account of our despising
that Deity which they pretend to honour;
for if any one do but consider the fabric of
the tabernacle, and take a view of the gar-
ments of the high-priest, and of those vessels
which we make use of in our sacred minis-
tration, he will find that our legislator was a
divine man, and that we are unjustly re-
proached by others: for if any one do without
prejudice, and with judgment, look upon
these things, he will find they were every one
made in way of imitation and representation
of the universe. When Moses distinguished
the tabernacle into three parts.f and allowed
two of them to the priests, as a place accessi-
ble and common, he denoted the land and
the sea, these being of general access to all;
but he set apart the third division for.God,
because heaven is inaccessible to men. And
when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the
table, he denoted the year, as distinguished
into so many months. By branching out the
candlestick into seventy parts, he secretly in-
timated the Decani, or seventy divisions of
the planets; and as to the seven lamps upon
the candlesticks, they referred to the course
of the planets, of which that is the number.
The veils, too, which were composed of four
things, they declared the four elements; for
t.he fine linen was proper to signify the
earth, because the flax grows out of the earth;
the purple signified the sea, because that co-
lour is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish;

* The reader ought to take notice here, that the very
Mosaic Petalon, or golden plate, for the forehead of the
Jewish high-priest, was itself preserved, not only till the
days of Josephus, but of Origenand that its inscription,
Holiness to the Lord, was in the Samaritan characters.
—See Antiq. b. viii. ch. iii. sect 8, Essay on Ihe Old
Test. p. 154, and Reland, lie Spot Templi, p 132.

+ When Josephus, both here and chap. vi. sect. 4,
supposes the tabernacle to have been parted into three
parts, he seems to esteem the bare entrance to be a third
division, distinct from the holy and the most holy places;
and this the rather, because in the temple afterward there
was a real distinct third part, which was called the Porch
otherwise Josephus would contradict his own description
of th<- tabernacle, which gives us a particular account of
no more that! two parts.92

book. m.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

the b,Iue is fit to signify the air; and the
scarlet will naturally be an indication of fire.
Now the vestment of the high-priest being
made of linen, signified the earth; the blue
denoted the sky, being like lightning in its
pomegranates, and in the noise of the bells
resembling thunder. And for the ephod, it
showed that God had made the universe of
four [elements]; and as for the gold inter-
woven, I suppose it related to the splendour
by which all things are enlightened. He
also appointed the breast-plate to be placed
in the middle of the ephod, to resemble the
earth, for that has the very middle place of
the world. And the girdle which encompassed
the high-priest round, signified the ocean,
for that goes round about and includes the
universe. Each of the sardonyxes declares
to us the sun and the moon; those, I mean,
that were in the nature of buttons on the
high-priest’s shoulders. And for the twelve
stones, whether we understand by them the
months, or whether we understand the like
number of the signs of that circle which the
Greek? call the Zodiac, we shall not be mis-
taken in their meaning. And for the mitre,
which was of a blue colour, it seems to me
to mean heaven; for how otherwise could the
name of God be inscribed upon it 1 That it
was also illustrated with a crown, and that of
gold also, is because of that splendour with
which God is pleased. Let this explication*
suffice at present, since the course of my nar-
ration will often, and on many occasions,
afford me- the opportunity of enlarging upon
the virtue of our legislator.

CHAPTER VIII.

OP THE PRIESTHOOD OP AARON

§ 1. When what has been described was
brought to a conclusion, gifts not being yet
presented, God appeared to Moses, and en-
joined him to bestow the high-priesthood upon
Aaron his brother, as upon him that best of

* This explication of the mystical meaning of the
Jewish tabernacle and its vessels, with the garments of
the high-priest, is taken out of Philo, and fitted to Gen-
tile philosophical notions. This may possibly be for-
given in Jews, greatly versed in heathen learning and
philosophy, as Philo had ever been, and as Josephus
had long been when he wrote these Antiquities. In the
mean time, it is not to be doubted, but in their edu-
cation they must have both learned more Jewish inter-
pretations, such as we meet with in the Epistle of Bar-
nabas, in that to the Hebrews, and elsewhera*mong the
old Jews. Accordingly, when Josephus wrote his books
of the Jewish War, for the use of the Jews, at which
time he was comparatively young, and less used to Gen-
tile hooks, we find one specimen of such a Jewish in-
terpretation ; for there (b. vii. ch. v. sect. 5,) he makes
the seven branches of the temple-candlestick, with their
seven lamps, an emblem of the seven days of creation
and rest, which nre here emblems of the seven planets.
Nor certainly ought ancient Jewish emblems to be ex-
plained any other way than according to ancient Jewish,
and not Gentile, notions. See of the War, b. i. ch.
xxxiii. seat. 2.

them all deserve to obtain that honour, on
account of its virtue. And when he had
gathered the multitude together, he gave
them an account of Aaron’s virtue, and of
his good-will to them, aad of the dangers he
had undergone for their sakes. Upon which,
when they had given testimony to him in all
respects, and showed their readiness to receive
him, Moses said to them, “ 0 you Israelites,
this work is already brought to a conclusion, in
a manner most acceptable to God, and accord-
ing to our abilities. And now since you see
that he is received into this tabernacle, we
shall first of all stand in need of one that may
officiate for us, and may minister to the sacri-
fices, and to the prayers that are to be put up
for us; and indeed had the inquiry after such
a person been left to me, I should have
thought myself worthy of this honour, both
because all men are naturally fond of them-
selves, and because I am conscious to myself
that I have taken a great deal of pains for
your deliverance; but now God himself has
determined that Aaron is worthy of this ho-
nour, and has chosen him for his priest, as
knowing him to be the most righteous person
among you. So that he is to put on the vest-
ments which are consecrated to God; he is
to have the care of the altars, and to make
provisions for the sacrifices; and he it is that
must put up prayers for you to God, who will
readily hear them, not only because he is
himself solicitous for your nation, but also
because he will receive them as offered by
one that he hath himself chosen to this
office.”]" The Hebrews were pleased with
what was said, and they gave their approba-
tion to him whom God had ordained; for
Aaron was, of them all, the most deserving
of this honour, on account of his own stock
and gift of prophecy, and his brother’s virtue.
He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu,
Eleazer, and Ithamar.

2. Now Moses commanded them to make
use of all the utensils which were more than
were necessary to the structure of the taber-
nacle, for covering the tabernacle itself, the
candlestick, and altar of incense, and the other
vessels, that they might not be at all hurt
when they journeyed, either by the rain, or
by the rising of the dust. And when he had
gathered the multitude* together again, he or-
dained that they should offer half a shekel
for every man, as an oblation to God; which
shekel is a piece among the Hebrews, and is
equal to four Athenian drachmse.]:	Where-

f It is well worth our observation, that the two prin-
cipal qualifications required in this section, for the con-
stitution of the first higb-priest, (viz. that be should
have an excellent character for virtuous and good ac-
tions; os also that he should have the approbation of
the people,) are here noted by Josephus, even where the
nomination belonged to God himself, which are the very
same qualifications which tbe Christian religion requires
in the choice of Christian bishops, priests, and deacons;
as the Apostolical Constitutions inform us, b. ii. chap. iii.

J This weight and value of tbe Jewish shekel, in tbo
days of Josephus, equal to about 2s. lOd. sterling, is, bychap. yrti.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

98

upon they readily obeyed what Moses had
commanded; and the number of the offerers
was six hundred and five thousand five hun
dred and fifty. Now this money that was
brought by the men that were free, was given
by such as were above twenty years old, but
under fifty; and what was collected was spent
in the uses of the tabernacle.

3. Moses now purified the tabernacle and
the priests; which purification was performed
after the following manner :—He commanded
them to take five hundred shekels of choice
myrrh, an equal quantity of cassia, and half
the foregoing weight of cinnamon and cala-
mus (this last is a sort of sweet spice); to
beat them small, and wet them with an bin of
oil of olives (an hin is our own country mea-
sure, and contains two Athenian choas, or
€ongiuses); then mix them together, and boil
them, and prepare them afrcr the art of the
apothecary, and make them into a very sweet
ointment; and afterward to take it to anoint
and to purify the priests themselves, and all the
tabernacle, as also the sacrifices. There were
also many, and those of various kinds, of
sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle,
and such as were of very great price, and were
brought to the golden altar of incense, the na-
ture of which I do not now describe, lest it
should be troublesome to my readers; but in-
cense* was to be offered twice a-day, both be-
fore sun-rising and at sun-setting. They were

5.	Now God showed himself pleased with
the work of the Hebrews, and did not permit
their labours to be in vain; nor did he dis-
dain to make use of what they had made, but
he came and sojourned with them, and pitched
his tabernacle in the holy house. And in
the following manner did he come to it:—
The sky was clear, but there was a mist over
the tabernacle only, encompassing it, but not
with such a very deep and thick cloud as is
seen in the winter season, nor yet in so thin a
one as men might be able to discern any thing
through it; but from it there drooped a sweet
dew, and such a one as showed the presence
of God to those that desired and believed it.

6.	Now when Moses had bestowed such
honorary presents on the workmen, as it was
fit they should receive, who had wrought so
well, he offered sacrifices in the open court of
the tabernacle, as God commanded him; a
bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for a
sin-offering. Now I shall speak of what we
do in our sacred offices in my discourse about
sacrifices; and therein shall inform men in
what cases Moses bid us offer a whole burnt-
offering, and in what cases the law permits us
to partake of them as of food. And when
Moses had sprinkled Aaron’s vestments, him-
self, and his 6ons, with the blood of the beasts
that were slain, and had purified them with
spring waters and ointment, they became
God’s priests. After this manner did he con-

also to keep oil ready purified for the lamps; secrate them and their garments for seven
three of which were to give light all day long.f days together. The same he did to the taber-

upon the sacred candlestick, before God, and
the rest were to be lighted at the evening.

4. Now all was finished. Bbsaleel and
Aholiab appeared to be the most skilful of
the workmen; for they invented finer works
than what others had done before them, and
were of great abilities to gain notions of what
they were formerly ignorant of; and of these,
Besaleel was judged to be the best. Now
the whole time they were about this work was
the interval of seven months; and after this
it was that was ended the first year since their
departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning
of the second year, on the month Xanthicus,
as the Macedonians call it, but on the month
Nisan, as the Hebrews call it, on the new
moon, they consecrated .the tabernacle, and
all its vessels, which I have already described.

the learned Jews, owned to be one-fifth larger than
were their old shekels; which determination agrees
perfectly with the remaining shekels that have Sama-
ritan inscriptions, coined generally by Simon the Mac-
cabee, about 230 years before Josephus published his
Antiquities, which never weigh more than 2s. 41d., and
commonly hut 2s. 4£d. See Reland fie Nummis Samar
ritanorum, p. 188.

* The incense was here offered, according to Jose-
phus’s opinion, before sun-rising, and at sun-setting;
but in the days of Pompey, according to the same Jose-
phus, the sacrifices were offered in the morning, and
at the ninth hour. Antiq. b. xiv. cb. iv. sect. 3.

Hence we may correct the opinion of the modern
Rabbins, who say that only one of the seven lamps
burned in the day-time; whereas our Josephus, an eye
witness, says there were three.

nacle, and the vessels thereto belonging, both
with oil first incensed, as I said, and with the
blood of bulls and of rams, slain day by day
one, according to its kind. But on the eighth
day he appointed a feast for the people, and
commanded them to offer sacrifice according
to their ability. Accordingly they contended
one with another, and were ambitious to ex-
ceed each other in the sacrifices which they
brought, and so fulfilled Moses’s injunctions.
But as the sacrifices lay upon the altar, a sud-
den fire was kindled from among them of its
own accord, and appeared to the sight like
fire from a flash of lightning, and consumed
whatsoever was upon the altar.

7.	Hereupon an affliction befell Aaron, con-
sidered as a man and a father, but was un-
dergone by him with true fortitude; for he
had indeed a firmness of soul in such acci-
dents, and he thought this calamity came upon
him according to God’s will; for whereas
he had four sons, as I have said before, the two
elder of them, Nadab and Abihu, did not
bring those sacrifices which Moses bade them
bring, but which they used to offer formerly,
and were burnt to death. Now when the fire
rushed upon them, and began to bum them,
nobody could quench it. Accordingly they
died in this manner. And Moses bid their
father and their brethren to take up their
bodies, to carry them out of the camp, and to94

ANTIQUITIES OE THE JEWS.

BOOK nr.

bury them magnificently. Now the multi-
tude lamented them, and were deeply affected
at this their death, which so unexpectedly be-
fell them. But Moses entreated their breth-
ren and their father not to be troubled for
them, and to prefer the honour of God before
their grief about them; for Aaron had already
put on his sacred garments.

8.	But Moses refused all that honour which
he saw the multitude ready to bestow upon
him, and attended to nothing else but the ser-
vice of God. He went no more up to mount
Sinai; but he went into the tabernacle, and
brought back answers from God for what he
prayed for. His habit was also that of a pri-
vate man; and in all other circumstances he
behaved himself like one of the common peo-
ple, and was desirous to appear without dis-
tinguishing himself fiom the multitude, but
would have it known that he did nothing else
but take care of them. He also set down in
writing the form oftbeir government, and those
laws, by obedience whereto they would lead
their lives so as to please God, and so as to have
no quarrels one among another. However, the
laws he ordained were such as God suggested
to them; so I shall now discourse concern-
ing that form of government, and those laws.

9.	I will now treat of what I before omit-
ted, the garment of the high-priest: for he
[Moses] left no room for the evil practices of
[false] prophets; but if some of that sort
should attempt to abuse the divine authority,
he left it to God to be present at his sacrifices
when he pleased, and when he pleased to be
absent.* And he was willing this should be
known, not to the Hebrew's only, but to those
foreigners also who were there. For as to
those stones,f which we told you before the

* Of this strange expression, that Moses “left it to
God to he present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and
when he pleased to be absent,” see the note on b. ii.
against Apion, sect. 16.

+ These answers by the oracle of Urim and Thum-
mim, which words signify liyht and perjection, or, as
the Septuagint render them, revelation and truth, and
denote nothing further, that I see, but the shining stones
themselves, which were used, in this method of illumin-
ation, in revealing the will of God, after a perfect and
true manner, to his people Israel: I say, these answers
were not made hy the shining of the precious stones,
after an awkward manner, in the high-priest’s breast-
plate, as the modern Kabbins vainly snppose; for cer-
tainly the shining of the stones might precede or ac-
company the oracle, without itself delivering that oracle
;si: Antiq. b vi. chap. vi. sect. 4), hut rather by an
an'ible voice from the mercy-seat between the cheru-
hi is. See Prideaux’s Connect at the year 531. This
(> .rle had been silent, as Josephus here informs us, two
hundred years before he wrote his Antiquities, or ever
mice the days of the last good high-priest of the family
of the Maccabees, John Hyrcanus. Now it is here very
well worth our observation, that the oracle before us was
that by which God appeared to be present with, and gave
directions to, his people Israel as their king, all the while
tlipy submitted to him in that capacity; and did not set
over them such independent kinuB as governed accord-
ing to their own wills and political maxims, instead of
divine directions. Accordingly, we meet with this ora-
cle (besides angelic and prophetic admonitions) all along
from the days of Moses ai d Joshua to the anointing of
Saul, tlie first of the succession ol the kings (Numb,
xxvii. il: Josh.vi 6,&e ; xix 60; Judges,). I; xviii.4,
6,-6,30, dll XX. 18, lid, U6, 27, UU; xxl.I, tkc.j I dam. i.

high-priest bare on his shoulders, which were
sardonyxes (and I think it needless to describe
their nature, they being known to every body),
the one of them shined out when God was
present at their sacrifices; I mean that which
was in the nature of a button on his right
shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and

17, 18; iii. per tot, iv. per tot.); nay, till Saul’s rejec-
tion of the divine commands in the war with Ainalek,
when he took upon hitn to act as he thought lit (1 Sura,
xiv. 3, 18, 19, 36, 37), then this oracle left Saul entirely
(which indeed he had seldom consulted before, 1 Sam.
xiv. 36; 1 Cliron. x. 14; xiir. 3, Antiq. b. vii. chap. iv.
sect. 9), and accompanied David, who was anointed to
succeed him, and who consulted God hy it frequently,
and complied with its directions constantly (1 Sam. xiv.
37, 41; xv. iO; xxii. 13, 16; xxiii. 9, 10; xxx. 7, 8, 18;
2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 19, 23; xxi. 1; xxiii. 14; 1 Citron, xiv.
10, 14; Antiq. b. vi. chap. xii. sect. 6). SauL, indeed,
long after his rejection hy God, and when God had given
him up to destruction for his disobedience, did once after-
wards endeavour to consult God when it was too lair;
hut God would not then answer him, neither by dreams,
nor hy U rim, nor by prophets ( I Sam. xxvjii. 6). Nttr
did any of David’s successors, the kings of Juda, that
we know of, consult God by this oracle, till the very
Uabylonish captivity itself, when those kings were at an
end; they taking upon them, I suppose, too much of
desputic power and royalty, and toe little owning the
God of Israel for the supreme King of Israel, though a
lew of them consulted the prophets sometimes, and were
answered by them. At the return of the two tribes, with-
out the return of the kingly government, the restoration
of this oracle was expected (Neh. vii. 66; 1 Esd. v, 4lk;
1 Macc. iv. 46; xiv. 41). And indeed it may seem to have
been restored for some lime alter the Uabylonish capti-
vity, at least in the days of that excellent high-priest,
John Hyrcanus, whom Josephus esteemed as a kiug, a
priest, and a prophet; and who, Ire says, foretold several
things that came to pass accordingly; hut about the
time of his death, he here implies, that this Oracle quite
ceased, and not before. The following high-priests now
putting diadems on their heads, and ruling according to
their own will, and by their own authority, like the oilier
kings of the Fagan countries about them; sa that whifo
the God of Israel was allowed to be the supreme King
of Israel, and his directions to be their authentic guides,
God gave them such directions as their supreme king
and governor; and they were properly under a theocracy,
by this oracle of Drim, but no loDger (see Dr. Uernord’g
notes here), though I confess 1 cannot but esteem the
high-priest Jaddus’s divine dream (Antiq. b. xi. chap,
viii. sect. 4),and the high-priest Caiaphas’s most remark-
able prophecy (John xi. 47— 62), as two small remains or
specimens of this ancient oracle, which properly belonged
to the Jewish high-priests; nor perhaps ought we en-
tirely to forget that eminent prophetic dream of ou.r
Josephus himself (one next to a high-priest, as of the
family of the Asamoneans or Maccabees), as to the suc-
cession of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman Empire,
and that In the days of Nero,and before either Gallia,
Otho, or Vitellius were thought of to succeed him. (Iff
the War, b. iii. chap. viii. sect. 9.) This, 1 think, may
well be looked on as the very last instance uf any thing
like the prophetic Urim among the Jewish nation, and
just preceded their fatal desolation: hut how it could
possibly come to pass that such great men as Sir.luhn
Marshall) and-Dr. Spenser, should imagine that this
oracle of llrimandThummim.with otiier practices, as
old or older than the law of Moses, should have hern
ordained in imitation of somewhat like them among the
Egyptians, which we never hear of till the days of Dio-
dorus Siculus, JElian, and Maimonides, or little eailier
than the Christian era at the highest, is almost unac-
countable; while the main business of the law of Muses
was evidently to preserve the Israelites Irom the iriola-
tious and superstitious practices of the neighbouring
Fagan nations; and while it is so undeniable, that the
evidence for the great antiquity ol Moses’s law is incom-
parably beyond that for the like or greater antiquity of
such customs in Egypt or other nations, which indeed
is generally none at all. it is most absurd to derive any
of Moses’s laws from the imitation ol those heal lion
practices. Such hypotheses demonstrate to us how tar
inclmatinn can prevail over evidence, in even some uf
tha most learned part of mankind.CHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS

95

been seen even by those that were most re-
mote; which splendour yet was not before
natural to the stone. This has appeared a
wonderful thing to such as have not so far
indulged themselves in philosophy, as to de-
spise Divine Revelation. Yet will I mention
what is still more wonderful than this: for God
declared beforehand, by those twelve stones
which the high-priest bare on his breast, and
which were inserted into his breast-plate,
when they should be victorious in battle; for
60 great a splendour shone forth from them
before the army began to march, that all the
people were sensible of God’s being present
for their assistance. Whence it came to pass
that those Greeks, who had a veneration for
our laws, because they could not possibly
contradict this, culled that breast-plate the
Oracle. Now this breast-plate, and this sar-
donyx, left off shining two hundred years be-
fore I composed this book, God having been
displeased at the transgression of his laws. Of
which things we shall further discourse on a
fitter opportunity; but I will now go on with
my proposed narration.

10. The tabernacle being now consecrated,
and a regular order being settled for the
priests, the multitude judged that God now
dwelt among them, and betook themselves to
sacrifices and praises to God, as being now
delivered from all expectation of evils, and
as entertaining a hopeful prospect of better
times hereafter. They offered also gifts to
God, some as common to the whole nation,
and others as peculiar to themselves, and
these tribe by tribe; for the heads of the
tribes combined together, two by two, and
brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These
amounted to six, and they carried the taber-
nacle when they journeyed. Besides which,
each head of a tribe brought a bowl, and a
charger, and a spoon, of ten darics, full of
incense. Now the charger and the bowl were
of silver, and together they weighed two hun-
dred shekels, but the bowl cost no more than
seventy shekels; and these were full of fine
flour mingled with oil, such as they used on
the altar about the sacrifices. They brought
also a young bullock, and a ram, with a lamb
of a year old, for a whole burnt-offering; as
also a goat for the forgiveness of sins. Every
one of the heads of the tribes brought also
other sacrifices, called peace-offerings for every
day two bulls, and five rams, with lambs of
a year old, and kids (xf the goats. These
heads of tribes were twelve days in sacrificing,
one sacrificing every day. Now Moses went
no longer up to mount Sinai, but went into
the tabernacle, and learned of God what they
were to do, and what laws should be made;
which laws were preferable to what have been
devised by human understanding, and proved
to be firmly observed for all time to come, as
being believed to b the gift of God, inso-
much that the Hebrews did net transgress

any of those laws, either as tempted in times
of peace by luxury, or in times of war by dis-
tress of affairs. But I say no more here con-
cerning them, because 1 have resolved to com-
pose another work concerning our laws.

CHAPTER IX.

THE MANNER OF OUR OFFERING SACRIFICES.

§1.1 will now, however, make mention of
a few of our laws which belong to purifica-
tions, and the like sacred offices, since I am
accidentally come to this matter of sacrifices.
These sacrifices were of two sorts; of those
sorts one was offered for private persons, and
the other for the people in general; and they
are done in two different ways: in the one
case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt-
offering, whence that name is given to it; but
the other is a thank-offering, and is designed
for feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak
of the former. Suppose a private man offer
a burnt-offering, he must slay either a bull, a
lamb, or a kid of the goats, and the two latter
of the first year, though of bulls he is per-
mitted to sacrifice those of a greater age; but
all burnt-offerings are to be of males. When
they are slain the priests sprinkle the blood
round about the altar: they then cleanse the
bodies, and divide them into parts, and salt
them with salt, and lay them upon the altar,
while the pieces of wood are piled one upon
another, and the fire is burning; they next
cleanse the feet of the sacrifices and the in-
wards in an accurate manner, and so lay them
to the rest to be purged by the fire, while
the priests receive the hides. This is the way
of offering a burnt-offering.

2.	But those that offer thank-offerings do
indeed sacrifice the same creatures, but such
as are unblemished, and above a year old;
however, they may take either males or fe-
males. They also sprinkle the altar with their
blood; but they lay upon the altar the kid-
neys and the caul, and all the fat, and the
lobe of the liver, together with the rump of
the lamb; then, giving the breast and the
right shoulder to the priest, the offerers feast
upon the remainder of the flesh for two days;
and what remains they burn.

3.	The sacrifices for sins are offered in the
same manner as is the thank-offering. But
those who are unable to purchase complete
sacrifices, offer two pigeons, or turtle doves;
the one of which is made a burnt-offering to
God, the other they give as food to the priests.
But we shall treat more accurately about the
oblation of these creatures in our discourse
concerning sacrifices. But if a person fan
into sin by ignorance, he offers an ewe lamb, of
a female kid of the goats, of the same age;
and the priests sprinkle the blood at the altar,
not after the former manner, but at the corners

I of it. They also bring the kidneys and theANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

96

.est of the fat, together with the lobe of the
liver, to the altar, while the priests bear away
the hides and the flesh, and spent it in the
holy place, on the same day;* for the law
does not permit them to leave of it until the
morning. But if any one sin, and is conscious
of it himself, but hath nobody that can prove
it upon him, he offers a ram, the law enjoin-
ing him so to do; the flesh of which the priests
eat as before, in the holy place, on the same
day. And if the rulers offer sacrifices for
their sins, they bring the same oblations that
private men do; only they 60 far differ, that
they are to bring for sacrifice a bull or a kid
of the goats, both males.

4. Now the law requires, both in private
and public sacrifices, that the finest flour be
also brought; for a lamb the measure of one
tenth-deal,—for a ram two,—and for a bull
three. This they consecrate upon the altar,
when it is mingled with oil; for oil is also
brought by those that sacrifice ; for a bull the
half of an hin, and for a ram the third part of
the same measure, and one quarter of it for
a lamb. This hin is an ancient Hebrew mea-
sure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas
(or congiuses). They bring the same quantity
of oil which they do of wine, and they pour the
wine about the altar; but if any one does not
offer a complete sacrifice of animals, but brings
fine flour only for a vow, he throws a handful
upon the altar as its first fruits, while the priests
take the rest for their food, either boiled or
mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread.
But whatsoever it be that a priest himself of-
fers, it must of necessity be all burnt. Now
the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at
the same time with its dam: and, in other
cases, not till the eighth day after its birth.
Other sacrifices there are also appointed for
escaping distempers, or for other occasions, in
which meat-offerings are consumed, together
with the animals that are sacrificed ; of which
it is not lawful to leave any part till the next
day, only the priests are to take their own
share.

CHAPTER X.

CONCERNING THE FESTIVALS; AND HOW EACH
DAY OF SUCH FESTIVAL IS TO BE OBSERVED.

§ 1. The law requires, that out of the pub-
lic expenses a lamb of the first year be killed
every day, at the beginning and at the ending
* What Hcland well observes here, out of Josephus,
as compared with the law of Moses, Lev. viii. 15 (that
the eating of the sacrifice the same day it was offered,
seems to mean only before the morning of the next, al-
though the latter part, i. e. the night, be in strictness
port of the next day, according to the Jewish reckoning)
is greatly to be observed upon other occasions also. The
Jewish maxim, in such cases, it seems, is this: That the
day goes before the night; and this appears to me to be
the language both of the Old and New Testament. See
also the note on Antiq. b. iv. ch. iv. seat. 4, and £eland's
note on b. rv. ehap. vui. sect. 28.

of the day ; but on the seventh day, which is
called the Sabbath, they kill two, and sacrifice
them in the same manner. At the new moon,
they both perform the daily sacrifices, and slay
two bulls, with seven lambs of the first year,
and a kid of the goats also, for the expiation
of sins; that is, if they have sinned through
ignorance.

2.	But on the seventh month, which the
Macedonians call Hyperberetseus, they make
an addition to those already mentioned, and
sacrifice a bull, a ram, and seven lambs, and
a kid of the goats, for sins.

3.	On the tenth day of the same lunar
month, they fast till the evening; and this day
they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and seven
lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. And,
besides these, they bring two kids of the goats;
the one of which is sent alive out of the limits
of the camp into the wilderness for the scape-
goat, and to be an expiation for the sins of the
whole multitude; but the other is brought
into a place of great cleanness within the
limits of the camp, and is there burnt, with its
skin, without any sort of cleansing. With
this goat was burnt a bull, not brought by the
people, but by the high-priest, at his own
charges; which, when it was slain, he brought
of the blood into the holy place, together with
the blood of the kid of the goats, and sprinkled
the ceiling with his finger seven times, as also
its pavement, and again as often toward the
most holy place, and about the golden altar :
he also at last brings it into the open court;
and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides
this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys,
and the fat, with the lobe of the liver, upon
the altar. The high-priest likewise presents
a ram to God as a burnt-offering.

4.	Upon the fifteenth day of the same
month, when the season of the year is chang-
ing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch
tabernacles in every one of our houses, so that
we preserve ourselves from the cold of that
time of the year; as also that when we should
arrive at our own country, and come to that
city which we should have then for our metro-
polis, because of the temple therein to be built,
and keep a festival for eight days, and offer
burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings,
that we should then carry in our hands a
branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of
the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome-
citron. That the burnt-offering on the first
of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen
bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams,
with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an
expiation for sins: and on the following days
the same number of lambs, and of rams, with
the kids of the goats; but abating one of the
bulls every day till they amounted to seven
only. On the eighth day all work was laid
aside, and then, as we said before, they sacri-
ficed to God a bullock, a rang, and seven lambs,
with a kill of the goats, for an expiation olCHAP. X/.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

Bins. And this « the accustomed solemnity
of the Hebrews, when they pitch their taber-
nacles.

5.	In the month of Xanthicus, which is by
us called JVisan, and is the beginning of our
year, on the fourteenth day of the lunar month,
when the sun is in Aries (for in this month it
was that we were delivered from bondage un-
der the Egyptians), the law ordained that we
should every year slay that sacrifice which I
before fjiold you we slew when we came out of
Egypt, and which was called tne Passover;
and stj we do celebrate this passover in com-
panie.’, leaving nothing of what we sacrifice
till tLe day following. The feast of unlea-
vened bread succeeds that of the passover, and
falls on the fifteenth day of the month, and
conwnues seven days, wherein they feed on
unJravened bread; on every one of which days
tv j bulls are killed, and one ram, and seven
l/.-nbs. Now these lambs are entirely burnt,
1 asides the kid of the goats which is added to
<11 the rest for sins; for it is intended as a
/east for the priests on every one of those days.
But on the second day of unleavened bread,
which is the sixteenth day of the month, they
first partake of the fruits of the earth, for be-
fore that day they do not touch them. And
while they suppose it proper to honour God,
from whom they obtain a plentiful provision,
in the first place, they offer the first-fruits of
their barley, and that in the manner following:
They take a handful of the ears, and dry them,
then beat them small, and'purge the barley
from the bran; they then bring one tenth deal
to the altar, to God; and, casting one handful
of it upon the fire, they leave the rest for the
use of the priests; and after this it is that they
may publicly or privately reap their harvest.
They alsoat this participation of the first-fruits
of the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-offer-
ing to God.

6.	When a week of weeks has passed over
after this sacrifice (which weeks contain forty
and nine days), on the fiftieth day, which is
Pentecost, but is called by the Hebrews Asar-
tlui which signifies Pentecost, they bring to
God a loaf, made of wheat flour, of two tenth
deals, with leaven; and for sacrifices they bring
two lambs; and when they have only present-
ed their, to God, they are made ready for sup-
per for the priests; nor is it permitted to leave
any thing of them till the day following. They
also slay three bullocks for a burnt-offering,
and two rams; and fourteen lambs, with two
kids of the goats, for sins; nor is there any
one of the festivals but in it they offer burnt-
offerings; they also allow themselves to rest
on every one of them. Accordingly, the law
prescribes in ihem all what kinds they are to
sacrifice, and ho v they are to rest entirely, and
must slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon
them.

7.	However, out of the common charges*
baked bread [was set on the table of shew-

bread], without leaven, of twenty-four tenth
deals of flour, for so much is speDt upon this
bread; two heaps of these were baked; they
were baked the day before the Sabbath, but
were brought into the holy place on the morn-
ing of the Sabbath, and set upon the noly ta-
ble, six on a heap, one loaf still standing over-
against another; where two golden cups full of
frankincense were also set upon them, and
there they remained till another Sabbath, and
then other loaves were brought in their stead,
while the loaves were given to the priests for
their food, and the frankincense was burnt in
that sacred fire wherein all their offerings were
burnt also; and so other frankincense was set
upon the loaves instead of what was there
before. The [high] priest also, of his own
charges, offered a sacrifice, and that twice
every day. It was made of flour mingled
with oil, and gently baked by the fire; the
quantity was one tenth deal of flour; he
brought the half of it to the fire in the morn-
ing, and the other half at night. The account
of these sacrifices I shall give more accurately
hereafter; but I think I have premised what
for the present may be sufficient concerning
them.

CHAPTER XL

OF THE PURIFICATIONS.

§ 1. Moses took out the tribe of Levi from
communicating with the rest of the people,
and set them apart to be a holy tribe; and
purified them by water taken from perpetual
springs, and with such sacrifices as were usu-
ally offered to God on the like occasions. He
delivered to them also the tabernacle, and the
sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which
were made for covering the tabernacle, that
they might minister under the conduct of the
priests, who had been already consecrated to
God.

2.	He also determined concerning animals;
which of them might be used for food, and
which they were obliged to abstain from;
which matters, when this work shall give me
occasion, shall be farther explained; and the
causes shall be added, by which he was moved
to allot some of them to be our food, ami en-
joined us to abstain from others. However,
he entirely forbade us the use of blood for
food, and esteemed it to contain the soul and
spirit, lie also forbade us to eat the flesh of
an animal that died of itself, as also the caul,
and the fat of goats, and sheep, aud bulls.

3.	He also ordered, that those whose bodies
were afflicted with leprosy, and who had u
gonorrhoea, should not come into the city ;*

• We may tiere note, that Josephus frequently calls
the camp the city. and the cmirt of the Mosaic taberna-
cle a tunpie. and the tabernacle itself a holy huua^ with
allnM-m to the latter cby. temple, and holy house, which
hi knew so well long atienvurUs.98

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III,

nay, he removed the women, when they had
their natural purgations, till the seventh day;
after which he looked on them as pure, and
permitted them to come in again. The law
permits those also who have taken care of fu-
nerals to come in after the same manner, when
this number of days is over; but if any con-
tinued longer than that number of days in a
state of pollution, the law appointed the of-
fering two lambs for a sacrifice; the one of
which they are to purge by fire, and for the
other, the priests take it for themselves. In
the same manner do those sacrifice who have
had the gonorrhoea. But he that sheds his
seed in his sleep, if he go down into cold wa-
ter, has the same privilege with those that have
lawfully accompanied with their wives. And
for the lepers, he suffered them not to come
into the city at all, nor to live with any others,
as if they were in effect dead persons; but if
any one had obtained, by prayer to God, the
recovery from that distemper, and had gained
a healthful complexion again, such a one re-
turned thanks to God, with several sorts of
sacrifices; concerning which we will speak
hereafter.

4.	Whence one cannot but smile at those
who say that Moses was himself afflicted with
the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and
that he became the conductor of those who
on that account left that country, and led them
into the land of Canaan ; for, had this been
true, Moses would not have made these laws
to his own dishonour, which indeed it was
more likely he would have opposed, if others
had endeavoured to introduce them; and this
the rather, because there are lepers in many
nations, who yet are in honour, and not only
free from reproach and avoidance, but who I
have been great captains of armies, and been 1
entrusted with high offices in the common
wealth, and have had the privilege of enter-
ing into holy places and temples; so that no-
thing hindered, but if either Moses himself,
or the multitude that was with him, had beer;
liable to such a misfortune in the colour of
his skin, he might have made laws about them
for their credit and advantage, and have laid
no manner of difficulty upon them. Accord-
ingly, it is a plain case, that it is out of vio-
lent prejudice only that they report these things
about us; but Moses was pure from any such
distemper, and lived with countrymen who
were pure of it also, and thence made the
laws which concerned others that had the dis-
temper. He did this for the honour of God;
but as to these matters, let every one consider
them after what manner he pleases.

5.	As to the women, when they have born
a child, Moses forbade them to come into the
temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty
days were over, supposing it to be a boy; but
if she has born a girl, the law is that she can-
not De admitted before twice that number of
days be over; and when after the before-men-

tioned time appointed for them, they perform
their sacrifices, the priests distribute them be-
fore God.

6. But if any one suspect that his wife has
been guilty of adultery, he was to bring a
tenth deal of barley flour; they then cast one
handful to God, and gave the rest of it to the
priests for food. One of the priests set the
woman at the gates that are turned towards
the temple, and took the veil from her head,
and wrote the name of God on parchment,
and enjoined her to swear that she had not at
all injured her husband; and to wish that, if
she had violated her chastity, her right thigh
might be put out of joint; that her belly might
swell, and that she might die thus: but that
if her husband, by the violence of his affec-
tion, and of the jealousy which arose from it,
bad been rashly moved to this suspicion, that
she might bear a male child in the tenth
month. Now when these oaths were over,
the priest wiped the name of God out of thn
parchment, and wrung the water into a vial.
He also took some dust out of the temple (if
any happened to be there), and put a little of
it into the vial, and gave it her to drink;
whereupon the woman, if she were unjustly
accused, conceived with child, and brought it
to perfection in her womb: but if she bad
broken her faith of wedlock to her husband,
and had sworn falsely before God, she died
in a reproachful manner: her thigh fell off
from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy.
And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices,
and about the purifications thereto belonging,
which Moses provided for his countrymen.
He also prescribed the following laws to
them:—

CHAPTER XH.

SEVERAL LAWS.

§ 1. As for adultery, Moses forbade it en
tirely, as esteeming it a happy thing that men
should be wise in the affairs of wedlock ; and
that it was profitable both to cities and fami
lies that children should be known to be ge
nuine. He also abhorred men’s lying with
their mothers, as one of the greatest crimes
and the like for lying with the father’s wife
and with aunts, and sisters, and son’s wives
as all instances of abominable wickedness
He also forbade a man to lie with his wif*
when she was defiled by her natural purga
tion: and not to come near brute beasts; noi
to approve of the lying with a male, which
was to hunt after unlawful pleasures on ac
count of beauty. To those who were guilty
of such insolent behaviour, he ordained death
for their punishment.

2. As for the priests, he prescribed to themCHAl*. XIT.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

00

* double degree of purity:* for he restrained
men: in the instances above, and moreover for-
uude them to marry harlots. He also forbade
them to marry a slave, or a captive, and such
as got their living by cheating trades, and by
keeping inns: as also a woman parted from
her husband, on any account whatsoever.
Nay, he did not think it proper for the high-
priest to inarry even the widow of one that
was dead, though he allowed that to the
priests; but he permitted him only to marry
a virgin, and to retain her. Whence it is
that the high-priest is not to come near to one
that is dead, although the rest are not prohi-
bited from coming near to their brethren, or
parents, or children, when they are dead; but
they are to be unblemished in all respects.
He ordered that the priest, who had any blem-
ish, should have his portion indeed among the
priests; but he forbade him to ascend the al-
tar, or to enter into the holy house. He also
enjoined them, not only to observe purity in
their sacred ministrations, but in their daily
conversation, that it might be unblamcable
also; and on this account it is that those who
wear the sacerdotal garments are without spot,
and eminent for their purity and sobriety: nor
are they permitted to drink wine so long as
they wear those garments.f Moreover, toey
offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no
defect whatsoever.

3.	And truly Moses gave them all these
precepts, being such as were observed during
his own life-time; but though he lived now
in the wilderness, yet did he make provision
how they might observe the same laws when
they should have taken the land of Canaan.
He gave then rest to the land from plough-
ing and planting every seventh year, as he had
prescribed to them to rest from working every
seventh day; and ordered, that then whatgrevv
of its own accord out of the earth, should in
common belong to all that pleased to use it,
making no distinction in that respect between
their own countrymen and foreigners: and he
ordained, that they should do the same after
seven times Beven years, which in all are fifty
years; and that fiftieth year is called by the
Hebrews The Jubilee, wherein debtors are
freed from their debts, and slaves are set at
liberty; which slaves became such, though
they were of the same stock, by transgressing
some of those laws the punishment of which
was not capital, but they were punished by

* These words of Josephus are remarkable, that the
lawgiver of the Jews required of the priests a double
degree of purity, in comparison of that required of the
people, of which he gives several instances immediately.

peo, .

it was for certain tile case also among the first Christians,
laii
ry w

+ We must here note, with ttelaml. that tlic preeepl

ong ine I

of the clergy, in comparison ol lh:* laity, as the Aposto-
lical Constitutions and Canons everywhere inform us.

given to the priests of not drinking wine while they i
the sacred garments, is equivalent to their abstinence
from it all the while they ministeieJ in die teni|de; be-
cause they then always, and then o ily, wore those s icn-tl
garments, which were laid up there Irom uue time ul
mitistratiou to nuoiber.

this method of slavery. This year also re-
stores the land to its former possessors in the
manner following : — When t.he Jubilee is
come, which name denotes liberty, he that
sold the land, and he that bought it, meet to-
gether, and make an estimate, on one band,
of the fruits gathered; and, on the other hand,
of the expenses laid out upon it. If the fruits
gathered come to more than the expenses laid
out, he that sold it takes the land again; but
if the expenses prove more than the fruits,
the present possessor receives of the former
owner the difference that was wanting, and
leaves the land to him ; and if the fruits re-
ceived, and the expenses laid out, prove equal
to one another, the present possessor relin-
quishes it to the former owners. Moses would
have the same law obtain as to those houses
also which were sold in villages; but he made
a different law for such as were sold in a city;
for if he that sold it tendered the purchaser
his money again within a year, he was forced
to restore it; but in case a whole year had in-
tervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he
had bought. This was the constitution of the
laws which Moses learned of God when the
camp lay under mount Sinai; and this he de-
livered in writing to the Hebrew®,

4.	Now when this settlement of laws seemed
to be well over, Moses thought fit at length
to take a review of the host, as thinking it
proper to settle the affairs of war So he
•charged the heads of the tribes, excepting the
tribe of Levi, to take an exact account ot ttm
number of those that were able to go to war;
for as to the Levites they were holy, and free
from all such burdens. Now when tne peo-
ple had been numbered, there were found six.
hundred thousand that were able to go t.o
war, from twenty to fifty years of age, besides
three thousand six hundred and fifty. Instead
of Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of
Joseph, among the heads of tribes; and Eph-
raim instead of Joseph. It was indeed the de-
sire of Jacob himself to Joseph, that he would
give him his sons to be his own by adoption,
as 1 have before related.

5.	When they set up the tabernacle, they
received it into the midst of their camp, three
of the tribes pitching their tents on each side
of it; and roads were cut through the midst
of these tents. It was like a well-appointed
market; and every thing was there ready for
sale in due order; and ali sorts ot artificers
were in the shops; and it resembled nothing
so much as a city that sometimes was move-
able, and sometimes fixed. The priests had
the first places about the tabernacle; then the
Levites, who, because their whole multitude
was reckoned from thirty days old, were
twenty-three thousand eight hundred and
eighty males; and, during the time that the
cloud stood over the tabernacle, they thought

| proper to stay in the same place, as suppos-
| ing that God there inhabited among them;100

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

but when that removed they journeyed also.

6. Moreover, Moses was the inventor of
the form of their trumpet, which was made
of silver. Its description is this:—In length
it was little less than a cubit. It was com-
posed of a narrow tube, somewhat thicker
than a flute, but with so much breadth as was
sufficient for admission of the breath of a
man’s mouth: it ended in the form of a bell,
like common trumpets. Its sound was called
in the Hebrew tongue As<>sra. Two of these
being made, one of them was sounded when
they required the multitude to come together
to congregations. When the first of them
gave a signal, the heads of the tribes were to
assemble, and con.-ult about the affairs to
them properly belonging; but when they gave
the signal by both of them, they called the
multitude together. Whenever the tabernacle
was removed, it was done in this solemn or-
der:— At the first alarm of the trumpet, those
whose tents were on the east quarter prepared
to remove; when the second signal was given,
those that were on the south quarter did the
like; in the next place, the tabernacle was
taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst
of six tribes that went before, and of six that-
followed, all the Levites assisting about the
tabernacle; when the third signal was given,
that part which had their tents towards the
west put themselves in motion; and at the
fourth signal those on the north did so like-
wise. They also made use of these trumpets
in their sacred ministrations, when they were
bringing their sacrifices to the altar, as well
on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the [festival]
days; and now it was that Moses offered that
sacrifice which was called the Passover in the
Wilderness, as the first he had offered after
the departure out of Egypt.

CHAPTER XIII.

HOW MOSES REMOVED FROM MOUNT SINAI,
AND CONDUCTED THE PEOPLE TO THE
BORDERS OF THE CANAANITES.

A little while afterwards he rose up, and
went from mount Sinai; and, having passed
through several mansions, of which we
will speak anon, he came to a place called
Hazeroth, where the multitude began again to
be mutinous, and to blame Moses for the mis-
fortunes they had suffered in their travels;
and that when he had persuaded them to leave
a good land, they at once had lost that land,
and instead of that happy state he had pro-
mised them, they were still wandering in their
present miserable condition, being already in
want of water; and if the manna should hap-
pen to fail, they must then utterly perish.
STet while ‘they generally spake many and
sore things against the man, there was one of

them who exhorted them not to be unmind-
ful of Moses, and of what great pains he hud
been at about their common safety; and not
to despair of assistance from God. The mul-
titude thereupon became still more unruly,
and more mutinous against Moses than be-
fore. Hereupon Moses, although he was so
basely abused by them, encouraged them in
their despairing condition, and promised that
he would procure them a great quantity of
flesh-meat, and that not for a few days only,
but for many day s. This they were not will-
ing to believe; and when one of them asked
whence be could obtain such vast plenty of
what he promised, he replied, “ Neither God
nor I, although we hear such opprobrious lan-
guage from you, will leave off our labours
for you; and this shall soon appear also.”
As soon as ever he had said this, the whole
camp was filled with quails, and they stood
round about them, and gathered them in great
numbers. However, it was not long ere
God punished the Hebrews for their inso-
lence, and those reproaches they had used to-
wards him, for no small number of them
died ; and still to this day the place retains
the memory of this destruction, and is named
Kibroth-hattaavak, which is, The Graves oj
Lust.

CHAPTER XIV.

HOW MOSES SENT SOME PERSONS TO SEARCH
OUT THE LAND OF THE CANAANITES, AND
THE LARGENESS OF THEIR CITIES; AND
FARTHER, THAT WHEN THOSE WHO WERE
SENT WERE RETURNED, AFTER FORTY DAYS,
AND REPORTED THAT THEY SHOULD NOT
BE A MATCH FOR THEM, AND EXTOLLED
THE STRENGTH OF THE CANAANITES, THE
MULTITUDE WERE DISTURBED, AND FELL
INTO DESPAIR; AND WERE RESOLVED TO
STONE MOSES, AND TO RETURN BACK AGAIN
INTO EGYPT, AND SERVE THE EGYPTIANS.

§ 1. When Moses had led the Hebrews away
from thence to a place called Par an, which was
near to the borders of the Canaanites, and a
place difficult to be continued in, he gathered
the multitude together to a congregation;
and standing in the midst of them, he said,
“ Of the two things that God determined to
bestow upon us, Liberty, and the Possession
of a Happy Country, the one of them ye al-
ready are partakers of, by the gift of God,
and the other you will quickly obtain; for
we now have our abode near the borders of
the Canaanites, and nothing can hinder the
acquisition of it, when we now at last are
fallen upon it: 1 say, not only no king nor
city, but neither the whole race of mankind^
if they were all gathered together, could do
it. Let us therefore prepare ourselves foi
the work, for the Canamiites will uot reeigifCHAP. XV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

101

up their land to us without fighting, but it
must be wrested from them by great struggles
in war. Let us then send spies, who may
take a view of the goodness of the land, and
what strength it is of; but, above all things,
let us be of one mind, and let us honour God,
who above all is our helper and assister.”

2.	When Moses had said thus, the multi-
tude requited him with marks of respect;
and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent
men, one out of each tribe, who, passing over
all the land of Canaan from the borders of
Egypt, came to the city Hamath, and to
mount Lebanon; and having learned the na-
ture of the land, and of its inhabitants, they
came home, having spent forty days in the
whole work. They also brought with them
of the fruits which the land bare; they also
showed them the excellency of those fruits,
and gave an account of the great quantity of
the good things that land afforded, which were
motives to the multitude to go to war. But
then they terrified them again with the great
difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the
rivers were so large and deep that they could
not be passed over; and that the hills were so
high that they could not travel along for
them; that the cities were strong with walls,
and their firm fortifications round about
them. They told them also, that they found
at Hebron, the posterity of the giants. Ac-
cordingly these spies, who had seen the land
of Canaan, when they perceived that all these
dilficulties were greater there than they had
met with since they came out of Egypt, they
were affrighted at them themselves, and en-
deavoured to affright the multitude also.

3.	So they supposed, from what they had
heard, that it was impossible to get the pos-
session of the country. And when the congre-
gation was dissolved, they, their wives and
children, continued their lamentation, as if
God would not indeed assist thenf, but only
promised them fair. They also again blamed
Moses, and made a clamour against him and his
brother Aaron, the high-priest. Accordingly
they passed that night very ill, and with
contumelious language against them; but in
the morning they ran to a congregation, in-
tending to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to
return back into Egypt.

4.	But of the spies, there were Joshua, the
son of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, and
Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were afraid
of the consequence, and came into the midst
of them, and stilled the multitude, and de-
sired them to be of good courage; and nei-
ther to condemn God as having told them
lies, nor to hearken to those who had affright-
ed them, by telling them what was not true
concerning the Canaanites, but to those that
encouraged them to hope for good success;
and that they should gain possession of the
happiness promised them, because neither the
height of mountains nor the depth oi risers

could hinder men of true courage from at-
especially while God would
em beforehand, and be assis-
tant to them. “ Let us then go,” said they,
" against our enemies, and have no suspicion
of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us,
and following those that are to be our lead-
ers.” Thus did these two exhort them, and
endeavour to pacify the rage they were in.
But Moses and Aaron fell on the ground, and
besought God, not for their own deliverance,
but that he would put a stop to what the
people were unwarily doing, and would bring
their minds to a quiet temper, which were
now disordered by their present passion. The
cloud also did now appear, and stood over the
tabernacle, and declared to them the presence
of God to be there.

tempting them,
take care of th

CHAPTER XV.

HOW MOSES WAS DISPLEASED AT THIS, AND
FORETOLD THAT GOD WAS ANGRY, AND
THAT THEY SHOULD CONTINUE IN THE WIL-
DERNESS FOR FORTY YEARS, AND NOT,
DURING THAT TIME, EITHER RETURN INTO
EGYPT, OR TAKE POSSESSION OF CANAAN.

§ 1. Moses came now boldly to the multi-
tude, and informed them that God was moved
at their abuse of him, and would inflict pun-
ishment upon them, not indeed such as they
deserved for their sins, but such as parents
inflict on their children, in order to their cor-
rection: For, he said, that when he was in the
tabernacle, and was bewailing with tears that
destruction which was coming upon them, God
put him in mind what things he had done for
them, and what benefits they had received
from him, and yet how ungrateful they had
been to him; that just now they had been in-
duced, through the timorousness of the spies,
to think that their words were truer than his
owti promise to them; and that on this ac-
count, though he would not indeed destroy
them all, nor utterly exterminate their nation,
which he had honoured more than any other
part of mankind, yet he would not permit
them to take possession of the land of Canaan,
nor enjoy its happiness; but would make
them wander in the wilderness, and live with-
out a fixed habitation, and without a city, for
forty years together, as a punishment for this
their trangression; but that he hath promised
to give that land to our children, and that he
would make them the possessors of those
good things which, by your ungoverned pas-
sions, you have deprived yourselves of
2. When Moses had discoursed thus to
them, according to the direction of God. the

multitude grieved, and v\ ere in afflict inn ; anti
entreated Moses to procure their lecnncil a-
t.ion to God, and to permit them no lunge*102

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IT.

wander in the wilderness, but to bestow cities I
upon them; but he replied, that God would |
not. admit of any such trial, for that God was'
not moved to this determination from any hu-
man levity or anger, but that he had judici-
ally condemned them to that punishment.
Now we are not to disbelieve that Moses,
who was but a single person, pacified so many
ten thousands when they were in anger, and
converted them to a mildness of temper; for
God was with him, and prepared the way to
his persuasions of the multitude; and as they
had often been disobedient, they were now
sensible that such disobedience was disadvan-
tageous to them, and that they had still there-
by fallen into calamities.

3. But this man was admirable for his vir-
tue, and powerful in making men give credit
to what he delivered, not only during the
time of his natural life, but even there is still
no one of the Hebrews who does not act even
now as if Moses were present, and ready to
punish him if he should do any thing that is
indecent; nay, there is no one but is obe-
dient to what laws he ordained, although they
might be concealed in their transgressions.
There are also many other demonstrations
that his power was more than human, for still
some there have been, who have come from
the parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four
months, through many dangers, and at great
expenses, in honour of our temple; and yet,
when they had offered their oblations, could
not partake of their own sacrifices, because
Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in the
law that did not permit them, or somewhat
that had befallen them, which our ancient cus-

toms made inconsistent therewith; some of
these did not sacrifice at all, and others left
their sacrifices in an imperfect condition; nay,
many were not able, even at first, so much as
to enter into the temple, but went their ways
in this state, as preferring a submission to the
laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own
inclinations, even when they had no fear upon
them that any body could convict them, but
only out of a reverence to their own con-
science. Thus this legislation, which appeared
to be divine, made this man to be esteemed
as one superior to his own nature. Nay, far-
ther, a little before the beginning of this
war, when Claudius was emperor of the Ro-
mans, and Ismael was our high-priest, and
when so great a famine* was come upon us,
that one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four
drachmae, and when no less than seventy cori
of flour were brought into the temple, at the
feast of unleavened bread (these cori ure
thirty-one Sicilian, but forty-one Athenian
medimni), not one of the priests was so hardy
as to eat one crumb of it, even while so great
a distress was upon the land; and this out of
a dread of the law, and of that wrath which
God retains against acts of wickedness, even
when no one can accuse the actors. Whence
we are not to wonder at what was the-n done,
while to this very day the writings left by Mo-
ses have so great a force, that even those that
hate us do confess, that he who established
this settlement was God, and that it was by
the means of Moses, and of his virtue: but
as to these matters, let every one take them
as he thinks fit.

BOOK IV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS,

FROM THE REJECTION OF THAT GENERATION, TO THE
DEATH OF MOSES.

CHAPTER I.

THE FIGHT OF THE HEBREWS WITH THE CA-
NAANITES, WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF MO-
SES J AND THEIR DEFEAT.

§ 1. Now this life of the Hebrews in the
wilderness was so disagreeable and trouble-
some to them, and they were so uneasy at it,

that although* God had forbidden them to
meddle with the Canaanites, yet could they
not be persuaded to be obedient to the words
of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing
they should be able to beat their enemies,
even without his approbation, they accused

* This great famine in the days of Claudius, is again
mentioned in Antiq. b. xx. chap. ii. sect. 6; and Acta
xi. 28.CHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

103

him, and suspected that be made it bis busi-
ness to keep them in a distressed condition
that they might always stand in need of bis
assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight
with the Canaanites, and said that God gave
them his assistance, — not out of regard to
Moses’s intercessions, but because be took care
of their entire nation, on account of tbeu
forefathers, whose affairs he took under his
own conduct; as also, that it was on account
of their own virtue that he had formerly pro-
cured them their liberty, and would be assist-
ing to them, now they were willing to take
pains for it. They also said that they were pos>
sessed of abilities sufficient for the conquest of
their enemies, although Moses should have a
inind to alienate God from them; that, how-
ever, it was for their advantage to be their
own masters, and not so far to rejoice in their
deliverance from the indignities they endured
under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny
of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves
to be deluded, and live according to his plea-
sure, as though God did only foretell what con-
cerns us out of his kindness to him, as if they
were not all the posterity of Abraham ; that
God made him alone the author of all the
Knowledge we have, and we must still learn
t from him; that it would be a piece of pru-
dence to oppose his arrogant pretences, and
to put their confidence in God, and to resolve
to take possession of that land which he haa
promised them, and not to give ear to him,
who, on this account, and under the pretence
of divine authority, forbade them so to do.
Considering, therefore, the distressed state
they were in at present, and that in those de-
sert places they were still to expect things
would be worse with them, they resolved to
fight with the Canaanites, as submitting only
to God, their supreme commander, and not
waiting for any assistance from their legislator.

2.	When, therefore, they had come to this
resolution, as being best for them, they went
against their enemies; but those enemies were
not dismayed either at the attack itself, or at
the great multitude that made it, and received
them with great courage. Many of the He-
brews were slain; and the remainder of the
army, upon the disorder of their troops, were
pursued, and fled, after a shameful manner,
to their camp. Whereupon this unexpected
misfortune made them quite despond; and
they hoped for nothing that was good; as ga-
thering from it, that this affliction came from
the wrath of God, because they rashly went
out to war without his approbation.

3.	But when Moses saw how deeply they
were affected with this defeat, and being afraid
lest, the enemies should grow insolent upon
this victory, and should be desirous of gaining
still greater glory, and should attack them, he
resolved that it was proper to withdraw the
army into the wilderness to a farther distance
from the Canaanites: so the multitude gave

themselves up again to bis conduct; for they
were sensible that, without his care for them,
their affairs could not be .in a good condition;
and he caused the host to remove, and be went
farther into the wilderness, as intending there
to let them rest, and not to permit them to
fight the Canaanites before God should afford
them a more favourable opportunity.

CHAPTER II.

THE SEDITION OF CORAH AND OF THE MULTI-
TUDE AGAINST MOSES, AND AGAINST Hit
BROTHER, CONCERNING THE PRIESTHOOD.

§ 1. That which is usually the case of great
armies, and especially upon ill success, to be
bard to be pleased, and governed with diffi-
culty, did now befall the Jews; for they be-
ing in number six hundred thousand, and, by
reason of their great multitude, not readily
subject to their governors, even in prosperity,
they at this time were more thau usually an-
gry, both against one another and against
their leader, because of the distress they were
in, and the calamities they then endured. Such
a sedition overtook them, as we have not the
like example either among the Greeks or the
Barbarians, by which they were in danger of
being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding
saved by Moses, who would not remember
that be had been almost stoned to death by
them. Nor did God neglect to prevent their
ruin; hut, notwithstanding the indignities they
had offered their legislator and the laws, and
their disobedience to the commandments which
he had sent them by Moses, be delivered them
from those terrible calamities, which, without
his providential care, had been brought upon
them by this sedition. So I will first explain
the cause whence this sedition arose, and then
will give an account of the sedition itself; as
also of what settlements Moses made for their
government, after it was over.

2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account,
both by his family and by his wealth, one that
was also able to speak well, and one that could
easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw
that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity,
and was uneasy at it, and envied him on that
account (he was of the same tribe with Moses,
and of kin to him), was particularly grieved,
because be thought bo better deserved that
honourable post on account of his great riches,
and not inferior to him in bis birth. So he
raised a clamour against him among the Le-
vites, who were of the same tribe, and espe-
cially among his kindred, saying, “ That it was
a very sad thing that they should overlook
Moses, while be hunted after, and paved the
way to glory for himself, and by ill arts should
obtain it, under the pretence of God’s com-
mand, while, contrary to the laws, he had104

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

given the priesthood to Aaron, not by tin-
common suffrage of the mulr.iiude. but by
hia own vote, as bestowing dignities in a
tyrannical way on whom he pleased.” He
added, “ That this concealed way of impos-
ing on them was harder to be borne than if
it had been done by an open force upon them,
because he did now not only take away
their power without their consent, but even
while they were unapprised of his contri-
vances against them; for whosoever is con-
scious to himself that he deserves any dig-

nity, aims to get it by persuasion, and not
by an arrogant method of violence; but
those that believe it impossible to obtain

those honours justly, made a show of good-
ness, and do not introduce force, but by cun-
ning tricks grow wickedly powerful: that
it was proper for the multitude to punish
such men, even while they think themselves
concealed in their designs, and not suffer
them to gain strength till they have them
for their openenemies. “For what account,”
added he, “ is Moses able to give, why he
has bestowed the priesthood on Aaron and
his sons? for if God had determined to be-
stow that honour on one of the tribe of Levi,
I am more worthy of it than he is; 1 myself
being equal to Moses by my family, and
superior to him both in riches and in age:
but if God had determined to bestow it on
the eldest tribe, that of Reuben might
have it most justly; and then Dathan, and
A biram, and [ On, the son of] Peleth,
would have it; for these are the oldest men
of that tribe, and potent on account of their
great wealth also.”

3. Now Corah, when he said this, had a
mind to appear to take care of the public
welfare; but in reality he was endeavouring
to procure to have that dignity transferred
bv the multitude to himself. Thus did he,
out of a malignant design, but with plausi-
ble words, discourse to those of his own
tribe; and when these words did gradually
spread to more of the people, and when the
hearers still added to what tended to the
scandals that were cast upon Aaron, the
whole army was full of them. Now of those
that conspired with Corah, there were two
hundred and fifty, and those of the principal
men also, who were eager to have the
priesthood taken away from Moses’s bro-
ther, and to bring him into disgrace: nay,
the multitude themselves were provoked to
be seditious, and attempted to stone Moses,
and gathered themselves together after an
iudecent manner, with confusion and dis-
order. And now they all were, in a tumul-
tuous manner, raising a clamour before the
tabernacle of God, to prosecute the tyrant,
and to relieve the multitude from their
slavery under him who, under colour of the
divine commands, laid violent injunctions
upon them; for that had it been God who
chose one that was to perform the office of
a priest, he would have raised a worthy
person to that dignity, and would not have

produced such a one as was inferior to many
others, nor have given him that office; ana
that in case be had judged it fit to bestow
it on Aaron, he would have permitted it to
the multitude to bestow it, and not have
left it to be bestowed by his own brother.

4. Now although Moses had a great while
ago foreseen this calumny of Corah, and
had seen that the people were irritated, yet
was he not affrighted at it; but being of
good courage, because he had given them
right advice about their affairs, and know-
ing that his brother had been made par-
taker of the priesthood at the command of
God, and not by his own favour to him, he
came to the assembly; and, as for the mul-
titude, he said not a word to them, but spake
as loud to Corah as he could; and being
very skilful in making speeches, and having
this natural talent, among others, that he
could greatly move the multitude with hia
discourses, he said, “ O Corah, both thou
and all these with thee (pointing to the
two hundred and fifty men) seem to be
worthy of this honour; nor do I pretend
but that this whole company may be worthy
of the like dignity, although they may not
be so rich, or 60 great as you are; nor have
I taken and given this office to my brother,
because he excelled others in riches, for
thou exceedeth us both in the greatness of
thy wealth;* nor indeed because he was of
an eminent family, for God, by giving us
the same common ancestor, has made our
families equal; nay, nor was it out of
brotherly affection, which another might
vet have justly done; for certainly, unless
1 had bestowed this honour out of regard
to God, and to his laws, 1 had not passed
by myself and given it to another, as being
nearer of kin to myself than to my brother,
and having a closer intimacy with myself
than I have with him; for surely it would
not be a wise thing for me to expose myself
to the dangers of offending, and to bestow
the happy employment on this account upon
another. But 1 am above such base prac-
tices; nor would God have overlooked this
matter, and seen himself thus despised; nor
would he have suffered you to be ignorant
of what you were to do in order to please
him; but lie hath himself chosen one that
is to perform that sacred office to him, and
thereby freed us from that care. So that
it was not a thing that I pretend to give,
but only according to the determination of
God; I therefore propose it still to be con-
tended for by such as please to put in for
it, only desiring, that he who has been al-
ready preferred, and has already obtained
it, may be allowed now also to offer himself
for a candidate. He prefers your peace,
and your living without sedition, to this
honourable employment, although in truth

* Reland here takes notice, that although our Biblet
say little or nothing of these riches of Corah, yet that
both the Jewsand Mahommedons,as well as Josephus
are bill of itCHAP. Ilf,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

103

it was with your approbation that he obtained
it; for though God were the donor, yet do we
not offend when we think fit to accept it with
your good-will; yet would it have been an
instance of impiety not to have taken that ho-
nourable employment when he offered it; nay,
it had been exceedingly unreasonable, when
God had thought fit any one should have it
for all time to come, and had made it secure
and firm to him, to have refused it. How-
ever, he himself will judge again who it shall
be whom he would have to offer sacrifices to
him, and to have the direction of matters of
religion; for it is absurd that Corah, who is
ambitious of this honour, should deprive God
of the power of giving it to whom he pleases.
Put an end, therefore, to your sedition and
disturbance on this account; and to-morrow
morning do every one of you that desire the
priesthood bring a censer from home, and come
hither with incense and fire: and do thou, O
Coruh, leave the judgment to God, and await
to see on which side he will give his determin-
ation upon this occasion, but do not thou make
thyself greater than God. Do thou also come,
that this contest about thishonourable employ-
ment may receive determination. And I sup-

wiser sort desired that they might be delivered
from the present disorder and disturbance:
for they were afraid, that if this sedition went
on, the good order of their settlement would
rather be destroyed; but the Whole body of
the people do naturally delight in clamours
against their governors, and, by changing their
opinions upon the harangues of every speaker,
disturb the public tranquillity. And now Mo-
ses sent messengers for Abiram and Dathan,
and ordered them to come to the assembly,
and wait there for the holy offices that were
to be performed. But they answered the
messengers, that they would not obey his sum-
mons; nay, would not overlook Moses’s be-
haviour, who was growing too great for them
by evil practices. Now when Moses heard
of this their answer, he desired the heads of
the people to follow him, and he went to the
faction of Dathan, not thinking it any fright-
ful thing at all to go to these'insolent people;
so they made no opposition, but went along
with him. But Dathan and his associates,
when they understood that Moses and the
principal of the people were coming to them,
came out, with their wives and children,
and stood before their tents, and looked to see

pose we may admit Aaron without offence, to what Moses would do. They had also their

offer himself to this scrutiny, since he is of the
same lineage with thyself, and has done nothing
in his priesthood that can be liable to exception.
Come ye therefore together, and offer your
incense in public before all the people; and
when you offer it, he whose sacrifice God shall
accept shall be ordained to the priesthood, and
shall be clear of the present calumny on Aaron,
as if I had granted him that favour because
he was my brother.”

CHAPTER III.

HOW THOSE THAT STIRRED UP THIS SEDITION
WERE DESTROYED, ACCORDING TO THE WILL
OF god; AND HOW AARON, Moses’s BRO-
THER, BOTH HE AND HIS POSTERITY, RE-
TAINED THE PRIESTHOOD.

§ 1. When Moses had said this, the multi-
tude left off the turbulent behaviour they had
indulged, and the suspicion they had of Mo-
ses, and commended what he had said; for
those proposals were good, and were so es-
teemed of the people. At that time therefore
they dissolved the assembly; but on the next
day they came to the congregation, in order
to be present at the sacrifice, and at the de-
termination that was to be made between
the candidates for the priesthood. Now this
congregation proved a turbulent one, and
the multitude were in great suspense in ex-
pectation of what was to be done; for some
of them would have been pleased if Moses
had been convicted of evil practices; but the

servants about them to defend themselves, in
case Moses should use force against them.

2. But he came near, and lifted up his
hands to heaven, and cried out with a loud
voice, in order to be heard by the whole mul-
titude, and said, “ O Lord of the creatures
that are in the heaven, in the earth, and in the
sea; for thou art the most authentic witness
to what I have done, that it has all been done
by thy appointment, and that it was thou that
affordedst us assistance when we attempted
any thing, and showedst mercy to the Hebrews
in all their distresses, do thou come now, and
hear all that I say, for no action nor thought
escapes thy knowledge; so that thou wilt not
disdain to speak what is true for my vindica-
tion, without any regard to the ungrateful im-
putations of these men. As for what was
done before I was born, thou knowest best, as
not learning them by report, but seeing them,
and being present with them when they were
done; but for what has been done of late, and
which these men, although they know them
well enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be
thou my witness. When I lived a private
quiet life, I left those good things, which by
my own diligence, and by thy counsel, I en-
joyed with Raguel my father-in-law; and I
gave myself up to this people, and underwent
many miseries on their account. I also bore
great labours at first, in order to obtain liberty
for them, and now in order to their preser-
vation; and have always showed mysell ready
to assist them in every distress of theirs. Now,
therefore, since I am suspected by those very
men whose being is owing to my labours,
come thou, as it is reasonable to hope thou106

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

b6ok iv.

wilt; thou, I say, who showedst me that lire
at mount Sinai; and madest me to hear its
voice, and to see the several wonders which
that place afforded me; thou who command-
edst me to go to Egypt, and declare thy wfl!
tothispeople; thou who disturbedst the happy
estate of the Egyptians, and gavest us the op-
portunity of flying away from our slavery un-
der them, and madest the dominion of Pha-
raoh inferior to my dominion; thou who didst
make the sea dry land for us, when we knew
not whither to go, and didst overwhelm the
Egyptians with those destructive waves which
had been divided for us; thou who didst be-
stow upon us the security of weapons when
we were naked; thou who didst make the
fountains that were corrupted to flow, so as
to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us
with water that came out of the rocks, when
we were in the greatest want of it; thou who
didst preserve our lives with [quails, which
was] food from the sea, when the fruits of the
ground failed us; thou who didst send us
such food from heaven as had never been seen
before; thou who didst suggest to us the
knowledge of thy laws, and appoint to us a
form of government,— come thou, I say, O
Lord of the whole world, and that as such a
Judge and a Witness to me as cannot be
bribed, and show how I have never admitted
of any gift against justice from any of the He-
brews, and have never condemned a poor man
that ought to have been acquitted, on account
of one that was rich; and have never attempted
to hurt this commonwealth. 1 am now
here present, and am suspected of a thing the
remotest from my intentions, as if I had given
the priesthood to Aaron, not at thy command,
but out of my own favour to him; do thou at
this time demonstrate that all things are ad-
ministered by thy providence, and that no-
thing happens by chance, but is governed by
thy will, and thereby attains its end: as also
demonstrate that thou takest care of those that
have done good to the Hebrews; demonstrate
this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram and
D.ithan, who condemn thee as an insensible
Being, and one overcome by my contrivances.
This wilt thou do by inflicting such an open
punishment on these men who so madly fly
in the face of thy glory, as will take them out
of the world, not in an ordinary manner, but
so that it may appear they do not die after the
manner of other men: let that ground which
they tread upon open about them and con-
sume them, with their families and goods.
This will be a demonstration of thy power to
all men: and this method of their sufferings
will be an instruction of wisdom for those that
entertain profane S’ntiments of thee. By
this means I shall be found a good servant, in
the precepts thou hast given by me. But if
the calumnies they have raised against me be
true, mayst thou preserve these men from

every evil accident, and bring all that destruc-
tion on me which I have imprecated upon
them. And when thou hast inflicted punish-
ment on those that have endeavoured to deal
unjustly with this people, bestow upon rhem
concord and peace. Save this multitude that
follow thy commandments, and preserve them
free from harm, and let them not partake of
the punishment of those that have sinned; for
thou knowest thyself it is not just, that for the
wickedness of those men the whole body of
the Israelites should suffer punishment.”

3.	When Moses had said this, with tears in
his eyes, the ground was moved on a sudden;
and the agitation that set it in motion wras like
that which the wind produces in waves of the
sea. The people were all affrighted; and the
ground that was about their tents sunk down
at the great noise, with a terrible sound, and
carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious
into itself, who so entirely perished, that there
was not the least appearance that any man had
ever been seen there, the earth that had opened
itself about them, closing again, and be-
coming entire as it was before, insomuch that
such as saw it afterward, did not perceive that
any such accident had happened to it. Thus
did these men perish, and become a demon-
stration of the power of God. And truly,
any one would lament, them, not only on ac-
count of this calamity that befell them, which
yet deserves our commiseration, but also oe-
cause their kindred • were pleased with ttieir
sufferings; for they forgot the relation they
bare to them, and at the sight of this sad ac-
cident approved of the judgment given Bgainst
them; and because they looked upon the
people about l)athan as pestilent men, they
thought they perished as such, and did not
grieve for them.

4.	And now Moses called for those that
contended about the priesthood, that trial
might be made who should be priest, and that
he whose sacrifice God was best pleased with
might be ordained to that function. There
attended two hundred and fifty men, who in-
deed were honoured by the people, not only
on account of the power of their ancestors, but
also on account of their own. in which they
excelled the others: Aaron also and Corah
came forth, and they all offered incense, in
those censers of theirs which they brought
with them, before the tabernacle. Here-
upon so great a fire shone out as no one ever
saw in any that is made by the hand ot man.
neither in those eruptions out of the earth
that are caused by subterraneous burnings,
nor in such fires as arise of tbeir own accord
in the woods, when the aeitation is caused by
the trees rubbing one against anotner: but
this fire was very bright, and ban a terntde
flame, such as is kindled at the command of
God; by whose irruption on them, ah the
company, and Corah himself, were destroy-CHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS

107

ed,* and this so entirely, that their very
bodies left no remains behind them. Aaron
alone was preserved, and not at all hurt by the
fire, because it was God that sent the fire to
burn those only who ought to be burned.
Hereupon Moses, after these men were de-
stroyed, was desirous that the memory of this
judgment might be delivered down to poster-
ity, and that future ages might be acquainted
with it; and so he commanded Eleazar, the
son of Aaron, to put their censers near the
brazen altar, that they might be a memorial
to posterity of what these men suffered, for
supposing that the power of God might be
eluded. And thus Aaron was now no longer
esteemed to have the priesthood by the fa-
vour of Moses, but by the public judgment
of God; and thus he and#his children peace-
ably enjoyed the honour afterward.

CHAPTER IV.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE HEBREWS DURING
THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS IN THE WILDERNESS.

§ 1. However, this sedition was so far from
ceasing upon this destruction, that it grew
much stronger, and became more intolerable.
And the occasion of its growing worse was of
that nature, as made it likely the calamity
would never cease, but last for a long time;
for the men, believing already that nothing is
done without the providence of God, would
have it that these things came thus to pass,
rot without God’s favour to Moses; they
therefore laid the blame upon him, that God
was so angry, and that this happened, not so
much because of the wickedness of those that
were punished, as because Moses procured
the punishment; and that these men had been
destroyed without any sin of theirs, only be-
cause they were zealous about the divine wor-
ship; as also, that he who had been the cause
of this diminution of the people, by destroy-
ing so many men, and those the most excel-
lent of them all, besides his escaping any pun-
ishment himself, had now given the priest-
hood to his brother so firmly, that nobody
oould any longer dispute it with him ; for no
one else, to be sure, could now put in for it,
since he must have seen those that first did
so to have miserably perished. Nay, besides
this, the kindred of those that were destroyed
made great entreaties to the multitude to
abate the arrogance of Moses, because it would
be safest for them so to do.

2.	Now Moses, upon his hearing for a

• It appears here, and from the Samaritan Pentateuch,
and in effect, from the Psalmist, as als.i from the Apos-
tolical Constitutions, from Clement's first epis'le to the
Corinthians, from Ignatius's epistle to the Magnesians,
and from Eusebius, that Corah was not swallowed up
with the Keubenites, but burned with the Levites of his
own tribe. See Essay on tbe Did Testament, p. 61, t>5.

good while that the people were turn nit uous,
was afraid that they would attempt some
ocner innovation, and that some great and sad
calamity would be the consequence. He
called the multitude to a congregation, and
patiently heard wh® apology tney had to
make for themselves, witDout opposing them,
am; this lest he should imbitter the multi-
tude: he only desired the heaas of the tribes
to bring their rods,I with the names of their
tribes inscribed upon them, and that he should
receive the priesthood in wuose rod God should
give a sign. This was agreed to. So the
rest brought their rods, as did Aaron also,
who had written the tribe of Levi on his rod.
These rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle of
God. On the next day he brought out the
rods, which were known from one another by
those who brought them, they having dis-
tinctly noted them, as had the multitude also;
ana as to the rest, in the same form Moses
had received them, in that they saw them
stili; but they also saw buds and branches
grown out of Aaron’s rod, with ripe fruits
upon them: they were almonds, the rod hav-
ing been cut out of that tree. The people
were so amazed at this strange sight, that
though Moses and Aaron were before under
some degree of hatred, they now laid that
hatred aside, and oegan to auinlre the judg-
ment of God concerning them; so that here-
atter they applauded wnai God had decieed,
and permitted Aaron to er.juy the priesthood
peaceably. And thus God ordained him
priest three several times, a.iu he retained
that honour without rarUier disturoance. And
hereby this sedition o 1 i lie Hebrews, which
had been a great one, a.ia had lasted a great
while, was at last composed.

3.	And now Moses, because tbe tribe of
Levi was made free from war and warlike
expeditions, and was set apart for the divine
worship, lest they should want and seek after
the necessaries of life, and so neglect the
temple, commanded the Hebrews, according
to the will of God, that wtien they should
gain the possession of the land of Canaan,
they should assign forty-eight good and fair
cities to the Levites; and permit them to en-
joy their suburbs, as far as the limit of two
thousand cubits would extend from the walls
of the city. And besides this, he appointed
that the people should pay the tithe of their
annual fruits of tbe earih, botn to the Levites
and to the priests. A ul this is wbat that
tribe receives of the multitude; but » think
it necessary to set down what is paid by &il,
peculiarly to the priests.

4.	Accordingly he commanded the Levites
to vield up to the priests thirteen of their
forty-eight cities, and to set apart for them

+ Concerning these twelve rods of the twelve tribe*
of Isroel, see St. Clement’s account, nt.icii iatx?r tl:a.il
that in our ilibles. 1 Epist. sect. I.i: as is Josephus’s pr®
scut account in some measure larger also.108

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV

the tenth part of the tithes which the.y every
year receive of the people; as also, that it was
but just to offer to God the first-fruits of the
entire product of the ground; and that they
should offer the first-born of those four-footed
beasts that are appointedfor sacrifices, if it be
a male, to the priests, to be slain, that they
and their entire families may eat them in the
holy city ; but that the owners of those first-
born which ;i: - not appointed for sacrifices in
the laws of our country, should bring a shekel
and a half in their stead: but for the first-
born of a man, five shekels: that they should
also have the first-fruits out of the shearing
of the sheep; and that when any baked
bread-corn, and made loaves of it, they should
give somewhat of what they had baked to
them. Moreover, when any have made a sa-
cred vow, I mean those that are called Naza-
rites, that suffer their hair to grow long, and
use no wine, when they consecrate their hair,*
and offer it for a sacrifice, they are to allot
that hair for the priests [to be thrown into the
fire]. Such also as dedicate themselves to
God, as a corban, which denotes what the
Greeks call a gift, when they are desirous of
being freed from that ministration, are to lay
down money for the priests; thirty shekels if
it be a woman, and fifty if it be a man; but
if any be too poor to pay the appointed sum,
it shall be lawful for the priests to determine
that sum as they think fit. And if any slay
beasts at home for a private festival, but not for
a religious one, they are obliged to bring the
maw and the cheek [or breast], and the right
shoulder of the sacrifice,to the priests. With
these Moses contrived that the priests should
be plentifully maintained, besides what they
had out of those offerings for sins, which the
people gave them, as I have set it down in
the foregoing book. He also ordered, that
out of every thing allotted for the priests,
their servants, [their sons,] their daughters,
and their wives, should partake, as well as
themselves, excepting w'hat came to them out
of the sacrifices that were offered for sins;
for of those none but the males of the family
cf the priests might eat, and this in the temple
also, and that the same day they were offered.

5. When Moses had made these constitu-
tions, after the sedition was over, he removed,
together with the whole army, and came to
the borders of Idumea. He then sent am-
bassadors to the king of the Idumeans, and
desired him to give him a passage through his
country; and agreed to send him what hos-
tages he should desire, to secure him from an
injury. He desired him also, that he would
allow his army liberty to buy provisions; and
if he insisted upon it, he would pay down a
price for the very water they should drink.
But the king was not pleased with this ambas-

• Grotius, on Numb. vi. 18, takes notice that the
Greeks also, as well as the Jews, sometimes consecrated
the hair of their heads to the gods.

sage from Moses: nor did he allow a passage
for the army, but brought bis people armed to
meet Moses, and to hinder them, in case they
should endeavour to force their passage. Up-
on which Moses consulted God by the orueic,
who would not have him begin the war first;
and so he withdrew his forces, and travelled
round about through the wilderness.

6. Then it was that Miriam, the sister of
Moses, came to her end, having completed her
fortieth yearf since she left Egypt, on the first
dayj of the lunar month Xanthicus. They
then made a public funeral for her, at a great
expense. She was buried upon a certain
mountain, which they call Sin; and when they
had mourned for her thirty days, Moses puri-
fied the people after this manner: He brought1
a heifer that had never been used to the plough
or to husbandry, thdl was complete in all its
parts, and entirely of a red colour, at a little
distance from the camp, into a place perfectly
clean. This heifer was slain by the high-priest,
and her blood sprinkled with his finger seven
times before the tabernacle of God; after this,
the entire heifer was burnt in that state, to-
gether with its skin and entrails; and they
threw cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet
wool, into the midst of the fire; then a clean
man gathered all her ashes together, and laid
them in a place perfectly clean. When there-
fore any persons were defiled by a dead body,
they put a little.of these ashes into spring
water, with hyssop, and, dipping part of these
ashes in it, they sprinkled them with it, both
on the third day, and on the seventh, and af-
ter that they were clean. This he enjoined
them to do also when the tribes should come
into their own land.

7- Now when this purification, which their
leader made upon the morning for his sister,
as it has been now described, was over, be
caused the army to remove and to march
through the wilderness and through Arabia;
and when he came to a place which the Ara-
bians esteem their metropolis, which was for-
merly called Arce, but has now the name of
Petra, at this place, which was encompassed
with high mountains, Aaron went up one of
them in the sight of the whole army, Moses
having before told him that he was to die, lor
this place was over against them. He put off
his pontifical garments, and delivered them to
Eleazar his son, to whom the high-priesthood
belonged, because he was the eldeu brother;
and died while the multitude looked upon
him. He died in the same year wherein he

+ Josephus here uses ibis phrase “when the fortieth year
was tornjdeted,” for when it was begun; as does Si. Luke,
when tlie day of Pentecost was completed,*’ Acls ii 1.

X Whellnr Miriam ded, as Josephus’s Greek copies
imply, on the first day of the month, may be doubted,
because the Latin copies say it was on the tenth, and so
say li.e Jewish calendars also, as Dr. llcrnard assures us.
It is s.iid her sepulclnc is still extant near Petia, the old
capital cil) >•! Arabia Pctiveu, at Ibis day; as also that of
Aaron, not far offCHAP. Y.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

109

lost bis sister, having lived m all a hundred
twenty and three years. He died on the
first day of that lunar month which is called
by the Athenians Hecatombceon, by the Mace-
donians Lous, but by the Hebrews Abba.

CHAPTER V.

HOW MOSES CONQUERED SIIION AND OG, KINGS
OF THE AMOUITES, AND DESTROYED TIIEIR
WHOLE ARMY, AND THEN DIVIDED THEIR
LAND BY LOT TO TWO TRIBES AND A HALF
. OF THE HEBREWS.

§ 1. The people mourned for Aaron thirty
days, and when this mourning was over, Mo-
ses removed the army from that place, and
came to the river Arnon, which, issuing out
of the mountains of Arabia, and running
through all that wilderness, falls into the lake
Asphaltitis, and becomes the limit between the
land of the Moabites and the land of the
Amorites. This land is fruitful, and suffi-
cient to maintain a great number of men,
with the good things it produces. Moses
therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the king
of this country, desiring that he would grant
his army a passage, upon what security he
should please to require; he promised that he
should he no way injured, neither as to that
country which Sihon governed, nor as to its
inhabitants; and that he would buy his provi-
sions at such a price as should be to their ad-
vantage, even though he should desire to sell
them their very water. But Sihon refused his
offer, and put his army into battle arrav, and
was preparing every thing in order to hinder
their passing over Arnon.

2. When Moses saw that the Amorite king
.vas disposed to enter upon hostilities with
them, he thought he ought not to bear that
insult; and, determining to wean the Hebrews
from their indolent temper, and prevent the
disorders which arose thence, which had been
the occasion of their former sedition (nor in-
deed were they now thoroughly easy in their
minds), he inqtdred of God, whether he would
give him leave to fight? which when he had
done, and God also promised him the victory,
he was himself very courageous, and ready to
proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encou-
raged the soldiers; and be desired of them
that they would take the pleasure of fighting,
now God gave them leave so to do. They
then upon the receipt of this permission,
which they so much longed for, put on their
whole armour, and set about the work with-
out delay. But the Amorite king was not
now like to himself when the Hebrews were
ready to attack him; but both he himself was
alfrightcd at the Hebrews, and his army,
which before had showed themselves to be of
good courage, were then found to be tim r

ous: so they could not sustain the first onset,
nor bear up against the Hebrews, but fled
away, as thinking this would afford them a
more likely way for their escape than fighting;
for they depended upon their cities, which
were strong, from which yet they reaped no
advantage when they were forced to fly to
them; for as soon as the Hebrews saw them
giving ground, they immediately pursued them
close; and when they had broken their ranks,
they greatly terrified them, and some of them
broke off from the rest, and ran away to the
cities. Nuwthe Hebrewspursued them briskly,
and obstinately persevered in the labours they
had already undergone; and being very skilful
in slinging, and very dexterous in throwing of
darts, or any thing else of that kind; and also
having nothing but light armour, which made
them quick in the pursuit, they overtook their
enemies; and for those that vvere most remote,
and could not be overtaken, they reached them
by their slings and their bows, so that many
vvere slain; and those that escaped the slaugh-
ter were sorely wounded, and these were more
distressed with thirst than with any of those
that fought against them, for it was the sum-
mer season; and w’hen the greatest number of
them were brought down to the river out of a
desire to drink, as also when others fled away
by troops, the Hebrews came round them, and
shot at them; so that, what with darts and what
with arrows, they made a slaughter of them
all. Sihon their king was also slain. So the
Hebrews spoiled the dead bodiesj and took
their prey. The land also which they took
was full of abundance of fruits, and the army
went all over it without fear, and fed their
cattle upon it; and they took the enemies pri-
soners, for they could no way put a stop to
them, since all the fighting men were destroy-
ed. Such was the destruction which overtook
the Amorites, who were neither sagacious in
counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereupon
the Hebrews took possession of their land,
which is a country situate between three rivers,
and naturally resembling an island: the river
Arnon being its southern limit; the river Jab-
bok determining its northern side, which,
running into Jordan, loses its own name, and
takes the other; while Jordan itself runs along
by it, on its western coast.

3. When matters were come to this state,
Og, the king of Gilead and Gaulanitis, fell
upon the Israelites. He brought an army with
hirti, and came in haste to the assistance of bis
friend Sihon; but though he found him al-
ready slain, yet did he resolve still to come
and fight the Hebrews, supposing he should
be too hard for them, and being desirous to
try their valour; but failing of his hope, he
was both himself slain in the battle, and all
his army was destroyed. So Moses pussed
over the river Jabbok, and overran the king-
dom of < )g. He overthew tieir cities, and
s e \ all their inhabitants, who y et exceeded in110

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV,

riches all the men in that part of the conti-
nent, on account of the goodness of the soil,
and the great quantity of their wealth. Now
Og had very few equals, either in the large-
ness of his body or handsomeness of his
appearance. He was also a man of great
activity in the use of his hands, so that his
actions were not unequal to the vast largeness
and handsome appearance of his body; and
rnen could easily guess at his strength and-
magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath,
the royal city of the Ammonites; its structure
was of iron, its breadth four cubits, and its
length a cubit more than double thereto.
However, his fall did not only improve the
circumstances of the Hebrew's for the present,
but by his death he was the occasion of fur-
ther good success to them; for they presently
took those sixty cities which were encom-
passed with excellent walls, and had been
subject to mm; ami ail got ootn in general
and in particular a great prey.

CHAUT.cR Vi.

CONCERNING BALAAM 1 HE CKOPHET, AND
WH IT KIND OF MAN HE tVSS.

§ I. Now Moses. when he nad brought his,
annv to Joraan. pitened ms camp in the great
plain over against Jericno. 'ids city is a very
nanpv situation, and very fit for producing
palm-trees and balsam; and now the Israel-
ites began to be very proud of themselves, and
were very eager for fighting. Moses then,
after he had ol7;red for a few days sacrifices
of thanksgiving to God, and feasted the peo-
ple, sent a party of at med men to lay waste
the country of the Midianites, and to take
their cities. Now’ the occasion which betook
for making war upon them was this that fol-
lows: —

2. When Balak, the king of the Moabites,
who had from his ancestors a friendship and
league with the Miuiauite*, saw how great
the Israelites were grown, he wras much af-
frighted on account of his own and his king-
dom's clanger; for he was not acquainted
with this, that the Hebrews would not meddle
with any other country, but were to be con-
tented with the possession of the land of Ca-
naan, God having forbidden them to go any
farther.* So he, with more haste than wis-
dom, resolved to make an attempt upon them

* What Josephus here remarks is well worth our re-
mark in this place also, viz. That the Israelites were
never to meddle with the Moabites or Ammonites, or
any other people, but those belonging lo the land of
Canaan, and tiie countries of Sihun and Og beyond Jor-
dan. as far as the desert and Euphrates: and that there-
fore no other people had reason to fear the conquests ol'
the Israelites; hut that those countries given them by
Gcil were their proper and peculiar portion among the
nations: and that ail who endeavoured to dispossess them
might ever be justly destroyed by them.

by words: but he did not judge it prudent to
fight against them, after they had such pros-
perous successes, and even became out of ill
successes more happy than before ; but he
thought to hinder them, if he could, Irom
growing greater, and so he resolved to send
ambassadors to the Midianites about t*iein.
Now these Midianites knowing there was one
Balaam, who lived by Euphrates, and was the
greatest of the prophets at that time, and one
that vvus in friendship with them, sent some
of their honourable princes along with the
ambassadors of Balak, to entreat the prophet
to come to them that he might imprecate
curses to the destruction of the Israelites. So
Balaam received the ambassadors, and treated
them very kindly; and when he had supped,
he inquired what was God’s will, and what
this matter was for which the Midianites en-
treated him to come to them. But when God
opposed his going, he came to the ambassa-
dors, and told them that he was himself very
willing and desirous to comply with their re-
quest, but informed them that God was oppo-
site to his intentions, even that God who had
raised him to great reputation on account of
the truth of his predictions; for that this army,
which they entreated him to come and curse,
was in the favour of God; on which account
he advised them to go home again, and not
to persist in their enmity against the Israelites;
and when he had given them that answer, he
dismissed the ambassadors.

3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest re-
quest and fervent entreaties of Balak, sent
other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiring
to gratify the men, inquired again of God;
but he was displeased at this [second] trial,f
and bid him by no means to contradict the
ambassadors Now Balaam did not imagine
that God gave this injunction in order to de-
ceive him, so he went along with the ambas-
sadors; but when the divine angel met him
in the way, when he was in a narrow passage,
and hedged in with a wall on both sides, the
ass on which Balaam rode understood that it

+ Note, that Josephus never supposes Balaam to bo
an idolater, jjur to seek idolatrous enchantments, or to
prophesy falsely, but to be no other than an ill-disposed
prophet of the 'me God; and intimates that God’s an-
swer the second time, permitting him to go, was ironi-
cal, and on design that he should he deceived (which
sort of deception, by way of punishment for former
crimes, Josephus never scruples to admit, as ever
esteeming such wicked men justly and providentially
deceived). But perhaps we had better keep lieie close
to the text, which says (Numb, xxiii. 20. 21,) that God
only permitted Balaam to go along with the ambassa-
dors, in case they came and called him, or positively
insisted on his going along with them on any terms;
whereas Balaam semis out of impatience lo have risen
in the morning, and saddled his ass. and rather to

ve called them, than staid for their calling him; so
zealous does he seem to have been lor his reward for di
vination. his wages of unrighteousness (Numb xxii. 7,
17, 18,37; 2 Pet. ii. 15; Jude v. II); which rewind or
wages the truly religious prophets of God never required
nor accepted, as our Josephus justly takes notice in
the cases of Samuel, Antiq. b. v chap. iv. sect. I, and
Daniel, Antiq. b. x chap. xi. sect. 3. See also Gen.
xir. 22, 23 ; 2 Kings v. 15, 16, 26, ;27- Acts 7iii. ID—24.CHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

Ill

was a divine spirit that met him, and thrust
Balaam to one of the walls, without regard
to the stripes which Balaam, when he was
hurt by the wall, gave her; but when the ass,
upon the angel’s continuing to distress her,
and upon the stripes which were given her,
fell down, by the will of God she made use
of the voice of a man, and complained of Ba-
laam as acting unjustly to her; that whereas
he had no fault to find with her in her former
service to him, he now inflicted stripes upon
her, as not understanding that she was hin-
dered from serving him in what he was now
going about, by the providence of God. And
when he was disturbed by reason of the voice
of the ass, which was that of a man, the an-
gel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him
for the stripes he had given his ass; and in-
formed him that the brute creature was not
in fault, but that he was himself come to ob-
struct his journey, as being contrary to the
will of God. Upon which Balaam was
afraid, and was preparing to return back
again: yet did God excite him to go on his
intended journey, but added this injunction,
that he should declare nothing but what he
himself should suggest to his mind.

4. When God had given him this charge,
he came to Balak; and when the king had
entertained him in a magnificent manner, he
desired him to go to one of the mountains to
take a view of the state of the camp of the
Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the
mountain, and brought the prophet along
with him, with a royal attendance. This
mountain lay over their heads, and was dis-
tant sixty furlongs from the camp. Now
when he saw them, he desired the king to
build him seven altars, and to bring him as
many bulls and rams; to which desire the
king did presently conform. He then slew
the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-offer-
ings, that he might observe some signal of
the flight of the Hebrews. Then said he,
“ Happy is this people, on whom God be-
stows the possession of innumerable good
things, and grants them his own providence
to he their assistant and their guide; so that
there is not any nation among mankind but
you will be esteemed superior to them in vir-
tue, and in the earnest prosecution of the
best rules of life, and of such as are pure
from wickedness, and will leave those rules
to your excellent children, and this out of the
regard that God bears to you, and the provi-
sion of such things for you as may render
you happier than any other people under the
sun. You shall retain that land to which he
hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the
command of your children; and both all the!
earth, as well as the sea, shall be filled with ;
your glory: and you shall be sufficiently 1
numerous to supply the world in general, and
every region of it in particular, with inhabi-
tants out of your stock. However. O blessed

army 1 wonder that you are become so many
from one father: and truly, the land of Ga-
naan can now hold you, as being yet compa-
ratively few; but know ye that the whole world
is proposed to be your place of habitation for
ever. The multitude of your posterity also
shall live as well in the islands as on the con-
tinent, and that more in number than are the
stars of heaven. Anri when you are become
so many, God will not relinquish the care of
you, but will afford you an abundance of all
good things in times of peace, with victory
and dominion in times of war. May the chil-
dren of your enemies have an inclination to
fight against you, and may they be so hardy
as to come to arms, and to assault you in
battle, for they will not return with victory,
nor will their return be agreeable to their
children and wives. To so great a degree of
valour will you be raised by the providence of
God, who is able to diminish the affluence of
some, and to supply the wants of others.”

5. Thus did Balaam speak by inspiration, as
not being in his own power, but moved to say
what he did by the divine Spirit. But then
Balak was displeased, and said he had broken
the contract he had marie, whereby he was to
come, as he and his confederates had invited
him, by the promise of great presents: for
whereas he came to curse their enemies, be
had made an encomium upon them, and had
declared that they were the happiest of men.
To which Balaam replied, “ O Balak, it tnou
rightly considerest this whole matter, canst
thou suppose that it is in our power tb he si-
lent, or to say any thing, when the Spirit of
God seizes upon us?—for he puts such words
as he pleases in our mouths, and such dis-
courses as we are not ourselves conscious of.
I well remember by what entreaties both you
and the Midianites so joyfully brought me
hither, and on that account I took this jour-
ney. It was my prayer, that I might not put
any affront upon you, as to what you desired
of me; but God is more powerful than the
purposes I had made to serve you; for those
that take upon them to foretell the affairs of
mankind, as from their own abilities, are en-
tirely unuhle to do it, or to forbear to utter
what God suggests to them, or to offer vio-
lence to his will; for when he prevents us and
enters into us, nothing that we say is our own.
I then did not intend to praise this army, nor
to go over the several good things which God
intended to do to their race; but since he wa9
so favourable to them, and so ready to bestow
upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he
suggested the declaration of those things to
me : but now, because it is my desire to
oblige thee thyself, as will as the Midianites,
whose entreaties it is not decent for me to
reject, go to, let us again rear other altars, and
offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that
I may see whether I can persuade God to
permit me to hind these men with curses. ”112

BOOK IV.

ANTIQUITIES 01’ THE JEWS.

Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would
not, even upon second sacrifices, consent to
his cursing the Israelites.* Then fell Ba-
laam upon his face, and foretold what cala-
mities would befall the several kings of the
nations, and the most eminent cities, some
of which of old were not so much as inha-
bited; which events have comedo pass among
the several people concerned, both in the fore-
going ages, and in this, till my own memory,
both by sea and by land. From which com-
pletion of all these predictions that he made,
one may easily guess that the rest will have
their completion in time to come.

6.	But Balak being very angry that the
Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam
without thinking him worthy of any honour. •
Whereupon, when he was just upon his jour-
ney, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent
for Balak, and for the princes of the Midian-
ites, and spake thus to them: — O Balak,
and you Midianites that are here present (for
1 am obliged even without the will of God,
to gratify you), it is true no entire destruction
can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews,
neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scar-
city of the fruits of the earth, nor can any
other unexpected accident be their entire
ruin; for the providence of God is concerned
to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor
will it permit any such calamity to come up-
on them whereby they may all perish; but
some small misfortunes, and those for a short
time, whereby they may appear to be brought
low, may still befall them; but after that they
will flourish again, to the terror of those that
brought those mischiefs upcn them. So that
if you have a mind to gain a victory over
them for a short space of time, you will ob-
tain it by following my directions: — Do you
therefore set out the handsomest of such of
your daughters as are most eminent for beau-
ty, f and proper to force and conquer the mo-
desty of those that behold them, and these
decked and trimmed to the highest degree you
are able. Then do you send them to be near
the Israelites’ camp, and give them in charge,
that when the young men of the Hebrews de-
sire their company, they allow it them; and
when they see that they are enamoured of
them, let them take their leaves; and if they
entreat them to stay, let them not give their
consent till they have persuaded them to leave
off their obedience to their own laws and the

* Whether Josephus had in his copy but two attempts
of Balaam in all to curse Israel; or whether by this his
twice ottering sacrifice, he meant twice besides that first
time already mentioned, which yet is not very probable
cannot now be certainly determined. In the mean time,
all other copies have three such attempts of Balaam to
curse them in the present history. 0

+ SucIi a large and distinct account of this perversion
oi' (he Israelites by the Midiauite women, of which our
ether copies give us but short intimations (Numb x\xi.
16; 2 Pet. ii. 15; Jude 11; Rev. ii. 14). is preserved.

Reland informs us. in the Samaritan Chronicle, in
Philo, and in other writings of the Jews, as well as litre
by Josephu*

worship of that God who established them, and
to worship the gods of the Midianites and
Moabites; for by this means God will be
angry at them.”{ Accordingly, when Ba-
laam had suggested this counsel to them, he
went his way.

7.	So when the Midianites had sent thei*
daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the
Hebrew young men were allured by their
beauty, and came to discourse with them, and
besought them nof to grudge them the enjoy-
ment of their beauty, nor to deny them their
conversation. These daughters of the Midi-
anites received their words gladly, and con-
sented to it, and staid with them; but when
they had brought them to be enamoured of them,
and their inclinations to them were grown to
ripeness, they began to think of departing
from them: then it was that these men be-
came greatly disconsolate at the women’s de-
parture, and they were urgent with them no*
to leave them, but begged they would co -
tinue there, and become their wives; and tl .y
promised them they should be owned as m s
tresses of all they had. This they said will
an oath, and called God for the arbitrator o
what they promised; and this with tears 'a
their eyes, and all other such marks of concern
as might show how miserable they though,
themselves without them, and so might move
their compassion for them. So the women, a/
soon as they perceived they had made the'/,
their slaves, and bad caught them with tb/ir
conversation, began to speak thus to them:,— .

8.	“ O you illustrious young men! we ha e
houses of our own at home, and great plei.ty
of good things there, together with the jia
tural affectionate love of our parents a'd
friends; nor is it out of our want of any st.cb
things that we came to discourse with you.
nor did we admit of your invitation with de-
sign to prostitute the beauty of our bodies foi
gain; but taking you for brave and worth/
men, we agreed to your request, that we mi(,nt
treat you with such honours as hospitality re
quired: and now seeing you say that yvu
have a great affection for us, and are troubled
when you think we are departing, we are n t
averse to your entreaties; and if we may re-
ceive such assurance of your good-will as w ;
think can be alone sufficient, we will he g'.ad
to lead our lives with you as your wives; but
we are afraid that you will in time be weary
of our company, and will then abuse us, and
send us back to our parents, after an ignomi-
nious manner.” And they desired that they
would excuse them in their guarding against
that danger. But the young men professed
they would give them any assurance they
should desire; nor did they at all contradict

t This grand maxim, That Gnd’s people of Israel
could never be hurt nor destroyed, hilt by drawing their,
to sin against God, appears to he true, by the gntire his-
tory of that people, both In the Bible and in Josephus,-
and is often taken notice of in tnein both See in puiti-
cninf a most remarkable Ammonite testimony to this
purpose J iiiiiih v. 6—Ji.CHAP. VI.

ANTIQKITTKS OF THE JEWS.

113

what they requested, so great was the passion j after a manner different from his own, and by

they had for them. “ If then,” said they,
“ this be your resolution; since you make use
of such customs and conduct of life as are en-
tirely different from all other men,* insomuch
that your kinds of food are peculiar to your-
selves, and your kinds of drink not common
to others, it will he absolutely necessary, if
you would have us for your wives, that you
do withal worship our gods; nor can there be
any other demonstration of the kindness which
you say you already have, and promise to have
hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the
same gods that we do. For has any one reason
to complain, that now you are come into this
country, you should worship the proper gods
of the same country? especially while our
gods are common to all men, and yours such
as belong to nobody else but yourselves.” So
they said they must either come into such
methods of divine worship as all others came
into, or else they must look out for another
world, wherein they may live by themselves,
according to their own laws.

9.	Now the young men were induced by the
fondness they had for these women, to think
they spake very well; so they gave them-
selves up to what they persuaded them, and
transgressed their own laws; and supposing
there were many gods, and resolving that they
would sacrifice to them accordingto the laws
of that country which ordained them, they
both were delighted with their strange food,
and went on to do every thing that the
women would have them do, though in contra-
diction to their own laws; so far, indeed, that
tliis transgression was already gone through
the whole army .of the young men, and they
fell into a sedition that was much worse than
the former, and into danger of the entire abo-
lition of their own institutions; for when
once the youth had tasted of these strange cus-
toms, they went with insatiable inclinations
into them; and even where some of the prin-
cipal men were illustrious on account of the
virtues of their fathers, they also were cor-
rupted together with the rest.

10.	Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of
Simeon, accompanied with Cozbi, a Midianit-
ish woman, who was the daughter of Sur, a
man of authority in that country ; and being
desired by his wife to disregard the laws of
Moses, and to follow those she was used to, he
complied with her; and this both by sacrificing

• What Josephus here puts into the mouths of these
Miriiamte women, who came to entice the Israelites to
lewdness and idolatry, viz. that their worship of the God
of Israel, in opposition to their idol jj:ids. implied the r
livine according to the holy laws which the true God had
given th'*in by Moses, in opp sition to those impure laws
which were observed under their false gods, well deserves
our consideration; and gives us a *uhs'anti;i1 reason for
the great concern that was ever shown, under the taw of
Moses, to preserve the Israeli <•« Iron) idolatry, and in
the worship of the true God; it )r*ing of m> les«: conse-
quence than. Whether God’s p*,onl'* sll ".Id he -» ve iled
hy the hols laws nl the true God. or b> the impure laws
derived from Demon , under tin I’ug-ui idolatry.

taking a stranger to wife. When things were
thus, Moses was afraid that matters should
grow worse, and called the people to a con-
gregation, but then accused nobody by name,
as unwilling to drive those into despair who,
by lying concealed, might come to repent-
ance ; but he said that they did not do what
was either worthy of themselves, or of their
fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to
the living according to his will; that it was
fit they should change their courses while
their affairs were still in a good state; and
think that to be true fortitude which offers not
violence to their laws, but that which resists
their lusts. And besides that, he said it was
not a reasonable thing, when they had lived so-
berly in the wilderness, to act madly now when
they were in prosperity; and that they ought
not to lose, now they have abundance, what
they had gained when they had little: — and
so did he endeavour, by saying this, to correct
the young men, and to bring them to repent-
ance for what they had done.

11.	But Zimri arose up after him, and said,
“ Yes, indeed, Moses, thou art at liberty to
make use of such laws as thou art so fond of,
and hast, by accustoming thyself to them,
made them firm; otherwise, if things had not
been thus, thou hadst often been punished be-
fore now, and hadst known that the Hebrews
are not easily put upon; but thou shalt not
have me one of thy followers in thy tyran-
nical commands, for thou dost nothing else
hitherto but, under pretence of laws, and of
God, wickedly impose on us slavery, and gain
dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us
of the sweetness of life, which consists in act-
ing according to our own wills, and is the
right of free men, and of those that have no
lord over them. Nay, indeed, this man is
harder upon the Hebrews than were the Egyp-
tians themselves, as pretending to punish, ac-
cording to his laws, every one’s acting what
is most agreeable to himself; hut thou thyself
better deservest to suffer punishment, who
presumest to abolish what every one acknow-
ledges to he what is good for him, and aimest
to make thy single opinion to have more force
than that of all the rest: and what I now do,
and think to be right, I shall not hereafter
deny to be according to my own sentiments.
I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a
strange woman, and thou hearest what I do
from myself as from one that is free; for
truly I (iid not intend to conceal myself. I
also own thJt I sacrificed to those gods to
whom you do not think it fit to sacrifice; and
I think it right to come at truth by inquiring
of many people, and not like one that lives
under tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my
life to depend upon one man; nor shall any
one find cause to rejoice who declares himself
to have inure authority over my actions than
mysu'f.”ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

] 2. Now when Zimri had said these things,
about what he and some others hud wickedly
done, the people held their peace, both out of
fear of what might come upon them, and be-
cause they saw that their legislator was not
willing to bring his insolence before the pub-
lic any farther, or openly to contend with
him; for he avoided that, lest many should
imitate the impudence of his language, and
thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this the
assembly was dissolved. However, the mis-
chievous attempt had proceeded farther, if
Zimri had not been first slain, which came to
pass on the following occasion: — Phineas, a
man in other respects better than the rest of
the young men, and also one that surpassed
his contemporaries in the dignity of his father
(for he was the son of Eleazar the high-priest,
and the grandson of [Aaron] Moses’s bro-
ther), who was greatly troubled at what was
done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to indict
punishment on him, before his unworthy be-
haviour should grow stronger by impunity,
and in order to prevent this transgression from
proceeding farther, which would happen if the
ringleaders were not punished. lie was of
so great magnanimity, both in strength of
mind and body, that when he undertook any
very dangerous attempt, he did not leave it
olf till he overcame it, and got an entire vic-
tory. So he came to Ziinri’s tent, and slew
him with his javelin, and with it he slew
Cozbi also. Upon which all those young
men that had a regard to virtue, and aimed
to do a glorious action, imitated Phineas’s
boldness, and slew those that were found to
be guilty of the same crime with Zimri. Ac-
cordingly, many of those that had transgressed
perished by the magnanimous valour of these
young men, and the rest all perished by a plague,
which distemper God himself indicted upon
them. So that all those their kindred, who,
instead of hindering them from such wicaed
actions, as they ought to have done, had per-
suaded them to go on, were esteemed by God
as partners in their wickedness, and died.
Accordingly, there perished out of the army
no fewer than fourteen* [twenty-four] thou-
sand at this time.

13. This was the cause why Moses was
provoked to send an army to destroy the Mi-
dianites, concerning which expedition we shall
speak presently, when we have first related
what we have omitted; for it is but just not
to pass over our legislator’s due encomium,
on account of his conduct here, because, al-
though this Balaam, who was sent for by the
Midianites to curse the Hebrews, and when
he was hindered from doing it by divine pro-
vidence, did still suggest that advice to them,

* The mistake in all Josephus’s copies. Greek and
Latin, which have here fourteen thousand, instead •
twenty-four thousand, is so flagrant. that our vei\ learned
editors, Bernard and Hudson, have put the latter mun
her directly into the text. I ehoimp rat her to put it i>
brackets

by making use of which our enemies had well
nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the
Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them
were deeply infected with their opinions; yet
did he do him great honour, by setting down
his prophecies in writing. And while it was
in his power to claim this glory to himself,
and make men believe they were his own pre-
dictions, there being no one that could be a
witness against him, and accuse him for so
doing, he still gave his attestation to him,
and did him the honour to make mention of
him on this account. But let every one think
of these matters as he pleases.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW THE HEBREWS FOUGHT WITH THE
MIDIANITES, AND OVERCAME THEM.

§ 1. Now Moses sent an army against the
land of Midian, for the causes forementioned,
in all twelve thousand, taking an equal num-
ber out of every tribe, and appointed Phineas
for their commander; of which Phineas we
made mention a little before, as he that had
guarded the laws of the Hebrews, and had
inflicted punishment on Zimri when he had
transgressed them. Now the Midianites per-
ceived beforehand how the Hebrews were
coming, and would suddenly be upon them
so they assembled their army together, and
fortified the entrances into their country, and
there awaited the enemy’s coming. When
they were come, and they had joined battle
with them, an immense multitude of the Mi-
dianites fell; nor could they be numbered,
they were so very many: and among them
fell all their kings, five in number, viz. Evi,
Zur, Reba, Ilur, and Rekem, who was of the
same name with a city, the chief and capital
of all Arabia, which is still now so called by
the whole Arabian nation, Arecem, from the
name of the king that built it; but is by the
Greeks called Petra. Now when the enemies
were discomfited, the Hebrews spoiled their
country, and took a great prey, and destroyed
the men that were its inhabitants, together
with the women; only they let the virgins
alone, as Moses had commanded Phineas to
do, who indeed came back, bringing with
him an army that had received no harm, and
a great deal of prey; fifty-two thousand
beeves, severity-five thousand six hundred
sheep, sixty thousand asses, with an immense
quantity of gold and silver furniture, which
the Midianites made use of in their houses;
for they were so wealthy, that they were very
luxurious. There were also led captive about
thirty-twothousand virgins.f So Moses parted

+ The slaughter of all the Midianite women that had
prostituted themselves to the lewd Israelites, and the
ure-»Tv;iiion of those that had not been euilly therein;
the 1 m -.t of which were no fewer than thirty-two thou*r-HAP. VII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

115

the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth part
to Eleazar and the two priests, and another
fiftieth part to the Levites; and distributed
the rest of the prey among the people. After
which they lived happily, as having obtained an
abundance of good things by their valour, and
there being no misfortune that attended them,
or hindered their enjoyment of that happiness.

2.	But Moses was now grown oid, and
appointed Joshua for his successor, both to
receive directions from God as a prophet,
and for a commander of tlip army, if they
should at any time stand in need of such a
one; and this was done by the command of
God, that to him the care of the public
should be committed. Now Joshua had been
instructed in all those kinds of learning
which concerned the laws; and God himself,
and Moses, had been his instructor.

3.	At this time it was that the two tribes
of Gad and Reubel, and the half tribe of Ma-
nasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as
well as in all other kinds of prosperity; whence
they had a meeting, and in a body came and
besought Moses to give them, as their pecu-
liar portion, tnat land of the Amorites which
they had taken by right of war, because it
was fruitful, and good tor feeding of cattle;
but Moses, supposing that thev were afraid of
fighting with the Ganaamtes. and invented
this provision tor their cattle as a handsome
excuse lor avoiding that war. he called them
arrant cowards, and said thev had only con-
trived a decent excuse tor tnat cowardice;
and that they had a mind to live in luxury
and ease, while ad the rest were labouring
with great pains to obtain me land the. were
desirous to have; and that they were not
willing to match along, and undergo the re-
maining hard service, whereby they were,
under the divine promise, to pass over Jordan,
and overcome those our enemies which God
bad shown them, and so obtain their land.

sand, both here and Nmnb. xxxi 15. 16. 17. 35, 40, 46,
and both by the pariicnlar command of liod; are highly
remarkable, and show that, even in nations otherwise
for their wickedness doomed to destruction, the inno-
cent were sometimes particularly and providentially
taken care of, and delivered from that destruction;
which directly implies, that it was the wickedness of the
nations of Canaan, and nothing else, that occasioned
their excision. See (Jen. xv. 16; 1 Sam. xv. 18, 33.
Apost. Constit. b. viii. ch. xii p. 402 In the first of
which places, the reason of the delay of the punishment
of the Amorites is Riven, hecause their iniquity was
not yet full.” In the second, Saul is ordered to and
‘■destroy the sinners, the Amalekites;” plainly imply-
ing that they were therefore to he destroyed, because
they were sinners, and not otherwise. In the third, the
reason is given why king Agag was not to be spared,
viz. because of his former cruelty: " As thy sword hath
made the (Hebrew) women childless, so shall thy mother
be made childless among women by the Hebrews.” In
the last place, tile apnstles, or their nmnnuensii Ele-
ment, gave this reason for the necessity of the coming
of Christ, that ” men had formerly perverted botn the
positive law, and that of nature; and had cast nut of
their mind the memory of the i'loml. the burning of
So,him. the plagues of t:,r Kg.n bins, and the slaughter
of u.r 'nhab'.'anis nf IN'-sime.’’ a- -igas of the most
1111017011': impenitence an I Insensibil.ty. under the pun-
ishment of horrid wickcdne-s*.

But these tribes, when they saw that Moses
was angry with them, anil when they could
not deny but he had a just cause to be dis-
pleased at their petition, made ap apology for
themselves; and said, that it was not on ac-
count of their fear of dangers, nor on account
of their laziness, that they made this request
to him, but that they might leave the prey
they had gotten in places of safety, and there-
by might be more expedite, and ready to un-
dergo difficulties, and to fight battles. They
added this also, that when they had built
cities, wherein they might preserve their chil-
dren, and wives, and possessions, if he would
bestow them upon them, they would go along
with the rest of the army. Hereupon Moses
was pleased with what they said; so he called
for Eleazar, the high-priest, and Joshua, and
the chief of the tribes, and permitted these
tribes to possess the land of the Amorites;
but upon this condition, that they should
join with tbeir kinsmen in the war until all
things were settled. Upon which condition
they took possession of the country, and built
them strong cities, and put into them their
children, and their wives, and whatsoever else
they had that might be an impediment to the
labours of their future marches.

4.	Moses also now built those ten cities
which were to be of the number of the forty-
eight [for the Levites]; three of which he al-
lotted to those that slew any persons involunta-
rily, and fled to them; and he assigned the
same time for their banishment with that of
the life of that high-priest under whom the
slaughter and flight happened; after which
death of the high priest lie permitted the
slayer to return home. During the time of
his exile, the relations of him that was slain
may, by this law, kill the manslayer, if they
caught him without the bounds of the city to
which he fled, though this permission was not
granted to any other person. Now the cities
which were set apart for this flight were these:
Bezcr, at the borders of Arabia; Ramoth, of
the land of Gilead ; and Golan, in the land
of Bashan. There were to be also, by Moses’s
command, three other cities allotted for the
habitation of these fugitives out of the cities
of the Levites, hut not till after they should
be in possession of the land of Canaan.

5.	At this time the chief men of the tribe
of Manasseh came to Moses, and informed
him that there was an eminent man of their
tribe dead, whose name was Zelophehad, who
left no male children, but left daughters; and
asked him whether these daughters might in-
herit his land or not. He made this answer,
That if they shall marry in their own tribe,
they shall carry their estate along with them;
but if they dispose of themselves in marriage
to men of another tribe, they shall leave their
inheritance in their father’s tribe. And then it
was that .Moses ordained, that everyone’s in-
heritance should continue in his own tribe.il6

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK IV

CHAPTER VIII.

THE POMTT SETTLED BV MOSES; AND HOW
HE DISAPPEARED FHOM AMONG MANKIND.

§ I. When forty years were completed, with
in thirty days, Moses gathered the congrega-
tion together near Jordan, where the city
Ahila now stands, a place full of palm-trees;
and all the people being come togethei he
spake thus to them: —

2. “ O you Israelites and fellow-soldiers,
who have been partners with me in this long
and uneasy journey; since it is now the will
of God, and the course of old age, at a hun-
dred and twenty, requires it that I should
depart out of this life; and since God has
forbidden me to be a patron or an assistant to
you in what remains to be done beyond Jor-
dan, I thought it reasonable not to leave off
my endeavours even now for your happiness,
but to do my utmost to procure for you the
eternal enjoyment of good things, and a me-
morial for myself, when you shall be in the
fruition of great plenty and prosperity: come,

enemies; for while God is present with you
to assist you, it is to be expected that you will
be able to despise the opposition of all man-
kind; and great rewards of virtue are pro-
posed for you, if you preserve that virtue
through your whole lives. Virtue itself is
indeed* the principal and the first reward, and
after that it bestows abundance of others; so
that \ our exercise of virtue towards other men
will make your own lives happy, and render
you more glorious than foreigners can be, and
procure you an undisputed reputation with
posterity. These blessings you will be able
to obtain, in case you hearken to and observe
those laws which, by divine revelation, I have
ordained for you; that is, in case you withal
meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I
am going from you myself, rejoicing in the
good things you enjoy; and I recommend
you to the wise conduct of your law, to the
becoming order of your polity, and to the vir-
tues of your commanders, who will take care
of what is for your advantage; and that God,
who has been till now your leader, and by
whose good-will I have myself been useful to
you, will not put a period now to his provi-
dence over you, but, as long as you desire to

therefore, let me suggest to you by what means [ have him your Protector in our pursuits after
you may be happy, and may leave an eternal I virtue, so long will you enjoy his care over
prosperous possession thereof to your children you. Your high-priest also Eleazar, as well
after you, and then let me thus go out of the I as Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your

world; and I cannot but deserve to be be-
lieved by you, both on account of the great
things I have already done for you, and because,
when souls are about to leave the body, they
speak with the sincerest freedom O children
of Israel! there is but one source of happi-
ness for all mankind, the favour of God,*
for he alone is able to give good things to
those that deserve them, and to deprive those
of them that sin against him; towards whom,
if you behave yourselves according to his will,
and according to what I, who weli understand
his mind, do exhort you to, you wilt both be
esteemed blessed, and will be admired by all
men; and will never come into misfortunes,
nor cease to be happy: you will then preserve
the possession of the. good things you already
have, and will quickly obtain those that you
are at present in want of, — only do you be
obedient to those whom God would have you
to follow:—nor do you prefer any other con-
stitution Of government before the laws now
given you; neither do you disregard that way

tribes, will go before you, and suggest the best
advices to you; by following which advices
you will continue to be happy: to whom do
you give ear without reluctance, as sensible
that all such as know well how to be govern-
ed, will also know how to govern, if they be
promoted to that authority themselves; and
do not you esteem liberty to consist in op-
posing such directions as y our governors think
lit to give you for your practice, — as at pre-
sent indeed you place your liberty in Nothing
else but abusing your benefactors; which
error if you can avoid for the time to come,
your affairs will be in a better condition than
they have hitherto been; nor do you ever in-
dulge such a degree of passion in these mat-
ters as you have oftentimes done when you
have been very angry at me; for you know
that I have been oficner in danger of death
from you than from our enemies. What I
now put you in mind of, is not done in order
to reproach you; for I tio not think it proper,
now 1 am going out of the world, to bring

of divine worship which you now' have, nor j this to your remembrance, in order to leave
change it for any other form • and if you do I you offended at me, since, at the time when I
this, you will be the most courageous of all underwent those hardships from you, I was
‘ J	r - i not angry at y0u; but I do it in order to make

you wiser hereafter, and to teach you that this
will be for your security: I mean, that you

men, in undergoing the fatigues of war, and
will not be easily conquered by any of your

* Josephus here, in this one sentence, sums up liis
ngai
>my;

rtance, that the;

up

uotion of Moses’s very long and very serious exhortations
in the book of Deuteronomy; &Dd bis words are so true,

and of such im
constant r<*tnri

children <»l Israel! there is but one source of happi-
ness for ail mankind, — ike Jaoour of

nportance, that they
inhrance, both by Je
rl Israel! there is bn

deserve to he hail
ws ;iml Christians :

your

never be injurious to those that preside over
you, even when you are become rich, as you
will be to a great degree when you have pas-
sed over Jordan, ami are in possession of the
l.uui of Canaan. Since, when you shall haveCHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES.OF THE JEWS

once proceeded so far by your wealth, as to a
contempt and disregard of virtue, you will
also forfeit the favour of God; and when you
have made him your enemy, you will be
beaten in war, and will have the land which
you possess token away again from you by
your enemies, and this with great reproaches
upon your conduct. You will be scattered
over the whole world, and will, as slaves, en-
tirely fill both sea and land; and when once
you have had the experience of what I now
say, you will repent and remember the laws
you have broken, when it is too late. Whence
I would advise you, if you intend to preserve
these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive
when you have conquered them, but to look
upon it as for your advantage to destroy them
all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste
of their manners, and thereby corrupt your
own proper institutions. I also do farther
exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and
their groves, and whatsoever temples they have
among them, and to burn all such, their nation,
and their very memory with fire; for by this
means alone the safety of your own happy
constitution can be firmly secured to you.
And in order to prevent your ignorance of
virtue, and the degeneracy of your nature
into vice, I have also ordained you laws,
by divine suggestion, and a form of govern-
ment, which are so good, that, if you regu-
larly observe them, you will be esteemed of
all men the most happy.”

3.	When he had spoken thus, he gave them
the laws and the constitution of government
written in a book. Upon which the people
fell into tears, and appeared already touched
with the sense that they should have a great
want of their conductor, because they remem-
bered what a number of dangers he had passed
through, and what care he had taken of
their preservation: they desponded about what
would come upon them after he was dead, and
thought they should never have another go-
vernor like him; and feared that God would
then take less care of them when Moses was.
gone, who used to intercede for them. They
also repented of what they bad said to him in
the wilderness when they were angry; and
were in grief on those accounts, insomuch
that the whole body of the people fell into
tears with such bitterness, that it was past the
power of words to comfort them in their af-
fliction. However, Moses gave them some
consolation; and by calling them off the
thought, how worthy he was of their weeping
for him, he exhorted them to keep to that
form of government he had given them; and
then the congregation was dissolved at thattime.

4.	Accordingly, I shall how first describe
this form of government which was agreeable
to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall
thereby inform those that read these Antiqui-
ties, what our original settlements were, and
shall then proceed to the remaining histories.

Now those settlements are all still, in writing,
as he left them; and we shall add nothing by
way of ornament, nor any thing besides what
Moses left us; only we shall so far innovate,
as to digest the several kinds of laws into u
regular system: for they were by him left in
writing as they were accidentally scattered in
their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had
learned them of God. On which account I
have thought it necessary to premise this ob-
servation beforehand, lest any of my own
countrymen should blame me, as having been
guilty of an offence herein. Now part of our
constitution will include the laws that belong
to our political state. As foT those laws which
Moses left concerning our common conversa-
tion and intercourse one with another, I have
reserved that for a discourse concerning our
manner of life, and the occasions of those
laws; which I propose to myself, with God’s
assistance, to write, after I have finished the
work I am now upon.

5.	When you have possessed yourselves of
the land of Canaan, and have leisure to en-
joy the good things of it, and when you have
afterward determined to build cities, if you
will do what is pleasing to God, you will have
a secure state of happiness. Let there be then
one city of the land of Canaan, and this si-
tuate in the most agreeable place for its good-
ness, and very eminent in itself, and let it be
that which God shall choose for himself by
prophetic revelation. Let there also be one
temple therein, and one altar, not reared of
hewn stones, but of such as you gather to-
gether at random; which stones, when they
are whited over with mortar, will have a hand-
some appearance, and be beautiful to the sight.
Let the ascent to it be not by steps,* but by
an acclivity of raised earth. And let there
be neither an altar nor a temple in any other
city; for God is but one, and the nation of
the Hebrews is but one.

6.	He that blasphemeth God, let him be
stoned, and let him hang upon a tree all that
day, and then let him be buried in an igno-
minious and obscure manner.

7.	Let those that live as remote as the
bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall
possess, come to that city where the temple
shall be, and this three times in ayear, that they
may give thanks to God for his former bene-

* This law, both here and Exod. xx. 25, 26, of not
going up to God’s altar by ladder-steps, but on an accli-
vity, seems not to have belonged to the altar of the ta-
bernacle, which was in all but three cubits high, Exod.
xxvii. 1; nor to that of Ezekiel, which was expressly to
be gone up to. by steps, xliii. 17; but rather to occasional
altars of any considerable altitude and largeness; as also
probably to Solomon’s altar, to which it is here applied

ubits high,
ii. chap. iii. sect 7
The reason why these temples, and these only, were to
” ’ity, and not by steps,
an of stairs, such as
otherwise provided ft

e garments wnicn tne prii

See l.amy of the Tabernacle and Temple, p. 444.'

reason why these temples, and
have this ascent on an acclivity, and not by steps, is obvi-
ous; that before the invention of stairs, such as we now
use, decency could not be otherwise provided for in the
loose garments which the priests wore,as the law required.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOX IV.

hts, and may entreat him for those they shall
want hereafter; and let them, by this means,
maintain a friendly correspondence with one
another by such meetings and feastings together
—for it is a good thing for those that are of the
i pp stock, and under the same institution of
not to be unacquainted with each other;
vhich acquaintance will be maintained by thus
(inversiug together, and by seeing and talk-
ntf with one another, and so renewing the me-
norials of this union; for if they do not thus
■diverse together continually, they will ap-
pear like mere strangers to one another.

8.	Let there be taken out of your fruits a
enth, besides that which you have allotted to
,'ive to the priests and Levites. This you
nny indeed sell in the country, but it is to be
used in those feasts and sacrifices that are to
be celebrated in the holy city: for it is fit that
you should enjoy those fruits of the earth
which God gives you to possess, so as may be
to the honour of the donor.

9.	You are not to offer sacrifices out of
t’ e hire of a woman who is a harlot,* for the
Oeity is not pleased with any thing that arises
from such abuses of nature; of which sort
none can be worse than this prostitution of
the body. In like manner no one may take
the price of the covering of a bitch, either of
one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of
sheep, and thence sacrifice to God.

10.	Let no one blaspheme those gods which
other cities esteem such; j* nor may any one
steal what belongs to strange temples; nortake
away the gifts that are dedicated to any god.

11.	Let not any one of you wear a gar-
ment made of woollen and linen, for that is
appointed to be for the priests alone.

12.	When the multitude are assembled to-
gether unto the holy city for sacrificing every
seventh year, at the Feast of Tabernacles, let
the high-priest stand upon a high desk, whence
he may be heard, and let him read the laws
to all the people;}: and let neither the women
nor the children be hindered from hearing,
no, nor the servants neither; for it is a good
thing that those laws should be engraven in
their souls, and preserved in their memories,
that so it may not be possible to blot them
out; for by this means they will not be guilty,
of sin, when they cannot plead ignorance of
what the laws have enjoined them. The laws
also will have a greater authority among them
as foretelling what they will suffer if they
break them: and imprinting in their souls by

•	The hire of public or secret harlots was Riven to
Venus in Syria, as l.ucian informs us, p. 878and against
some such vile practice of the old idolaters, this law
seems to have been made.

+ The Apostolical Constitutions, b. ii. chap. xxvi.
sect. 31, expound this law of Moses (Exod. xxii. 28),
“ Thou sbalt not revile or blaspheme the gods,” of ma-
giatratrs; Which is a much more probable exposition
than this of Josephus, of heathen gods, as here, and
against Apion, b. ii. sect. 34.

♦	What book of the law was thus publicly read, see
the note on Antiq. b. x. chap. v. sect. 6. and 1 Esd. ix.
80-6A

this hearing what they command them to do,
that so there may always be within their minds
that intention of the laws which they have
despised and broken, and have thereby been
the causes of their own mischief. Let the
children also learn the laws, as the first thing
they are taught, which will be the best thing
they can be taught, and will be the cause ot
their future felicity.

13.	Let every one commemorate before
God the benefits wh:”h he bestowed upon
them at their deliverance out of the land of
Egypt, and this twice every day, both when
the day begins,-and when the hour of sleep
comes on, gratitude being in its own nature
a just thing, and serving not only by way of
return for pa9t, but also by way of invitation
of future favours. They are also to inscribe
the principal blessings they have received
from God upon tbeir doors, and show the
same remembrance of them upon tbeir arms;
as also they are to bear on their forehead and
their arm those wonders which declare the
power of God, and his good-will towards
them, that God’s readiness to bless them may
appear everywhere conspicuous about them.§

14.	Let there be seven men to judge in
every city,[| and these such as have been be-
fore most zealous in the exercise of virtue and
righteousness. Let every judge have two
officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi.
Let those that are chosen to judge in the se-
veral cities be bad in great honour; and let
none be permitted to revile any others when
these are present, nor to carry themselves in
an insolent manner to them; it being natural
that reverence towards those in high offices
among men should procure men’s fear and
reverence towards God. Let those that judge
be permitted to determine according as they
think to be right, unless any one can show
that they have taken bribes, to the perversion
of justice, or can allege any other accusation
against them, whereby it may appear that they
have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not
fit that causes should be openly determined
out of regard, to gain, or to the dignity of the
suitors, but that the judges should esteem what

{ Whether these phylacteries, aDd other Jewish me-
morials of the law here mentioned by Josephus, and by
Moses (besides the fringes on the borders of their gar-
ments, Numb. xv. 37)„ were literally meant by God, I
much question. That they have been long ubserveri by
the Pharisees and Rabbinical Jews, is certain; however,
the Karaites, who receive not the unwritteD traditions of
the ciders, but keep close to the written law, with Je-
ind Grotius, think they were not literally to be

:bey
nd «

terallj

take

rome and urotius, i

understood; as Bernard and Reland here take notice.
Nor indeed do I remember that, either iD the ancieoter
books of the Old Testament, or in the books we call
Apocrypha, there are any sigDs of such literal observa-
tions appearing among tbe Jews, though tbeir real ot
mystical signification, t. e. tbe constant remembrance
and observation of the laws of God by Moses, be fre-
quently inculcated iD all toe sacred writings.

II Here, as well as elsewhere, sect. 31, ot his Lift),
sect. 14, and of tbe War, b. ii. ch. xx. sect. 5, are bat
seven judges appointed for small cities, instead of twenty-
three in the modern Rabbins; which modern Rabbin*
are always bat of vsry little authority in comparison of
our Josephs*.CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

119

is right before all other things, otherwise God
will by that means be despised, and esteemed
inferior to those the dread of whose power
has occasioned the unjust sentence; for jus-
tice is the power of God. He, therefore, that
gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them
more potent than God himself. But if these
judges be unable to give a just sentence about
the causes that come before them (which case
is not unfrequent in human affairs), let them
send the cause undetermined to the holy city,
and there let the high-priest, the prophet, and
the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem
good to them.

15.	But let not a single witness be credit-
ed; but three, or two at the least, and those
such whose testimony is confirmed by their
good lives. But let not the testimony of wo-
men he admitted, on account of the levity
and boldness of their sex;* nor let servants
he admitted to give testimony, on account of
the ignobility of their soul; since it is pro-
bable that they may not speak truth, either out
of hope of gain, or fear-of p'unishincn't. But
if any one he helieved to have borne false wit-
ness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all
the very same punishments which he against
whom he bore witness was to have suffered.

16.	If a murder be committed in any place,
and he that did it be not found, nor is there
any suspicion upon one as if he had bated the
man, and so had killed him, let there be a
very diligent inquiry made after the man, and
rewards [imposed to any one who will discover
him; hut if still no information can be pro-
cured, let the magistrates and senate of those
cities that lie near the place in which the
murder was committed, assemble together,
and measure the distance from the place
where the dead body lies; then let the ma-
gistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase
a heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a
place therein where there is no land ploughed
or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews
of the heifer; then the priests and Levites,
and the senate of that city, shall take water
and wash their hands over the head of the
heifer; and they shall openly declare that
their hands are innocent of this murder, and
that they have neither done it themselves, nor
been assisting to any that did it. They shall
also beseech God to be merciful to them that
no such horrid act may any more be done in
that land.

17.	Aristocracy, and the way of living un-
der it, is the best constitution: and may you
never have any inclination to any other form
of government; and may you always love
that form, and have the laws for your gover-

* T have never observed elsewhere, that in the Jewish
government, women were not admitted as legal witness-
es in courts of justice. None of our copies of the Penta-
teuch say a word of it. It is very probable, however,
that this was the exposition of the Scribes and Pharar
sees,and the practice of the Jews in the days of Josephus.

nors, and govern all your actions according
to them; for you need no supreme governor
but God. But if you shall desire a king, let
him be one of your own nation; let him be
always careful of justice and other virtues
perpetually; let him submit to the laws, and
esteem God’s commands to be his highest
wisdom; but let him do nothing without the
high-priest and the votes of the senators: let
him not have a great number of wives, nor
pursue after abundance of riches, nor a mul-
titude of horses, whereby he may grow too
proud to submit to the laws. And it he af-
fect any such things, let him be restrained,
lest he become so potent that his state be in-
consistent with your welfare.

18.	Let it not be esteemed lawful to re-
move boundaries, neither our own, nor of
those with whom we are at peace. Have a
care you do not take those land-marks away
which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken
limitation of rights made by God himself, to
last for ever; since this going beyond limits
and gaining ground upon others, is the occa-
sion of wars and seditions; for those that re-
move boundaries are not far off an attempt
to subvert the laws.

19.	He that plants a piece of land, the
trees of which produce fruits before tbe fourth
year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to
God, nor is he to make use of that Iruit him-
self, for it is not produced in its proper sea-
son ; for when nature has a force put upon
her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not
proper for God, nor for the master’s use; but
let the owner gather all that is grown on the
fourth year, for then it is in its proper season;
and let him that has gathered it carry it to
the holy city, and spend that, together with
the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with
his friends, with the orphans, and the widows.
But on the fifth year the fruit is his own,
and he may use it as he pleases.

20.	You are not to sow with seed a piece
of land which is planted with- vines; for it
is enough that it supply nourishment to that
plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also.
You are to plough your land with oxen, and
not to oblige other animals to come under the
same yoke with them, but to till your land
with those beasts that are of the same kind
with each other. The seeds are also to be
pure, and without mixture, and not to be
compounded of two or three sorts, since Na-
ture does not rejoice in the union of things
that are not in their own nature alike: nor
are you to permit beasts of different kinds to
gender together, for there is reason to fear
that this unnatural abuse may extend from
beasts of different kinds to men, though it
takes its first rise from evil practices about
such smaller things. Nor is any thing to be
allowed, by imitation whereof any degree of
subversion may creep into the constitution;
nor do the laws neglect small matters, but120

antiquities of the jews.

HOOK IV.

provide that even those may he managed after
an unblameable manner.

21.	Let not those that reap and gather in
the corn that is reaped, gather in the gleanT
ings also, but let them rather leave some
handfuls for those that are in want of the ne-
cessaries of life, that it may be a support and a
supply to them, in order to their subsistence.
In like manner when they gather their grapes,
let them leave some smaller bunches for the
poor, and let them pass over some of the fruits
of the olive trees, when they gather them, and
leave them to be partaken of by those that
have none of their own ; for the advantage
arising from the exact collection of all, will not
be so considerable to the owners as will arise
from the gratitude of the poor; and God
will provide that the land shall more willing-
ly produce what shall be for the nourishment
of its fruits, in case you do not merely take
care of your own advantage, but have regard
to the support of others also : nor are you to
muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they
tread the ears of com in the thrashing-floor;
for it is not just to restrain our fellow-labour-
ing animals, and those that work in order to
its production, of this fruit of their labours:
nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at
the time when your fruits are ripe to touch
them, but to give them leave to fill themselves
full of what you have; and this whether they
be of your own country or strangers,—as be-
ing glad of the opportunity of giving them
some part of your fruits when they are ripe ;
but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to
carry any away: nor let those that gather the
grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses,
restrain those whom they meet from eating of
them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder
those that desire it, to partake of the good
things that come into the world according to
God’s will, and this while the season is at the
height, and is hastening away as it pleases
God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are
unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be
encouraged to take of them (I mean, those
that are Israelites) as if they were themselves
the owners and lords, on account of the kin-
dred there is between them: nay, let them
desire men that come from other countries, to
partake of these tokens of friendship which
God has given in their proper season; for
that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which
any one out of kindness communicates to an-
other, since God bestows plenty of good things
on men, not only for themselves to reap the ad-
vantage, hut also to give to others in a way of
generosity; and he is desirous, by this means,
to make known to others his peculiar kind-
ness to the people of Israel, and how freely
he communicates happiness to them, while
they abundantly communicate out of their
great superfluities to even these foreigners
also. But for him that acts contrary to this
law let him be beaten with forty stripes, save

one,* by the public executioner; let him un-
dergo this punishment, which is a most igno-
minious one for a free man, and this because
he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot
upon bis own dignity; for it is proper for
you who have had the experience of the afflic-
tions in Egypt, and of those in the wilder-
ness, to make provision for those that are in
the like circumstances; and while you have
now obtained plenty yourselves, through the
mercy and providence of God, to distribute
of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to
such as stand in need of it.

22.	Besides those two tithes, which I have
already said you are to pay every year, the
one for the Levites, the other for the festivals,
you are to bring every third year a tithe to
be distributed to those that want;]- to wo-
men also that are widows, and to children that
are orphans. But as to the ripe fruits, let them
’carry that which is ripe first of all into the
temple; and when they h&ve blessed God for
that land which bare |hem, and which he had
given tjaem for. a possession, when they have
also offeVed those sacrifices which the law has
commanded them to bring, let them give the
first-fruits to the priests. But when any one
hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of
all that he hath, together with those first-fruits
that are for the Levites, ant^for the festivals,
and when he is about to go home, let him
stand before the holy house, and return thanks
to God, that he hath delivered them from the
injurious treatment they had in Egypt, and
hath given them a good land, and a large, and
lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when
he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid
the tithes [and other dues] according to the
laws of Moses, let him entreat God that he
will be ever merciful and gracious to him ;
and continue so to be to all the Hebrews,
both by preserving the good things which he
hath already given them, and by adding what
it is still in his power to bestow upon them.

23.	Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit
for it, virgins that are free, and born of good
parents. And he that does not marry a virgin,
let him not corrupt another man’s wife, and
marry her, nor grieve her former husband:
nor let free men marry slaves, although their
affections should strongly bias any of them so
to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of
the persons themselves, to govern those their
affections. And farther, no one ought to marry
a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, aris-
ing from the prostitution of her body, God
will not receive; for by these means the dis-

» This penalty of “forty stripes, save one,” here men-
tioned, and sect. 2d, was five times indicted on St. Paul
him.-elf hy iln- Jews. 2 Cor. xi. 24.

+ Josephus's plain and ex
law of Moses, Dent xiv

1 express interpretation of this
28,29; xxvi. 12, &c that the
third year to pay three tithes;

es, IJ

Jews were hound every third year to pay three tithes;
that to the Levites. that for sacrifices at Jerusalem, and
this lor the indigent, the widow, and the orphans, is
fully confirmed by the practice of good old Tobit, even
when he was a captive in Assyria, against the opinions of
the Rabbins, Tobit, L 6, 7, 8.CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

121

positions of the children will be liberal and
virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of
base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of
such as marry women that are not free. If
any one has been espoused to a woman as to
a virgin, and does not afterward find her so
to be, let him bring his action, and accuse
her, and let him make use of such indications*
to prove his accusation as he is furnished
withal; and let the father or the brother of the
damsel, or some one that is after them nearest
of kin to her, defend her. If the damsel ob-
tain a sentence in her favour, that she had not
been guilty, let her live with her husband
th it accused her; and let him not have any
farther power at all to put her away, unless
she give him very great occasions of suspicion,
and such as can be no way contradicted; hut
for him that brings an accusation and calumny
against his wife in an impudent and rash man-
ner, let him he punished by receiving forty
stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels
to her father: but if the damsel be convicted,
as having been corrupted, and is one of the
common people, let her he stoned, because
she did not preserve her virginity till she were
lawfully married; but if she were the daugh-
ter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. If any
one has two wives, and if he greatly respect
and he kind to one of them, either out of his
affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some
other reason, while the other is of less esteem
with him; and if the son of her that is beloved
be the younger by birth than another born
of the other wife, but endeavours to obtain
the right of primogeniture from hi9 father’s
kindness to his mother, and would thereby
obtain a double portion of bis father’s sub-
stance, for that double portion is what I have
allotted him in the laws,—let not this be per-
mitted; for it is unjust that he who is the elder
by birth should be deprived of what is due
to him, on the father’s disposition of his estate,
because his mother was not equally regarded
by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel
espoused to another man, in case he bad her
consent, let both him and her be put to death,
for they are both equally guilty; the man, be-
cause he persuaded the woman willyigly to
submit to a most impure action, and to prefer
it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she
was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted,
either for pleasure or for gain. However,
if a man light on a woman when she is alone,
and forces her, where nobody was present to

• These tokens of virginity, as the Hebrew and Sep-
tuagint style them, l)eut xxit. 15, 17, 20. seem to me
very different from what onr later interpreters suppose.
They aupear rather to have been such close linen gar-
ments as were never put off virgins, after a certain age,
till they were married, but before witnesses, and which,
while they were entire, were certain evidences of such
vinnnity See these. Antiq. h. vii. chap. viii. sect. I;
2 Sam. xiii. 18; Isa. vi. 1. Josephus here determines
nothing what were these particular token- of virginity
or of corruption: perhaps he thought he could not easily
describe them to the heathens, without saying what they
might have thought a breach of modesty; which seem-
ing bleach of modesty laws cannot always wholly avoid.

come to her assistance, let him only he put
to death. Let him that hath corrupted a
virgin not yet espoused, marry her; but if the
father of the damsel be not willing that she
should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels
as the price of her prostitution. He that de-
sires to be divorced from his wife for any causef
whatsoever (and many such causes happen
among men), iet him in writing give assurance
that he will never use her as his wife any more;
for by this means she may be at liberty to
marry another husband, although before this
bill of divorce be given, she is not to be per-
mitted so to do: but if she be misused by him
also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband
would marry her again, it shall not be lawful
for ber to return to him. If a woman’s hus-
band die, and leave her without children, let
bis brother marry her; and let him call the
son that is born to him by his brother’s name,
and educate him as the heir of his inheritance;
for this procedure will be for the benefit of
the public, because thereby families will not
fail, and the estate will continue among the
kindred; and this will be for the solace of
wive3 under their affliction, that they are to
be married to the next relations of their for-
mer husbands; but if the brother will not
marry her, let the woman come before the se-
nate, and protest openly that this brother will
not admit her for bis wife, but will injure
the memory of his deceased brother, while she
is willing to continue in the family, and to
bear him children; and when the senate have

inquired of him for what reason it is that he
'is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a
had or a good reason, the matter must come to
this issue, That the woman shall loose the san-
dals of the brother, and shall spit in his face,
and say, He deserves this reproachful treat-
ment front her, as having injured the memory
of the deceased; — and tLeu let him go away
out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon
him all his life long; and let her marry to whom
she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage.
But now, if any man take captive, either a vir-
gin, or one that hath been married, J and ha^a
mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to
bring her to bed .to him, or to live with her
as his wife, before she hath her head shaven,
and hath put on her mourning habit, and
lamented ber relations and friends that were
slain in the battle, that by this means she may
give vent to her sorrow for them, and after
that may betake herself to feasting and matri-
mony; for it is good for him that takes a
woman, in order to have children by her, to be
complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely
to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath

+ These words of Josephus are very like those of the
Pharisees to our Saviour upon this very subject. Matt,
xix. 3, " Is it lawful for a man to put away his wife for
every cause ?”

t Here it is supposed that this captive’s husband, if
she were before a married woman, was dead before, or
rattier was slain in this very battle; otherwise it would
have been adultery in him that married her.122

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

no regard to what is agreeable to her; blit
when hi)-i\ days are past, as the time of
mourning, for so many are sufficient to pru-
dent persons for lamenting the dearest friends,
then let them proceed to the marriage; but
iti case, wher. he hat i satisfied his lust, he be
too proud to retain her for his wife, let him
not have it in his power to make her a slave,
but let her go away whither she pleases, and
have that privilege of a free woman.

24.	As to those young men that despise
their parents, and do not pay them honour,
but offer them affronts, either because they
are ashamed of them, or think themselves
wiser than they,— in the first place let their
parents admonish them in words (for they are
by nature of authority sufficient for becoming
their judges), and let them say thus to them:
—That they cohabited together, not for the
sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of
their riches, by joining both their stocks to-
gether, but that they might have children,
to take care of them in their old age, and
might by them have what they then should
want;—and say farther to him, “ That when
thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness,
and gave God the greatest thanks for thee,
and brought thee up with great care, and
spared for nothing that appeared useful for
thy preservation, and for thy instruction in
what was most excellent; and now, since it
is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that
are young, let it suffice thee to have give'll so
many indications of thy contempt of us; —
reform thyself, and act more wisely for the
time to come; considering that God is dis-
pleased with those that are insolent towards
their parents, because he is himself the Father
of the whole race of mankind, and seems to
bear part of that dishonour which fails upon
those that have the same name, when they do
not meet with due returns from their chil-
dren; and on such the law inflicts inexorable
punishment; of which punishment mayst thou
never have the experience!” Now if the in-
solence of young men be thus cured, let them
escape the reproach which their former errors
deserved; for by this means the lawgiver will
appear to be good, and parents happy, while
they never behold either a son or a daughter
brought to punishment; but if it happen that
these wordsand instructions, conveyed by them
in order to reclaim the man, appear to be use-
less, then the offender renders the laws impla-
cable enemies to the insolence he has offered
his parents; let him therefore -be brought
forth* by these very parents, out of the city,
with a multitude following him, and there let
him be stoned; and when he has continued
there for one whole day, that all the people
may see him, let him be buried in the night;
and thus it is that we bury all whom the laws

* See Ilerod the Great insisting on the execution of
this law, with relation to two of his own sons, before the
fudges at Bcrytus, Antiq. b. xvi, cb. xi. sect. %

condemn to die, upon any account whatso*
ever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be
also buried, nor let any one dead body lie
above the ground, or suffer a punishment be-
yond what justice requires.

25.	Let no one lend to any one of the He-
brews upon usury, neither usury of what is
eaten or what is drunken; for it is not just to
make advantage of the misfortunes of one of
thy own countrymen : but when thou bast
been assistant to his necessities, think it thy
gain, if thou obtaineet their gratitude to thee,
and withal that reward which will come to
thee from God, for thy humanity towards him.

26.	Those who have borrowed either silver
or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet (I
mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by
the blessing of God, be to their own mind), let
the borrowers bring them again, and restore
them with pleasure to those who lent them;
laying them up, as it were, in their own trea-
suries, and justly expecting to receive them
thence, if they shall want them again; but if
t hey be without shame, and do not restore it, let
not the lender go to the borrower’s house, and
take a pledge himself, before judgment be
given concerning it; but let him require the
piedge, and let the debtor bring it of himself,
without the least opposition to him that comes
upon him under the protection of the law;
and if he that gave the pledge be rich, let the
creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him
again; but if he be poor, let him that takes
it return it before the going down of the sun,
especially if the pledge be a garment, that the
debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep,
God himself naturally showing mercy to the
ooor. It is also not lawful to take a mill-stone,
nor any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge,
tnat the debtors may not be deprived of instru-
ments to get their food withal, and lest they
oe undone by their necessity.

27.	Let death be the punishment for steal-
ing a man; but he that hath purloined gold
or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill
a man that is stealing something out of his
house, let him be esteemed guiltless, although
the man were only breaking in at the wall. Let
him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what
is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which
let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so
poor that he cannot pay what mulct is laid
upon him, he his servant to whom he was ad-
judged to pay it.

28.	If any one be sold to one of his own
nation, let him serve him six years, and on
the seventh let him go free. But if he have
a son by a woman-servant in his purchaser’s
nouse, and if, on account of his good-will to
ms master, and his natural affection to tus wife
and children, he will be his servant still, let
mm be set free only at the coming of the year
of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, anu iet
mm then take away with him his child!en and
wife, and let them be free also.CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

123

29.	If any one find gold or silver on the

road, let him inquire after him that lost it,
and make proclamation of the place where be
found it, and then restore it to him again, as
not thinking it right to make his own profit
by the loss of another. And the same rule
is to be observed in cattle found to have
wandered away into a lonely place. If the
owner be not presently discovered, let him
that is the tinder keep it with himself, and
appeal to God that he has not purloined what
belongs to another.	;

30.	It is not lawful to pass by any beast
that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen
down in the mire, but to endeavour to preserve
it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain, j

31.	It is also a duty to show the roads to j
those who do not know them, and not to esteem
it a matter for sport, when we hinder others’
advantages, by setting them in a wrong way.

32.	In like manner, let no one revile a
person blind or dumb.

33.	If men strive together, and there be no
instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be
avenged immediately, by inflicting^the same
punishment on him that smote him : but if
when he is carried home he lie sick many
Jays, and then die, let him that smote him
escape punishment; but if he that is smitten
escape death, and yet be at great expense for

money instead of it;f for the law makes the
sufferer the judge of the value of what he
hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it,
unless he will be more severe.

36.	Let him that is the owner of an ox
which pusheth with his horn, kill him; but if
he pushes and gores any one in the thrashing-
floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and
let him not be thought fit for food: but if
his owner be convicted as having known what
his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let
him also be put to death, as being the occa-
sion of the ox’s having killed a man. Gut if
the ox have killed a man-servant, or a maid-
servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner
of the ox pay thirty shekels § to the master
of him that was slain: but if it be an ox
that is thus smitten and killed, let both the
oxen, that which smote the other and that
which was killed, be sold, and let the owners
of them divide their price between them.

37.	Let those that dig a well or a pit, be
careful to lay planks over them, and so keep
them shut up, not in order to hinder anj per-
sons from drawing water, but that there may
be no danger of falling into them: but if any
one’s beast fall into such a well or pit thus
digged and not shut up, and perish, let the
owner pay its price to the owner of the beast.
Let there be a battlement round the tops of

bis cure, the smiter shall pay for all that has
been expended during the time of his sickness,
and for all that he has paid the physician. He
thsit kicks a woman with child, so that the wo-
man miscarry, * let him pay a fine in money,
as the judges shall determine, as having dimin-
ished the multitude by the destruction of what
was in her womb; and let money also be given
the woman’s husband by him that kicked her;
but if she die of the stroke, let him also be
put to death, the law judging it equitable that
life should go for life.

34.	Let no one of the Israelites keep any
poison f that may cause death, or any other
harm; but if he be caught with it, let him
be put to death, and suffer the very same mis-
chief that he would have brought upon them
for whom the poison was prepared.

35.	He that muimeth any one, let him un-
dergo the like himself, and be deprived of the
same member of which he hath deprived the
other, unless be that is maimed will accept of

• Philo and others appear to have understood this law
(Gtod. xxi. 22. 23) better than Josephus, who seems to
allow, that though the infant in the mother’s womb,
even after the inothet were quick, and bo tire infant had
a rational soul- were killed by the stroke upon the mo-
ther. yet if the mother escaped, the illender should only
he fiied. and not put to death;, while the law seems
rather to mean, that if the infant in that case he killed,
though the mother escape, the offender must be put to
death; and not only when the mother is killed, as Jo-
sephus understood it. (t seems this was the exposition
of the Pharisees in the duys of Josephus
+ What we render a witch, according to out modern
notions of witchcraft. Kxod xxi.. lri, Philo and Josephus
understood of a poisoner, or one who attempted, by secret
ssd unlawful drugs or philtra, to take away the senses or
the Jives uf men

your houses instead of a wall, that may prevent
any persons from rolling down and perishing.

36. Let him that has received any thing in
trust for another, take care to keep it as a sa-
cred and divine thing; and let no one invent
any contrivance, whereby to deprive him that
hath intrusted it with him of the same, and
this whether he be a man or a woman; no,
not although he or she were to gain an im-
mense sum of gold, and this where he cannot
be convicted of it by any body; for it is fit
that a man’s own conscience, which knows
what he hath, should, in all cases, oblige hits
to do well. Let this conscience be his wit-
ness, and make him always act so as may pro-
cure him commendation from others; but let
him chiefly have regard to God, from whom
no wicked man can lie concealed: but if he
in whom the trust was reposed, without any
deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted
withal, let him come before the seven judges,
and swear by God that nothing bath been lost
willingly, or with a wicked intention, and
that he nath not made use of any part thereof,
and so let him depart without blame; but il
he hath made use of the least part of what
was committed to him, and it be lost, let him
oe condemned to repay all that he had re-
ceived. After the same manner as in these

4 This permission of redeeming this penalty with mo-
ney is not in our copies, Exod. xxi. 24, 261 Lev. xxiv.
20; DeuL xix. 21.

I We may here note, that thirty shekels, the price our
Saviour was sold for by Judas to the Jews, Matt. xxvL
16, and xxvii. 3, was the old value of a bought servant
or slave among that people.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV,

124

trusts, it is to be, if any one defraud those
that undergo bodily labour for him. And let
it be always remembered, that we are not to
defraud a poor man of his wages; as being
sensible that God has allotted these wages to
him instead of land and other possessions;
nay, this payment is not at all to be delayed,
but to be made that very day, since God is
not willing to deprive the labourer of the im-
mediate use of what he hath laboured for.

39.	You are not to punish children for the
faults of their parents, but on account of their
own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commise-
ration, because they were born of wicked pa-
rents, than hatred, because they were born of
bad ones: nor indeed ought we to impute the
sin of children to their fathers, while young
persons indulge themselves in many practices
different from what they have been instructed
in, and this by their proud refusal of such in-
struction.

40.	Let those that have made themselves
eunuchs be had in detestation; and do you
avoid any conversation with them who have
deprived themselves of their manhood, and of
that fruit of generation which God has given
to men for the increase of their kind: let such
be driven away, as if they had killed their
children, since they beforehand have lost what
should procure them; for evident it is, that
while their soul is become effeminate, they
have withal transfused that effeminacy to their
body also. In like manner do you treat all
that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked
on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other
animals.*

41.	Let this be the constitution of your
political laws in time of peace, and God will
be so merciful as to preserve this excellent set-
tlement free from disturbance: and may that
time never come which may innovate any
thing, and change it for the contrary. But
since it must needs happen that mankind fall
into troubles and dangers, either undesigned-
ly or intentionally, come let us make a few
constitutions concerning them, that so being
apprized beforehand what ought to be done,
you may have salutary counsels ready when
you want them, and may not then be obliged
to go to seek what is to be done, and so be
unprovided, and fall into dangerous circum-
stances. May you be a laborious people, and
exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and
thereby possess and inherit the land without
wars; while neither any foreigners make war
upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal
sedition seize upon it, whereby you may do
things that are contrary to your fathers, and
so lose the laws which they have established:
and may you continue in the observation of

that does it,- which seems only a Pharisaical interprets-

cdnM then^ have no oxen which are gelt, but only bulls
and' oows, in Judea.

those laws which God hath approved of, and
bath delivered to you. Let all sort of war-
like operations, whether they befall you now
in your own time, or hereafter in the times of
your posterity, be done out of your own bor-
ders ; but when you are about to go to war,
send ambassages and heralds to those who are
your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing
to make use of words to them before you
come to your weapons of war; and assure
them thereby, that although you have a nu-
merous army, with horses and weapons, and,
above these, a God merciful to you, and ready
to assist you, you do however desire them not
to compel you to fight against them, nor to
take from them what they have,- which will
indeed be our gain, but what they will have
no reason to wish we should take to ourselves;
and if they hearken-to you, it will be proper
for you to keep peace with them; but if they
trust in their own strength as superior to
yours, and will not do you justice, lead your
army against them, making use of God as your
supreme commander, but ordaining for a lieu-
tenant under him, one that is of the greatest
courage among you ; for these different com-
manders, besides their being an obstacle to
actions that are to be done on the sudden, are
a disadvantage to those that make use of them.
Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, com-
posed of all such as have extraordinary
strength of body and hardiness of soul; but
do you send away the timorous part, lest they
run away in the time of action, and so afford
an advantage to your enemies. Do you also
give leave to those that have lately built them
houses, and have not yet lived in them a year’s
time; and to those that have planted them
vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of
their fruits,—to continue in their own coun-
try; as well as those also who have betrothed,
or lately married them wives, lest they have
such an affection for these things that they be
too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving
themselves for these enjoyments, they become
voluntary cowards, on account of their wives.

42.	When you have pitched your camp,
take care that you do nothing that is cruel;
and when you are engaged in a siege, and
want timber for the making of warlike en-
gines, do nol you render the land naked by
cutting dowi^trees that bear fruit, but spare
them, as considering that they were made for
the benefit of men; and that if they could
speak, they would have a just plea against you,
because, though they are not occasions of the
war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in
it; and would, if they were able, remove them-
selves into another land. When you have
beaten your enemies in battle, slay those that
have fought against you; but preserve the
others alive, that they may pay you tribute,
excepting the nation of the Canaanites; for aa
to that people, you must entirely destroy them

43.	Take care, especially in your battle*CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

125

that no yvoman use the habit of a man, nor
man the garment of a woman.

44.	This was the form of political govern-
ment which was left us by Moses. Moreover,
he had already delivered laws in writing,* in
fre fortieth year [after they came out of Egvpt],
concerning which we will discourse in another
book. But now on the following days (for he
called them to assemble continually) he deli-
vered blessings to them, and curses upon those
that should not live according to the laws, but
should transgress the duties that were deter-
mined for them to observe. After this, he
read to them a poetic song, which was com-
posed in hexameter verse; and left it to them
in the holy book: it contained a prediction of
what was to come to pass afterward; agreea-
bly whereto all things have happened all along,
and do still happen to us; and wherein he
has not at all deviated from the truth. Ac-
cordingly, he delivered these books to the
priests,f with the ark; into which he also put
the Ten Commandments, written on two ta-
bles. He delivered to them the tabernacle
also; and exhorted the people, that when they
had conquered the land, and were settled in
it, they should not forget the injuries of the
Amalekites, but make war against them, and
indict punishment upon them for what mis-
chief they did them when they were in the
wilderness; and'that, when they had got pos-
session of the land of the Canaanites, and
when they had destroyed the whole multitude
of its inhabitants, as they ought to do, they
should erect an altar that should face the ris-
ing sun, not far from the city of Shechem, be-
tween the two mountains, that of Gerizziin,
situate on the right hand, and that called
Ebal, on the left; and that the army should
be so divided, that six tribes should stand
upon each of the two mountains, and with
them the Levites and the priests. And that
first, those that were upon mount Gerizzim
should pray for the best blessings upon those
who were diligent about the worship of God,
and the observation of his laws, and who did
not reject what Moses had said to them; while
the other wished them all manner of happi-
ness also; and when these last put up the like
prayers, the former praised them. After this,
curses were denounced upon those that should
transgress those laws, they answering one ano-
ther alternately, by way of confirmation of
what had been said. Moses also wrote their
blessings and their curses, that they might
learn them 90 thoroughly, that they might
never be forgotten by length of time. And
when he was ready to die, he wrote these
blessings and curses upon the altar, on each
side of it;£ where he says also the people

* These laws seem to be those above mentioned, sect.
4, of this chapter.

4 What laws were now delivered to tbe priests, see
the note on Antiq. b. iii. chap. i. sect 7.

t Of the exact place where this altar was to be built,
whether nearer mount Gerizzim or mouDt Ebal, acoord-

stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt-
offerings; though after that day they never
offered upon it any other sacrifice, for it was
not lawful so to do. These are the constitu-
tions of Moses; and the Hebrew nation still
live according to them.

45.	On the next day, Moses called the peo-
ple together, with the women and children, to
a congregation, so as the very slaves were pre-
sent also, that they might engage themselves
to the observation of these laws by oath; and
that, duly considering the meaning of God in
them, they might not, either for favour of
their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or
indeed for any motive whatsoever, think any
thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and
so might transgress them; that in case any one
of their own blood, or any city, should at-
tempt to confound or dissolve their constitu-
tion of government, they should take venge-
ance upon them, both all in general, and each
person in particular; and when they had.con-
quered them, should overturn their city to the
very foundations, and, if possible, should not
leave the least footsteps of such madness: but
that if they were not able to take such venge-
ance, they should still demonstrate that what
was done was contrary to their wills. So the
multitude bound themselves by oath so to do.

46.	Moses taught them also by what means
their sacrifices might be the most acceptable
to God; and how they should go forth to war,
making use of the stones (in the high-priest’s
breast-plate) for their direction,jj as I have
before signified. Joshua also prophesied while
Moses was present. And when Moses had
recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the
preservation of the people, both in their wars
and in peace, and had composed them a body
of laws, and procured them an excellent form
of government, he foretold, as God had de-
clared to him, “ That if they transgressed
that institution for the worship of God, they
should experience the following miseries: —
Their land should be full of weapons of war
from their enemies, and their cities should be
overthrown, and their temples should be burnt;
that they should be sold for slaves, to such
men as would have no pity 011 them in their
afflictions; that they would then repent, when
that repentance would no way profit them un-
der their sufferings. “ Yet,” said he, “ will that
God who founded your nation, restore your
cities to your citizens, with their temple also
and you shall lose these advantages, not once
only, but often.”

ing to Josephus, see Essay on the Old Testament, p. 168

2 Ur. Bernard well observes here, bow unfortunate
this neglect of consulting tbe Urim was to Joshua him-
self in the case of tbe Gibeonites; who put a trick upon
him and ensnared him, together with tbe rest of the
Jewish rulers, with a solemn oath to preserve them, con-
trary to his commission to extirpate all tbe Canaanites,
root and branch; which oqtb he and tbe other rulers
never durst break. See Scripture Politics, p. 66,56, and
this snare they were brought into because they “did
not ask counsel at the mouth of the Lord.” Josh. ix, 14.126

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

47.	Now when Moses had encouraged Jo-
shua to lead out the army against the Ca-
naanites, by telling him that God would
assist him in all his undertakings, and baa
blessed the whole multitude, he said, “ Since
I am going to my forefathers, and God has
determined that this should he the day of my
departure to them, I return him thanks while
1 am still alive and present with you, for that
providence, he hath exercised over you, whi'th
hath not only delivered us from the miseries
we lay under, but hath bestowed a state of
prosperity upon us; as also, that he hath
assisted me in the pains I took, and in all the
contrivances I had in my care about you, in I
order to better your condition, and hath on all
occasions showed himself favourable to us; or
rather he it was who' first conducted our
a (Fairs, and brought them to a happy conclu-
sion, by making use of me as a vicarious
general under him, and as a minister in those
matters wherein he was willing to do you
good: on which account I think it proper to
bless that Divine Power which vvill take care
of you for the time to come, and this in order
to repay that dent which I owe him, and to
leave behind me a memorial that we are
obliged to worship and bouour him, and to
keep those laws whicn are the most excellent
gift, ot all those he hath already bestowed
upon us, or which, it he continue favourable
to us, he will bestow imon us hereafter. Cer-
tainly a human legislator is a terrible enemy
when his laws are affronted, and are made to
no purpose. And may vou never experience
that displeasure ot Goa which will be the con-
sequence of the neglect of these his laws, whicn
he, who is your Creator, hath given you!”

48.	When Moses had spoken thus at the
end of his life, and had foretold what would
befall to every one of their tribes* afterward,
with the addition of a blessing to them, the
multitude fell into tears, insomuch that even
the women, by beating their breasts, made
manifest the deep concern they had when he
was about to die. The children also la-
mented still more, as not able to contain theii
grief; and thereby' declared, that even at
their age they were sensible of his virtue ana
mighty deeds ; and truly there seemed to be
a strife betwixt the young and the old, who
should most grieve for him. The old grieved,
because they knew what a careful protector
they were to be deprived of, and so lamented
their future state ; but the young grieved, not
only fci that, but also because it so happened
that they were to be left by him before they
bad well tasted of his virtue. Now one may
make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and
lamentation of the multitude, from what hap-

* Since Josephus assures us here, as is most naturally
to be supposed, and as the Septuagint gives ihe text
(Lieut, xxxiii. (}), that Moses blessed every >ne of the
tribes of Israel, it is evident that Simeon was not omitted
in his copy, as it unhappily now is, both in uur Hebrew
and Samaritan copies-

pened to the legislator himself; for although
he was always persuaded that he ought not to
be cast down at the approach of death, since
the undergoing it was agreeable to the will of
God and the law of nature, yet what the peo-
ple did so overbore him, that he wept him-
self. Now as he went thence to the place
where he was to vanish out of their sight,
they all followed after him weeping; but
Moses beckoned with his hand to those that
were remote from him, and bade them stay
behind in quiet, while he exhorted those that
were near to him that they would not. render
his departure so lamentable. Whereupon they
thought they ought to grant him that favour,
to let him depart, according as he himself de-
sired; so they restrained themselves, though
weeping still towards one another. All those
who accompanied him were the senate, and
Eleazar the high-priest, and Joshua their com-
mander. Now as soon as they were come to
the mountain called Aburim (which is a very
high mountain, situate over against Jericho,
and one that affords, to such as are upon it,
a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent
land of Canaan), he dismissed the senate;
and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and
Joshua, and was still discoursing with them,
a cloud stood over him on the sudden, and he
disappeared in a certain valley, although he
wrote in the holy books that he died, which
was done out of fear, lest they should venture
to say that, because of his extraordinary vir-
tue, he went to God.

49.	Now Moses lived in all one hundred
and twenty years; a third part of which time,
abating one month, he was the people's ruler;
and he died on the last month of the year,
which is called by the Macedonians Dystrus,
but by us Adar, on the first day of the month.
He was one that exceeded all men that ever
were in understanding, and made the best use
of what that understanding suggested to him.
He had a very graceful way of speaking and
addressing himself to the multitude: and as
to his other qualifications, he had such a full
command of bis passions, as if he hardly had
any such in his soul, and only knew them by
their names, as rather perceiving them in other
men than in himself. He was also such a
general of an army as is seldom seen, as well
as such a prophet as was never known, and
this to such a degree, that whatsoever he pro-
nounced, you would think you heard the
voice of God himself. So the people mourn-
ed for him thirty days: nor did ever any
grief so deeply affect the Hebrews as did this
upon the death of Moses; nor were those
that had experienced his conduct the only
persons that desired him. but those also that
perused the laws he left behind him had a
strong desire after him, and by them ga-
thered the extraordinary virtue he was master
of. And this shall suffice for the declaration
of the manner of the death of Moses.127

BOOK V.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OP FOUR HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-SIX YXABIr

FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE DEATH OF ELL

CHAPTER L

HOW JOSHUA, THE COMMANDER OP THE HE-
BREWS, MADE WAR WITH THE C ANA ANITES,
AND OVERCAME THEM, AND DESTROYED
THEM, AND DIVIDED THEIR LAND BY LOT
TO THE TRIBES OF ISRAEL.

§ 1. When Moses was taken away from
among' men, in the manner already described,
nd when all the solemnities belonging to the
mourning for him were finished, and the sor-
ow for him was over, Joshua commanded
the multitude to get themselves ready for ar
expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho,
to discover what forces they had, and what
were their intentions; but he put his camp in
order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan
at a proper season. And calling to him the
rulers of the tribe of Reubel, and the gover-
nors of the tribe of Gad, and [the half trite
of] Manasseh, for half of this tribe had been
permitted to have their habitation in the coun-
try of the Amorites, which was the seventh
part of the land of Canaan,* he put them in
mind what they had promised Moses; and he
exhorted them that, for the sake of the care
that Moses had taken of them, who had never
been weary of taking pains for them, no not
when he was dying, and for the sake of the
public welfare, they would prepare themselves,
and readily perform what they had promised;
so he took fifty thousand of them who followed

* The Amorites were one of the seven nations of
Canaan Hence Reland is willing to suppose that Jo-
sephus did not here mean that their land beyond Jordan
was a seventh part of the whole land of Canaan, hut
meant the Amorites as a seventh nation. His reason is,
that Josephus, as well as our Bible, generally distinguish
the land beyond Jordan from the land of Canaan; nor
can it be denied, that in strictness they were different,
yet after two tribes and a half of the twelve tribes came
to inherit it, it might in a general way altogether be well
included under the land of Canaan, or Palestine, or Ju-
dea; of which we have a clear example here before us,
in Josephus, whose words evidently imply, that taking

the whole land of Cauaan. or- that inhabited by all the
and

I Jordan
the whol

id’s own map ot that country, although this
land beyond Jordan was so peculiarly fruitful, and good
tribes and a naif took notice

him, and he marched from Abila to Jordan,
sixty furlongs.

2. Now when he had pitched his camp, the
spies camo to him immediately, well acquaint-
ed with the whole state of the Canaanites;
for at first, before they were at all discovered,
they took a full view of the city of Jericho
without disturbance, and saw which parts of the
walls were strong, and which parts were other-
wise, and indeed insecure, and which of the
gates were so weak as might afford an entrance
to their army. No w those that met them took no
notice of them when they saw them, and sup-
posed they were only strangers, who used to
be very curious in observing every thing in
the city, and did not take them for enemies;
but at even they retired to a certain inn that
was near to the wall, whither they went to
eat their supper; which supper when they
had done, and were considering how to get
away, information was given to the king as
be was at supper, that there were some per-
sons come from the Hebrews’ camp to view
the city as spies, and that they were in the inn
kept by Rahab, and were very solicitous that
they might not be discovered. So he sent
immediately some to them, and commanded
to catch them, and bring them to him, that he
might examine them by torture, and learn
what their business was there. As soon as
Rahab understood that these messengers were
coming, she hid the spies under stalks of
flax, which were laid to dry on the top of her
house; and said to the messengers that were
sent by the king, that certain unknown stran-
gers had supped with her a little before sun-
setting, and were gone away, who might easily
be taken, if they were any terror to the city,
or likely to bring any.danger to the king. So
these messengers being thus deluded by the
woman,f and suspecting no imposition, went
their ways, without so much as searching the
inn; but they immediately pursued thorn

twelve tr.hes together, and parting it into seven parts,
as in 11

agre

to Reiand’s own map of that country, although this

the part beyond Jordan was in quantity of ground one
seventh part of the whole. And this well enough ;

fur pasturage, as the two
(Numb, xxxii 1, 4, 16), that it maintained about a tilth
part of the whole people.

+ ft plainly appears by the history of thaw eptea,
and the inn-keeper Rahab’s deception of the king of
Jericho’B messengers, by telling them what was falw. in
ies, and yet the grea
lod works in the Kev

jenge

order to save the lives of the spies, and yet the great
i and good works in

Testament (Heb. xi. 31; James ii. 25), as well_as by

co emendation of her laith and i

many other parallel examples, both in tbe OM Testa-128

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK Y.

along those roads which they most probably
supposed them to have gone, and those parti-
cularly which led to the river, but could hear
no tidings of them; so they left off the pains
of any farther pursuit. But when the tumult
was over, Rahab brought the men down, and
desired them as soon as they should have ob-
tained possession of the land of Canaan, when
it would be in their power to make her amends
for her preservation of them, to remember
what danger she had undergone for their sakes;
for that if she had been caught concealing
them, she could not have escaped a terrible
destruction, she and all her family with her,
and so bid them go home; and desired them
to swear to her to preserve her and her fami-
ly when they should take the city and destroy
all its inhabitants, as they had decreed to do;
for so far she said ehc bod been assured by
those divine miracles of which she had been
informed. So these spies acknowledged that
they owed her thanks for what she had done
already, and withal swore to requite her kind-
ness, not only in words, but in deeds; but
they gave her this advice, That when she
should perceive that the city was about to be
taken, she should put her goods, and all her
family, by way of security, in her inn, and to
hang but scarlet threads before her doors [or
windows], that the commander of the He-
brews might know her house, and take care to
do her no harm; for, said they, we will in-
form him of this matter, because of the con-
cern thou hast had to preserve us; but if any
one of thy family fall in the battle, do not
thou blame us; and we beseech that God, by
whom we have sworn, not then to be displeas-
ed with us, as though we had broken our
oaths. So these men, when they had made
this agreement, went away, letting themselves
down by a rope from the wall, and escaped,
and came and told their own people whatso-
ever they had done in their journey to this
city. Joshua also told Eleazar the high-
priest, and the senate, what the spies had
sworn to Rahab; who confirmed what had
been sworn-

3.	Now while Joshua, the commander, was
in fear about their passing over Jordan, for
the river ran with a strong current, and could
not be,passed over with bridges, for there ne-
ver had been bridges laid over it hitherto; and

ment and in Josephus, that the best men did uot then
Scruple to deceive fhoBe public enemies who might justly
be destroyed; as also might deceive ill men in onler to
save life, and deliver themselves from the tyranny of
their nniust oppressors, and this by telling direct false-

ir nniust oppressors, ana tms by te
ds; 1 mean, all this where no oath
m, otherwise they never dnrst
cedure. Nor was Josephns hims<
or practice, as I shall remark in the note on Ant. b.i
iv. s. 3; And observe, that 1 still call this woman Rahab,

boons; i mean, an mis wnerc no oatb was demon
them, otherwise they never dnrst venture on such

was Josephus himself of any other opinion
11 shall remark in the note on Ant. b.ix.ch

ig direct lalse-
s demanded of
i such a pro.
ther opinioi

tu tbis wo

an mn-ktfper, not a harlot; the whole history, b
our copies, and especially in Josephus, implying no
It was indeed so frequent a thing, that women wh
inn-keepers were also harlots, or maintainers of harlots,
that the word commonly used for real harlots was usu-
ally given them. See Dr. Bernard’s note here, and
Judfse xi 1) and Anliq. b. v. ah. vii. sect 8.

both in
o more.

while he suspected, that if he should attempt
to make a bridge, that their enemies would
not afford him time to perfect it, and lor fer-
ry-boats they had none,— God promised so to
dispose of the river, that they might pass over
it, and that by taking away the main part of
its waters. So Joshua, after two days, caused
the army and the whole multitude to pass over
in the manner following:—The priests went
first of all, having the ark with them; then
went the Levites bearing the tabernacle and the
vessels which belonged to the sacrifices; after
which the entire multitude followed, accord-
ing to their tribes, having their children and
their wives in the midst of them, as being a-
fraid for them, lest they should be borne away
by the stream. But as soon as the priests had
entered the river first, it appeared fordable,
the depth of the water being restrained, and
the sand appearing at the bottom, because the
current was neither so strong nor so swift as
to carry it away by its force; so they all passed
over the river without fear, finding it to be in
the very same state as God had foretold he
would put it in; but the priests stood still in
the midst of the river till the multitude should
be passed over, and should get to the shore in
safety; and when all were gone over, the
priests came out also, and permitted the cur-
rent to run freely as it used to do before.
Accordingly the river, as soon as the Hebrews
were come out of it, arose again presently, and
came to its own proper magnitude as before.

4.	So the Hebrews went on farther fifty
furlongs, and pitched their camp at the dis-
tance of ten furlongs from Jericho: but Jo-
shua built an altar of those stones which all
the heads of the tribes, at the command of the
prophet, had taken out of the deep, to be after-
wards a memorial of the division of the stream
of this river, and upon it offered sacrifice to
God; and in that place celebrated the pass-
over, and had great plenty of all the things
which they wanted hitherto; for they reaped
the corn of the Canaanites, which was now
ripe, and took other things as prey; for then
it was that their former food, which was man-
na, and of which they had eaten forty years,
failed them.

5.	Now while the Israelites did this, and the
Canaanites did not attack them, but kept
themselves quiet within their own walls, Jo-
shua resolved to besiege them; so on the first
day of the feast [of the passover], the priests
carried the ark round about, with some part
of the armed men to be a guard to it. These
priests went forward, blowing with their seven
trumpets; and exhorted the army to be of
good courage, and went round about the city,
with the senate following them; and when
the priests had only blown with the trumpets,
for they did nothing more at all, they return-
ed to the camp; and when they had done
this for six days, on the seventh Joshua ga-
thered the armed men, and all the people M*.CHAP. 1.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

129

gether, and told them the9e good tidings, That
the city should now be taken, since God
would on that day give it them, by the failing
down of the walls, and this of their own
accord, and without their labour. However,
he charged them to kill every one they should
take, and not to abstain from the slaughter
of their enemies, either for weariness or for
pity, and not to fall on the spoil, and be there-
by diverted from pursuing their enemies as
they ran away; but to destroy all the animals,
and to take nothing for their own peculiar ad-
vantage. He commanded them also to bring
together all the silver and gold, that it might
be set apart as first-fruits unto God out of this
glorious exploit, as having gotten them from
the city they first took; only that they should
save Rahab and her kindred alive, because of
the oath which the spies had sworn to her.

6.	When he had_said this, and had set his
army in order, he brought it against the city:
so they went round the city again, the ark
going before them, and the priests encouraging
the people to be zealous in the work; and
when they had gone round it seven times, and
had stood still a little, the wall fell down,
while no instruments of war, nor any other
force, was applied to it by the Hebrews.

7.	So they entered into Jericho, and slew
all the men that were therein, while they were
affrighted at the surprising overthrow of the
walls, and their courage was become useless,
and they were not able to defend themselves;
so they were slain, and their throats cut, some in
the ways, and others as caught in their houses,
— nothing afforded them assistance, but they
all perished, even to the women and the chil-
dren ; and the city was filled with dead
bodies, and not one person escaped. They

Iso burnt the whole city, and the country
about it; but they saved alive Rahab, with
her family, who had tied to her inn; and
when she was brought to him, Joshua owned
to her that they owed her thanks for her pre-
servation of the spies: so he said he would
not appear to be behind her in his benefaction
to her; whereupon he gave her certain lands
immediately, and had her in great esteem ever
afterwards.

8.	And if any part of the city escaped the
fire, he overthrew it from the foundation; and
he denounced a curse* against its inhabitants,

• Upon occasion of this devoting of
ruction, and the exemplary punishment
oke that cherem or anathema. and of I

stri
brol
of the futi

Jericho to de-
ent of Achar, who

it cherem or anathema, and of the punishment
ure breaker of it, Hiel (J Kings xvi. 34), as also
of the punishment of Saul, for breaking the like cherem

or anathema, against the Amalekiles (I Sam. xv), we
may observe what was the true meaning of that law
(l^ev. xxvii. 29): “ None devoted, wliioh shall be devoted
of men, shall be redeemed; but shall surely be put to
death,-" i.'e. whenever any of the Jews’ public enemies
bad been, for their wickedness, solemnly devoted to
destruction, according to the divine oommand, as were
generally the seven wicked nutions of Canaan, and
those sinners the Amalekites (I Sam. xv. 18), it was
utterly unlawful to permit those enemies to be redeemed;
but they were to be all utterly destroyed. See also
bum. xili. 9,3.

if any should desire to rebuild it: how, upon
his laying the foundation of the walls, he
should be deprived of his eldest son; and up-
on finishing it, he should lose his youngest
son. But what happened hereupon, we shall
speak of hereafter.

9.	Now there was an immense quantity of
silver and gold, and besides those of brass also,
that was heaped together out of the city when
it was taken, no one transgressing the decree,
nor purloining for their own peculiar advan-
tage; which spoils Joshua delivered to the
priests, to be laid up among their treasures.
And thus did Jericho perish.

10.	But there was one Achar,f the son [of
Charmi, the son] of Zebedias, of the tribe of
Judah, who, finding a royal garment woven
entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that
weighed two hundred shekels and thinking
it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by
running some hazard, had found, he must give
away, and offer it to God, who stood in no
need of it, while he that wanted it must go
without it, — made a deep ditch in his own
tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing
he should not only be concealed from his fel-
low-soldiers, but from God himself also.

11.	Now the place where Joshua pitched
his camp was called Gilgal, which denotes
liberty ;§ for since now they had passed over
Jordan, they looked on themselves as freed
from the miseries which they had undergone
from the Egyptians, and in the wilderness.

12.	Now, a few days after the calamity that
befell Jericho, Joshua sent three thousand
armed men to take Ai, a city situate above
Jericho; but, upon the sight of the people of
Ai, with them they were driven back, and lost
thirty-six of their men. When this was told
the Israelites, it made them very sad, and ex-
ceeding disconsolate, not so much because of
the relation the men that were destroyed bare
to them, though those that were destroyed
were all good men, and deserved their esteem,
as by the despair it occasioned; for while they
believed that they were already, in effect, in
possession of the land, and should bring back
the army out of the battles without loss, as
God had promised beforehand, they now saw
unexpectedly their enemies bold with success;

+ That the name of this chief was not Achan. as in
the common copies, but Achar, as here in Josephus,
and in the Apostolical Consiit. b. vii. chap. ii. aiul Hie.
where, is evident by the allusion to that name in the
curse of Joshua, ‘-Why hast thou troubled us? — tho
Lord shall trouble thee;” where the Hebrew words
allude only to the name Achar. but not to Achan. Ac-
cordingly. this Valley of Achar, or Achor, was and is a
knowu place, a little noith of Gilgal. so called from the
days of Joshua till this day See Josh vii. 26; Isa. !xr.
10; Hos.ii. Id; and l)r. Bernard’s notes here.

t Here Dr. Bernard very justly observes, that a few
words are dropped out of Josephus’s copies, on account
of the repetition of the word shekels; and that it ought
to be read thus:—A piece of gold that weighed Bfty
shekels, and one of silver that weighed two hundred
.shekels,” as in our other conies, Joshua vii. 21.

{ I agree here with Dr. Bernard, and approve of Jose-
phus’s interpretation of Gilgal for liberty. See Josh. v. 9130

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK Y.

bo they put sackcloth over their garments, and
continued in tears and lamentation all the day,
without the least inquiry after food, but laid
what had happened greatly to heart.

13.	When Joshua saw the army so much
afflicted, and possessed with forebodings of
evil as to their whole expedition, he used free-
dom with God, and said, “ We are not come
thus far out of any rashness of our own, as
though we thought ourselves able to subdue
this land with our own weapons, but at the
instigation of Moses thy servant for this pur-
pose, because thou hast promised us, by many
signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for
a possession, and that thou wouldst make our
army always superior in war to our enemies,
and accordingly some success has already at-
tended upon us agreeably to thy promises;
but because we have now unexpectedly been
foiled, and have lost some men out of our
army, we are grieved at it, as fearing what
thou bast promised us, and what Moses fore-
told us, cannot be depended on by us; and
our future expectation troubles us the more,
because we have met with such a disaster in
this our first attempt; but do thou, O Lord,
free us from these suspicions, for thou art
able to find a cure for these disorders, by giv-
ing us victory, which will both take away the
grief we are in at present, and prevent our
distrust as to what is to come.”

14.	These intercessions Joshua put up to
God, as he lay prostrate on bis face: where-
upon God answered him, That he should rise
up, and purify bis host from the pollution
that had got into it; that “ things conse-
crated to me have been impudently stolen from
me,” and that “ this has been the occasion
why this defeat had happened to them;” and
that when they should search out and punish
the offender, he would ever take care they
should have the victory over their enemies.
This Joshua told the people: and calling for
Eleazar the high-priest and the men in au-
thority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when
the lot showed that this wicked action was
done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then
again proposed the lot to the several families
thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked
action was found to belong to the family
of Zachar; and when the inquiry was made,
man by man they took Achar, who, upon
God’s reducing him to a terrible extremity,
could not deny the fact: so be confessed the
theft, and produced what he had taken in the
midst of them, whereupon he was immediately
put to death ; and attained no more than to
be buried in the night in a disgraceful man-
ner, and such as was suitable to a condemned
malefactor.

15.	When Joshua had thus purified the
host, lie led them against Ai: and having by
night laid an ambush round about the city,
he attacked the enemies as 60on as it was
day; but as they advanced boldly against the

Israelites, because of their former victory, he
made them believe he retired, and by that
means drew them a great way from the city,
they still supposing that they were pursuing
their enemies, and despised them, as tbovgh
the case had been the same with that in the
former battle; after which Joshua ordered his
forces to turn about, and placed them against
their front; he then made the signals agreed
upon to those that lay in ambush, and so ex-
cited them to fight; so they ran suddenly into
the city, the inhabitants being upon the walls,
nay, others of them being in perplexity, and
coming to see those that were without the
gates. Accordingly, these men took the city,
and slew all that they met with; but Joshua
forced those that came against him to come to
a close fight, and discomfited them, and made
them run away; and when they were driven
towards the city, and thought it had not been
touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and
perceived it was burnt, with their wives and
children, they wandered about in the fields in
a scattered condition, and were no way able
to defend themselves, because they had none
to support them. Now when this calamity was
come upon the men of Ai, there were a great
number of children, and women, and servants,
and an immense quantity of other furniture.
The Hebrews also took herds of cattle, and
a great deal of money, for this was a rich
country. So when Joshua came to Gilgal,
be divided all these spoils among the soldiers.

16.	But the Gibeonites, who inhabited very
near to Jerusalem, when they saw what mise-
ries had happened to the inhabitants of Jeri-
cho, and to those of Ai, and suspected that
the like sore calamity would come as far as
themselves, they did not think fit to ask for
mercy of Joshua; for they supposed they
should find little mercy from him, who made
war that he might entirely destroy the nation
of the Canaanites; but they invited the peo-
ple of Cepbirah and Kiriathjearim, who were
their neighbours, to join in league with them;
and told them, that neither could they them-
selves avoid the danger they were all in, if
the Israelites should prevent them, and seize
upon them; so when they had persuaded
them, they resolved to endeavour to escape
the forces of the Israelites. Accordingly,
upon their agreement to what they proposed,
they sent ambassadors to Joshua to make a
league of friendship with him, and those such
of the citizens as were best approved of, and
most capable of doing what was most ac'varr-
tageous to the multitude. Now these ambas-
sadors thought it dangerous to confess them-
selves to be Canaanites, but thought they
might, by this contrivance, avoid the danger,
namely, by saying that they bare no relation
to the Canaanites at all, but dwelt at a very
great distance from them : and they said fur-
ther, that they came a long way, on account
of the reputation he had gained for his virtualCHAP. T.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

and as a mark of the truth of what they said,
they showed him the habit they were in, for
that their clothes were new when they came
out, hut were greatly worn by the length of
time they had been on their journey; for in-
deed they took torn garments, on purpose
that they might make him believe so. So
they stood in the midst of the people, and
said that they were sent by the people of
Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which
were very remote from the land where they
nr.v were, to make such a league of friend-
ship with them, and this on such conditions
as were customary among their forefathers;
for when they understood that, by the favour
of God, and his gift to them, they were to
have the possession of the land of Canaan
bestowed upon them, they said that they were
very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted
into the number of their citizens. Thus did
these ambassadors speak; and showing them
the marks of their long journey, they entreat-
ed the Hebrews to make a league of friend-
ship with them. Accordingly Joshua, be-
lieving what they said, that they were not of
the nation of the Canaanites, entered into
friendship with them; and Eleazar the high-
priest, with the senate, sware to them that
they would esteem them their friends and as-
sociates, and would attempt nothing that
should be unfair against them, the multitude
also assenting to the oaths that were made to
them. So these men having obtained what
they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went
home: but when Joshua led his army to the
country at the bottom of the mountains of
this part of Canaan, he understood that the
Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem,
and that they were of the stock of the Ca-
naanites; so he sent for their governors, and
reproached them with the cheat they had put
upon him; but they alleged, on their own
behalf, that they had no other way to save
themselves but that, and were therefore forced
to have recourse to it. So he called for Ele-
azar the high-priest, and for the senate, who
thought it right to make them public servants,
that they might not break the oath they had
made to them; and they ordained them to be
so:—and this was the method by which these
men found safety and security under the
ralamity that was ready to overtake them.

17. But the king of Jerusalem took it to
heart that the Gibeonites had gone over to
Joshua; so he called upon the kings of the
neighbouring nations to join together, and
make war against them. Now when the Gib-
eonites saw these kings, which were four, be-
sides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived
that they had pitched their camp at a certain
fountain not far from their city, and were
getting ready for the siege of it, they called
upon Joshua to assist them; for such was their
case, as to expect to be destroyed by these
Canaanites, but to suppose they should be

saved by those that came for the destruc-
tion of the Canaanites, because of the league
of friendship that was between them. Ac-
cordingly, Joshua made haste, with his whole
army to assist them, and marching day and
night, in the morning he fell upon the ene-
mies as they were going up to the siege; and
when he had discomfited them he followed
them, and pursued them down the descent
of the hills. The place is called Beth-horon;
where he also understood that God assisted
him, which he declared by thunder and thun-
der-bolts, as also by the falling of hail larger
than usual. Moreover, it happened that the
day was lengthened,* that the night might
not come on too soon, and be an obstruction
to the zeal of the Hebrews in pursuing their
enemies; insomuch, that Joshua took the
kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at
Makkedab, and put them to death. Now,
that the day was lengthened at this time, and
was longer than ordinary, is expressed in the
books laid up in the temple.f

18. These kings which made war with, and
were ready to fight the Gibeonites, being
thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to
the mountainous parts of Canaan; and when
he had made a great slaughter of the people
there, and took their prey, he came to the
camp at Gilgal. And now there went a great
fame abroad among the neighbouring people,
of the courage of the Hebrews; and those that
heard what a number of men were destroyed,
were greatly affrighted at it; so the kings that
lived about mount Libanus, who were Ca-
naanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in
the plain country, with auxiliaries out of the
land of the Philistines, pitched their camp at
Berotb, a city of the Upper Galilee, not far
from Cadesh, which is itself also a place in
Galilee. Now the number of the whole ar-
my was three hundred thousand armed, foot-
men, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty
thousand chariots; so that the multitude of
the enemies affrighted both Joshua himself
and the Israelites; and they, instead of being

* Whether this lengthening of the day, by the stand-
ing still of the sun and moon, were physical and real, hy
the miracnlous stoppage of the diurnal motion of the
earth for about half a revolution, or whether only appa-
lent, by aerial phosphnri imitating the sun and moon os
stationary so long, while clouds and the night hid the real
ones, and this parhelion or mock sun affording sufficient
light for Joshua’s pursuit and complete victory (which
aerial phosphori in other shapes have been more than
ordinarily common of late years) cannot now be deter-
mined: philosophers and astronomers will naturally in-
cline to this latter hypothesis. In the mean time, the
fact itself was mentioned in the book of .lasher, now lost.
Josh. x.'13. and is confirmed by Isaiah (xxviii. 21). Ha-
bakkuk (iii 11), and by the son of Sirach (Eccltis. xIvl
4). In.the 18th Psalm of Solomon, ver. tiff. it is also said
of the luminaries, with relation, no doubt, to this and the
other miraculous standing still and going back, in the
days of Joshua and Hezekiah. “They have not wan-
dered, from the day that be created them; they have not
forsaken tbeir way from ancient generations, unless it
were when
■nand of bis

,en tbeir way Irom ancient generations, unless
when <;od enjoined them [so to do] by the con
I of bis servants.’’ See Authent. Rec part 1. p. 1&
+ Of the books laid up in tbe temple, see the note o
, chap. 1, sect.' 7.

Antic; b. iii. chap. 1, t132

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

full of hopes of good success, were supersti-
tiously timorous, with the great terror with
which they were stricken. Whereupon God
upbraided them with the fear they were in,
and asked them whether they desired a greater
help than he could afford them; and pro-
mised them that they should overcome their
enemies; and withal charged them to make
their enemies’ horses useless, and to burn their
chariots. So Joshua became full of courage
upon these promises of God, and went out
suddenly against the enemies; and after five
days’ march he came upon them, and joined
battle with them, and there was a terrible fight,
and such a number were slain as could not
be believed by those that heard it. He also
went on in the pursuit a great way, and de-
stroyed the entire army of the enemies, few
only excepted, and all the kings fell in the
battle ; insomuch, that when there wanted
men to be killed, Joshua slew their horses,
and burnt their chariots, and passed all over
their country without opposition, no one dar-
ing to meet him in battle; but be still went
on, taking their cities by siege, and again kill-
ing whatever he took.

19.	The fifth year was now past, and there
was not one of the Ganaanites remained any
longer, excepting some that had retired to
places of great strength. So Joshua removed
his camp to the mountainous country, and
placed the tabernacle in the city of Shiloh, for
that seemed a fit place for it, because of the
beauty of its situation, until such time as their
affairs would permit them to build a temple;
and from thence he went to Shechem, together
with all the people, and raised an altar where
Moses had beforehand directed ; then did be
divide the army, and placed one half of them
on mount Gerizzim, and the other half on
mount Ebal, on which mountain the altar
was;* he also placed there the tribe of Levi,
and the priests. And when they had sacri-
ficed, and denounced the [blessings and the]
yurses, and had left them engraven upon the
altar, they returned to Shiloh.

20.	And now Joshua was old, and saw that
the cities of the Canaanites were not easily to
be taken, not only because they were situate
in such strong places, but because of the
strength of the walls themselves, which being
built round about, the natural strength of the
places on which the cities stood, seemed ca-
pable of repelling their enemies from besieg-
ing them, and of making those enemies des-
pair of taking them; for when the Canaan-
ites bad learned that the Israelites came out
of Egypt in order to destroy them, they were
busy all that time in making their cities strong.
So he gathered the people together to a con-
gregation at Shiloh; and when they, with
great zeal and haste, were come thither, he
observed to them what prosperous successes

* Of the situation of this altar, see Essay op. the Old
Testament, p. 170, 171.

they ha d already had, and what glorious things
had been done, and those such as were worthy
of that God who enabled them to do those
things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws
which they followed. He took notice also,
that thirty-one ol those kings that \entuiud
to give them battle were overcome, and every
army, how great soever it were, that confided
in their own power, and fought with them,
was utterly destroyed; so that not so much
as any of their posterity remained; and as for
the cities, since some of them were taken, but
the others must be taken in length of time,
by long sieges, both on account of the strength
of their walls, and of the confidence the in-
habitants had in them thereby, he thought it
reasonable that those tribes that came along
with them from beyond Jordan, and had par-
taken of the dangers they had undergone, be-
ing their own kindred, should now be dis-
missed and sent home, and should have thanks
for the pains they had taken together with
them. As also, he thought it reasonable that
they should send one man out of every tribe,
and he such as had the testimony of extraor-
dinary virtue, who should measure the land
faithfully, and without any fallacy or deceit
should inform them of its real magnitude.

21.	Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken
to them, found that the multitude approved
of his proposal. So he sent men to measure
their country, and sent with them some geo-
metricians, who could not easily fait of know-
ing the truth, on account of their skill in that
art. He also gave them a charge to estimate
the measure of that part of the land that was
most fruitful, and what was not so good; for
such is the nature of the land of Canaan, that
one may see large plains, and such as are ex-
ceeding fit to produce fruit, which yet, if they
were compared to other parts of the country,
might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet if
it be compared with the fields about Jericho,
and to those that belong to Jerusalem, will
appear to be of no account at all; and al-
though it so falls out that these people have
but a very little of this sort of land, and that
it is, for the main, mountainous also, yet does
it not come behind other parts, on account
of its exceeding goodness and beauty; for
which reason Joshua thought the land for the
tribes should be divided by estimation of its
goodness, rather than the largeness of its mea-
sure, it often happening, that one acre of some
sort of land was equivalent to a thousand
other acres. Now the men that were sent,
which were in number ten, travelled all about,
and made an estimation of the land, and in
the seventh month came to him to the city of
Shiloh, where they had set up the tabernacle.

22.	So Joshua took both Eleazar and the
senate, and with them the heads of the tribes,
and distributed the land to the nine tribes,
and to the half tribe of Manasseh, appointing
the dimensions to be according to the large-CHAP. 1.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

133

ness of each tribe. So when he had cast lots,
Judah had assigned him by lot the upper part
of Judea, reaching as far as Jerusalem, and
its breadth extended to the Lake of Sodom.
Now in the lot of this tribe there were the
cities of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Si-
meon, which was the second, included that
part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt
and Arabia. As to the Benjamites, their lot
fell so, that its length reached from the river
Jordan to the sea; but in breadth it was
bounded by Jerusalem and Bethel; and this
lot was the narrowest of all, by reason of the
goodness of the land; for it included Jericho
and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of
Ephraim had by lot the land that extended in
length from the river Jordan to Gezer; but
in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended
at the Great Plain. The half-tribe of Man-
asseh had the land from Jordan to the city
Dora; but its breadth was at Bethshan, which
is now called Scythopolis; and after these
was Issachar, which had its limits in length,
Mount Carmel and the river, but its limit in
breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of
Zebulon’s lot included the land which lay as
far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that which
belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe
of Aser had that part which was called the
Valley, for such it was, and all that part which
lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce be-
longed to their share, which is also named
Actipus. The Naphthalites received the east-
ern parts, as far as the city of Damascus and
the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and
the Fountains of Jordan, which rise out of
that mountain ; that is, out of that part of it
whose limits belong to the neighbouring city
of Arce. The Danites’ lot included all that
part of the valley which respects the sun-set-
ting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora;
as also they had all Jamnia and Gath, from
Ekron to that mountain where the tribe of
Judah begins.

23.	After this manner did Joshua divide
the six nations that bear the name of the Sons
of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed
by the nine tribes and a half; for Mose9 had
prevented him, and had already distributed
the land of the Amorites, which itself was so
called also from one of the sons of Canaan,
to the two tribes and a half, as we have shown
already. But the parts about Sidon, as also
those that belonged to the Arkites, and the
Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet
regularly disposed of.

24.	But now was Joshua hindered by his
age from executing what he intended to do
(a9 did those that succeeded him in the go-
vernment, take little care of what was for the
advantage of the public); so he gave it in
charge to every tribe to leave no remainder
of the race of the Canaanites in the land that
had been divided to them by lot; that Moses
bad assured them beforehand, aid.they might

rest fully satisfied about it, that their own se-
curity and their observation of their own laws
depended wholly upon it. Moreover, be en-
joined them to give thirty-eight cities to the
Levites, for they had already received ten in
the country of the Amorites; and three of
these be assigned to those that fled from the
man-slayers, who were to inhabit there; for
he was very solicitous that nothing should be
neglected which Moses had ordained. These
cities were of the tribe of Judah, Hebron; of
that of Ephraim, Shechem ; and of that of
Naphthali, Cadesh, which is a place of the
Upper Galilee. He also distributed among
them the rest of the prey not yet distributed,
which was very great; whereby they had an
affluence of great riches, both all in general,
and every one in particular: and this of gold
and of vestments, and of other furniture,
besides a multitude of cattle, whose number
could not be told.

25.	After this was over, he gathered the
army together to a congregation, and spake
thus to those tribes that had their settlement
in the land of the Amorites, beyond Jordan,
— for fifty thousand of them had armed them-
selves, and had gone to the war along with
them: — “Since that God, who is the Father
and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now
given us this land for a possession, and pro-
mised to preserve us in the enjoyment of
it as our own for ever; and since you have
with alacrity offered yourselves to assist us
when we wanted that assistance on all occa-
sions, according to his command, it is but
just, now all our difficulties are over, that you
should be permitted to enjoy rest, and that we
should trespass on your alacrity to help us no
longer; that so, if we should again stand in
need of it, we may readily have it on any
future emergency, and not tire you out so
much now as may make you slower in assist-
ing us another time. We, therefore, return
you our thanks for the dangers you have un-
dergone with us, and we do it not at this time
only, but we shall always be thus disposed;
and be so good as to remember our friends,
and to preserve in mind what advantages we
have had from them; and how you have put
off the enjoyments of your own happiness for
our sakes, and have laboured for what we
have now, by the good-will ot God, obtained,
and resolved not to enjoy your own prosperity
till you had afforded us that assistance. How-
ever, you have, by joining your labour with
ours, gotten great plenty of riches, and will
carry home with you much prey, with gold
and silver, and, what is more than all these,
our good-will towards you, and a mind will,
ingly disposed to make a requital of your kind-
ness to us, in what case soever you shall de-
sire it, for you have not omitted any thing
which Moses beforehand required of you, nor
have you despised him because he was dead
and gone from you, so that there is nothing134

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

to diminish that gratitude which we owe to
you. We therefore dismiss you joyful to your
own inheritances; and we entreat you to sup-
pose, that there is no limit to be set to the in-
timate relation that is between us; and that
you will not imagine, because this river is in-
terposed between us, that you are of a differ-
ent race from us, and not Hebrews; for we
are all the posterity of Abraham, both we that
inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and
it is the same God that brought our forefathers
and yours into the world, whose worship and
form of government we are to take care of,
which he has ordained, and are most carefully
to observe; because, while you continue in
those laws, God will also show himself merci-
ful and assisting to you; but if you instate
the other nations, and forsake those laws, he
will reject your nation.” When Joshua had
spoken thus, and saluted them all, both those
in authority one by one, and the whole multi-
tude in common, he himself staid where he
was; but the people conducted those tribes
on their journey, and that not without tears in
their eyes; and indeed they hardly knew how
to part one from the other.

26. Now when the tribe of Reubel.and that
of Gad, and as many of the Manassites as
followed them, were passed over the river, they
built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a mon-
ument to posterity, and a sign of their relation
to those that should inhabit on the other side.
But when those on the other side heard that
those who had been dismissed had built an
altar, but did not hear with what intention they
built it, but supposed it to be by way of inno-
vation, and for the introduction of st range gods,
they did not incline to disbelieve it; but think-
ing this defamatory report, as if it were built
for divine worship, was credible, they appear-
ed in arms, as though they would avenge them-
selves on those that built the altar; and they
were about to pass over the river, and to pun-
ish them for their subversion of the laws of
their country; for they did not think it fit to
regard them on account of their kindred, or
the dignity of those that had given the occa-
sion, but to regard the will of God, and the
manner wherein he desired to be worshipped;
so these men put themselves in array for war.
But Joshua, and Eleazar the high-priest, and
the senate, restrained them; and persuaded
them first to make trial by words of their in-
tention, and afterwards, if they found that
their intention was evil, then only to proceed
to make war upon them. Accordingly, they
sent as ambassadors to them Phineas the son of
Eleazar, and ten more persons that were in
esteem among the Hebrews, to learn of them
what was in their mind when, upon passing
over the river, they had built an altar upon
its banks; and as soon as these ambassadors
were passed over, and were come to them, and
a congregation was assembled, Phineas stood
up and said, That the offence they had been

guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be
punished by words alone, or by them only tc
be amended for the future, yet that they Jid
not so look at the beinousness of their tra.is-
gression as to have recourse to arms, and to
a battle for their punishment immediately;
but that, on account of their kindred, and :,he
probability there was that they might be re-
claimed, they took this method of sending an
ambassage to them: “ That when we have
learned the true reasons by which you have
been moved to build this altar, we may nei-
ther seem to have been too rash in assaulting
you by our weapons of war, if it prove that
you made the altar for justifiable reasons, and
may then justly punish you if the accusation
prove true; for we can hardly suppose that
you, who have been acquainted with the will
of God, and have been hearers of those laws
which he himself hath given us, now you are
separated from us, and gone to that patrimony
of yours, which you, through the grace ot
God, and that providence which he exercises
over you, have obtained by lot, can forget him,
and can leave that ark and that altar which is
peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods
and imitate the wicked practices of the Ca-
naanites. Now this will appear to have been
a small crime if you repent now, and proceed
no farther in your madness, but pay a due
reverence to, and keep in mind the laws of
your country; but if you persist in your sins,
we will not grudge our pains to preserve our
laws; but we will pass over Jordan and de-
fend them, and defend God also, and shall
esteem of you as of men no way differing from
the Canaanites, but shall destroy you in the
like manner as we destroyed them; for do not
you imagine that, because you are got over
the river, you are got out of the reach of
God’s power; you are everywhere in places
that belong to him, and impossible it is to
overrun his power, and the punishment he
will bring on men thereby; but if you think
that your settlement here will be any obstruc-
tion to your conversion to what is good, no-
thing need hinder us from dividing the land
anew, and leaving this old land to be for'lhe
feeding of sheep; but you will do well to
return to your duty, and to leave off these
new crimes; and we beseech you, by your
children and wives, not to force us to punish
you. Take therefore such measures in this
assembly, as supposing that your own safety,
and the safety of those that are dearest to you,
is therein concerned, and believe that it is
better for you to be conquered by words, than
to continue in your purpose, and to experience
deeds and war therefore.”

27. When Phineas had discoursed thus,
the governors of the assembly, and the whole
multitude, began to make an apology for
themselves, concerning what they were ac-
cused of; and they said, That they neither
would depart from the relation they bare toCHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

T35

them, nor had they built the altar by way of
innovation; that they owned one and the
oime common God with all the Hebrews,
and that brazen altar which was before the
tabernacle, on which they would offer their
sacrifices; that as to the altar they had raised,
on account of which they were thus suspect-
ed, it was not built for worship, “ but that it
iright be a sign and a monument of our re-
lation to you for ever, and a necessary caution
+o us to act wisely, and to continue in the
Jaws of our country, but not a handle for
transgressing them, as you suspect: and let
God be our authentic witness, that this was
the occasion of our building this altar;
whence we beg you will have a better opinion
of us, and do not impute such a thing to us
as would render any of the posterity of Abra-
ham well worthy of perdition, in case they
attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are
different from our usual practices.”

28.	When they had made this answer, and
Phineas had commended them for it, he came
to Joshua and explained before the people
what answer they had received. Now Joshua
was glad that he was under no necessity of
setting them in array or of leading them to
shed blood, and make war against men of
their own kindred; and accordingly he offered
sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the
same. So Joshua after that dissolved this
great assembly of the people, and sent them
to their own inheritances, while he himself
lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year
after this, when he was very old, he sent for
those of the greatest dignity in the several
cities, with those in authority, and the senate,
and as many of the common people as could
be present; and when they were come he put
them in mind of all the benefits God had
bestowed on them, which could not but be a
great many, since from alow estate they were
advanced to so great a degree of glory and
plenty; and exhorted them to take notice of
the intentions of God, which had been so
gracious towards them; and told them that
the Deity would continue their friend by no-
thing ehe but their piety; and that it was
proper for him, now that he was about to de-
part out of this life, to leave such an admo-
nition to them; and he desired that they would
keep in memory this his exhortation to them.

29.	So Joshua, when he had thus dis-
coursed to them, died, havin^lived a hun-
dred and ten years; forty of which he lived
with Moses, in order to learn what might be
for his advantage afterwards. He also be-
eam? their commander after his death for
twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted
not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his iu-
fer.tions td the people, but very eminent on
both accounts. He was of great courage and
magnanimity in action and in dangers, and
ve-y sagacious in procuring the peace of the
people, and of great virtue at. all proper sea-

ns. He was buried in the city of Tiinnah,
of the tribe of Ephraim.* About the same
time died Eleazar the high-priest, leaving the
high-priesthood to his son Phineas. His mo-
nument also, and sepulchre, are in the city of
Gabatha.

CHAPTER II.

HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JOSHUA THEIR
COMMANDER, THE ISRAELITES TRANSGRESS-
ED THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY, AND EX-
PERIENCED GREAT AFFLICTIONS; AND WHEN
THERE WAS A SEDITION ARISEN, THE TRIBE
OF BENJAMIN WAS DESTROYED, EXCEPTING
ONLY SIX HUNDRED MEN.

§ 1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar,
Phineas prophesied,f that according to God’s
will they should commit the government to
the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should
destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then
the people were concerned to learn what was
the will of God. They also took to their as-
sistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this
condition, that when those that had been tribu-
tary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they
should do the like for the tribe of Simeon.

2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were
at this time in a flourishing condition, and
they expected the Israelites with a great army
at the city Rezek, having put the government
into the hands of Adonibezek, which name
denotes the Lord, of Bezek, for Adoni in the
Hebrew tongue signifies Lord. Now they
hoped to have been too hard for the Israel-
ites, because Joshua was dead; but when the
Israelites had joined battle with them, I mean
thr.- two tribes before mentioned, they fought
gloriously, and slew above ten thousand of
them, and put the rest to flight; and in the
pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his

* Since not only Procopius and Suidas, but an earlier
author, Moses Chorenensis (p. o2, 53), and perhaps from
his original author Mariba Catina, one as old as Alex-
ander the Great, sets down the famous inscription at
Tangier concerning the old Canaanites driven out of
Palestine by Joshua, take it here in that author’s own
words: “ We are those exiles that were governors of
the Canaanites. but have been driven away by Joshua
e robber, and are come to inhabit here.” See the note
there. Nor is it unworthy of our notice what Moses
Chorenensis adds (p. 53), and this upon a diligent ex-
amination, viz. that “one of those eminent men among
the Canaanites came at the same time into Armenia,
and founded the Genthunian family or tribe; and that
this was confirmed by the manners of the same family
or tribe, as being like those of the Canaanites.”

+ By pron/irsying, when spoken of a high-priest, Jose-
phus, both nere and frequently elsewhere, means no more
than consulting God by Urim. which the reader is still to
bear in mind upon all occasions. And if St. John, who
was contemporary with Josephus, and of the same coun-
try, made use of inis style, when he says that Caiaphas

being high-priest that year, prophesied- that Jesus should
die for that nation, and not for that nation only, but that
also he should gather together in one the children of God
tt were scattered abroad ” (xi. 51. 5*J1, he may possibly
:an, that this was revealed to the hign-priest by an ex-
ordii

also he should
that were scat

mean, that this was revealed to the high-priest by ai
traordinnry voice from between the cherubims, when he

:]

im.

above, in the note on Antiq. b. iii. chap. viii. secf. 9.

iary -

had bis breast-plate, or Urim and Thummim, on before;
or in the most holy place of the temple, which was no
other than the oracle of Urim and Thummim. Of which136

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

fingers and toes were cut off by them, said,
“ Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie con-
cealed from God, as I find by what I now
endure, while I have not been ashamed to do
the same to seventy-two kings.”* So they
carried him alive as far as Jerusalem; and
when he was dead, they buried him in the
earth, and went on still in taking the cities:
and when they had taken the greatest part of
them, they besieged Jerusalem j and when they
had taken the lower city, which was not un-
der a considerable time, they slew all the inha-
bitants ; but the upper city was not to be taken
without great difficulty, through the strength
of its walls, and the nature of the place.

3.	For which reason they removed their
camp to Hebron; and when they had taken it,
they slew all the inhabitants. There were
till then left the race of giants, who had bo-
dies so large, and countenances so entirely
different from other men, that they were sur-
prising to the sight, and terrible to the hear-
ing. The bones of these men are still shown
to this very day, unlike to any credible rela-
tions of other men. Now they gave this
city to the Levites as an extraordinary re-
ward, with the suburbs of two thousand
cities; but the land thereto belonging they
gave as a free gift to Caleb, according to the
injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of
the spies which Moses sent into the land of
Canaan. They also gave land for habitation
to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who
was the father-in-law to Moses; for they had
left their own countrj, and followed them, and
accompanied them in vbe wilderness.

4.	Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon
took the cities which were in the mountainous

* This qreat number of seventy-two reguli, or small
kings, over whom Adonibezsk l.vx tyrannized, and for
which he was punished according to the lex talionis. as
well as the thirty-one kings of Can.vxn subdued hy Jo-
shua, and named in one chapter posh. rii), and thirty-
two kings, or royal auxiliaries to IlcnluvIaJ king of
Syria (1 Kings XX I; Antiq b. viii.chap. wiv reex. 1),

tiq h. vm. chap, wiv

inlimaie to us what was the ancient fores of gn^ern-
I
5

able.

tainly the form of ecclesiastical

part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod,
of those that lay near the sea; but Gaza and
Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a flat
country, and having a great number of cha-
riots, sorely galled those that attacked them:
so these tribes, when they were grown very
rich by this war-, retired to their own cities,
and laid aside their weapons of war.

5.	But the Benjamites, to whom belonged
Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants to pay
tribute. So they all left off, the one to kill,
and the other to expose themselves to danger
and had time to cultivate the ground. Thd
rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin,
and did the same; and, contenting themselves
with the tributes that were paid them, per-
mitted the Canaanites to live in peace.

6.	However, the tribe of Ephraim, when
they besieged Bethel, made no advance, nor
performed any thing worthy of the time they
spent, and of the pains they took about that
siege; yet did they persist in it, still sitting
down before the city, though they endured great
trouble thereby: but, after some time, they
caught one of the citizens that came to them
to get necessaries, and they gave him some
assurances, that if he would deliver up the
city to them, they would preserve him and his
kindred; so he sware that, upon those terms,
he would put the city into their hands. Ac-
cordingly, be that thus betrayed the city was
preserved with his family; and the Israelites
slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city
for themselves.

7.	After this, the Israelites grew effeminate
as to fighting any more against their enemies,
but applied themselves to the cultivation of
the land, which producing them great plenty
and riches, they neglected the regular dispo-
sition of their settlement, and indulged them-
selves in luxury and pleasures; nor were they
any longer careful to hear the laws that be-
longed to their political government: where-
upon God was provoked to anger, and put

I them in mind, first, how, contrary to his di-
rections, they had spared the Canaanites; and.

8<

mt-nt among several nations before the monarchies be-
gan. viz. that every city or large town, with its r.-iifl.

bunting villages, was a distinct government by itself;,	•■“'•j	me vtinoomicij, aim,

whiclt is the more remarkable, because this was cet I after that, how those Canaanites, as OpportU-

hout t.it lsri,eiiteSi though they were in heaviness

settled hy the apostles, and preserv^Xm.^out ^The I	USed them ^ barha«-OUsly

Christian church in the first apes of Christianity. Mr.

Addison 19 of opinion, that it would eertninlj be for
the pood of mankind to have all the mighty empires
and monarchies of the world cantoned out into petty
states and princlpi.lities. which, like so many large faiui-

But

id pnncipitjmes. wnicn. like so many
lies, might He under the observation of their
governors, so that the care of the prince might
itself to every individual person under his protection.*

proper

extend

*ry individual per

though he despairs of such a scheme beiii
about, and thinks that if it were,

Remarks on Italy. 4

that the Armenian records,

stroyed ” Remarks
e of
ry H

ancientest heroes or

stroyed” Remarks on Italy. 4to. p.
unfit to be observed here, that the Ar

■ing brought
nickly be de-

Nor is it

re, it would qu
Italy. 4to. p. 151
re,

though they give us the history of ihiity-nine of their
ancientest heroes or govt
the daysjjl ^arnanapalus. had no proi

ernors after the f lood, before
a pains, had no proper king til] the
foriitfh' Pararns See Moses Chorenensis. p. 65. And

. . - s. p.

that Almighty G"d does not approve ot such absolute
and tyrannical monarches, any one may learn that
iv»ds Ik-ur xvii 14—JO. and I Sam viii. ]—12; al-

and tyranu

one may learn that

niona'ch es, any

14—JO. and I............. ...F

though if such kings are set up as own him tor their

supreme king, and aim to govern according
be hath admitted of them, and protected tin
subjects in all generations.

to his laws,
em and their

at these admonitions from God, yet were they
still ver) unwilling to go to war; and since
they got large tributes from the Canaanites,
and were indiroo*>ed for taking pains by their
luxury, they jpifer.’d their aristocracy to be
corrupted also, and <114 not ordain themselves a
senate, nor any other sect magistrates as their
laws had formerly return'd, but they were
very much given to cultivj+ing their fields,
in order to get wealth; which great indolence
of theirs brought a terrible r^dition upon
them, and they proceeded so far ax to fight one
against another, from the following occasion:

8. There was a Levite,* a man '•f vul-

* Josephus’s eariy date of this history, x tho
beginning of the Judges, or when there was no aiup ^CHAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

137

gar family, that belonged to the tribe of Eph-
raim, and dwelt therein: this man married a
wife from Bethlehem, which is a place uelong-
ing to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very
fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty;
but he was unhappy in this, that he did not
ifleet with the like return of affection from
her, for she was averse to him, which did more
in dame his passion for her, so that they quar-
relled one with another perpetually; and at
last the woman was so disgusted at these quar-
rels, that she left her husband, and went to
her parents in the fourth month. The hus-
band being very uneasy at this her departure,
and that out of his fondness for her, came to
his father and mother-in-law, and made up
their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, and
lived with them there four days, as being
kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth
day he resolved to go home, and went away
in the evening; for his wife’s parents were
loth to part with their daughter, and delayed
the time till the day was gone. Now they
had one servant that followed them, and an
ass on which the woman rode; and when they
were near Jerusalem, having gone already
thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to
take up their lodgings somew'here, lest some
misfortune should befall them if they travelled
in the night, especially since they were not
far off enemies, that season often giving' rea-
son for suspicion of dangers from even such
as are friends; but the husband was not pleas-
ed with this advice, nor was he willing to take
up his lodging among strangers, for the city
belonged to the Canaanites, but desired ra-
ther to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to
take their lodgings in some Israelite city.
Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and
came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, when it was just dark; and while no
one that lived in the market-place invited him
to lodge with him, there came an old man
out of the field, one that was indeed of the
tribe of Ephraim, but resided in Gibeah, and
met him, and asked him who he was, and for
what reason he came thither so late, and why
he was looking out for provisions for supper
when it was dark? To which he replied, that
be was a Levite, and was bringing his wife
from her parents, and was going home; but
he told him his habitation was in the tribe of
Ephraim; so the old man, as well because of
their kindred as because they lived in the same
tribe, and also because they had thus acci-
dentally met together, took him in to lodge
with him. Now certain young men of the
inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman
in the market-place, and admiring her beauty,

Israel (Judges xix. 1), is strongly confirmed by the large
number of Menjamiles, both in the days of Asa and .le-
hosliapliat (2 Cliron. xiv. 8; and xvi. 17), who yet were
here reduced to six hundred men; nor can those num-
bers be at all supposed genuine, if they were reduced so
late as '.be end of the Judges, where our other copies
place this reduction.

when they understood that she lodged vtitL
the old man, came to the doors, as conlei.t.iii;^
the weakness and fewness of the old u.a.: r
family; and when the old man desired Ultra
to go away, and not to offer any violence ot
abuse there, they desired him to yield them
up the strange woman, and then be should
have no hatm done to him: and when the old
man alleged that the Levite was of his kin-
dred, and that they would be guilty of horrid
wickedness if they suffered themselves to be
overcome by their pleasures, and so offend
against their laws, they despised bis righteous
admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They
also threatened to kill him if he became an
obstacle to their inclinations; whereupon,
when he found himself in great distress, and
yet was not willing to overlook his guests,
and see them abused, he produced his own
daughter to them; and told them that it was
a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their
lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, sup-
posing that he himself should by this means
prevent any injury to he done to those guests.
When they no way abated of their earnestness
for the strange woman, hut insisted absolutely
on their desires to have her, he entreated them
not to perpetrate any such act of injustice;
hut. they proceeded to take her away by force,
anil indulging still more the violence of their
inclinations, they took the woman away to
their house, and w'hen they had satisfied their
lust upon her the whole night, they let her go
about day-break. So she came to the place
where she had been entertained, under great
affliction at w'hat had happened; and was very
sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suf-
fered, and durst not look her husband in the
face for shame, for she concluded that he
would never forgive her for what she had
done; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost:
but her husband supposed that his wife was
only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a
more melancholy nature had happened, endea-
voured to raise her up, resol ving to speak com-
fortably to her, since she did not voluntarily
expose herself to these men’s lust, but was
forced away to their house; but as soon as he
perceived she was dead, he acted as prudently
as the greatness of his misfortunes would ad-
mit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast,
and carried her home; and cutting her, limb
by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to
every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that
carried them, to inform the tribes of those
that were the causes of his wife’s death, ami
of the violence they had offered to her.

9. Upon this the people were greatly dis-
turbed at what they saw, and at what they
heard, as never having had the experience of
such a thing before; so they gathered them-
selves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious and a
just anger, and assembling in a great congre-
gation before the tabernacle, they immediate-
ly resolved to take arms, and to treat the in-ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

138

habitants of Gibeah as enemies; but the se-
nate restrained them from doing so, and per-
suaded them, that they ought not so hastily
to make war upon people of the same nation
wiih them, before they discoursed them by
words concerning the accusation laid against
them; it being part of their law, that they
should not bring an army against foreigners
themselves, when they appear to have been
injurious, without sending an ambassage first,
and trying thereby whether they will repent
or not: and accordingly they exhorted them
to do what they ought to do in obedience
to their laws, that is to send to the inha-
bitants of Gibeah, to know whether they
would deliver up the offenders to them, and,
if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with
the punishment of those offenders; but if
they despised the message that was sent them,
to punish them, by taking up arms against
them. Accordingly they sent to the inhabi-
tants of Gibeah, and accused the young men
of the crimes committed in the affair of the
Levite’s wife, and required of them those
that had done what was contrary to the law,
that they might be punished, as having justly
deserved to die for what they had done; but
the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver
up the young men, and thought it too reproach-
ful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to
other men’s demands upon them; vaunting
themselves to be no way inferior to any in war,
neither in number nor in courage. The rest
of their tribe were also making great prepa-
ration for war, for they were so insolently
mad as also to resolve to repel force by force.

10.	When it was related to the Israelites
what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved
upon, they took their oath that no one of them
would give his daughter in marriage to a Ben-
jamite, but make war with greater fury against
them than we have learned our forefathers
made war qgainst the Canaanites; and sent
out presently an army of four hundred thou-
sand against them, while the Benjamitcs’ army
was twenty-five thousand and six hundred;
five hundred of whom were excellent at sling-
ing stones with their left hands, insomuch that
when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Ben-
jamites beat the Israelites, and of them there
fell two thousand men; and probably more
had been destroyed had not the night come on
and prevented it, and broken off the fight; so
the Benjamites returned to the city with joy,
and the Israelites returned to their camp in a
great fright at what had happened. On the
next day, when they fought again, the Ben-
jamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of
the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted
their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter.
So they came to Bethel,* a city that was near

• Josephus serins here tc have made a small mistake,
when he lock the Hebrew word Drill-El. which denotes
the House uj Uort, or the labn liable, Judg. xx. IS. for
the proper name of a place, Bethel, it no way appearing

their camp, and fasted on the next day; and
besought God, by Phineas the high-priest,
that his wrath against them might cease, and
that he would be satisfied with these two
. defeats, and give them the victory and power
over their enemies. Accordingly, God pro-
mised them so to do, by the prophesying of
Phineas.

11.	When therefore they had divided the
army into two parts, they laid the one half of
them in ambush about the city Gibeah, by
night, while the other half attacked the Ben-
jamites, who retiring upon the assault, the
Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews
retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to
draw them entirely from the city; and the
other followed them as they retired, till both
the old men and the young men that were
left in the city, as too weak to fight, came
running out together with them, as willing to
bring their enemies under. However, when
they were a great way from the city, the He-
brews ran away no longer, but turned back
to fight them, and lifted up the signal they
had agreed on to those that lay in ambush,
who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon
the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they per-
ceived themselves to be deceived, they knew
not what to do; and when they were driven
into a certain hollow place which was in a val-
ley, they were shot at by those that encom-
passed them, till they were all destroyed, ex-
cepting six hundred, which formed themselves
into a close body of .men, and forced their
passage through the midst of their enemies,
and lied to the neighbouring mountains, and,
seizing upon them, remained there; but the
rest of them, being about twenty-five thou-
sand, were slain. Then did the Israelites
burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the
males that were under age; and did the same
also to the other cities of the Benjamites;—
and, indeed, they were enraged to that de-
gree, that they sent twelve thousand men out
of the army, and gave them orders to destroy
Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with
them in fighting against the Benjamites. Ac-
cordingly, those that were sent slew the men
of war, with their children and wives, except-
ing four hundred virgins. To such a degree
had they proceeded in their anger, because
they not only had the suffering of the Le-
vite’s wife to avenge, but the slaughter of
their own soldiers.

12.	However, they afterward were sorry
for the calamity they had brought upon the
Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that ac-
count, although they supposed those men had
suffered justly for their offence against the
laws; so they recalled by their ambassadors
those six hundred which had escaped. These
bad seated themselves on a certain rock called

that the tahernacle was ever at Bethel; only so far it is
Irue, that Shiloh, the place of the tabernacle in tJ\*j days
of the Judges, was net far from Bethel.CHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

139

Rimmon, which was in the wilderness. So the
ambassadors lamented not only the disaster
that had befallen the Benjamites, but them-
selves also, by this destruction of their kin-
dred ; and persuaded them to take it patiently,
and to come and unite with tbem, and not, so
far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the
utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and
said to them, “ We give you leave to take the
whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as
much prey as you are able to carry away with
yju.” So these men with sorrow confessed,
that what had been done was according to the
decree of God, and had happened for their
own wickedness; and assented to those that
invited them, and came down to their own
tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four
hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives;
but as to the remaining two hundred, they
deliberated about it how they might compass
wives enough for them, and that they might
have children by them; and whereas they had,
before the war began, taken an oath, that no
one would give his daughter to wife to a Ben-
jamite, some advised them to have no regard
to what they had sworn, because the oath had
not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but
in a passion, and thought that they should do
nothing against God, if they were able to save
a whole tribe which was in danger of perish-
ing;, and that perjury was then a sad and
dangerous thing, not when it is done out of
necessity, but when it is done with a wicked
intention. But when the senate were affright-
ed at the very name of perjury, a certain per-
son told them that he could show them a way
whereby they might procure the Benjamites
wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They
asked him what his proposal was. He said,
That three times in a year, when we meet
in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters ac-
company us: let then the Benjamites be al-
lowed to steal away, and marry such women
as they can catch, while we will neither in-
cite them nor forbid them; and when their
parents take it ill, and desire us to inflict
punishment upon them, we will tell them, that
they were themselves the cause of what had
happened, by neglecting to guard their daugh-
ters, and that they ought not to be over-
angry at the Benjamites, since that anger was
permitted to rise too high already.” So the
Israelites were persuaded to follow this ad-
vice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should
be allowed thus to steal themselves wives.
So when the festival was coming on, these
two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush be-
fore the city, by two and three together, and
waited for the coming of the virgins* in the
vineyards and other places where they could
lie concealed. Accordingly the virgins came
along playing, and suspected nothing of what
was coining upon them, and walked after an
unguarded manner, so those that lay scattered
in the road, rose up, and caught hold

them: by this means these Benjamites got
them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took
good care to recover their former happy state.
And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites,
after they had been in danger of entirely pe-
rishing, saved in the manner fore-mentioned,
by the wisdom of the Israelites: and accord-
ingly it presently flourished, and soon in-
creased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy
all other degrees of happiness. And such was
the conclusion of this war.

CHAPTER III.

HOW THE ISRAELITES AFTER THIS MISFOR-
TUNE GREW WICKED, AND SERVED THE
ASSYRIANS ; AND HOW GOD DELIVERED
THEM BY OTHNIEL, WHO RULED OVER
THEM FORTY YEARS.

§ 1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan
suffered in like manner with the tribe of Ben-
jamin ; and it came to do so on the occasion
following:—When the Israelites had already
left off the exercise of their arms for war, and
were intent upon their husbandry, the Ca-
naanites despised them, and brought together
an army, not because they expected to suffer
by them, but because they had a mind to
have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews
ill when they pleased, and might thereby for
the time to come dwell in their own cities the
more securely; they prepared therefore their
chariots, and gathered their soldiery together,
their cities also combined together, and drew
over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were
within the tribe of Judah, and many more of
those that lay in the plain. They also forced
the Danites to fly into the mountainous coun-
try, and left, them not the least portion of the
plain country to set their foot on. Since then
these Danites were not able to fight them,
and had not land enough to sustain them,
they sent five of their men into the midland
country to see for a land to which they might
remove their habitation. So these men went
as far as" the neighbourhood of mount Liba-
nus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan,
at the great plain of Sidon, a day’s journey
from the city; and when they had taken a
view of the land, and found it to be good and
exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe
with it, whereupon they made an expedition
with the army, and built there the city Dan,
of the same name with the son of Jacob, and
of the same name with their own tribe.

2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and
unready of taking pains, that misfortunes
came heavier upon them, which also proceed-
ed in part from their contempt of the divine
worship; for when they had once fallen off
from the regularity of their political govern-
ment, they indulged themselves farther in liv-
ing according to their own pleasure, and ac-
of cording to their own will, till they were full140	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK V.

nf fbe evil doings that were common among
the Oanaanites. God therefore was angry
vWb them, and they lost that their happy state
which they had obtained by innumerable la-
bours, by their luxury; for when Chushan,
kiv.g of the Assyrians, had made war against
t!i“in, they lost many of their soldiers in- the
b;it tie, and when they were besieged, they
were taken by force; nay, there were some,
w ho, out of fear, voluntarily submitted to him,
and though the tribute laid upon them was
more than they could bear, yet did they pay
it, and underwent all sort of oppression for
eight years; after which time they were freed
from them in the following manner:—

3. There was one whose name was Othniel,
the son of Kenaz, of the tribe of Judah, an
active man and of great courage. He had
an admonition from God, not to overlook the
Israelites in such a distress as they were now
in, but to endeavour boldly to gain them their
liberty; so when he had procured some to as-
sist him in this dangerous undertaking (and
few they were, who, either out of shame at
their present circumstances, or out of a desire
of changing them, could be prevailed on to
assist him), he first of all destroyed that gar-
rison which Chushan had set over them; but
when it was perceived that he had not failed
in his first attempt, more of the people came
to his assistance; so they joined battle with
the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before
them, and compelled them to pass over Eu-
phrates. Hereupon Othniel, who had given
srch proofs of his valour, received from the
multitude authority to judge the people: and
wl en he had ruled over them forty years, he
died.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW OUR PEOPLE SERVED THE MOABITES EIGH-
TEEN YEARS, AND WERE THEN DELIVERED
FROM SLAVERY BY ONE EHUD, WHO RETAIN-
ED THE DOMINION EIGHTY YEARS.

§ 1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of
the Israelites fell again into disorder: and
while they neither paid to God the honour
due to him, nor were obedient to the laws,
their afflictions increased, till Eglon, king of
th? Moabites, did so greatly despise them on
account of the disorders of their political go-
vt mment, that he made war upon them, and
overcame them in several battles, and made
the most courageous to submit, and entirely
subdued their army, and ordered them to pay
hiT tribute. And when he had built him a
royal palace at Jericho,* he omitted no me-

« It appears by the sacred history (Jude. I. 16; iii
13V that Eglon’s pavilion or palace was at the city of
Palm-Trees, as the place where Jericho bad stood is
called aft?' its destruction by Joshua, that is, at or near

thpd whereby he might distress them; and in-
deed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen
years. But when God had once taken pity
of the Israelites, on account of their afflic-
tions, and was moved to compassion by their
supplications put up to him, he freed them
from the hard usage they had met with under
the Moabites. This liberty he procured for
them in the following maimer:—

2.	There was a young man of the tribe of
Benjamin, whose name was Ebud, the son of
Gera, a man of very great courage in bold
undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit
for hard labour, but best skilled in using his
left hand, in which was his whole strength;
and he also dwelt at Jericho. Now this
man became familiar with Eglon, and that by
means of presents, with which he obtained his
favour, and insinuated himself into his good
opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those
that were about the king. Now, when on a
time he was bringing presents to the king,
and had two servants with him, he put a dag-
ger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to
him: it was then summer time, and the mid-
dle of the day, when the guards were not
strictly on their watch, both because of the
heat, and because they were gone to dinner.
So the young man, when he had offered his
presents to the king, who then resided in a
small parlour that stood conveniently to avoid
the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they
were now alone, the king having bid his ser-
vants that attended him to go their ways, be-
cause he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was
now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon
Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not
give him a deadly wound; so he raised him-
self up, and said he had a dream to impart to
him by the command of God; upon which
the king leaped out of his throne for joy of
the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart,
and, leaving his dagger in his body, he went
out and shut the door after him. Now tho
king’s servants were very still, as supposing
that the king had composed himself to sleep.

3.	Hereupon Ehud informed the people of
Jericho privately of what he had done, and
exhorted them to recover their liberty, who
heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and
sent messengers over the country, that should
sound trumpets of rams’ horns; for it was our
custom to call the people together by them.
Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of
what misfortune had befallen him for a great
while; but, towards the evening, fearing some
uncommon accident had happened, they en-
tered into his parlour, and when they found
him dead, they were in great disorder, and

the demolished city. Accordingly Josephus says it was
at Jericho, or rather in that One country of palm-trees,
upon, or near to. the same spot of ground on which Je-
richo bad formerly stood, and on which it was rebuilt
by Hiel, 1 Kings, xvi. 34. Our other copies that avoid
its proper name Jericho, and call it the city of Palm-
Trees only, speak here more accurately than Josephns.CHAP. V

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

knew not what to do; and before the guards
could be got together, the multitude of the
Israelites came upon them, so that some of
them were slain immediately, and some were
put to flight, and ran away toward the coun-
try of Moab, in order to save themselves.
Their number was above ten thousand. The
Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and
pursued them, and slew them, and many of
them they killed at the ford, nor did one of
them escape out of their hands; and by this
means it was that the Hebrews freed them-
selves from slavery, under the Moabites.
Ehud also was on this account dignified with
the government over all the multitude, and
died after he had held the government eighty
years.* He was a man worthy of commen-
dation, even besides what he deserved for the
forementioned act of his. After him Sham-
gar, the son of Anath, was elected for their
governor, but died in the first year of his
government.

CHAPTER V.

HOW THE CANAANITES BROUGHT THE ISRAEL-
ITES UNDER SLAVERY FOR TWENTY YEARS ;
AFTER WHICH THEY WERE DELIVERED BY
BARAK AND DEBORAH, WHO RULED OVER
THEM FOR FORTY YEARS.

§ 1. And now it was that the Israelites, tak-
ing no warning by their former misfortunes
to amend their manners, and neither worship-
ping God nor submitting to the laws, were
brought under slavery by Jabin the king of
the Canaanites, and that before they bad a
short breathing time after the slavery under
the Moabites; for this Jabin came out of
Hazor, a city that was situate over the lake
Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred
thousand foot-men, and ten thousand horse-
men, with no fewer than three thousand cha-
riots. Sisera was the commander of all his
army, and was the principal person in the
king's favour. He so sorely beat the Israel-
ite3 when they fought with him, that he or-
dered theig to pay tribute.

2.	So they continued to undergo that hard-
ship for twenty years, as not good enough of
themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes.
God was willing also hereby the more to sub-

overnment of F.htid
numbers between
mple, of five htin-
hundred and twelve years,
but not to tlie smallest number of four hundred and

141

• These eighty years for the governmei
e necessary to Josephus’s usual large numb
e exodus and the building of the temple, <
ninety-two, or six

are

the exodu

dred and ninety-two,
nail

eighty years (1 Kings vi. 1); which lesser number Jo-
to have folio'
hapter,

ere was hardly a breathin'.' '

Israelites before Jabin came and enslaved tin*

sepluis seems sometimes to have followed. And since
in the beginning of the next chapter, it is said hy Jo-
" r a breathi

highly probable ihat some o! tlu* copies In his Mine had
heie only eight years instead of eighty; as bad ^th;it of
rbeophilns of Antioch, Ad Autolyc. 1. iii, and this most
probably from bis copy ot Josaphus.

time for the
rai,

ies in his time Had

due their obstinacy and ingratitude towards
himself: so when at length they were become
penitent, and were so wise as to learn that
their calamities arose from their contempt of
the laws, they besought Deborah, a certain
prophetess among them (which name in the
Hebrew tongue signifies a See), to pray to God
to take pity on them, and not to overlook
them, now they were ruined by the Canaan-
ites. So God granted them deliverance, and
chose them a general, Barak, one that was of
the tribe of Nuphtali. Now Barak, in the
Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning.

3.	So Deborah sent for Barak, and hade
him choose out ten thousand young men to go
against the enemy, because God had said that
that number was sufficient, and promised them
victory. But when Barak said that he would
not be the general unless she would also go
as a general with him, she had indignation at
what he said, and replied, “ Thou, O Barak,
deliverest up meanly that authority which
God hath given thee into the hand of a wo-
man, and I do not reject it I” So they collected
ten thousand men, and pitched their camp at
Mount Tabor, where, at the king’s command,
Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not
far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites,
and Barak himself, were so affrighted at the
multitude of those enemies, that they were
resolved to march off, had not Deborah re-
tained them, and commanded them to fight
the enemy that very day, for that they should
conquer them, and God would be their assist-
ance.

4.	So the battle began; and when they
were come to a close fight, there came down
from heaven a great storm, with a vast quan-
tity of rain and hail, and the wind blew the
rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so
darkened their eyes, that their arrows and
slings were of no advantage to them, nor
would the coldness of the air permit the sol-
diers to make use of their swords; while this
storm did not so much incommode the Is-
raelites, because it came in their backs. They
also took such courage, upon the apprehension
that God was assisting them, that they fell
upon the very midst of their enemies, and
slew a great number of them; so that some
of them fell hy the Israelites, some fell by
their own horses, which were put into disor-
der, and not a few were killed by their own
chariots. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw
himself beaten, fled away, and came to a wo-
man whose name was Jael, a Kenite, who re-
ceived him, when he desired to be concealed;
and when he asked for somewhat to drink,
she gave him sour milk, of which he drank
so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but
when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail,
and with a hammer drove it through his tem-
ples into the floor; and when Barak came a
li ttle after ward, she sho wed Sisera nailed to the
ground < and thus was this victory gained byantiquities of the jews.

BOOK V,

,42

a woman, as Deborah had foretold. Barak
also fought with Jahin at Hazor; and when
he met with him, he slew him: and when the
general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city
to the foundation, and was the commander
of the Israelites for forty years.

CHAPTER VL

HOW THE MIDIANITES AND OTHER NATIONS
FOUGHT AGAINST THE ISRAELITES, AND
BEAT THEM, AND AFFLICTED THEIR COUN-
TRY FOR SEVEN YEARS. HOW THEY WERE
DELIVERED BY GIDEON, WHO RULED OVER
THE MULTITUDE FOR FORTY YEARS.

§ 1. Now when Barak and Deborah were
dead, whose deaths happened about the same
time, afterwards the Midianites called the
Amalckites and Arabians to their assistance,
and made war against the Israelites, and were
too hard for those that fought against them;
and when they had burnt the fruits of the
earth, they carried off the prey. Now when
they had done this for three years, the multi-
tude of the Israelites retired to the mountains,
and forsook the plain country. They also
made themselves hollows under ground, and
caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had
escaped their enemies; for the Midianites
made expeditions in harvest-time, but permit-
ted them to plough the land in winter, that
so, when the others had taken the pains, they
might have fruits for them to carry away.
Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity
of food; upon which they betook themselves
to their supplications to God, and besought
him to save them.

2.	Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of
the principal persons of the tribe of Manas-
seh, brought his sheaves of corn privately,
and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he
was too fearful of their enemies to thrash them
openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time
somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a
young man, and told him that he was a happy
man, and beloved of God. To which he im-
mediately replied, “ A mighty indication of
God’s favour to me, that I am forced to use
this wine-press instead of a thrashing-floor!”
But the appearance exhorted him to be of
p Mjd courage, and to make an attempt for the
recovery of their liberty. He answered, that
it was impossible for him to recover it, be-
cause the tribe to which he belonged was by
no means numerous; and because he was but
young himself, and too inconsiderable, to think
of such great actions; but the other promised
him, that God would supply what he was de-
fective in, and would afford the Israelites vic-
tory under his conduct.

3.	Now, therefore, as Gid°on was relating
this to *uiua young man, they believed him,

and immediately there was an army of ten
thousand men got ready for fighting. But
God stood by Gideon in his sleep, and told
him, that mankind were too fond of them-
selves, and were enemies to such as excelled
in virtue. Now that they might not pass
God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and
might not fancy it obtained by their own
power, because they were a great army, and
able of themselves to fight their enemies, but
might confess that it was owing to his assist-
ance, he advised him to bring his army about
noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river,
and to esteem those that bent down on their
knees and so drank, to be men of courage;
but for all those that drank tumultuously,
that he should esteem them to do it out of
fear, and as in dread of their enemies. And
when Gideon had done as God had suggest-
ed to him, there were found three hundred
men that took water with their hands tu-
multuously; so God bid him take these men,
and attack the enemy. Accordingly they
pitched their camp at the river Jordan, as
ready the next day to pass over it.

4.	But Gideon was in great fear, for God
had told him beforehand that he should set
upon his enemies in the night-time; hut God,
being willing to free him from his fear, bid
him take one of his soldiers, and go near to
the Midianites’ tents, for that he should from
that very place have his courage raised, and
grow bold. So he obeyed, and went and
took his servant Phurah with him; and as he
came near to one of the tents, he discovered
1 hat those that were in it were awake, and
;hat one of them was telling to his feUow'-sol-
dier a dream of his own, and that so plainly,
that Gideon could hear him. The dream was
this:—He thought he saw a barley-cake,
such a one as could hardly be eaten by men,
it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and
overthrowdng the royal tent, and the tents of
all the soldiers. Now the other soldier ex-
plained this vision to mean the destruction of
the army; and told him what his reason was
which made him so conjecture, viz. That the
seed called barley was all of it allowed to be
of the vilest sort of seed, and that the Israel-
ites were known to be the vilest of all the
people of Asia, agreeably to the Sfeed of bar-
ley, and that what seemed to look big among
the Israelites was this Gideon and the army
that was with him; “and since thou sayest
thou didst see the cake overturning our teiffs,
1 am afraid lest God hath granted the vic-
tory over us to Gideon.”

5.	When Gideon had heard this dream,
good hope and courage came upon him; and
he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves,
and told them of this vision of their enemies.
They also took courage at w'hat was told
them, and were ready to perform w’hat he
should enjoin them; so Gideon divided his
army into three parts, and brought it outCHAP. VII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

143

about the fourth watch of the night, each
part containing a hundred men: they all
bare empty pitchers and lighted lamps in
their hands, that their onset might not be
discovered by their enemies. They had also
each of them a ram’s horn m his right hand,
which he used instead of a trumpet. The
enemy’s camp took up a large space of
ground, for it happened that they had a great
many camels; and as they were divided into
different nations, so they were all contained
in one circle. Now when the Hebrews did
as they were ordered beforehand, upon their
approach to their enemies, and, on the signal
given, sounded with their rams’ horns, and
brake their pitchers, and set upon their ene-
mies with their lamps, and a great shout, and
cried, “ Victory to Gideon, by God’s assist-
ance,” a disorder and a fright seized upon
the other men while they were half asleep, for
it was night-time, as God would have it; so
that a few of them were slain by their ene-
mies, but the greatest part by their own sol-
diers, on account of the diversity of their lan-
guage; and when they were once put into
disorder, they killed all that they met with,
as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus
there was a great slaughter made; and as the
report of Gideon’s victory came to the Israel-
ites, they took their weapons and pursued
their enemies, and overtook them in a certain
valley encompassed with torrents, a place
which these could not get over; so they en-

he had against these enemies, for he thereby
delivered them from a sedition which was
arising among them; yet did this tribe afteP
wards suffer the punishment of this their in-
jurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will
give an account in due time.

7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down
the government, but was over-persuaded to
take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and dis-
tributed justice to them, as the people came
to him in their differences; and what he de-
termined was esteemed valid by all; and when
he died, he was buried in his own country of
Ophrah.

CHAPTER VII.

THAT THE JUDGES WHO SUCCEEDED GIDEON
MADE WAR WITH THE ADJOINING NATIONS
FOR A LONG TIME.

§ 1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were
legitimate, for he had many wives, but he
had also one that was spurious, by his concu-
bine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech,
who, after his father’s death, retired to She-
chem to bis mother’s relations, for they were
of that place; and when he had got money of
such of them as were eminent for many in-
stances of injustice, he came with them to
his father’s house, and slew all his brethren,

compassed them, and slew them all, with j except Jotham, for he had the good fortune
their kings, Oreb and Zeeb; but the remain-'	'

ing captains led those soldiers that were left,
which were about eighteen thousand, and
pitched their camp a great wav off the Israel-
ites. However, Gideon did not grudge his
pains, but pursued them with all his army,
and joining battle with them, cut off the whole
enemies’ army, and took the other leaders,

Zebah and Zalmuna, and made them captives.

Now there were slain in this battle of the
Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Ara-
bians, about a hundred and twenty thousand ;
and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and

silver, and garments, and camels, and asses;
and when Gideon was come to his own coun-
try of Ophrah, he slew the kings of the Mi-
dianites.

6. However, the tribe of Ephraim was so
displeased at the good success of Gideon, that
they resolved to make war against him, ac-
cusing him because he did not tell them of
his expedition against their enemies; but Gi-
deon, as a man of temper, and that excelled
in every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the
result of his own authority or reasoning, that
made him attack the enemy without them,
but that it Was the command of God, and
Still the victory belonged to them as well as
chose in the army;—and by this method of
cooling their passions, he brought more ad-
vantage to the Hebrews, than by the success

to escape and be preserved; but Abimelech
made the government tyrannical, and consti-
tuted himself a lord, to do what he pleased,
instead of obeying the laws; and he acted
most rigidly against those that were the pa-
trons of justice.

2. Now when, on a certain time, there was
a public festival at Shechem, and all the mtu-
ti tude was there gathered together, Jotham his
brother, whose escape we before related, went
up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the
city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard
by the multitude, who were attentive to him.
He desired they would consider what he was
going to say to them; so when silence was
made, he said, That when the trees had a hu-
man voice, and there was an assembly of them
gathered together, they desired that the fig-
tree would rule over them ; but when that
tree refused so to do, because it was contented
to enjoy that honour which belonged pe-
culiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that
which should be derived to it from abroad,
the trees did not leave off their intentions to
have a ruler, so they thought proper to make
the offer' of that honour to the vine; but when
the vine was chosen, it made use of the same
words which the fig-tree had used before, and
excused itself from accepting the governm mt;
and when the olive-tree had done the s .ue,
the brier, whom the trees bad desired to lake144

ANTIQUITIES OE THE JEWS.

feOOK V.

tie kingdom (it is a sort of wood good for
firir.g), it promised to take the government,
and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but
that then they must sit down under its sha-
dow, and if they should plot against it to de-
stroy it, the principle of fire that was in it
should destroy them. He told them, that
what he had said was no laughing matter; for
that when they had experienced many bless-
ings from Gideon, they overlooked Abime-
lech, when he over-ruled all, and had joined
with him in slaying his brethren; and that he
was no better than a fire himself. So when
he had said this, he went away, and lived pri-
vately in the mountains for three years, out
of fear of Abimelech.

3.	A little while after this festival, the She-
chemites, who had now repented themselves
of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abi-
melech away both from their city and their
•tribe; whereupon he contrived how he might
distress their city. Now at the season of vin-
tage, the people were .afraid to go out and
gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should
do them some mischief. Now it happened
that there had come to them a man of autho-
rity, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, hav-
ing his armed men and his kinsmen with him;
so the Shechemites desired that he would allow
them a guard during their vintage; where-
upon he accepted of their desires, and so the
people went out, and Gaal with them at the
head of his soldiery; so they gathered their
fruit with safety; and when they were at
supper in several companies, they then ven-
tured to curse Abimelech openly; and the
magistrates laid ambushes in places about the
city, and caught many of Abimelech’s follow-
ers, and destroyed them.

4.	Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate
of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abi-
melech. He sent messengers, and informed
him how much Gaal had irritated the people
against him, and exeited him to lay ambushes
before the city, for that he would persuade
Gaal to go out against him, which would leave
it iu his power to be revenged on him; and
when that was once done, he would bring him
to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech
laid ambushes, and himself lay with them.
Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little
care of himself; and Zebul wras with* him.
Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on,
he said to Zebul, That some armed men were
coming; but the other replied, They were only
shadows of huge stones: and when they were
come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the
reality, and said, They were not shadow's but
men lying in - ambush. Then said Zebul,
“ Didst not thou reproach Abimelechfor cowar-
dice? why dost thou not then show how very-
courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight
him?” So Gaal, being in disorder, joined
oattle with Abimelech, and some of bis men

fell; whereupon he fled into the city, and took
his men with him. But Zebul managed hia
matters so in the city, that he procured, them
to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by ac-
cusing him of cowardice in this action with
the soldiers of Abimelech. But Abimelech,
when he had learned that the Shechemites
were again coming out to gather their grapes,
placed' ambushes before the city, and when
they were coming out, the third part of his
army took possession of the gates, to hinder
the citizens from returning in again, while the
rest pursued those that were scattered abroad,
and so there was slaughter everywhere; and
when he had overthrown the city to the very
foundations, for it was not able to bear a siege,
and had sown its ruins with salt, he proceeded
on with his army till all the Shechemites w'ere
slain. As for those that were scattered about
the country, and so escaped the danger, they
were gathered together unto a certain strong
rock, and settled themselves upon it, and pre-
pared to build a wall about it: and when Abi-
melech knew their intentions he prevented
them, and came upon them with his forces,
and laid faggots of dry wood round the place,
he himself bringing some of them, and by his ex-
ample encouraging the soldiers to do the same.
And when the rock yvas encompassed round
about with these faggots, they set them on fire,
and threw in whatsoever by nature caught tire
the most easily: so a mighty flame was raised,
and nobody could fly away from the rock, but
every man perished, with their wives and
children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and
the rest were a great number also. And such
was the calamity which fell upon the Shechem-
ites; and men’s grief on their account had
been greater than it was, had they not brought
so much mischief on a person who had so well
deserved of them, and had they not themselves
esteemed this as a punishment for the same.

5.	Now Abimelech, when he had affright-
ed the Israelites with the miseries he had
brought upon the Shechemites, seemed open-
ly to affect greater authority than he now had,
and appeared to set no bounds to his violence,
unless it were with the destruction of all.
Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took
the city on the sudden; and there being a
great tower therein, whereunto the whole
multitude fled, he made preparations to besiege
it. Now as he was rushing with violence
near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a
mill-stone upon his head.^iipon which Abi-
melech fell down, and desired his armour-
bearer to kill him, lest his death should be
thought to be the work of a woman; — who
did what he w-as bid to do. So he underwent
this death as a punishment for the wickedness
he had perpetrated against his brethren, and
his insolent barbarity to the Shechemites.
Now the calamity that happened to those She-
chemites was according to the prediction ofCHAP*'VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

145

Jot ham. However, the army that was with
Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered
abroad, and went to their own homes.

6.	Now it was that Jair the Gileadite,* of
the tribe of Manasseh, took the government.
He was a man happy in other respects also,
but particularly in his children who were of
a good character. They were thirty in num-
ber, and very skilful in riding on horses, and
were intrusted with the government of the
cities of Gilead. He kept the government
twenty-two years, and died an old man; and
he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead.

7.	And now all the affairs of the Hebrews
were managed uncertainly, and tended to dis-
order, and to the contempt of God and of the
laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had
them in contempt, and laid waste the country
with a great army; and when they had taken
all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt
to gain the possession of all the rest: but the
Hebrews, being now amended by the calami-
ties they had undergone, betook themselves
to supplications to God; and brought sacri-
fices to him, beseeching him not to be too
severe upon them, but to be moved by their
prayers to leave off his anger against them.
So God became more merciful to them, and
was ready to assist them.

8.	When the Ammonites had made an ex-
pedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabi-
tants of the country met them at a certain
mountain, but wanted a commander. Now
there was one whose name was Jephtha, who,
both on account of his father’s virtue, and on
account of that army which he maintained at
his own expenses, was a potent man: the Is-
raelites therefore sent to him, and entreated
him to come to their assistance, and promised
him the dominion over them all his life-time.
But he did not admit of their entreaty; and
accused them, that they did not come to his
assistance when he was unjustly treated, and
this in an open manner by his brethren; for
they cast him off, as not having the same mo-
ther with the rest, but born of a strange mo-
ther, that was introduced among them by his
father’s fondness; and this they did out of a
contempt of his inability [to vindicate him-
self]. So he dwelt in the country of Gilead,
as it is called and received all that came to
him, let them come from what place soever,
and paid them wages. However, when the\
pressed him to accept the dominion, and swart
they would grant him the government over
them all his life, be led them to the war

9.	And when Jephtha had taken immediate
care of their affairs, he placed his army at th
city Mispeth, and sent a message to the Am-

(hir present copies of Josephus all omit Tola among
the judges, though the other copies have hitn next after
Abimelech. anil allot twenty-three years to his adminis-
tration (Judges x. 1. g); yet do ail Josephus’s commen-
tators conclude, that ill Josephus’s sum of tiie years ul the
judges. Iris twenty-three years areincluded ; hence we are
to. unless that somewhat has been here lost out ofbiscopies.

monite [king], complaining of hia unjust pos-
session of their land. But that king sent a
contrary message; and complained of the ex-
odus of the Israelites out of Egypt, and desi-
red him to go out of the land of the Amoritcs,
and yield it up to him, as at first his pater-
nal inheritance. But Jephtha returned this
answer: That he did not justly complain of
his ancestors about the land of the Amorites,
and ought rather to thank them that they left
the land of the Ammonites to them, since
Moses could have taken it also; and that nei-
ther would he recede from that land of their
own, which God had obtained for them, and
they had now inhabited [above] three hun-
dred years, but would fight with them about it.

10.	And when he had given them this an-
swer, he sent the ambassadors away. And
when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed
to perform sacred offices, and if he came
home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living
creature soever should first meet him:f he
joined battle with the enemy, and gained a
great victory, and in his pursuit slew the ene-
mies all along as far as the city Minmth. He
then passed over to the land of the Ammonites,
and overthrew many of their cities, and took
their prey, and freed his own people from that
slavery which they had undergone for eighteen
years. But as he came back, he fell into a
calamity no way correspondent to the great
actions he had done; for it was his daughter
that came to meet him; she was also an only
child and a virgin: upon this Jephtha heavily
lamented the greatness of his affliction, and
blamed his daughter for being so forward in
meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her
to God. However, this action that was to
befall her was not ungrateful to her, since she
should die upon occasion of her father’s vic-
tory, and the liberty of her fellow-citizens: she
only desired her father to give her leave, for
two months, to bewail her youth with her fel-
low-citizens; and then she agreed, that at the
forementioned time he might do with her ac-
cording to his vow. Accordingly, when that
time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a
burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was
neither conformable to the law nor acceptable
to God, not weighing with himself what opi-
nion the hearers would have of such a practice.

11.	Now the tribe of Ephraim fought
against him, because he did' not take them
along with him in his expedition .against the
Ammonites, but because he alone bad the
prey, and the glory of what was done to him-
self. As to which he said, first, that they were

+ Josephus justly condemns Jephtha, as do the Apos-
tolical Constitutions. I>. vii. cltxxxrii. for his rash vow,
whether it were 'or sacrificing his daughter, as Josephus
thought. or lor dedicatin'; her. who was his onl child,
a) perpetual virginity, at the tabernacle or elsewhere,
which I rather ximpose. If he had vowed her for a sa-
■rilice. site ought to have been redeemed. Lev. xxvii. 1
-d: Inn of the sense of ver. 28, U9, as relating tl to
hings vowed to God. but devoted to destruction, see the
.tote.on Antiq. b. v. ch.i. sects.146

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V

not ignorant bow bis kindred bad fougbt
against him, and that when they were invited,
they did not come to his assistance, whereas
they ought to have come quickly, even before
they were invited. And in the next place, that
they were going to act unjustly; for while
they had not courage enough, to fight their
enemies, they came hastily against their own
kindred: and he threatened them that, with
God's assistance, he would inflict a punish-
ment upon them, unless they would grow
wiser. But when he could not persuade them,
he fought with them with those fortes which
he sent for out of Gilead, and be made a great
slaughter among them; and when they were
beaten, he pursued them, and seized on the
passages of Jordan by a part of his army which
lie had sent before, and slew about forty-two
thousand of them.

12.	So when Jephtha had ruled six years,
he died, and was buried in his own country,
Sebee, which is a place in the land of Gilead.

13.	Now, when Jephtha was dead, lbzan
took the government, being of the tribe of
Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He
had sixty children, thirty of them sons, and
the rest daughters; all whom he left alive
behind him, giving the daughters in marriage
to husbands, and taking wives for his sons.
He did nothing in the seven years of his ad-
ministration that was worth recording, or de-
served a memorial. So he died an old man,
and was buried in his own country.

14.	When lbzan was dead after this man-
ner neither did Helon, who succeeded him
in the government, and kept it ten years, do
any thing remarkable: be was of the tribe of
Zebulon.

15.	Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the
tribe of Ephraim, and born at the city Pyra-
thon, was ordained their supreme governor
after Helon. He is only recorded to have
been happy in his children; for the public
affairs were then so peaceable, and in such
security, that neither did he perform any glo-
rious action. He had forty sons, and by them
left thirty grand-children; and he marched in
state with these seventy, who were all very
skilful in riding horses; agd he left them all
alive after him. He died an old man, and
obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONCERNING THE FORTITUDE OF SAMSON,
AND WHAT MISCHIEFS HE BROUGHT UPON
THE PHILISTINES.

§ 1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines
overcame the Israelites, and received tribute
of them for forty years; from which distress
they were delivered after this manner:—

2. There was one Manoah, a person of
such great virtue, that he had few men his
equals, and without dispute the principal per-

son of his country. He had a wife celebrated
for her beauty, and excelling bet contem-
poraries. He had no children; and, being
uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated
God to give them seed of their own bodies to
succeed them ; and with that intent he cn.me
constantly into the suburbs,* together with
his wife; which suburbs were in the Great
Plain. Now, he was fond of his wife to a
degree of madness, and on that account waa
unmeasurably jealous of her. Now, when hio
wife was once alone, an apparition was seen
by her: it was an angel of God, and resem-
bled a young man, beautiful and tall, and
brought her the good news, that she should
have a son, born by God's providence, that
should be a goodly child, of great strength;
by whom, when he was grown up to man’s
estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. He
exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and
that he should avoid all other kinds of drink
(for so had God commanded), and be entirely
contented with water. So the angel, when
he had delivered that message, went his way,
his coming having been by the will of God.

3. Now the wife informed her husband
when he came home of what the angel had
said, who showed so great an admiration ot
the beauty and tallness of the young man that
had appeared to her, that her husband was
astonished, and out of himself for jealousy,
and such suspicions as are excited by that
passion; but she was desirous of having her
husband’s unreasonable sorrow taken away;
accordingly, she entreated God to send the
angel again, that he might be seen by her
husband. So the angel came again by the fa-
vour of God, while they were in the suburbs,
and appeared to her when she was alone with-
out her husband. She desired the angel to stay
so long till she might bring her husband; and
that request being granted, she goes to call
Manoah. When he saw the angel he was not
yet free from suspicion, and he desired him
to inform him of all that he had told his wife;
but when he said it was sufficient that she
alone knew what he had said, he then re-
quested of him to tell who he was, that when
the child was born they might return him
thanks, and give him a present. He replied
that he did not want any present, for that he
did not bring them the good news of the birth
of a son out of the want of any thing; and
when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and
partake of his hospitality, he did not give his
consent. However,, he was persuaded, at the
earnest request of Manoah, to stay so long as
while he brought him one mark of his hospi-
tality;—so he slew a kid of the goats, and bid
his wife boil it. When all was ready, the
angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the

* I can discover no reason why Manoah and his wife
came so constantly into these suburbs to pray for chil-
dren. but because there was a synagogue or place of
devotion in these suburbs.CHAT. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock;
which when they had done, he touched the
flesh with the rod which he had in his hand,
which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was
consumed, together with the loaves; and the
angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to
heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a ve-
hicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some
danger would come to them from this sight
of God; but his wife bade him be of good
courage, for that God appeared to them for
their benefit.

4.	So the woman proved with child, and
was careful to observe the injunctions that
were given her; and they called the child,
when he was bom, Samson, which name sig-
nifies one that is strong. So the child grew
apace; and it appeared evidently that he would
be a prophet,* both by the moderation of his
diet, and the permission of his hair to grow.

5.	Now when he once came with his pa-
rents to Timnath, a city of the Philistines,
when there was a great festival, he fell in love
with a maid of that country, and he desired
of his parents that they would procure him
the damsel for his wife: but they refused so
to do, because she was not of the stock of
Israel; yet because this marriage was of God,
who intended to convert it to the benefit of
the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to pro-
cure her to be espoused to him; and as he
was continually coining to her parents, he met
a lion, and though he was naked, he received
his onset, and strangled him with his hands,
and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of
ground on the inside of the road.

6.	And when he was going another time
to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of bees
making their combs in the breast of that lion;
and taking three honey-comb3 away, he gave
them, together with the rest of his presents,
to the damsel. Now the people of Timnath,
out of a dread of the young man’s strength,
gave him during the time of the wedding-
feast (for he then feasted them all) thirty of
the most stout of their youth, in pretence to be
his companions, but in reality to be a guard
upon him, that he might not attempt to give
them any disturbance. Now as they were
drinking merrily and playing, Samson said,
as was usual at such times, “ Come, if I pro-
pose you a riddle, and you can expound it in
these seven days' time, I will give you every
one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward
of your wisdom.’' So they being very ambi-
tious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together
with the gains, desired him to propose his
riddle: he said, “ That a devourer produced
sweet food out of itself, though itself were
very disagreeable:"—and when they were not

* Here, by a prophet, Josephus seems only to mean
one that was born by a particular providence, lived after
the manner of a Nazarile devoted to God. and was to
have an extraordinary commission and streni'tb from
God for the judging and avenging bis people Israel,
Mthaut any proper prophetic revelations at all.

v	1411

able, in three days’ time, to find out the mean,
ing of the riddle, they desired the damsel to
discover it by the means of her husband, and
tell it them ; and they threatened to bum her
if she did not tell it them. So when the dam.
sel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first
I refused to do it; but when she lav bard at
him, and fell into tears, and made his refu-
sal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her,
he informed lier of his slaughter of a lion,
and how he found bees in his breast, and car-
ried away three honey combs, and brought
them to her. Thus he, suspecting nothing of
deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed
it to those that desired to know it. Then on
the seventh day, whereon they were to ex-
pound the riddle proposed to them, they met
together before sun-setting, and said, “ No-
thing is more disagreeable than a lion to those
that light on it; and nothing is sweeter than
honey to those that make use of it." To
which Samson made this rejoinder: “No-
thing is more deeeitful than a woman, for such
was the person that discovered my interpreta-
tion to you.” Accordingly lie gave them the
presents he had promised them, making such
Askelonites as met him upon the road his
prey, who were themselves Philistines also.
But he divorced this his wife; and the girl
despised his anger, and was married to his
companion, who made the former match be-'
tween them.

7.	At this injurious treatment Samson was
so provoked, that he resolved to punish all
the Philistines, as well as her: so it being
then suinmer-time, and the fruits of the land
being almost ripe enough for reaping, he
caught three hundred foxes, and joining light-
ed torches to their tails, he sent them into the
fields of the Philistines, by which means the
fruits of the fields perished. Now when the
Philistines knew that this was Samson’s doing,
and knew also for what cause he did it, they
sent their rulers to Timnath, and burnt his
former wife, and her relations, who had been
the occasion of their misfortunes.

8.	Now when Samson had slain many of
the Philistines in the plain country, lie dwelt
at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe
of Judah; for the Philistines at that time
made an expedition against that tribe: but
the people of Judah said that they did not act
justly with them, in inflicting punishments
upon them while they paid their tribute, and
this only on account of Samson’s offences.
They answered, that in case they would not
be blamed themselves, they must deliver up
Samson, and put him into their power. So
they being desirous not to be blamed them-
selves, came to the rock with three thousand
armed men, and complained to Samson of the
bold insults be had made upon the Philistines,
who were men able to bring calamity upon
the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they
told him they were come to take him. and to148

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

HOOK V

deliver him up to them, and put him into their
power; so they desired him to bear this will-
ingly. Accordingly, when he had received
assurance from them upon oath, that they
would do him no other harm than only to
deliver him into his enemies’ hands, he came
down from the rock, and put himself into the
power of his countrymen. Then did they
bind him with two cords, and led him on, in
order to deliver him to the Philistines; and
when they came to a certain place, which is
now called the Jaw-bone, on account of the
great action there performed by Samson,
though of old it had no particular name at
all, the Philistines, who had pitched their camp
not far off, came to meet him with joy and
shouting, as having done a great thing, and
gained what they desired; but Samson broke
his bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-
bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell
upon his enemies, and smiting them with his
jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put
the rest to flight and into great disorder.

9.	Upon this slaughter Samson was too
proud of what he had performed, and said
that this did not come to pass by the assist-
ance of God, but that his success was to be
ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted
himself, that it was out of a dread of him that
some of his enemies fell, and the rest ran
away upon his use of the jaw-bone; but when
a great thirst came upon him, he considered
that human courage is nothing, and bare his
testimony that all is to be ascribed to God,
and besought him that he would not be angry
at any thing he had said, nor give him up into
the hands of his enemies, but afford him
help under his affliction, and deliver him from
the misfortune he was under. Accordingly,
God was moved with his entreaties, and raised
him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at
a certain rock; whence it was that Samson
called the place the Jaw-bone,* and so it is
called to this day.

10.	After this fight Samson held the Phil-
istines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and
took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When
the rulers of Gaza were informed of his com-
ing thither, they seized upon the gates, and
placed men in ambush about them, that he
might not escape without being perceived;
but Samson, who was acquainted with their
contrivances against him, arose about mid-
night, and ran by force upon the gates, with
their posts and beams, and the rest of their
wooden furniture, and carried them away on
his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain
that is over Hebron, and there laid them down.

11.	However, he at length \ transgressed

* This fountain, called Lchi, or the jam-bone, is still

in being, as travellers assure us, and was known by this
very name in tbe'days of Josephus, and has been known
by the same name in all those past ages See Antiq. b.
vii. chap. xii. sect 4.

+ See this justly observed in the Apostolical Consti-
tutions, b. vii. chap, xxxvii. that Samson's prayer was
heard, but that it was before this his transgression.

the laws of his country, and altered his own
regular way of living, and imitated the strange
customs of foreigners, which thing was the
beginning of his miseries; for he fell in love
with a woman that was a harlot among the
Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he
lived with her. So those that administered
the public affairs of the Philistines came to
her, and, with promises, induced her to get
out of Samson what was the cause of that his
strength, by which he became unconquerable
to his enemies. Accordingly, when they
were drinking, and had the like conversation
together, she pretended to admire the actions
he had done, and contrived to get out of him
by subtilty, by what means he so much excell-
ed others in strength. Samson, in order to de-
lude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses,
replied, that if he were bound with seven
such green withs of a vine as might still be
wreathed, he should be weaker than any other
man. The woman said no more then, but
told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and
hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within
the house; and when he was disordered in
drink and asleep, she hound him as fast as
possible with the withs; and then upon her
awakening him, she told him some of the peo-
ple were upon him; but he broke the withs,
and endeavoured to defend himself, as though
some of the people were upon him. Now
this woman, in the constant conversation Sam-
son had with her, pretended that she took it
very ill that he had such little confidence in
her affections to him, that he would not tell
her what she desired, as if she would not con-
ceal what she knew it was for his interest to
have concealed. However, he deluded her
again, and told her, that if they bound him
with seven cords, he should lose his strength.
And when upon doing this, she gained no-
thing, he told her the third time, that his hair
should be woven into a web; but when, upon
doing this, the truth was not yet discovered,
at length Samson, upon Delilah’s prayer (for
he was doomed to fall into some affliction),
was desirous to please her, and told her that
God took care of him, and that he was born
by his providence, and that “ thence it is that
I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged
me never to poll my head, and thence my
strength is according to the increase and con-
tinuance of my hair." When she had learned
thus much, and had deprived him of his
hair, she delivered him up to his enemies,
when he was not strong enough to defend
himself from their attempts upon him; so
they put out his eyes, and bound him, and had
him led about among them.

12.	But in process of time Samson’s hair
grew again. And there was a public festival
among the Philistines, when the rulers and
those of the most eminent character were feast-
ing together (now the room wherein they were
had its roof supported by two pillars); so thejCHAP. IX.

ANTIQUITIES OF TIIE JEWS.

14S

Bent for Samson, and he was brought to their
feast, that they might insult him in their cups.
Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest
misfortunes, if he should not be able to re-
venge himself when he was thus insulted,
persuaded the boy that led him by the hand,
that he was weary and wanted to rest himself,
and desired he would bring him near the pil-
lars; and as soon as he came to them, he rush-
ed with force against them, and overthrew the
house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three
thousand men in it, who were all slain, and
Samson with them. And such was the end
of this man, when he had ruled over the Is-
raelites twenty years. And indeed this man
deserves to be admired for his courage and
strength, and magnanimity at his death, and
that his wrath against his enemies went so far
as to die himself with them. But as for his
being ensnared by a woman, that is to be
ascribed to human nature, which is too weak
tn resist the temptations to that sin; but we
ought to bear him witness, that in all other
respects he was one of extraordinary virtue.
But his kindred took away his body, and
buried it in Sarasat, his own country, with
the rest of his family.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW UNDER ELl’s GOVERNMENT OF THE IS-
RAELITES, BOOZ MARRIED RUTH, FROM
WHOM CAME OBED, THE GRANDFATHER OF
DAVID.

§ 1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the
high-priest was governor of the Israelites.
Under him, when the country was afflicted
with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem,
which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being
not able to support his family under so sore
a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and
the children that were bom to him by her,
Chilion and Mahlon, and removed his habi-
tation into the land of Moab; and upon the
happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took
for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for
Chilion, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the
compass of ten years both Elimelech, and a
little while after him, the sons died; and
Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents,
and not being able to bear her lonesome con-
dition, now those that were dearest to her were
dead, on whose account it was that she had
gone away from her own country, she returned
to it again, for she had been informed it
was now in a flourishing condition. However,
her daughters-in-law were not able to think of
parting with her; and when they had a mind
to go out of the country with her, she could
not dissuade them from it; but when they in-
sisted upon it, she wished them a more happy
wedlock than they had with her sons, and that

they might have prosperity in other respects
also; and seeing her own affairs were so low,
she exhorted them to stay where they were, and
not to think of leaving their own country, and
partaking with her of that uncertainty under
which she must return. Accordingly Orpah
staid behind ; but she took Ruth along with
her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her,
but would take her fortune with her, whatso.
ever it should prove.

2.	When Ruth was come with her mother-
in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was near of kin
to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Na-
omi was so called by her fellow-citizens, ac-
cordingto her true name, she said, “ You might
more truly call me Mara.” Now Naomi signi-
fies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Ma-
ra, sorrow. It wras now reaping time; and Ruth,
by the leave of her mother-in-law, w?ent out to
glean, that they might get a stock of corn for
their food. Now it happened that she came
into Booz’s field; and after some time Booz
came thither, and when he saw the damsel he
inquired of his servant that was set over the
reapers, concerning the girl. The servant had
a little before inquired about all her circum-
stances, and told them to his master, who kind-
ly embraced her, both on account of her affec-
tion to her mother-in-law, and her remem-
brance of that son of hers to whom she had
been married, and wished that she might, ex-
perience a prosperous condition; so he desired
her not to glean, but to reap what she was
able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He
also gave it in charge to that servant w’ho was
over the reapers, not to hinder her when she
took it away, and bade him give her her din-
ner, and make her drink when he did the like
to the reapers. Now what corn Ruth received
of him, she kept for her mother-in-law,
and came to her in the evening, and brought
the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had
kept for her a part of such food as her neigh-
bours had plentifully bestowed upon her.
Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz
had said to her; and when the other had in-
formed her that he was qpar of kin to them,
and perhaps was so pious a man as to make
some provision for them, she went out again
on the days following, to gather the gleanings
with Booz’s maid-servants.

3.	It was not many days before Booz, after
the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrash-
ing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this
circumstance, she contrived it so that Ruth
should lie down by him, for she thought it
might be for their advantage that he should
discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent
the damsel to sleep at his feet; who went as
she bade her, for she did not think it consist-
ent with her duty to contradict any command
of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay
concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleep;
but when he awaked about midnight, and per-
ceived a woman lying by him, he asked wlioANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

150

she was;—and when she told him her name,
and desired that he whom she owned for her
lord would excuse her, he then said no more;
but in the morning, before the servants began
to set about their work, he awaked her, and
bid her take as much barley as she was able
to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before
any body there should see that she had lain
down by him, because it was but prudent to
avoid any reproach that might arise on that
account, especially when there had been no-
thing done that was ill. But as to the main
point she aimed at, the matter should rest
here,—“ He that is nearer of kin than I am,
shall be asked whether he wants to take thee
to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow
him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee,
according to the law.”

4. When she had informed her mother-in-
law of this, they were very glad of it, out of
the hope they had that Booz would make pro-
vision for them. Now about noon Booz went
down into the city, and gathered the senate
together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he
called for her kinsman also; and when he
was come, he said, “ Dost not thou retain the

CHAPTER X.

CONCERNING THE BiRTH OF SAMUEL; AND
HOW HE FORETOLD THE CALAMITY THAT
BEFELL THE SONS OF ELI.

§ 1. And now upon the ill state of the af-
fairs of the Hebrews, they made war again
upon the Philistines. The occasion was'ibis:
Eli, the high-priest, had two sons, Hophni
and Phineas. These sons of Eli were guilty
of injustice towards men, and of impiety to-
wards God, and abstained from no sort of
wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried
off, as belonging to the honourable employ-
ment they had; others of them they took
away by violence. They also were guilty of
impurity with the women that came to wor-
ship God [at the tabernacle], obliging some
to submit to their lust by force, and enticing
others by bribes; nay, the whole course
of their lives was no better than tyranny.
Their father therefore was angry at them
for such their wickedness, and expected that

inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?” He I God would suddenly inflict his punishments
confessed that he did retain it, and that he dm I upon them for what they had done. The

as he was permitted to do by the laws, be-
cause he was their nearest kinsman. Then
said Booz, “ Thou must not remember the
laws by halves, but do every thing according
to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come
hither, whom thou must marry, according to
the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields.”
So the man yielded up both the fields and the
wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those
that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife
already, and children also; so Booz called
the senate to witness, and bid the woman to
loose his shoe and spit in his face, according
to the law; and when this was done Booz
married Ruth, and they had a son within a
year’s time. Naomi was herself a nurse to
this child; and by the advice of the women,
called him Obed, as being to be brought up
in order to be subservient to her in her old
age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies
a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and
David was his son, who was king, and left
his dominions to his sons for one-and-twenty
generations. I was therefore obliged to re-
late this history of Ruth, because I had a
mind to demonstrate the power of God, who,
without difficulty, can raise those that are
of ordinary parentage to dignity and splen-
dour, to which he advanced David, though he
were bom of such mean parents.

multitude took it heinously also: and as soon
as God had foretold what calamity would be-
fall Eli’s sons, which he did both to Eli him-
self and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet
but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for
his sons’ destruction.

2. I will first dispatch what I have to say
about the prophet Samuel, and after that will
proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the
miseries they brought on the whole people of
the Hebrews. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a
middle condition among his fellow-citizens,
and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of
the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives,
Hannah and Peninnah. He had children by
the latter; but he loved the other best, al-
though she was barren. Now Elcanah came
with his wives to the city Shiloh to sacrifice,
for there it was that the tabernacle of God
was fixed, as we have formerly said. Now
when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed
at that festival portions of the flesh to his
wives and children, and when Hannah saw
the other wife’s children sitting round about
their mother, she fell into tears, and lamented
herself on account of her barrenness and lone-
someness; and suffering her grief to prevail
over her husband’s consolations to her, she
went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give
her seed, and to make her a mother; and to
vow to consecrate the first son she should bear

to the service of God, and this in such a way.
that his manner of living should not be like
that of ordinary men. And as she continued
at her prayers a long time, Eli, the high-priest,
for he sat there before the tabernacle, bid her
go away, thinking she had been disorderedCHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

with wine; but when she said she had drank
water, but was in sorrow for want of children,
and was beseeching God for them, he bid her
be of good cheer, and told her that God would
send her children.

3. So she came to her husband full of
hope, and eat her meal with gladness. And
when they had returned to their own country
she fo-L'id herself with child, and they had a
son born to them, to whom they gave the
name of Samuel, which may be styled one that
wns asked of God. They therefore came to
the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth
of the child, and brought their tithes with
them; but the woman remembered the vow
she had made concerning her son, and deli-
vered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that
be might become a prophet. Accordingly, his
hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink

CHAPTER XL

HEREIN IS DECLARED WHAT BEFELL TTTE SONS
OF ELI, THE ARK, AND THE PEOPLE; AND
HOW ELI HIMSELF DIED MISERABLY.

§ 1. About this time it was that the Philis-
tines made war against the Israelites, end
pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now
when the Israelites had expected them a little
while, the very next day they joined battle,
and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew
above four thousand of the Hebrews, and
pursued the rest of the multitude to their
camp.

2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the
worst, sent to the senate, and to the high-
waS'water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought ^prietst. and desired that they ivuulil bring the
up in the temple. But Elcauah had other uf God, that, by putting themselves iri
sons by Hannah, and three daughters.	array, when it was present with them, they

4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, M’ht be too hard for their enemies, as not

he began to prophesy: and once when he was reflecting that he who had condemned them
asleep, God called to him by bis name;^ and to enciul-e these calamities vvasgreater than the
he supposing he had been called by the high- ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark
pnest, came to him: but when the high-pnest ,<iime to be honoured. So the ark came, and
said he did not call hun, God did so thrice. ,he song 0f the higb-priest with it, having re-
Eh was then so> tar illuminated, that he said ,.ejvelj a charge from their father, that if they
to him, Indeed, Samuel, I was silent new p,etend to survive the taking of the ark,
as well as before: it is God that calls thee; thev shouid oome no more into his presence;
do thou, therefore, signify it to him, and say I jfor [>hineas officiated already as high-priest,
am here ready. So when be beard God|hjs father having resigned bis office to him
speak again, he desired him to speak, and to. by reason of his great age. So the Hebrews
deliver what oracles be pleased to him, for be | were fuu

would not fail to perform any ministration
•whatsoever be should make use of him in ;—
to which God replied, “ Since thou art here
ready, learn what miseries are coming upon
the Israelites,—such indeed as words cannot
declare, nor faith believe; for the sons of Eli
shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall
be transferred into the family of Eleazar; for
Eli hath loved his sous more than he hath
loved my worship, and to such a degree, as
is not for their advantage.” Which message
Eli obliged the prophet by oath to tell him,
for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict
him by telling it. And now Eli had a far
more sure expectation of the perdition of his
sons; but the glory of Samuel increased
more and more, it being found by experience
that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass
accordingly.*

* Although there had been a few occasional prophets
before, yet was this Samuel the first ol a constant surors-
tion of prophets in the Jewish nation, us is implied in
St. Peter’s words, Actsiii. -J4j “Yea. and all ihe pro-
phets, from Samuel, and those that follow after, as many
as tave spofceu, have likewise foretold of these days.”
See also Acts siii. 90. The others were rather wmc-
Utna* called righteous men, Matt, x. 41: xiii. 17.

of courage, as supposing that, by
the coming of the ark, they should be too
hard for their enemies: their enemies also
were greatly concerned, and were afraid of
the ark’s coming to the Israelites; however,
the upshot did not prove agreeable to the ex-
pectation of both sides, but when the battle
was joined, that victory which the Hebrews
expected was gained by the Philistines, and
that defeat the Philistines were afraid of, fell
to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they
found that they had put their trust in the ark in
vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as
they came to a close fight with tb"ir enemies,
and lost about thirty thousand men, among
whom were the sons of the high-priest; but
the ark was carried away by the enemies.

3. When the news of this defeat came to
Shiloh, with that of the captivity of the ark
(for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who
was in the action, came as a messenger thither),
the whole city was full of lamentations. And
Eli, the high-priest, who sat upon a high
throne at one of the gates, heard their mourn-
ful cries, and supposed that some strange
thing had befallen his family. So he sent for
the young man; and when he understood
what bad happened in the battle, he was not
much uneasy as to his sons, or what was told
him withal about the army, as having before-
hand known by divina revelation that those152

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI,

things would happen, and having himself de-
clared them beforehand,—for what sad things
come unexpectedly they distress men the most;
but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried
captive by their enemies, he was very much
grieved at it, because it fell out quite differ-
ently from what he expected ; so he fell down
from his throne and died, having in all lived
ninety-eight years, and of them retained the
government forty.

4. On the same day his son Phineas’s wife
died also, as not able to survive the misfor-
tune of her husband; for they told her of ber
husband’s death as she was in labour. How-
ever, she bare a son at seven months, who

Icabod, which name signifies disgrace, — and
this because the army received a disgrace at
this time.

5. Now Eli was the first of the family of
Ithamar, the other son of Aaron, that had the
government; for the family of Eleazar offi-
ciated as high-priest at first, the son still re-
ceiving that honour from the father which
Eleazar bequeathed to his son Phineas; after
whom Abiezer his son took the honour, and
delivered it to his son, whose name was Buk-
ki, from whom his son Ozi received it; after
whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking,
had the priesthood, and so he and his posterity
until the time of Solomon’s reign; but then

lived, and to whom they gave the name of I the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it.

BOOK VI.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEAR\

FROM THE DEATH OF ELI TO THE DEATH OF SATTL.

chapter t.

THE DESTRUCTION THAT GAME UPON THE
PHILISTINES, AND UPON THEIR LAND. BY
THE WRATH OF GOD, ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR
HAVING CARRIED THE ARK AWAT CAPTIVE;
AND AFTER WHAT MANNER THEY SENT IT
BACK TO THE HEBREWS.

§ 1. When the Philistines had taken the ark
of the Hebrews captive, as I said a little be-
fore, they carried it to the city of Ashdod,
and put it by their own god, who was called
Dagon,* as one of their spoils; but when
they went into his temple the next morning
to worship their god, they found him paying
the same worship to the ark, for he lay along,
as having fallen down from the basis whereon
he had stood: so they took him up and
set him on his basis again, and were much
troubled at what had happened ; and as they
frequently came to Dagon and found him still
lying along, in a posture of adoration to the
ark, they were in very great distress and con-
fusion. At length God sent a very destruc-
tive disease upon the city and country of
Ashdod, for they died of the dysentery or
llux, a sore distemper, that brought death
upon them very suddenly; for before the soul

• Dagon, a famous maritime god or idol, is generally
supposed to have been like a man above the navel, and
I0» a fish beneath it.

could, as usual in easy deaths, be well loosed
from the body, they brought up their entrails,
and vomited up what they bad eaten, which
was entirely corrupted by the disease. And
as to the fruits of their country, a great mul-
titude of mice arose out of the earth and hurt
them, and spared neither the plants nor the
fruits. Now while the people of Ashdod
were under these misfortunes, and were net
able to support themselves under their cala-
mities, they perceived that they suffered thus
because of the ark, and that the victory they
had gotten, and their having taken the ark
captive, had not happened for their good; they
therefore sent to the people of Askelon, and
desired that they would receive the ark among
them. This desire of the people of Ashdod
was not disagreeable to those of Askelon, so
they granted them that favour. But when they
had gotten the ark, they were in the same
miserable condition; for the ark carried along
with it the disasters that the people of Ashdod
had suffered, to those who received it from
them. Those of Askelon also sent it away
from themselves to others; nor did it stay
among those others neither; forsincethey were
pursued by the same disasters, they still sent
it to the neighbouring cities; so that the ark
went round, after this manner, to the five
cities of the Philistines, as though it exacted
these disasters as a tribute to be paid it for
its coming among them.CHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OE THE JEWS.

2.	When those that had experienced these
miseries were tired out with them, and when
those that heard of them were taught thereby
not to admit the ark among them, since they
paid so dear a tribute for it, at length they
sought for some contrivance and method how
they might get free from it: so the governors
of the five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and As-
kelon, as also of Gaza, and Ashdod, met to-
gether, and considered what was fit to he done;
and at first they thought proper to send the
ark back to its own people, as allowing that
God had avenged its cause; that the miseries
they had undergone came along with it, and
that these were sent on their cities upon its
account, and together with it. However, there
were those that said, they should not do so,
nor suffer themselves to be deluded, as ascri-
bing the cause of their miseries to it, because
it could not have such power and force up-
on them; for, had God had such a regard to
it, it would not have been delivered into the
hands of men: so they exhorted them to be
quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen
them, and to suppose there was no other cause
of it but nature, which, at certain revolutions
of time, produces such mutations in the bodies
of men, in the earth, in plants, and in all
things that grow out of the. earth. But the
counsel that prevailed over those already de-
scribed, was that of certain men, who were
believed to have distinguished themselves in
former times for their understanding and pru-
dence, and who, in their present circumstan-
ces, seemed above all the rest to speak pro-
perly. These men said, it was net right either
to send the ark away, or to retain it, but to
dedicate five golden images, one for every
city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of
his having taken care of their preservation,
and having kept them alive when their lives
were likely to be taken away by such distem-
pers as they were not able to bear up against.
They also would have them make five golden
mice like to those that devoured and destroyed
their country,* to put them in a bag, and lay
them upon the ark; to make them anew cart
also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it;f but
to shut up their calves, and keep them from
them, lest, by following after them, they should
prove a hinderance to their dams, and that

* Spanheim informs us here, that upon the coins of Te-
nedos, and those of other cities, a field-mouse is eng

nedos, and those of other cities, a held-mouse is engraven,
together with Apollo Smintheus, or, Apollo, the driver
away of Jield-mict, on account of his being supposed to
have freed certain tracts of ground from those mice;
which coins show how great a judgment such mice have
sometimes been, and how the deliverance from them was
then esteemed the effect of a divine power; which obser-
vations are highly suitable to this history.

+ This device of the Philistines., of having a yoke of
klne to draw this cart, into which they put the ark of the
Hebrews, is greatly illustrated by Sanchoniatho’s ac-
count, under his ninth generation, that Agrouerus, or
Agiotes, the husbandman, bad a much worshipped statue
and temple, carried about by one or more yoke of oxen,
or kine. In Phmnicia, in the neighbourhood of these Phi.
listines. See Cumberland’s Sanchoniatho, pp. 27 and
947; and F.asay on lb« Old Testament, App. p. 172;

158

the dams might return the faster out of a de-
sire of those calves j then to drive these milch
kine that carried the ark, and leave it at n
place where three ways met, and to leave it
to the kine to go along which of those ways
they pleased; that in case they went the way
to the Hebrews, and ascended to their coun-
try, they should suppose that the ark was the
cause of their misfortunes; but if they turned
into another road, they said, “ We will pursue
after it, and conclude that it has no such force
in it.”

3.	So they determined that these men spake
well; and they immediately confirmed their
opinion by doing accordingly. And when
they had done as has been already described,
they brought the cart to a place where three
ways met, and left it there, and went their
ways; hut the kine went the right way, and
as if some persons had driven them, while the
rulers of the Philistines followed after them,
as desirous to know where they would stand
still, and to whom they would go. Now there
was a certain village of the tribe of Judah,
the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to
that village did the kine go; and though there
was a great and good plain before them to
proceed in, they went no farther, but stopped
the cart there. This was a sight to those of
that village, and they were very glad; for it
being then summer-time, and all the inhabi-
tants being then in the fields gathering in
their fruits, they left off the labours of their
hands for joy, as soon as they saw the ark,
and ran to the cart, and taking the ark down,
and the vessel that had the images in it, and
the mice, they set them upon a certain rock
which was in the plain; and when they had
offered a splendid sacrifice to God, and feast-
ed, they offered the cart and the kine as a
burnt-offering: and when the lords of the
Philistines saw this, they returned back.

4.	But now it was that the wrath of God
overtook them, and struck seventy persons t
of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not
being priests, and so not worthy to touch the
ark, had approached to it. Those of that vil-
lage wept for these that had thus suffered,
and made such a lamentation as was naturally
to be expected on so great a misfortune that
was sent from God; and every one mourned
for his own relation. And since they acknow-
ledged themselves unworthy of the ark’s abode
with them, they sent to the public senate of
the Israelites, and informed them that, the a1 k
was restored by the Philistines; which when
they knew, they brought it away to Kirjath-
jearim, a city in the neighbourhood of Beth-

t These seventy men, being not so much as Invites,
touched the ark in a rash or profane manner, and were
slain by the hand of Goa ior such their rashness and
profaneness, according to the divine threatenings, Numb,
iv. 16, 20; but how our other oopies come to add such an
incredible number as fifty thousand in this one town or
small city, 1 know not. See Dr. Wall’s Critical Notes
on 1 Sam. vi. 19.BOOK VI.

154	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

ihemesh. In this city lived one Abinadab,
by birth a Levite, and who was greatly com-
mended for his righteous and religious course
of life; so they brought the ark to his house,
as to a place fit for God himself to abide in,
since therein did inhabit a righteous man. His
sons also ministered to the divine service at the
ark, and were the principal curators of it for
twenty years; for so many years it continued
in K.irjatbjearim, having been but four months
with the Philistines.

CHAPTER II.

THE EXPEDITION OF THE PHILISTINES AGAINST
THE HEBREWS, AND THE HEBREWS’ VICTORY
UNDER THE CONDUCT OF SAMUEL THE PRO-
PHET, WHO WAS THEin GENERAL.

§ 1. Now while the city of Kirjathjearim had
the ark with them, the whole body of the peo-
ple betook themselves all that time to offer
prayers and sacrifices to God, and appeared
greatly concerned and zealous about his wor-
ship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how
ready they were to do their duty, thought this
a proper time to speak to them, while they
were in this good disposition, about the reco-
very of their liberty, and of the blessings that
accompanied the same. Accordingly he used
such words to them as he thought were most
likely to excite that inclination, and to per-
suade them to attempt it: “ O you Israelites,”
said he, “ to whom the Philistines are still
grievous enemies, but to whom God begins to
he gracious, it behoves you not only to be de-
sirous of liberty, but to take the proper me-
ibods to obtain it. Nor are you to be con-
tented with an inclination to get clear of your
lords and masters, while you still do what will
procure your continuance under them. Be
righteous then, and cast wickedness out of
your souls, and by your worship supplicate
the Divine Majesty with all your hearts, and
persevere in the honour you pay to him; for
if you act thus, you will enjoy prosperity;
you will be freed from your slavery, and will
get the victory over your enemies: which bless-
ings it is not possible you should attain, either
by weapons of war, or by the strength of your
bodies, or by the multitude of your assistants;
tor God has not promised to grant these bless-
ings by those means, but by being good and
righteous men; and if you will be such, I will
be security to you for the performance of
God’s promises.” When Samuel had said
thus, the multitude applauded his discourse,
and were pleased with his exhortation to them,
and gave their consent to resign themselves up
to do what was pleasing to God. So Samuel
gathered them together to a certain city called
Mizpeh, which, in the Hebrew tongue, signi-
fies a watch-tower; there they drew water, and

poured it out to God, and fesied all day, and
betook themselves to their prayers.

2. This their assembly did not escape the
notice of the Philistines: so when they bad
learned that so large a company had met to-
gether, they fell upon the Hebrews with a
great army and mighty forces, as hoping to
assault them when they did not expect it, nor
were prepared for it. This thing affrighted
the Hebrews, and put them into disorder and
terror; so they came running to Samuel, and
said that their souls were sunk by their fears,
and by the former defeat they bad received,
and “ that thence it was that we lay still, lest
we should excite the power of our enemies
against us. Now while thou hast brought us
hither to offer up our prayers and sacrifices,
and take oaths [to be obedient], our enemies
are making an expedition against us, while
we are naked and unarmed; wherefore we
have no other hope of deliverance but that by
thy means, and by the assistance God shall af-
ford us upon thy prayers to him, we shall obtain
deliverance from the Philistines.” Hereupon
Samuel bade them be of good cheer, and pro-
mised them that God would assist them; and
taking a sucking lamb, he sacrificed it for the
multitude, and besought God to hold his pro-
tecting hand over them when they should fight
with the Philistines, and not to overlook them,
nor suffer them to come under a second mis-
fortune. Accordingly God hearkened to his
prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a
gracious intention, and such as was disposed
to assist them, he granted them victory and
power over their enemies. Now while the
altar had the sacrifice of God upon it, ;md had
not yet consumed it wholly oy its sacred fire,
the enemy’s army marched out of their camp,
and was put in order of battle, and this in
hope that they should be conquerors, since the
Jews* were caught in distressed circumstan-
ces, as neither having their weapons with them,
nor being assembled there in order to fight.
But things so fell out, that they would hardly
have been credited though they bad been fore-
told by any body; for, in the first place, God
disturbed their enemies with an earthquake,
and moved the ground under them to such a
degree, that he caused it to tremble, and made
them to shake, insomuch that by its trembling,
he made some unable to keep their feet, and
made them fall down, and, by openiug its
chasms, he caused that others should be hur-
ried down into them; after which he caused
such a noise of thunder to come among them,
and made fiery lightning shine so terrinly
round about them, that it was ready to burn
their faces; and he so suddenly shook their
weapons out of their hands, that be ma’e
them fly and return home naked. So Samuel

*	'8	P'are- 90 far as 1 remember, it these

Antiquities, where Josephus ht-gus to rail ms nation
Jews, he having hitherto usually, if not constantly,called
them either Hebrews or Israelites. The second rlooe
soon follows, see also chan. In sect. A.CHAP. IIT.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

155

witb the multitude pursued them to Bethcar,
a place so called ; and there he set up a stone
as a boundary of their victory and their ene-
mies’ flight, and called it the Stove of Power,
as a signal of that power God had given them
against- their enemies.

3. So the Philistines, after this stroke, made
no more expeditions against the Israelites, but
lay still out of fear, and out of remembrance
of what had befallen them: and what courage
the Philistines had formerly against the He-
brews, that, after this victory, was transferred
to the Hebrews. Samuel also made an expe-
dition against the Philistines, and slew many
of them, and entirely humbled their proud
hearts, and took from them that country,
which, when they were formerly conquerors
in battle, they had cut off from the Jews,
which was the country that extended from the
borders of Gath to the city of Ekron: but the
remains of the'Canaanites were at this time
in friendship with the Israelites.

courses, and taking a course that was contrary
to them, perverted justice for the filthy lucre
of gifts and bribes, and made their determi-
nations not according to truth, but according
to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a
costly way of living; so that as, in the first
place, they practised what was contrary to the
will of God, so did they, in the second place,
what was contrary to the will of the prophet
their father, who had taken a great deal of
care, and made a very careful provision that
the multitude should be righteous.

3.	But the people, upon these injuries
offered to their former constitution and go-
vernment by the prophet’s sons, were very un-
easy at their actions, and came running to the
prophet who then lived at the city Rainah,
and informed him- of the transgressions of his
sons; and said, That, as he was himself old
already, and too infirm by that age of his to
oversee their affairs in the manner he used to
do, so they begged of him, and entreated him,
to appoint some person to be king over them,
who might rule over the nation, and avenge
them of the Philistines, who ought to be punish-
ed for their former oppressions. These words
greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his in-
nate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly
government, for he was very fond of an aris-
tocracy, as what made the men that used it of
a divine and happy disposition; nor could he
either think of eating or sleeping, out of his
concern and torment of mind at what they had
said, but^all the night long did he continue
awake, and revolved these notions in his mind.

4.	While he was thus disposed, God ap-
peared to him, and comforted him, saying,
That he ought not to be uneasy at what the
multitude desired, because it was not he, but
Himself whom they so insolently despised, and
would not have to be alone their king: that
they had been contriving these things from
the very day that they came out of Egypt;
that however in no long time they would sorely
repent of what they did, which repentance yet
could not undo what was thus done for futu-
rity: that they would be sulliciently rebuked
for their contempt, and the ungrateful con-
duct they have used towards me, and towards
thy prophetic office. “ So 1 command thee
to ordain them such a one as I shall name be-
forehand to be their king, when thou hast first
described what mischiefs kingly goveriUDent
will bring upon them, and openly testified
before them into what a great, change of affairs
they are hasting.”

5.	When Samuel had heard this, he called
the Jews early in the morning, and confessed
to them that he was to on-au; them a king;
but he said that he was first to describe to
them what would follow, what treatment they
would receive from their kings, and with how
many mischiefs they must struggle. “ For
know ye," said he, “that, in the first place.

men turning aside from their father’s good | they will take your sons away from you, and

CHAPTER IIL

HOW SAMUEL, WHEN HE WAS SO INFIRM WITH
OLD AGE THAT HE COULD' NOT TAKE CARE
OF THE PUBLIC AFFAIRS, INTRUSTED THEM
TO HIS SONS; AND HOW, UPON THE EVIL
ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT BY
THEM, THE MULTITUDE WERE SO ANGRY,
THAT THEY REQUIRED TO HAVE A KING TO
GOVERN THEM, ALTHOUGH SAMUEL WAS
MUCH DISPLEASED THEREAT.

§ 1. But Samuel the prophet, when he had
ordered the affairs of the people after a con-
venient manner, and had appointed a city for
every district of them, he commanded them to
come to such cities, to have the controversies
that they had one with another determined in
them, he himself going over those cities twice
in a year, and doing them justice; and by
hat means he kept them in very good order
for a long time.

2. But afterwards he found himself op-
pressed with old age, and not able to do what
he used to do, so he committed the govern-
ment and the care of the multitude to his sons,
—the elder of whom was called Joel, and the
name of the younger was Abiah. He also
enjoined them to reside and judge the people,
the one at the city of Bethel, and the other at
Beersheba, and divided the people into dis-
tricts that should be under the jurisdiction of
each of them. Now these men alford us an
evident example and demonstration how some
children are not of the like dispositions with
their parents; but sometimes perhaps good
and moderate, though born of wicked parents;
Hud sometimes showing themselves to be wick-
ed, though born of good parents: for these166

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

they will command some of them to be dri-
vers of their chariots, and some to be their
horsemen, and the guards of their body, and
others of them to be runners before them, and
captains of thousands, and captains of hun-
dreds; they will also make them their artifi-
cers, makers of armour, and of chariots, and of
instruments; they will make them their hus-
bandmen also and the curators of their own
fields, and the diggers of their own vineyards;
nor will there be any thing which they will
not do at their commands, as if they were
slaves bought with money. They will also
appoint your daughters to be confectioners,
and cooks, and bakers; and these will be ob-
liged to all sorts of work which women
slaves that are in fear of stripes and torments
submit to. They will, besides this, take
away your possessions, and bestow them upon
their eunuchs, and the guards of their bodies,
and will give the herds of your cattle to their
own servants: and to say briefly all at once,
you, and all that is yours, will be servants to
your king, and wall become no way superior
to his slaves; and when you suffer thus, you
will thereby be put in mind of what I now
say; and when you repent of what you have
done, you will beseech God to have mercy
upon you, and to grant you a quick deliver-
ance from your kings; but he will not accept
your prayers, but will neglect you, and permit
you to suffer the punishment your evil con-
duct has deserved.”

6. But the multitude was still so foolish as
to be deaf to these predictions of what would
befall them; and too peevish to suffer a de-
termination which they had injudiciously once
made, to be taken out of their mind; for they
could not be turned from their purpose, nor
did they regard the words of Samuel, but per-
emptorily insisted on their resolution, and de-
sired him to ordain them a king immediately,
and not to trouble himself with fears of what
would happen hereafter, for that it was ne-
cessary they should have with them one to
fight their battles, and to avenge them of their
enemies, and that it was no way absurd, when
their neighbours were under kingly govern-
ment, that they should have the same form of
government also. So when Samuel saw that
what he had said had not diverted them from
their purpose, but that they continued reso-
lute, he said, “ Go you every one home for
tLe present: when it is fit I will send for
you, as soon as I shall .have learned from
God who it is that he will give you lor your
king.”

CHAPTER IV.

THE APPOINTMENT OF A KING OVER THE
ISRAELITES, WHOSE NAME WAS SAUL; AND
THIS BY THE COMMAND OF GOD.

§ 1. There was one of the tribe of Benjamin,
a man of a good family, and of a virtuous
disposition: his name was Kish. He bad a
son, a young man of a comely countenance,
and of a tall body, but his understanding and
his mind were preferable to what was visible
in him: they called him Saul. Now this
Kish had some fine she-asses that were wan-
dered out of the pasture wherein they fed, for
he was more delighted with these than with
any other cattle he had, so he sent out his
son, and one servant with him, to search for
the beasts; but when he had gone over his
own tribe in search after the asses, he went
to other tribes; and when he found them not
there neither, he determined to go his way
home, lest he should occasion any concern to
his father about himself; but when his ser-
vant that followed him told him as they were
near the city of Ramah, that there was a true
prophet in that city, and advised him to go to
him, for that by him they would know the
upshot of the affair of their asses, he replied,
That if they should go to him, they had no-
thing to give him as a reward for his pro-
phecy, for their subsistence-money was spent.
The servant answered, that he bad still the
fourth part of a shekel, and he would present
him with that; for they were mistaken out of
ignorance, as not knowing that the prophet
received no such reward.* So they went to
him; and when they were before the gates,
they lit upon certain maidens that were go-
ing to fetch water; and they asked them
which was the prophet’s house. They showed
them which it was; and bid them make haste
before he sat down to supper, for he had
invited many guests to a feast, and that he
used to sit down before those that were in-
vited. Now Samuel had then gathered many
together to feast with him on this very ac-
count; for while he every day prayed to God
to tell him beforehand w'hom he would make
king, he had informed him of this man the
day before, for that he would send him a cer-
tain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin
about this hour of the day: and he sat on the
top of the house in expectation of that time’s
being come. And when the time was com-
pleted, he came down and went to supper;
>o he met with Saul, and God discovered to
him that this was he who should rule over
them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and

* Of this great mistake of Saul and his servant, as if
a true prophet of God would accept of a gift or present
f r foretelling what was desired of him see the note on
b. iv. ch. vL sect aCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

157

saluted him, and desired him to inform him
which was the prophet’s house; for he said
he was a stranger and did not know it. When
Samuel had told him that he himself was the
person, he led him in to supper, and assured
him that the asses were found which he had been
to seek, and that the greatest of good things
were assured to him: he replied, “I am too
inconsiderable to hope for any such thing, and
of a tribe too small to have kings made out of
it, and of a family smaller than several other
families; but thou tellest me this in jest, and
makest me an object of laughter, when thou
discoursest with me of greater matters than
what I stand in need of.” However, the
prophet led him in to the feast, and made him
sit down, him and his servant that followed
him, above the other guests that were invited,
which were seventy in number;* and he gave
orders to the servants to set the royal portion
before Saul. And when the time of going to
bad was come, the rest rose up, and every one
of them went home; but Saul- staid with the
prophet, he and his servant, and slept with him.

2. Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised
up Saul out of his bed, and conducted him
homeward; and when he was out of the city,
he desired him to cause his servant to go be-
fore, but to stay behind himself, for that he
had somewhat to say to him, when nobody else
was present. Accordingly, Saul sent away
his servant that followed him; then did the
prophet take a vessel of oil, and poured it
upon the head of the young man, and kissed
him, and said, “ Be thou a king, by the ordi-
nation of God, agiiinst the Philistines, and for
avenging the Hebrews for what they have
suffered by them; of this thou shalt have a
sign, which I would have thee take notice of:
— As soon as thou art departed hence, thou
wilt find three men upon the road, going to
worship God at Bethel; the first of whom
thou wilt see carrying three loaves of bread,
the second carrying a kid of the goats, and the
third will follow them carrying a bottle of
wine. These three men will salute thee, and
speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of
their loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And
thence thou shalt come to a place called Ra-
chel s Monument, where thou shalt meet with
those that will tell thee thy asses are found;
after this, when thou comest to Gabatha, thou
shalt overtake a company of prophets, and thou
shalt be seized with the divine spirit,! and
prophesy along with them, till every one that

* It seems to me not improbable that these seventy
guest, of Samuel, as here, with himself at the head nf
them, were a Jewish sanhedrim, and that hereby Samuel
intimated to Saul that these seventy-one were to be his
constant counsellors, and that he was to act not like
a sole monarch, but with file advice and direction of
these seventy-one members of the Jewish sanhedrim
upon all occasions, which yet we never read that he
consulted afterward.

+ An instance of this divine fury we have after this in
Saiil. chap. v. sect 2, 3. 1 Sam. xi. 6. See tho like,
Judges iii. 10, vi. 34, xi. 29, xiii. 23, and xiv. &

sees thee shall be astonished, and wonder, aud
say, Whence is it that the son of Kish has
arrived at this degree of happiness? And
when these signs have happened to thee, know
that God is with thee; then do thou salute thy
father and thy kindred. Thou shalt also come
when I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may
offer thank-offerings to God for these bless-
ings ” When Samuel had said this, and fore-
told these things, he sent the young man away.
Now all things fell out to Saul according to
the prophecy of Samuel.

3. But as soon as Saul came into the house
of his kinsman Abner, whom indeed he loved
oetter than the rest of his relations, he was
asked by him concerning his journey, and what
accidents happened to him therein; and he
concealed none of the other things from him,
no, not his coming to Samuel the prophet, nor
how he told him the asses were found; hut he

said nothing to him about the kingdom, and
what belonged thereto, which bethought would
procure him envy, arid when such things are
heard, they are not easily believed; nor did he
think it prudent to tell those things to him,
although he appeared very friendly to him,
and one whom he loved above the rest of his
relations, considering, I suppose, what human
nature really is, that no one is a firm friend,
neither among our intimates nor of our kin-
dred; nor do they preserve that kind disposi-
tion when God advances men to great pros-
perity, but they are still ill-natured and en-
vious at those that are in eminent stations.

4.	Then Samuel called the people together
to the city Mizpeh, and spake to them in the
words following, which he said he was to speak
by the command of God: — That when he had
granted them a state of liberty, and brought
their enemies into subjection, they were be-
come unmindful of his benefits, and rejected
God that he should not be their king, as not
considering that it would be most for their ad-
vantage to be presided over by the best of be-
ings, for God is the best of beings, and they
chose to have a man for their king, while kings
will use their subjects as beasts, according to
the violence of their own wills and inclinations,
and other passions, as wholly carried away with
the lust of power, but will not endeavour so to
preserve the race of mankind as his own work-
manship and creation, wThich, for that very
reason, God would take care of. “But since
you have come to a fixed resolution, and this
injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed
over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and
sceptres, and cast lots.”

5.	When the Hebrews had so done, the lot
fell upon the tribe of Benjamin; and when
the lot was cast for the families of this tribe,
that which was called Matri was taken; and
when the lot was cast for the single persons of
that family, Saul, the son of Kish, was taken
for their king. When the young man knew
this, he prevented [their sending far him],158

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI

and immediately went away and hid himself.
I suppose that it was because he \vould not
have it thought that he willingly took the go-
vernment upon him; nay, he showed such a
degree of command over himself, and of mo-
desty, that while the greatest part are not
able to contain their joy, even in the gaining
of small advantages, but presently shotfr them-
selves publicly to all men, this man did not
only show nothing of that nature, when he
was appointed to be the lord of so many and
so great tribes, but crept away and concealed
himself out of the sight of those he was to
reign over, and made them seek him, and that
with a good deal of trouble. So when the
people were at a loss, and solicitous, because
Saul disappeared, the prophet besought God
to show where the young man was, and to
produce him before them. So when they had
learned of God the place where Saul was
hidden, they sent men to bring him; arid
when he was come, they set him in the midst
of the multitude. Now he was taller than
any of them, and his stature was very ma-
jestic.

6. Then said the prophet, “ God gives you
this man to be your king: see how he is
higher than any of the people, and worthy of
this dominion.” So as soon as the people
had made acclamation, God save the King, the
prophet wrote down what would come to pass
in a book, and read it in the hearing of the
king, and laid up the book in the tabernacle
of God, to be a witness to future generations
of what he had foretold. So when Samuel
had finished this matter, he dismissed the mul-
titude, and came himself to the city Ramah,
for it was his own country. Saul also went
away to Gibeah, where he was born ; and
many good men there were who paid him the
respect that was due to him; but the greater
part were ill men, who despised him and de-
rided the others, who neither did bring him
presents, nor did they in affection, or even in
words, regard to please him.

CHAPTER V.

baul’s expedition against the nation of

THE AMOIUTES, AND VICTORY OVER THEM,
AND THE SPOILS HE TOOK FROM THEM.

§ 1. After one month, the war which Saul
had with Nahash, the king of the Ammonites,
obtained him respect from all the people; for
this Nahash had done a great deal of mischief
to the-Jews that lived beyond Jordan by the
expedition be had made against them with a
great and warlike army. He also reduced
their cities into slavery, and that not only bv
subduing them for the present, which he did
by force and violence, but by weakening them
by subtilty and cunning, that they might not

be able afterward to git clear of the slavery
they were under to him; for he put out the
right eyes* of those that ‘either delivered
themselves to him upon terms, or were taken
by him in war; and this he did, that when
their left eyes were covered by their shields,
they might be wholly useless in war. Now
when the king of the Ammonites had served
those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led
his army against those that were called Gilead-
ites; and having pitched his camp at the me
tropolis of his enemies, which was the city of
Jabesh, he sent ambassadors to them, com-
manding them either to deliver themselves up,
on condition to haw their right eyes plucked
out, or to undergo a siege, and to have their
cities overthrown. He gave them their choice,
Whether they would cut off a small member
of their body, or universally perish. How-
ever, the Gileadites were so affrighted at these
offers, that they had not courage to say any
thing to either of them, neither that they
would deliver themselves up, nor that they
would fight him ; but they desired that he
would give them seven days respite, that they
might send ambassadors to their countrymen,
and entreat their assistance; and if they came
to assist them they would fight; but if that
assistance were impossible to be obtained
from them, they said they would deliver
themselves up to suffer whatever he pleased
to indict upon them.

2. So Nahash, contemning the multitude of
the Gileadites and the answer they gave, al-
lowed them a respite, and gave them leave to
send to whomsoever they pleased for assist-
ance. So they immediately sent to the Is-
raelites, city by city, and informed them what
Nahash had threatened to do to them, and
what great distress they were in. Now the
people fell into tears and grief at the hearing
of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said ;
and the terror they were in permitted them to
do nothing more; but when the messengers
were come to the city of king Saul, and de-
clared the dangers in which the inhabitants of
Jabesh were, the people were in the same af-
fliction as those in the other cities, for they la-
mented the calamity of those related to them;
and when Saul was returned fiom his hus-
bandry into the city, be found his fellow-citi-
zens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, he
had learned the cause of the confusion and
sadness they were in, he was seized with a
divine fury, and sent away the ambassadors
from the inhabitants of Jabesh, and promised
them to come to their assistance on the third
day, and to beat their enemies before sun-tis-
ing, that the son upon its rising might see
that they had already conquered, and were

* Take here Theodoret’s note, cited by Dr. Hudson;
—“ He that exposes his shield to the enemy wi'jn .lie
left hand, thereby hides his left eye, and look* it ■•he
enemy with his rivht eye; be therefore that pluolts fit
that eye makes men useless in war."CHAP. V,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

159

freed from the fears they were under; but he
bid some of them stay to conduct them the
right way to Jabesb.

3.	So being desirous to turn the people to
this war against the Ammonites by fear of the
losses they should otherwise undergo, and
that they might the more suddenly be gathered
together, he cut the sinews of his oxen, and
threatened to do the same to all such as did
not come with their armour to Jordan the next
day, and follow him and Samuel the prophet
whithersoever they should lead them. So they
came together, out of fear of the losses they
were threatened with, at the appointed time;
and the multitude were numbered at the city
Bezek; and he found the number of those
that were gathered together, besides that of
the tribe of Judah, to be seven hundred thou-
sand, while those of that tribe were seventy
thousand. So he passed over Jordan and pro-
ceeded in marching all that night, thirty fur-
longs, and came to Jabesh before sun-rising.
So he divided the army into three companies;
and fell upon their enemies on every side on
the sudden, and when they expected no such
thing; and joining battle with them, they slew
a great many of the Ammonites, as also their
king Nahash. This glorious action was done
by Saul, and was related with great commen-
dation of him to all the Hebrews: and he
thence gained a wonderful reputation for his
valour; for although there were some of them
that contemned him before, they now changed
their minds, and honoured him, and esteemed
him as the best of men : for he did not con-
tent himself with having saved the inhabitants
of Jabesh only, but be made aju expedition
into the country of the Ammonites, and laid it
all waste, and took a large prey, and so re-
turned to his own country most gloriously •.
so the people were greatly pleased at these ex-
cellent performances of Saul, and rejoiced that
they had constituted him their king. They
also made a clamour against those that pre-
tended he would be of no advantage to their
affairs; and they said, Where now are these
men? — let them be brought to punishment,
with all the like things that multitudes usually
say when they are elevated with prosperity
against those that lately had despised the au-
thors of it; but Saul, although he took the
good-will and the affection of these men very
kindly, yet did he swear that he would not
see any of bis countrymen slain that day,
since it was absurd to mix this victory, which
God had given them, w'ith the blood and
sla tgh ter of those that wrere of the same lineage
with themselves; and that it was more agree-
able to be men of a friendly disposition, and-
so to betake themselves to feasting.

4.	And when Samuel had told them that
he ought to confirm the kingdom to Saul by
a second ordination of him, they all came to-
gether to the city of Gilgal, for thither did
he command them to come. So the prophet

anointed Saul with the holy oil in the sight of
the multitude, and declared him to be king
the second time; and so the government of
the Hebrews wras changed into a regal govern-
ment ; for in the days of Moses and his dis-
ciple Joshua, who was their general, they
continued under an aristocracy; but after the
death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the
multitude had no settled form of government,
but were in an anarchy; after which they re-
turned to their former government, ihey then
permitting themselves to be judged by him
who appeared to be the best warrior and most
courageous, whence it was that they called
this interval of their government the Judges.

5.	Then did Samuel the prophet call ano-
ther assembly also, and said to them, “ I so-
lemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who
brought those excellent brethren, I mean Mo-
ses and Aaron, into the world, and delivered
our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the
slavery they endured under them, that you
will not speak what you say to gratify me,
nor suppress any thing out of fear of me, nor
be overborne by any other passion, but say,
What have I ever done that was cruel or un-
just? or what have I done out of lucre or
covetousness, or to gratify others? Bear wit-
ness against me, if I have taken an ox or a
sheep, or any such thing, which yet when they
are taken to support men, it is esteemed blame-
less; or have I taken an ass for mine own use
of any one to his grief?—lay some one such
crime to my charge, now we are in your
king’s presence.” But they cried out, that
no such thing had been done by him, but
that he had presided over the nation after a
holy and righteous manner.

6.	Hereupon Samuel, when such a testi-
mony had been given him by them all, said,
“ Since you grant that you are not able to lay
any ill thing to my charge hitherto, come on
now, and do you hearken while I speak with
great freedom to you. You have been guilty
of great impiety against God, in asking you
a king. It behoves you to remember, that
our grandfather Jacob came down into Egypt,
by reason of a famine, with seventy souls only
of our family, and that their posterity multi-
plied there to many ten thousands, whom the
Egyptians brought into slavery and hard op-
pression; that God himself, upon the prayers
of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron, who
were brethren, and gave them power to de-
liver the multitude out of their distress, and
this without a king. These brought us into
this very land which you now possess; and
when you enjoyed these advantages from God.
you betrayed his worship and religion; nay,
moreover, when you were brought under the
hands of your enemies, he delivered you, first
by rendering you superior to the Assyrians
and their forces, he then made you to over-
come the Ammonites and the Moabites, and
last of all the Philistines; and these things160

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI

bave been achieved nnder tbe conduct of
Jepbtba and Gideon. Wbat madness there-
fore possessed you to fly from God, and to
desire to be under a king’—yet have I or-
dained him for king whom he chose for you.
However, that I may make it plain to you
that God is angry and displeased at your
choice of kingly government, I will so dispose
him that he shall declare this very plainly to
you by strange signals; for what none of you
ever saw here before, I mean a winter storm
in the midst of harvest,* I will entreat of God,
and will make it visible to you.” Now, as
soon as he had said this, God gave such great
signals by thunder and lightning, and the
descent of hail, as attested the truth of all
that the prophet bad said, insomuch that they
were amazed and terrified, and confessed they
had sinned, and had fallen into that sin through
ignorance; and besought the prophet, as one
that was a tender and gentle father to them,
to render God so merciful as to forgive this
their sin, which they had added to those other
offences whereby they had affronted him and
transgressed against him. So he promised
them that he would beseech God, and per-
suade him to forgive them these their sins. How-
ever, he advised them to be righteous, and to
be good, and ever to remember the miseries
that had befallen them on account of their
departure from virtue; as also to remember
the strange signs God had shown them, and
tbe body of laws that Moses had given them,
if they had any desire of being preserved and
made happy with their king: but he said, that
if they should grow careless of these things,
great judgments would come from God upon
them, and upon their king: and when Sam-
uel had thus prophesied to the Hebrew's, he
dismissed them to their own homes, having
confirmed the kingdom to Saul the second
time.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER, EX-
PEDITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS, AND
WERE BEATEN.

§ l. Now Saul chose out of the multitude
about three thousand men, and he took tw?o
thousand of them to be the guards of his own
body, and abode in the city Bethel, but he
gave the rest of them to Jonathan his son, to
be the guards of his body; and sent him to
Gibeah, where he besieged and took a certain
garrison of the Philistines, not far from Oil-
gal; for the Philistines of Gibeah had beaten
the Jews, and taken their weapons away, and
had put garrisons into the strongest places of

• Mr. Reland observes here, and proves elsewhere in
his note on Antiq. b. iii. ch. i. sect. 6, that although
thunder ami lightDing with us usually happen in sum-
mer, yet in Palestine and Syria they are chiefly confined
to winter. Josephus takes notice of the same tiling
again.iVar, b. iv. ch. iv. sect. 5.

the country, and had forbidden them to carry
any instrument of iron, or at all to make use
of any iron in any case whatsoever; and on
account of this prohibition it was that the hus-
bandmen, if they had occasion to sharpen any
of their tools, whether it were the coulter or
the spade, or any instrument of husbandry,
they came to the Philistines to do it. Now
as soon as the Philistines heard of this slaugh-
ter of their garrison, they were in a rage about
it, and, looking on this contempt as a terrible
affront offered them, they made war against
the Jews, with three hundred thousand foot-
men, and thirty thousand chariots, and six
thousand horses; and they pitched their camp
at the city Michmash. When Saul, tbe king
of the Hebrews, was informed of Ibis, he went
down to the city Gilgal, and made proclama-
tion over all the country, that they should try
to regain their liberty; and called them to
the war against the Philistines, diminishing
their forces, and despising them as not very
considerable, and as not so great but they
might hazard a battle with them. But when
the people about Saul observed how numerous
the Philistines were, they were under a great
consternation; and some of them hid them-
selves in caves, and in dens under ground ;
but the greater part fled into the land beyond
Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben.

2. But Saul sent to tbe prophet, and called
him to consult with him about the war and
the public affairs; so he commanded him to
stay there for him, and to prepare sacrifices,
for he would come to him within seven days,
that they might offer sacrifices on the seventh
day, and might then join battle with their
enemies. So be waited,f as the prophet sent

+ Saul seems to have staid till near the time of the
evening sacrifice, on the seventh day, which Samuel Ihe
prophet of God had appointed him, but not till (lie end
of that day, as lie ought to have done; and Samuel ap-
pears, by delaying to come till the full time of the even-
ing sacrifice on that seventh day, to have tried him (who
seems to have been already for some time declining
from his strict and bounden subordination to God and
his prophet; to have taken life-guards for himself and
his son, which was entirely a new thing in Israel, and
savoured of a distrust of God’s providence; and to have
affected more than he ought, that independent autho-
rity which the pagan kings took to themselves); Sa-
muel, I say, seems to have here tried Saul, whether he
would stay till Ihe priest came, who alone could law-
fully otter the sacrifices, nor would boldly and profanely
usurp the priest’s office, which he venturing upon, was
justly rejected for his profaneness. See Apost. Constit.
b ii, ch. xxvii. And, indeed; since Saul had accepted
kingly power, which naturally becomes ungovernable
and tyrannical, as God foretold, and the experience uf
all ages has shown, the divine settlement by Moses had
soon been laid aside under the kings, had not God, hy
keeping strictly to his laws, and severely executing the
tlireatenings therein contained, restrained Saul and other
kings in some degree of obedience to himself; nor was
even this severity sufficient to restrain must of the future
kings of Israel and Judah from the grossest idolatiyand
impiety. Of the advantage of which strictness, in the ob-
serving divine laws, and inflicting their threatened penal-
ties. see Antiq. h. vi. ch. xii. sect. 7; and Against Apinn,
h. ii. sect. 30, where Josephus speaks of that mailer;
though it must be noted that it seems, at least in three
insimces, that good men did not always immediately ap.
pine of such divine severity. There seems tu be one
instance. 1 Sam. vi. 10, ;0, another. 1 Sam. xv. II; andCHAP. V*.

to him to do; yet did not he, however, observe
the command that was given him, but when
he saw that the prophet tarried longer than he
expected, and that he was deserted by the sol-
diers, he took the sacrifices and offered them;
and when he heard that Samuel was come, he
went out to meet him. But the prophet said
he had not done well in disobeying the inj unc-
tions he had sent to him, and had not staid
till his coming, which being appointed accord-
ing to the will of God, he had prevented him
in offering up those prayers and those sacrifi-
ces that he should have made for the multi-
tude, and that he therefore had performed
divine offices in an ill manner, and had been
rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul
made an apology for himself, and said that he
had waited as many days as Samuel had ap-
pointed him; that he had been so quick in
offering his sacrifices, upon account of the ne-
cessity he was in, and because his soldiers were
departing from him, out of their fear of the
enemy’s camp at Michmash, the report being
gone abroad that they were coming down up-
on him to Gilgal. To which Samuel replied,
“ Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a righ-
teous man,* and hadst not disobeyed me, nor
slighted the commands which God suggested
to me concerning the present state of affairs,
and hadst not acted more hastily than the pre-
sent circumstances required, thou wouldst have
been permitted to reign a long time, and thy
posterity after thee.” So Samuel, being
grieved at what happened, returned home; but
Saul came to the city Gibeah, with his son
Jonathan, having only six hundred men with
him; and of these the greater part had no
weapons, because of the scarcity of iron in
that country, as well as of those that could
make such weapons: for as we showed a little
before, the Philistines had not suffered them
to have such iron or such workmen. Now
the Philistines divided their army into three
companies, and took as many roads, and laid
waste the country of the Hebrews, while king
Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done,
but were not able to defend the land, having

a third, 2 Sam. vi. 8. 9; Antiq. b. vi. chap. vii. sect. 2;
thorn'll they all at last acquiesced in the divine conduct,
as knowing that God is wiser than men.

* tty this answer of Samuel, and that from a divine
commission, which is fuller in l Sam. xiii. 14; and by
that parallel note in the Apostolical Constitutions just
now quoted, concerning the great wickedness of Saul in
venturing, even under a seeming necessity of affairs, to
usurp the priest’s office, and offer sacrifice without the
priest, we are in some degree able to answer that ques-
tion which 1 have ever thought a very hard one, viz.
Whether, if there were a city or country of lay Chris-
tians without any clergyman, it were lawful for the laitv
alone to baptize, to celebrate the eucharist &c . r in-
deed whether they alone could ordain themselves either
bishops, priests, or deacons, for the due performance of
such sacerdotal administrations; or whether they ought
not rather, till they procure clergymen to c mie among
them, to coniine themselves within those bounds of
pjetv and Christianity which belong alone to the laity;

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWSi

161

such particularly as are recommended in the tir-t h .ok
of‘he Apostolical Constitutions, which p cnlia'ly con-
cern the laity, and are intimated 'n Clement’s undoubted

of ‘he

epistle, sect. 40. To which latter opinion 1 incline.

no more than six hundred men with them;
but as he, and his son, and Ahiah the high-
priest, who was of the posterity of Eli the
high-priest, were sitting upon a pretty high
hill, and seeing the land laid waste, they wer
mightily disturbed at it. Now Saul’s son
agreed with his armour-bearer, that they would
go privately to the enemy’s camp, and make
a tumult and a disturbance among them; and
when the armour-bearer had readily promised
to follow him whithersoever he should lead
him, though he should be obliged to die in
the attempt, Jonathan made use of the young
man’s assistance, and descended from the hill,
and went to their enemies. Now the enemy’s
camp was upon a precipice which had three
tops, that ended in a small but sharp and long
extremity, while there was a rock that sur-
rounded them, like lines made to prevent the
attacks of an enemy. There it so happened,
that the out-guards of the camp were neglect-
ed, because of the security that here arose
from the situation of the place, and because
they thought it altogether impossible, not
only to ascend up to the camp on that quarter,
but so much as to come near it. As soon,
therefore, as they came to the camp, Jonathan
encouraged his armour-bearer, and said to
him, “ Let us attack our enemies; and if,
when they see us, they bid us come up to
them, take that for a signal of victory; but if
they say nothing, as not intending to invite
us to come up, let us return back again." So
when they were approaching to the enemy’s
camp, just after break of day, and the Philis-
tines saw them, they said one to another,
“ The Hebrews come out of their dens ami
caves;” and they said to Jonathan and to his
armour-bearer, “ Come on, ascend up to us,
that we may inflict a just punishment upon
you, for your rash attempt upon us.” So
Saul’s son accepted of that invitation, as what
signified to him victory, and he immediately
came out of the place whence they were seen
by their enemies: so be changed his place,
and came to the rock which had none to guard
it, because of its own strength; from thence
they crept up with great labour and difficulty,
and so far overcame by force the nature of
the place till they were able to fight with their
enemies. So they fell upon them as they were
asleep, and slew about twenty of them, and
thereby filled them with disorder and surprise,
insomuch that some of them threw away their
entire armour and fled; but the greatest part,
not knowing one another, because they were
of different nations, suspected one another to
be enemies (for they did not imagine there
were only two of the Hebrews that came up),
and so they fought one against another; and
some of them died in the battle, and some, as
they were flying away, were thrown down
from the rock headlong.

3. Now Saul’s watchmen told the king that
the camp of the Philistines was in confusion*
L162

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK n

then he inquired whether any body was gone
away from the army; and when he heard that
his son, and with him his armour-bearer, were
absent, he bade the high-priest take the gar-
ments of his high-priesthood, and prophesy to
him what success they should have; who said
that they should get the victory, and prevail
against their enemies. So he went out after
the Philistines, and set upon them as they
were slaying one another. Those also who
had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing that
Saul was gaining a victory, came running to
him. When, therefore, the number of the
Hebrews that came to Saul amounted to

stone should be rolled into the midst of them,
and he made proclamation that they should kill
their sacrifices upon it, arid not feed upon the
flesh with the blood, for that was not accepta-
ble to God. And when all the people did as the
king commanded them, Saul erected an altar
there, and offered burnt-offerings upon it to
God.f This was the first altar that Saul built.

5. So when Saul was desirous of leading
his men to the enemy’s camp before it was
day, in order to plunder it, and when the sol-
diers were not unwilling to follow him, but
indeed showed great readiness to do as he
commanded them, the king called Ahitub the

about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy, high-priest, and enjoined him to know of God

who were scattered all over the country; but
then be fell into an action, which was a very
unhappy one, and liable to be very much
blamed; for, whether out of ignorance, or
whether out of joy for a victory gained so
strangely (for it frequently happens that per-
sons so fortunate are not then able to use their
eason consistently), as he was desirous to
avenge himself, and to exact a due punish-
ment of the Philistines, he denounced a curse*
upon the Hebrews: That if any one put a
stop to his slaughter of the enemy, and fell
on eating, and left off the slaughter or the
pursuit before the night came on, and obliged
them so to do, he should be accursed. Now
after Saul had denounced this curse, since they
were now in a wood belonging to the tribe of
Ephraim, which was thick and full of bees,
Saul’s son, who d! not hear his father de-
nounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation
the multitude gave to it, broke off a piece of
a honey-comb, and ate part of it. But, in the
mean time, he was informed with what a curse
his father had forbidden them to taste any
thing before sun-setting: so he left off eating,
and said his father had not done well in this
prohibition, because, had they taken some food,
they had pursued the enemy with greater
vigour and alacrity, and had both taken and
slain many more of their enemies.

4. When, therefore, they had slain many
ten thousands of the Philistines, they fell
upon spoiling the camp of the Philistines, but
not till late in the evening. They also took
a great deal of prey and cattle, and killed
them, and ate them with their blood. This
was told to the king by the scribes, that the
multitude were sinning against God as they
sacrificed, and were eating before the blood
was well washed away, and the flesh was made
clean. Then did Saul give order that a great

* This rash vow or curse of Saul, which Josephus says
was confirmed by the people, anil yet not executen, I
prim

very remarkable; it being of the essence of the
tion of all laws, that

suppose principally
It, is very remarka
obligation of all laws, that the
and promulgated, otherwise the
as to the sacredness of solemn o
refasi

they be sufficiently known
let of Providence.

conduct of

: sacredness of solemn oaths and vows, in God’s
fusing to answer by Uriin till this breach of Saul’s
vow or curse was understood ami set rii;lit, and God
pitiated by public prayer, is here very remarkable,
le«d it is every where else in the Old Testament

propit
as iud

whether he would grant them the favour and
permission to go against the enemy’s camp, in
order to destroy those that were in it; and
when the priest said that God did not give
any answer, Saul replied, “ And not without
some cause does God refuse to answer what
we inquire of him, while yet a little while ago
he declared to us all that we desired before-
hand, and even prevented us in his answer.
To be sure, there is some sin against him that
is concealed from us, which is the occasion ol
his silence. Now I swear by him himself,
that though he that hath committed this sir
should prove to be my own son Jonathan, l
will slay him, and by that means will appease
the anger of God against us, and that in the
very same manner as if I were to punish a
stranger, and one not at all related to me, for
the same offence.” So when the multitude
cried out to him so-to do, he presently set all
the rest on one side, and he and his son stood
on the other side, and he sought to discover
the offender by lot. Now the lot appeared to
fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was
asked by his father what sin he had been guilty
of, and what he was conscious of in the course
of liis life that might be esteemed instances of
guilt or profaneness, his answer was this:
“ O father, I have done nothing more than
that yesterday, without knowing of the curse
and oath thou hadst denounced, while I was
in pursuit of the enemy, I tasted of a honey-
comb.” But Saul sware that he would slay
him, and prefer the observation of his oath
before all the ties of birth and of nature; and
Jonathan was not dismayed at this threatening
of death, but, offering himself to it generously,
and undauntedly, he said, “ Nor do I desire
you, father, to spare me: death will be to
me very acceptable, when it proceeds from thy
piety, and after a glorious victory; for it is the
greatest consolation to me that I leave the
Hebrews victorious over the Philistines.”—
Hereupon all the people were very sorry, and

+ Here we have still more indications of Saul’s aflec
tation of despotic power, and of his entrenching upon

ing to exe-

tation of despotic power, a
the priesthood, and makim

tur and endeavouring

cute a rash vow or curse, without consulting Samuel oi
the sanhedrim. In this view it is also that I look u

and endeavourin

Sam ue

pon

this erection of a new altar by Saul, and his offering ol
burnt-offerings himself upon it. and not as any proper in-
stance of derotiou or religion, with other commentatorsCHAP. VII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

163

greatly afflicted for Jonathan; and they sware
tnat they would not overlook Jonathan, and
see him die, who was the author of their vic-
tory. By which means they snatched him out
of the danger he was in from his father’s
curse, while they made their prayers to God
also for the young man, that he would remit
his sin.

11. So Saul, having slain about sixty thou-
sar d of the enemy, returned home to his own
city, and reigned happily: and he also fought
against the neighbouring nations, and subdued
the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines,
and Edomites, and Amalekites, as also the
king of Zobah. He had three male children,
Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua; with
Merab and Michal his daughters. He bad
also Abner, his uncle’s son, for the captain of
his host: that uncle’s name was Ner. Now
Ner, and Kish the father of Saul, were bro-
thers. Saul had also a great many chariots and
horsemen, and against whomsoever be made
war he returned conqueror, and advanced the
affairs of the Hebrews to a great degree of
success and prosperity, and made them supe-
rior to other nations; and he made such of
the young men as were remarkable for tall-
ness and comeliness the guards of his body.

CHAPTER VII.

gaul’s war with the amalekites, and

CONQUEST OF THEM.

§ 1. Now Samuel came unto Saul, and said
to him, that he was sent by God to put him in
mind that God had preferred him before all
others, and ordained him.king; that he there-
fore ought to be obedient to him, and to sub-
mit to bis authority, as considering, that
though he had the dominion over the other
tribes, yet that God had the dominion over
him, and over all things; that accordingly
God said to him, that “ because the Amalck-
ites did the Hebrews a great deal of mischief
while they were in the wilderness, and when,
upon their coming out of Egypt, they were
making their way to that country which is now
their own, I enjoin tbee to punish the Ama-
lekites, by making war upon them; and,
when thou hast subdued them, to leave none
of them alive, but to pursue them through
every age, and to slay them, beginning with
the women and the infants, and to require
this as a punishment to be indicted upon them
for the mischief they did to our forefathers:
to spare nothing, neither asses nor other
beasts; nor to reserve any of them for your
own Advantage and possession, but to devote
them universally to God, and, in obedience
to the commands of Moses, to blot out the
name of Amalelc entirely.’’*

• The reason of this severity is rliotirctly pven
'2 Saak xv. ]H)i (tu, and utterly doatroy tbe iinnej>.

2. So Saul promised to do what he was
commanded; and supposing that his obedience
to God would be shown, not only in making
war against the Amalekites, but more fully in
the readiness and quickness of his proceedings,
he made no delay, but immediately gathered
together all his forces; and when he bad num-
bered them in Gilgal, he found them to he
about four hundred thousand of the Israelites,
besides the tribe of Judah, for that tribe con-
tained by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly
Saul made an irruption into the country of the
Amalekites, and set many men in several
1 parties in ambush at the river, that so he might
I not only do them a mischief, by open fighting,
but might fall upon them unexpectedly in the
ways, and might thereby compass them round
about, and kill them. And when he had joined
battle with the enemy, he beat them; and pur-
suing them as they fled, he destroyed them all.
And when that undertaking had succeeded, ac-
cording as God had foretold, be set upon the
cities of the Amalekites; he besieged them, and
took them by force, partly by warlike machines,
partly by mines dug under ground, and partly
by building walls on the outsides. Some they
starved out with famine, and some they gained
by other methods; and after all, he betook
himself to slay the women and the children, and
thought be did not act therein either barbar-
ously or inhumanly; first, because they were
enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next
place, because it was done by the command of
God, whom it was dangerous not to obey. He
also took Agag, the enemies’ king, captive ;
— the beauty and tallness of whose body he
admired so much, that he thought him worthy
of preservation; yet was not this done how-
ever according to the will of God, but by
giving way to human passions, and suffering
himself to be moved with an unseasonable com-
miseration, in a point where it was not safe
for him to indulge it; for God hated the nation
of the Amalekites to such a degree, that he
commanded Saul to have no pity on even those
infants which we by nature chiefly compassion-
ate; hut Saul preserved their king and gover-
nor from the miseries which the Hebrews
brought on the people, as if he preferred the
fine appearance of the enemy to the memory
of what God had sent him about. The mul-
titude were also guilty, together with Saul;
for they spared the herds and the flocks, arid
took them for a prey, when God had command-
ed they should not spare them. They also
carried off with them the rest of their wealth
and riches; but if there were any thing that
was not worthy of regard, that they destroyed.

tlie Amalekites:” nor indeed do we ever meet with these
>odj

and utterly to destroy the

ever

and bloody people, and
r to destro'

Dent. xxv. 17—19; Judg.
Psal. Ixxxiii. 7

xvii. 8—16; Num. xiv. 4.11
_ vi. 3, 6; 1 Sam. xv. 33;

i. ixxxiii. /; and, above all, ilie most bartiarous ol'
ill cruellies, that ol Hainan 1 lie Agagite, or one ol ihc
posterity of A gag, the old king ot the Amalekites, listb.
iii. 1—li164

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

3.	But when Saul had conquered all these
Amalekites that reached from Pelusium of
Egypt to the Red Sea, he laid waste all the rest
of the enemy’s country: but for the nation of
the Shechemites, he did not touch them,
although they dwelt in the very middle of the
country of Midian; for before the battle, Saul
had sent to them, and charged them to depart
thence, lest they should be partakers of the
miseries of the Amalekites; for he had a just
occasion for saving them, since they were of
the kindred of Raguel, Moses’s father-in-law.

4.	Hereupon Saul returned home with joy,
for the glorious things he had done, and for
the conquest of his enemies, as though he had
not neglected any thing which the prophet had
enjoined him to do when he was going to
make war with the Amalekites, and as though
he had exactly observed all that he ought to
have done. But God was grieved that the
king of the Amalekites was preserved alive,
and that the multitude had seized on the cattle
for a prey, because these things were done
without his permission; for he thought it an
intolerable thing that they should conquer and
overcome their enemies by that power which
he gave them, and then that he himself should
be so grossly despised and disobeyed by them,
that a mere man that was a king would not
bear it. He therefore told Samuel the prophet,
that he repented that he had made Saul king,
while he did nothing that he had commanded
him, but indulged his own inclinations. When
Samuel heard that, he was in confusion; and
began to beseech God all that night to be re-
conciled to Saul, and not to be angry with
him ; but he did not grant that forgiveness to
Saul which the prophet asked for, as not
deeming it a fit thing to grant forgiveness of
[such] sins at his entreaties, since injuries do
not otherwise grow so great as by the easy
tempers of those that are injured; for while
they hunt after the glory of being thought
gentle and good-natured, before they are
aware, they produce other sins. As soon
therefore as God had rejected the intercession
of the prophet, and it plainly appeared he
would not change his mind, at break of day
Samuel came to Saul at Gilgal. When the
king saw him, he ran to him, and embraced
him, and said, “ I return thanks to God, who
hath given me the victory, for I have performed
every thing that he hath commanded me.”
To which Samuel replied, “ How is it then that
I hear the bleeting of the sheep and the low-
ing of the greater cattle in the camp?” Saul
made answer. That the people had reserved
them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation
of the Amalekites, it was entirely destroyed,
as he had received it in command to see done,
and that no one man was left; but that he had
saved alive the king alone, and brought him to
him, concerning whom, he said, they would
advise together what should be done with him.
But the prophet said, “God is not delighted

with sacrifices, but with good and with righ-
teous men, who are such as follow his will and
his laws, and never think that any thing
is well done by them but when they do it as
God had commanded them: that he then
looks upon himself as affronted, not when any
one does not sacrifice, but when any one ap-
pears to be disobedient to him. But that
from those who do not obey him, nor pay him
that duty which is the alone true and accep-
table worship, he will not kindly accept their
oblations, be those they offer ever so many and
so fat, and be the presents they make him ever
so ornamental, nay, though they were made of
gold and silver themselves, but be wall reject
them, and esteem them instances of wicked-
ness, and not of piety. And that he is delighted
with those that still bear in mind this one
thing, and this only, how to do that, whatso-
ever it be, which God pronounces or commands
for them to do, and to choose rather to die than
to transgress any of those commands; nor does
he require so much as a sacrifice from them.
And when these do sacrifice, though it be a
mean oblation, he better accepts of it as the
honour of poverty, than such oblations as
come from the richest men that offer them to
him. Wherefore take notice, that thou art
under the wrath of God, for thou hast de-
spised and neglected what he commanded
thee. How dost thou then suppose that he
will respect a sacrifice out of such things as
he hath doomed to destruction? unless per-
haps thou dost imagine that it is almost all
one to offer it in sacrifice to God as to destroy
it. Do thou therefore expect that thy king-
dom will be taken from thee, and that autho-
rity which thou hast abused by such insolent
behaviour, as to neglect that God who be-
stowed it upon thee.” Then did Saul -on-
fess that he had acted unjustly, and did not
deny that he had sinned, because he had trans-
gressed the injunctions of the prophet; but
he said that it was out of a dread and fear of
the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and re-
strain them when they seized on the prey.
“But forgive me,” said he, “and be merciful
to me, for I will be cautious how I offend
for the time to come.” He also entreated
the prophet to go back with him, that he
might offer his thank-offerings to God; but
Samuel went home, because he saw that God
would not be reconciled to him.

5.	But then Saul was so desirous to- re-
tain Samuel, that he took hold of his cloak,
and because the vehemence of Samuel’s de-
parture made the motion to be violent, the
cloak was rent. Upon which the prophet
said, that after the same manner should the
kingdom be rent from him, and that a good
and a just man should take it; that God per-
severed in what he had decreed about him;
that to be mutable and changeable in what is
determined, is agreeable to human passions
only, but is not agreeable to the Divine Power.CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

105

and obedience; for in them consists the come,
iiness of the soul." When God had qaid this,
Samuel bade Jes9e to show him all his sons.
So he made five others of his sons to come to
him; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest,
Aminadab the second, Shammah the third,
Nathaniel the fourth, Rael the fifth, and
Asam the sixth. And when the prophet saw
that these were no way inferior to the eldest
in their countenances, he inquired of God
which of them it was whom he chose for their
king; and when God said it was none of them,
he asked Jesse whether he had not some other
sons besides these; and when he said that he
had one more, named David, but that he was
a shepherd, and took care of the docks, Sa-
muel bade them call him immediately, for
j that till he was come they could not possibly
sit down to the feast. Now, as soon as his
| father had sent for David, and he was come,
he appeared to be of a yellow complexion, of
a sharp sight, and a comely person in other
respects also. This is he, said Samuel pri-
vately to himself, whom it pleases God to
make our king. So he sat down to the feast,
and placed the youth under him, and Jesse
also, with his other sons; after which he took
§ 1. Now Saul, being sensible of the miser- oil in the presence of David, and anointed
able condition he had’brought himself into, I him, and whispered him in the ear, and ac-
and that he had made God to be his enemy, quainted him that God chose him to be their
went up to his royal palace at Gibeah, ! kintr; and exhorted him to be righteous. and
which name denotes a hill, and after that day
he came no more into the presence of the pro-

Hereupon Saul said that he had been wicked;
but that what was done could not be un-
done: he therefore desired him to honour him
so far, that the multitude might see that he
would accompany him in worshipping God.
So Samuel granted him that favour, and went
with him and worshipped God. Agag also,
the king of the Amalekites, was brought to
him; and when the king asked, How bitter
death was? Samuel said “ As thou hast
made many of the Hebrew mothers to lament
and bewail the loss of their children, so shalt
thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to la-
ment thee also.” Accordingly he gave order
to slay him immediately at Gilgal, and then
went away to the city Ramah.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW, UPON saul's transgression of the
prophet’s COMMANDS, SAMUEL ORDAINED
ANOTHER PERSON TO BE KING PRIVATELY,
WHOSE NAME WAS DAVID, AS GOD COM-
MANDED HIM.

phet. And when Samuel mourned for him,
God bid him leave off his concern for him,
and to take the holy oil, and go to Bethlehem
to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such
of his sons as he should show him for their
future king. But Samuel said, he was afraid
lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should
kill him, either by some private method or
even openly. But upon God’s suggesting to
him a safe way of going thither, he came to
the forementioned city; and when they all

king; and exhorted him to be righteous, and
obedient tq his commands, for that by this
means his kingdom would continue for a long
time, and that his house should be of great
splendour, and celebrated in the world; that
be should overthrow the Philistines; and that
against what nations soever he should make
war, he should be the conqueror, and survive
the fight; and that while he lived he should
enjoy a glorious name, and leave such a name
to his posterity also.

2. So Samuel, when he had given him
these admonitions, went away. But the Di-
vine Power departed from Saul, and removed

saluted him, and asked what was the occasion I to David, who, upon this removal of the Di-

-----!	1	' ” "	’	' vine Spirit to him, began to prophesy; but

as for Saul, some strange aod demoniacal dis-
orders came upon him, and brought upon
him such suffocations as were ready to choke
him; for which the physicians could find no
other remedy but this, That if any person
could charm those passions by singing, and
playing upon the harp, they advised them to
inquire for such a one, and to observe when
these demons came upon him and disturbed
him, and to take care that such a person
might stand over him, and play upon the
harp, and recite hymns to him.* According-
ly Saul did not delay, but commanded them
to seek out such a man; and when a certain

* Spanheim takes notice here that the Greeks had

of his coming, he told them, he came to sacri-
fice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten
the sacrifice ready, he called Jesse and his
sons to partake of those sacrifices; and when
he saw his eldest son to be a tall and hand-
some man, he guessed by his comeliness that
he was the person who was to be their future
king. But he was mistaken in judging about
God’s providence; for when Samuel inquired
of God whether he should anoint this youth,
whom he so admired, and esteemed worthy
of the kingdom, God said, “ Men do’ not see
B9 God seeth. Thou indeed hast respect to
the fine appearance of this youth, and thence
esteemest him worthy of the kingdom, while
I propose the kingdom as a reward, not of the
beauty of bodies, but of the virtue of souls,
and I inquire after one that is perfectly comely
in that respect; I mean one who is beauti-
ful in piety, and righteousness, and fortitude,

such singers of hymns; and that usually children or
youths were picked out for that service; as also, that
those called singrrs to the harp, did the same that David

those calle'i singers to me narp, ma toe same that David
did here, i.e. join their own vocal and instrumental mu-
sic together.IOO	antiquities; qf the jews.	book vi

atander-by said that he had seen in the city of
Bethlehem a son of Jesse, who was yet no
more than a child in age, but comely and
beautiful, and in other respects one that was
deserving of great regard, who was skilful in
playing on the harp, and in singing of hymns
[and an excellent soldier in war], he sent to
Jesse, and desired him to take David away
from the flocks, and send him to him, for he
had a mind to see him, as having heard art-
advantageous character of his comeliness and
his valour. So Jesse sent his son, and gave
him presents to carry to Saul; and when he
was come, Saul was pleased with him, and
made him his armour-bearer, and had him in
very great esteem; for he charmed his pas-
sion, and was the only physician against the
trouble he had from the demons, whensoever
it was that it came upon him, and this by re-
citing of hymns, and playing upon the harp,
and bringing Saul to his right mind again.
However, he sent to Jesse, the father of the
child, and desired him to permit David to
stay with him, for that he was delighted with
his sight and company, which stay, that he
might not contradict Saul, he granted.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EXPE-
DITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS,' UNDER THE
REIGN OF SAUL; AND HOW THEY WERE
OVERCOME BY DAVID’S SLAYING GOLIATH
IN SINGLE COMBAT.

§ 1. Now the Philistines gathered themselves
together again, no very long time afterward;
and having gotten together a great army, they
made war against the Israelites; and having
seized a place between Shochoh and Azekah,
they there pitched their camp. Saul also
drew out his army to oppose them; and by
pitching his own camp upon a certain hill, he
forced the Philistines to leave their former
camp, and to encamp themselves upon such
another hill, over-against that on which Saul’s
army lay. so that a vaiiey, which was between
the two hills on which they lay, divided their
camps asunder. Now there came down a
ma ;i out of the camp of the Philistines, whose
iih ne was Goliath, of the city of Gath, a man
o! vast bulk, for he was of four cubits and a
span in tallness, and had about him weapons
suitable to the largeness of his body, for he
had a breast-plate on that weighed five thou-
sand shekels: he had also a helmet and greaves
of brass, as large as you would naturally sup-
pose might cover the limbs of so vast a body.
His spear was also such as was not carried like
a fight thing in his right hand, but he carried
it as lying oil his shoulders. He had also a
lance of six hundred shekels; and many fol-
rowfid him tp sorry his armour. Wherefore

this Goliath stood between the two armies, as
they were in battle-array, and sent out a loud
voice, and said to Saul and the Hebrews, “ I
will free you from fighting and from dan-
gers; for what necessity is there that your
army should fall and be afflicted? Give me
a man of you that will fight with me, and he
that conquers shall have the reward of the
conqueror, and determine the war; for these
shall serve those others to whom the conque-
ror shall belong; and certainly it is much
better and more prudent to gain what you
desire by the hazard of one man than of all.”
When he had said this, he retired to his own
camp; but the next day ne came again, and
used the same words, and did not leave off
for forty days together, to challenge the ene-
my in the same words, till Saul and his army
were therewith terrified, while they put them-
selves in array as if they would fight, but did
not come to a close battle.

2. Now while this war between the He-
brews, and the Philistines was going on, Saul
sent away David to his father Jesse, and con-
tented himself with those three sons of his
whom he had sent to his assistance, and to be
partners in the dangers of the war: and at
first David returned to feed his sheep and his
flocks; but after no long time he came to the
camp of the Hebrews, as sent by his father,
to carry provisions to his brethren, and to
know what they were doing; while Goliath
came again, and challenged them and le-
proached them, that they had no man of va-
lour among them that durst come down to
fight him; and as David was talking with his
brethren about the business for which his fa-
ther had sent him, he heard the Philistine
reproaching and abusing the army, and had
indignation at; it, and said to his brethren, “ I
am ready to fight a single combat with this
adversary.” Whereupon Eliab, his eldest
brother, reproved him, and said that he spake
too rashly and improperly for one of his age,
and bid him go to his flocks, and to his fa-
ther. So he was abashed at his brother’s
words, and went away, but still he spake to
some of the soldiers that he was willing to
fight with him that challenged them. And
when they had informed Saul what was the
resolution of the young man, the king sent
for him to come to him: and when the king
asked what he had to say, he replied, “ O
king, be not cast down, nor afraid, for I will
depress the insolence of this adversary, and
will go down and fight with him, and will
bring him under me, as tall and as great as
he is, till he shall be sufficiently laughed at,
and thy army shall get great glory when he
shall be slain*by one that is not yet of man’s
estate, neither fit for fighting, nor capable of
being intrusted with the marshalling an army,
or ordering a battle, but by one that looks like
a child, and is really no elder in age than a
child.’CHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	167

3.	Now Saul wondered at the boldness and
alacrity of David, but durst not presume on
his ability, by reason of his age; but said, he
must on that account be too weak to fight
with one that was skilled in the art of war.
“ I undertake this enterprise,” said David,
“ in dependence on God’s being with me, for
I have had experience already of his assist-
ance ; for I once pursued after and caught a
lion that assaulted my flocks, and took away
a lamb from them, and I snatched the lamb
out of the wild beast’s mouth, and when he
leaped upon me with violence, I took him by
the tail, and dashed him against the ground.
In the same manner did I avenge myself on
a bear also; and let this adversary of ours he
esteemed like one of these wild beasts, since
he has a long while reproached our army and
blasphemed our God, who yet will reduce him
under my power.”

4.	However, Saul prayed that the end
might be, by God’s assistance, not disagree-
able to. the alacrity and boldness of the child;
and said, “ Go thy way to the fight.” So he
put about him his breast-plate, and girded on
his sword, and fitted the helmet to his head,
and sent him away. But David was burdened
with his armour, for he had not been exer-
cised to it, nor had he learned to walk with
it; so he said, “ Let this armour be thine, 0
king, who art able to bear it; but give me
leave to fight as thy servant, and as I myself
desire.” Accordingly he laid by the armour,
and taking his staff with him, and putting five
stones out of the brook into a shepherd’s bag,
and having a sling in his right hand, he went
towards Goliath. But the adversary seeing him
come in such a manner, disdained him, and
iested upon him, as if he had not such wea-
pons with him as are usual when one man
fights against another, but such as are used
in driving away and avoiding of dogs ; and
said, “ Dost thou take me not for a man but
a dog?” To which he replied, “ No, not for
a dog, hut for a creature worse than a dog.’
This provoked Goliath to anger, who there-
upon cursed him by the name of God, and
threatened to givg his flesh to the beasts of
the earth, and to the fowls of the air, to be
torn in pieces by them. To whom David an-
swered, “ Thou comest to me with a sword,
and with a spear, and with a breastplate; but
I have God for my armour in coming against
thee, who will destroy thee and all thy army
by my hands; for I will this day cut off thy
head, and cast the other parts of thy body to
the dogs; and all men shall learn that God
is the protector of the Ilebre" s, and that our
armour and our strength is in his providence;
and that Without God’s assistance, all other
warlike preparations and power are useless.’
So the Philistine being retarded by the weight
of his armour, when he attempted to meet
David in haste, came on but slowly, as de-
spising him. and depending upon it that he

should slay him who was both unarmed and
a child also, without any trouble at all.

5.	But the youth met his antagonist, being
accompanied with an invisible assistant, who
was no other than God himself. And taking
one of the stones that he had out of the brook,
and bad put into his shepherd’s bag, and
fitting it to his sling, he slang it against the
Philistine. This stone fell upon his forehead,
and sank into his brain, insomuch that Go-
liath was stunned, and fell upon his face.
So David ran, and stood upon his adversary
as he lay down, and cut off his head with his
own sword; for he had no sword himself.
And upon the fall of Goliath, the Philistines
were beaten, and fled; for when they saw
their champion prostrate on the ground, they
were afraid of the entire issue of their affairs,
and resolved not to stay any longer, but com-
mitted themselves to an ignominious and in-
decent flight, and thereby endeavoured to save
themselves from the dangers they were in.
But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews
made a shout and rushed upon them, and
slew a great number of them, and pursued the
rest to the borders of Gath, and to the gates
of Ekron; so that there were slain of the Phi-
listines thirty thousand, and twice as many
wounded. But Saul returned to their camp,
and pulled their fortifications to pieces, and
burnt it; but David carried the head of Go-
liath into his own tent, but dedicated his
sword to God [at the tabernacle].

CHAPTER X.

SADL ENVIES DAVID FOR HIS GLORIOUS SUC-
CESS, AND TAKES AN OCCASION OF ENTRAP-
PING HIM, FROM THE PROMISE HE MADE
HIM OF GIVING HIM HIS DAUGHTER IN
MARRIAGE; BUT THIS UPON CONDITION OF
HIS BRINGING HIM SIX HUNDRED HEADS
OF THE PHILISTINES.

§ 1. Now the women were an occasion of
Saul’s envy and hatred to David; for they
came to meet their victorious army with cym-
bals and drums, and all demonstrations of
joy, and sang thus; the wives said, that “ Saul
has slain his many thousands of the Philis-
tines:” the virgins replied, that “David has
slain his ten thousands.” Now, when the
king heard them singing thus, and that he
had himself the smallest share in their com-
mendations, and the greater number, the ten
thousands, were ascribed to the young man:
and when he considered with himseff that
there' was nothing more wanting to David,
after such a mighty applause, but the king-
dom. he began to be afraid and suspicious
of David. Accordingly he removed him
from the station he was in before, fpj hp
! whs his armour-bearer, which, put of fear,BOOK vr.

168	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

seemed to him much too near a station for
him; and so he made him captain over a thou-
sand, and bestowed on him a post better
indeed in itself, but, as he thought, more for
his own security; for he had a mind to send
him against the enemy, and into battles, as
hoping he would be slain in such dangerous
conflicts.

2. But David had God going along with
him, whithersoever he went, and accordingly
he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and
it was visible that he had mighty success, in-
somuch that Saul's daughter, who was still a
virgin, fell in love with him; and her affec-
tion so far prevailed over her, that it could
not be concealed, and her father became ac-
quainted with it. Now Saul heard this gladly,
as intending to make use of it for a snare
against David, and he hoped that it would
prove the cause of destruction and of hazard
to him; so he told those that informed him
of his daughter's affection, that he would will-
ingly give David the virgin in marriage, and
said, “ I engage myself to marry my daughter
to him if he will bring me six hundred heads
of my enemies,* supposing that when a re-
ward so ample was proposed to him, and
when he should aim to get him great glory,
by undertaking a thing so dangerous and in-
credible, he would immediately set about it,
and so perish by the Philistines; and my de-
signs about him will succeed finely to my
mind, for I shall be freed from him, and get
him slain, not by myself, but by another
man.” So he gave-order to his servants to
try how David would relish this proposal of
marrying the damsel. Accordingly, they
began to speak thus to him : That king Saul
loved him, as well as did all the people,
and that he was desirous of his affinity by the
marriage of this damsel. To which he gave
this answer: — “ Seemeth it to you a light
thing to be made the king’s son-in-law? It
does not seem so to me, especially when I am
one of a family that is low, and without any
glory or honour." Now when Saul was in-
formed by his servants what answer David
had made, he said,—“ Tell him, that I do not
want any money nor dowry from him, which
would be rather to set my daughter to sale
than to give her in marriage; but I desire
only such a son-in-law as hath in him for-
titude, and all other kinds of virtue,” of which
he saw David was possessed, and that his de-
sire was to receive of him, on account of his
marrying his daughter, neither gold nor silver,
nor that he should bring such wealth out

* Jos9phus says tbrice in this chapter, and twice after-
wards, chap. xi. sect. 2, and b. vii. ch. i. sect 4. i. e. five
times in ali, that Saul required not a bare hundred of
the foreskins of the Philistines, but six hundred of their
heads. The septuagint have li 0 foreskins, but the Syria
and Arabiac 200. Now that these were not Jortskivs.
With our other copies, but iiauis, with Jusepnus’s cop>
seems somewhat probable, from I Sam. xxix. -I; ivli.;.
all copies say (hat it was with the heads of such Philistine
that -David might rccoui ile himself to bis mastei, -an..

of bis father’s house, but only some revenge
on the Philistines, and indeed six hundred of
their heads, than which a more desirable or a
more glorious present could not be brought
him; and that he had much rather obtain this
than any of the accustomed dowries for his
daughter, viz. that she should be married to
a man of that character, and to one who had
a testimony as having conquered his enemies.

3. When these words of Saul were brought
to David, he was pleased with them, and sup-
posed that Saul was really desirous of this
affinity with him; so that without bearing to
deliberate any longer, or casting about in his
mind whether what was proposed was pos-
sible, or was difficult or not, he and his com-
panions immediately set upon the enemy, and
went about doing what was proposed as the
condition of the marriage. Accordingly, be-
cause it was God who made all things easy
and possible to David, he slew many [of the
Philistines], and cut off the heads of six hun-
dred of them, and came to the king, and by
showing him these heads of the Philistine?,
required that he might have his daughter in
marriage. Accordingly, Saul, having no way
of getting off his engagements, as thinking it
a base thing either to seem a liar when he
promised him this marriage, or to appear to
have acted treacherously by him, in putting
him upon what was in a manner impossible,
in order to have him slain, he gave him his
daughter in marriage: her name was Michal.

CHAPTER XI.

HOW DAVID, UPON SAUL’S LAYING SNARES FOR
HIM, DID YET ESCAPE THE DANGERS HE
WAS IN, BY THE AFFECTION AND CARE OF
JONATHAN, AND THE CONTRIVANCES OF
HIS WIFE MICHAL; AND HOW HE CAME TO
SAMUEL THE PROPHET.

§ 1. However, Saul was not disposed to per-
severe long in the state wherein he was; for
when he saw that David vi; in great esteem
both with God and with the multitude, he
was afraid; and being not able to conceal his
fear as concerning great things, his kingdom
and his life, to be deprived of either of which
was a very great calamity, he resolved to have
David slain; and commanded his son Jona-
than and his most faithful servant to kill him:
but Jonathan wondered at his father’s change
with relation to David, that it should he made
to so great a degree, from showing him no
small good-will, to contrive how to have him
killed. Now, because he loved the young
man, and reverenced him for his virtue, he
informed him of the secret charge his father
had given, and what his intentions were con-
cerning him. However, he advised him to
take care and be absent the next day, for thatCHAP* XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

169

he would salute his father, and, if he met with
a favourable opportunity, he would discourse
with him about him, and learn the cause of
his disgust, and show how little ground there
was for it, and that for it he ought not to kill
a man that had done so many good things to
the multitude, and had been a benefactor to
himself, on account of which he ought in rea-
son to obtain pardon, had he been guilty of
the greatest crimes: and “ I will then inform
thee of my father’s resolution.” Accordingly
David complied with such an advantageous
advice, and kept himself then out of the
king’s sight.

2. On the next day Jonathan came to Saul,
as soon as he saw him in a cheerful and joy-
ful disposition, and began to introduce a dis-
course about David: “ What unjust action,
O father, either little ot great, hast thou
found so exceptionable in David, as to induce
thee to order us to slay a man who hath been
of great advantage to thy own preservation,
and of still greater to the punishment of the
Philistines? A man who hath delivered the
people of the Hebrews from reproach and de-
rision, which they underwent for forty days
together, when he alone had courage enough
to sustain the challenge of the adversary, and
after that brought as many heads of our ene-
mies as be was appointed to bring, and had,
as a reward for the same, my sister in mar-
riage ; insomuch that his death would be very
sorrowful to us, not only on account of his
virtue, but on account of the nearness of our
relation; for thy daughter must be injured at

perity, because he thought he would be more
dangerous to him by having acted so glorious-
ly: but when the demoniacal spirit came
upon him, and put him into disorder, and
disturbed him, he called for David into his
bed-chamber wherein he lay, and having a
spear in his hand, he ordered him to charm
him with playing on his harp, and with sing-
ing hymns; which when David did at his
command, he with great force threw the spear
at him; but David was aware of it before it
came, and avoided it, and fled to his own
house, and abode there all that day.

4. But at night the king sent officers, and
commanded that he should be watched till the
morning, lest he should get quite away, that
he might come into the judgment-hall, and so
might be delivered up, and condemned and
slain. But when Michal, David’s wife, the
king’s daughter, understood what her father
designed, she came to her husband, as having
small hopes of his deliverance, and as greatly
concerned about her own life also, for she
could not bear to live in case she were deprived
of him; and she said,—“ Let not the sun
find thee here when it rises, for if it do, that
will be the last time it will see thee: fly away
then while the night may afford the opportuni-
ty, and may God lengthen it for thy sake 1
for know this, that if my father find thee, thou
art a dead man.” So she let him down by a
cord out of the window, and saved him: and
after she had done so, she fitted up a bed for
him as if he were sick, and put under the
bed-clothes a goat’s liver;* and when her

the same time that he is slain, and must be father, as soon as it was day, sent to seize
obliged to experience widowhood before she ) David, she said to those that were there, That

can come to enjoy any advantage from their
mutual conversation. Consider these things,
and change your mind to a more merciful
temper, and do no mischief, to a man who, in
the first place, hath done us the greatest
kindness of preserving thee; for when an
evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee,
he cast them out, and procured rest to thy
soul from their incursions: and, in the se-
cond place, hath avenged us of our enemies ;
for it is a base tiling to forget such benefits.”
So Saul was pacified with these words; and
8ware to his son that he would do David no
harm; for a righteous discourse proved too
hard for the king’s anger and fear. So Jo-
nathan sent for David, and brought him good
news from his father, that he was to be pre-
served. He also brought him to his father;
and David continued with the king as for-
merly.

3. About this time it .was that., upon the
Philistines making a new expedition against
the Hebrews, Saul sent David with an army
to fight with them ; and joining battle with
them he slew many of then., and after his vic-
tory he returned to the king. But. his recep-
tion by Saul was not as he expected upon
such success, for he was grieved at his pros-

he had not been well that night, and showed
them the bed covered, and made them believe,
by the leaping of the liver, which caused the
bed-clothes to move also, that David breathed
like one that was asthmatic. So when those
that were sent told Saul that David had not
been well in the night, he ordered him to be
brought in that condition, for he intended to
kill him. Now when they came, and un-
covered the bed, and found out the woman’s
contrivance, they told it to the king; and
when her father complained of her that she
had saved his enemy, and had put a trick upon
himself, she .invented this plausible defence
for herself, and said, That when he threatened
to kill her, she lent him her assistance for
his preservation, out of fear; for which her
assistance she ought to be forgiven, because
it was not done of her own free choice, but
out of necessity: “ For,” said she, “ I do not
suppose that thou wast so zealous to kill thy

Sinre the mortem Jews have lost the signification
Hebrew wonl here used % cebir; anti since the
r it the 1
losephns
prohabh

others, it is almost unaccountable that our commenta-
tors should so much os hesitate about its true interpre-
tation.

of the

Ixxii. as we'l as Josephus, render it the liver of the ^oat;
and since this rendering, and1 Josephus’s account,

new word here used, cebir t anti
»-\ as Josephus, render it the livei

;ephus*s account, are
ohublc than those of

much more clear and170

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI

enemy, as thou wast that I should be saved.”
Accordingly, Saul forgave the damsel; but
David, when he had escaped this danger, came
to the prophet Samuel to Ramah, and told
him what snares the king had laid for him,
and how he was very near to death by Saul’s
throwing a spear at him, although he had
been no way guilty with relation to him, nor
had he been cowardly in his battles with his
enemies, but had succeeded well in them all,
by God’s assistance; which thing was indeed
the cause of Saul’s hatred to David.

5.	When the prophet was made acquainted
with the unjust proceedings of the king, he
left the city Ramah, and took David with him,
to a certain place called Naioth, and there he
abode with him. But when it was told Saul
that David was with the prophet, he sent sol-
diers to him, and ordered them to take him,
and bring him to him; and when they came
to Samuel, and found there a congregation of
prophets, they became partakers of the Divine
Spirit, and began to prophesy; which when
Saul heard of, he sent others to David, who
prophesying in like manner as did the first, he
again sent others; which third sort prophesy-
ing also, at last he was angry, and went thither
in great haste himself; and when he was
just by the place, Samuel, before he saw him,
made him prophesy also. And when Saul
came to him, he was disordered in mind,* and
under the vehement agitation of a spirit; and,
putting off his garments,! he fell down, and
lay on the ground all that day and night, in
the presence of Samuel and David.

6.	And David went thence, and came to
Jonathan, the son of Saul, and lamented to
him what snares were laid for him by his
father; and said, that though he had been
guilty of no evil, nor had offended against
him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed.
Hereupon Jonathan exhorted him not to give
credit to such his own suspicions, nor to the
calumnies of those that raised those reports,
if there were any that did so, but to depend

• These violent and wild agitations of Sanl seem to
me to have been no other than demoniacal; and that
the same demon which used to seize him, since he was
forsaken of God, and which the divine hymns and
psalms which were sung to the harp by David used to
expel, was now in a judicial way broughfeupon hint, not
only in order to disappoint his intentions against inno-
cent David, but to expose him to the laughter and con-
tempt of all that saw him, or heard of those agitations;
such violent and wild agitations being never observed in
true prophets when they were under the inspiration of
the Spirit of God. Our other copies, which say the
--------------------L! --------------:	her

Spirit of God came upon him, seem not so right here as
Josephus’s copy, which mentions nothing of God at all.
es Josephus seem to ascribe this impulse and
ul to any other than to his ol ‘

ild demoniacal

Nor doe

ecBtacy of Sanl to any other than to
spirit, which on all accounts appears the most probable.
Nor does the former description of Saul’s real inspiration
by the Divine Spirit, 1 Sam. x. 9—12; Antiq. b. vi.
chap. iv. sect 2, which, was before be was become
wicked, well agree with the description before us.

+ What is meant by Saul’s lying down naked all that
day, and all that night 1 Sam. xix. 24, and whether any
more than laying aside his royal apparel, or upper gar-
ments, as Josephus seems to understand it is by no means
certain. See the note on Antiq. b. viii. ch. 14, sect. 2.

on him, and take courage; for that his fa.
ther had iio such intentions, since he would
have acquainted him with that matter, end
have taken his advice, had it been so, as he
used to consult with him in common when he
acted in other affairs. But David sware to
him that so it was; and he desired him rather
to believe him, and to provide for his safety,
than to despise what he, with great sincerity,
told him: that he would believe what he said,
when he should either see him killed himself,
or learn it upon inquiry from others: and that
the reason why his father did not tell him of
these things, was this, that he knew of the
friendship and affection that he bore towards
him.

7.	Hereupon, when Jonathan found that
this intention of Saul was so well attested, he
asked him what ha would have him do for
him? To which David replied, “I am sen-
sible that thou art willing to gratify me in
every thing, and procure me what I desire.
Now, to-morrow is the new moon, and I was
accustomed to sit down then with the king at
supper: now, if it seem good to thee, I will
go out of the city, and conceal myself pri-
vately there; and if Saul inquire why I am
absent, tell him that I am gone to my own city
Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own
tribe; and add this also, that thou gavest me
leave so to do. And if he say, as is usually
said in the case of friends that are gone abroad,
It is well that he went, then assure thyself that
no latent mischief or enmity may be feared at
his hand; but if he answer otherwise, that will
be a sure sign that he hath some designs against
me. Accordingly thou sha.lt inform me of thy
father’s inclinations; and that, out of pity to
my case and out of thy friendship for me, as
instances of which friendship thou hast vouch-
safed to accept of the assurances of my love
to thee, and to give the like assurances to me,
that is, those of a master to his servant; but
if thou discoverest any wickedness in me, do
thou prevent thy father, and kill me thyself.”

8.	But Jonathan heard these last words
with indignation, and promised to do what he
desired of him, and to inform him if his fa-
ther’s answer implied any thing of a melan-
choly nature, and any enmity against him. And
that he might the more firmly depend upon
him, he took him out into the open field, into
the pure air, and sware that he would neglect
nothing that might tend to the preservation of
David; and he said, “I appeal to that God,
who, as thou seest, is diffused everywhere, and
knoweth tliis intention of mine, before I ex-
plain it in words, as the witness of this my
covenant with thee, that I will not leave off
to make frequent trials of the purpose of my
father till I learn whether there be any lurking
distemper in the most secret parts of his soul;
and when I have learnt it, I will not conceal
it from thee, but will discover it to thee,
whether he be gently or peevishly disposed; forCHAP. XII*

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW'S.

this God himself knows, that I pray he may
always be with thee, for he is with thee now,
and will not forsake thee, and will make thee
superior to thine enemies, whether my father
he one of them, or whether I myself be such.
Do thou only remember what we now do;
and if it fall out that I die, preserve my chil-
dren alive, and requite what kindness thou
hast now' received, to them.” When he had
thus sworn, he dismissed David, bidding him
go to a certain place of that plain wherein he
used to perforin his exercises; for that, as
soon as he knew the mind of his father, he
would come thither to him, w'ith one servant
only; “ and if^” says he, “ I shoot three darts
at the mark, and then hid my servant to carry
these three darts away, for they are before him,
—-know thou that there is no mischief to be
feared from my father; but if thou hearest
me say the contrary, expect the contrary from
the king. However, thou shalt gain security
by my means, and shalt by no means suffer
any harm; but see thou dost not forget what
I have desired of thee in the time of thy pros-
perity, and be serviceable to my children.”
Now David, when he had received these as-
surances from Jonathan, went bis way to the
place appointed.

9. But on the next day, which was the new
moon, the king, when he bad purified himself,
as the custom was, came to supper; and when
there sat by him his son Jonathan on his right
hand, and Abner, the captain of his host, on
the other hand, he saw David's seat was empty,
but said nothing, supposing that he had not
purified himself since be had accompanied
with his wife, and so could not be present;
but when he saw that he was not there the
second day of the month neither, he inquired
of his son Jonathan why the son of Jesse did
not come to the supper and the feast, neither
the day before nor that day. So Jonathan
said that he was gone, according to the agree-
ment between them, to his own city, where
bis tribe kept a festival, and that ])y his per-
mission : that be also invited him to come to
their sacrifice; “ and,” says Jonathan, “ if thou
wilt give me leave, I will go thither, for thou
knowest the good-will that I bear him;” and
then it was that Jonathan understood his fa.
ther's hatred to David, and plainly saw his
entire disposition ; for Saul could not restrain
his anger, but reproached Jonathan, and called
him the son of a runagate, and an enemy;
and said he was a partner with David, and his
assistant, and that by his behaviour he showed
he had no regard to himself, or to his mother,
and would not be persuaded of this,—that
while David is alive, their kingdom was not
secure to them ; vet did he bid him send for
bim, that be might be punished; and when
Jonathan said in answer, “ What hath he
done that thou wilt punish him ?” Saul no
longer contented himself to express his anger
in bare words, but snatched up his s|

leaped upon bim, and was desirous to kill Vim.
He did not indeed do what be intended, be-
cause he was hindered by bis friends; hut it
appeared plainly to his son that he hated Da-
vid, and greatly desired to dispatch him, inso-
much that he had almost slain his son with his
own hands on his account.

10. And then it was that the king’s son
rose hastily from supper; and being unanle to
admit any thing into his mouth for grief, he
wept all night, both because he had himself
been near destruction, and because the death
of David was determined; but as soon as it
was day, be weijt out into the plain that was
before the city, as going to perform hi9 exer-
cises, but in reality to inform his friend what
disposition his father was in towards him, aa
he had agreed with him to do; and when Jona-
than bad done what had been thus agreed, he
dismissed his servant that followed him, to re-
turn to the city; hut he himself went into the
desert, and came into his presence, and com-
muned with him. So David appeared and fell
at Jonathan’s feet, and bowed down to him, and
called him the preserver of his soul; but he
lifted him up from the earth, and they mutu-
ally embraced one another, and made a long
greeting, and that not without tears. They
also lamented their age, and that familiarity
which envy would deprive them of. and that
separation which must now be expected, which
seemed to them no better than death itself.
So recollecting themselves at length from their
lamentation, and exhorting one another to be
mindful of the oaths they had sworn to each
other, they parted asunder.

CHAPTER XII.

HOW DAVID FLED TO AHIMELECH, AND AFTER-
WAilDS TO THE KINGS OF THE PHILISTINES,
AND OF THE MOABITES; AND HOW SAUL
SLEW AHIMELECH AND HIS FAMILY.

§ 1. But David fled from the king, and that
death he was in danger of by him, and came
to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest,
who, when he saw him coining all alone, anc
neither a friend nor a servant with him, ht
wondered at it, and desired to learn of hiri
the cause why there was nobody with him.
To which David answered, That the king
had commanded him to do a certain thing
that was to be kept secret, to which, if he had
a mind to know so much, he had no occasion
for any one to accompany him ; “ however,
I have ordered my servants to meet me at
such and such a place.” So he desired him to
let him have somewhat to eat; and that in
case he would supply him, he would act the
part of a friend, and he assisting to the busi-
ness he was now about: and when he had
pear, and' obtained what he desired, he also asked turn173

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI,

whether he had any weapons with him, either
sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a
servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name
was Doeg, one that kept the king’s mules.
The high-priest said that he had no such
weapons; but, he added, “ Here is the sword
of Goliath, which, when thou hadst slain the
Philistine, thou didst dedicate to God.”

2.	When David had received the sword,
he fled out of the country of the Hebrews
into that of the Philistines, over which Achish
reigned; and when the king’s servants knew
him, and he was made known to the king
himself, the servants informing him that he
was that David who had killed many ten
thousands of the Philistines, David was afraid
lest the king should put him to death, and
that he should experience that danger from
him which he had escaped from Saul; so he
pretended to be distracted and mad, so that
his spittle ran out of his mouth; and he did
other the like actions before the king of Gath,
which might make him believe that they pro-
ceeded from such a distemper. Accordingly,
the king was very angry at his servants that
they had brought him a madman, and he gave
orders that they should eject David imme-
diately [out of the city].

3.	So when David had escaped in this
manner out of Gath, he came to the tribe of
Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of
Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his
brethren, and informed them where he was,
who then came to him with all their kindred,
and as many others as were either in want or
in fear of king Saul, came and made a body
together, and told him they were ready to
obey his orders; they were in all about four
hundred. Whereupon he took courage, now
such a force and assistance was come to him;
so he removed thence, and came to the king
of the Moabites, and desired him to entertain
his parents in his country while the issue of
his affairs were in such an uncertain condition.
The king granted him this favour, and paid
great respect to David’s parents all the time
they were with him.

4.	As for himself, upon the prophet’s com-
manding him to leave the desert, and to go
into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and
abide there, he complied therewith; and com-
ing to the city Kareth, which was in that
tribe, he remained there. Now when Saul
beard that David had been seen with a multi-
tude about him, he fell into no small distur-
bance and trouble; but as he knew that David
was a bold and courageous man, he suspected
that somewhat extraordinary would appear
from him, and that openly also, which would
make him weep and put him into distress;
so he called together to him his friends, and
his commanders, and the tribe from which he
was himself derived, to the hill where his pa-
lace was; and sitting upon a place called
Aroura, his courtiers that were in dignities,

and the guards of his body, being with him,
he spake thus to them: —“You that are me*
of my own tribe, I conclude that, you remem-
ber the benefits that I have bestowed upon
you, and that I have made some of you
owners of land, and made yoi commanders,
and bestowed posts of honour upon you, and
set some of you over the common people, and
others over the soldiers; I ask you, therefore.
Whether you expect greater and more dona-
tions from the son of Jesse? for I know that
you are all inclinable to him (even my own
son Jonathan himself is of that opinion, and
persuades you to be of the same); for I am
not unacquainted with the oaths and the cove-
nants that are between him and David, and
that Jonathan is a counsellor, and an assistant
to those that conspire against me, and none of
you are concerned about these things, but you
keep silence and watch, to see what will be
the upshot of these things.” When the king
had made this speech, not one of the rest of
those that were present made any answer;
but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said,
that he saw David when he came to the city
Nob to Abimelech the high-priest, and that
he learned future events by his prophesying;
that he received food from him, and the
sword of Goliath, and was conducted by him
with security to such as he desired to go to.

5. Saul, therefore, sent for the high-priest,
and for all his kindred, and said to them,
“ What terrible or ungrateful thing hast thou
suffered from me, that thou hast received the
son of Jesse, and hast bestowed on him both
food and weapons, when he was contriving
to get the kingdom!—and farther, Why didst
thou deliver oracles to him concerning futu-
rities? for thou couldst not be unacquainted
that he was fled away from me, and that he
hated my family.” But the high-priest did
not betake himself to deny what he had done,
but confessed boldly that he had supplied him
with these things, not to gratify David, but
Saul himself: and he said, “ 1 (fid not know
that he was thy adversary, but a servant of
> thine, who was very faithful to thee, and a
captain over a thousand of thy soldiers, and,
what is more than these, thy son-in-law and
kinsman. Men do not choose to confer such
favours on their adversaries, but on those who
are esteemed to bear the highest good-will
and respect to them. Nor is this the first
time that I prophesied for him, but I have
done it often, and at other times, as well as
now. And when he told me that he was
sent by thee in great haste to do somewhat, if
l bad furnished him with nothing that he de-
sired, I should have thought that it was rather
in contradiction to thee that to him; where-
fore do not thou entertain any iL1 opinion of
me, nor do thou have a suspicio.’* of what I
then thought an act of humanity, from what
is now told thee of David’s attempts ag-inst
thee, for I did then to him as to tLy &!».«■ 4CHAP. XII,

ANTIQUITIES

and son-in-law, and captain of a thousand,
and not as to thine adversary."

6.	When the high-priest had spoken thus,
he did not persuade Saul, his fear was so
prevalent, that he could not give credit to an
apology that was very just. So he commanded
his armed men that stood about him to kill
him, and all his kindred; but as they durst
not touch the high-priest, but were more
afraid of disobeying God than the king, he
ordered Doeg the Syrian to kill them. Ac-
cordingly, he took to his assistance sueh
wicked men as were like himself, and slew
Abimelech and all his family, who were in all
three hundred and eighty-five. Saul also
sent to Nob,* the city of the priests, and slew
all that were there, without sparing either
women or children, or any other age, and
burnt it; only there was one son of Ahime-
lech, whose name wasAbiathar, who escaped.
However, these things came to pass as God
had foretold to Eli the high-priest, when he
said that his posterity should be destroyed, on
account of the transgression of his two sons.

7.	f Now this king Saul, by perpetrating
so barbarous a crime, and murdering the
whole family of the high-priestly dignity, by
having no pity of the infants, nor reverence
for the aged, and by overthrowing the city
which God had chosen for the property, and
for the support of the priests and prophets
which were there, and had ordained as the
only city allotted for the education of such
men, gives all to understand and consider the
disposition of men, that while they are private
persons, and in a low condition, because it
is not in their power to indulge nature, nor
to venture upon what they wish for, they are
equitable and moderate, and pursue nothing
but what is just, and bend their whole minds
and labours that way; then it is that they
have this belief about God, that he is present to

• This city Nob was not a city allotted to tbo priests,
nor had the prophets, that we know of, any particular
cities allotted them. It seems the tabernacle was now
at Nob, and probably a school of the prophets was here
also. It was full two days’ journey on foot from Jeru-
salem, I Sam. xxi. 5. The number of priests here slain
in Josephus, is three hundred and eighty-five, and but
eighty-five in our Hebrew copies; yet are they three
hundred and five in the septuagint. I prefer Josephus’s
number, the Hebrew having, I suppose, only dropped
the hundreds, the other the tens. This city Nob seems
to have been the chief, or perhaps the only seat of the
family of Ithamar, which here perished, according to
God’s former terrible threatening* to Eli, 1 Sam. il 27
—36; iii. II—18. See chap. xiv. sect 9, hereafter.

+ This section contains an admirable reflection of Jo-
sephus concerning the general wickedness of men in great
authority, and the danger they are in of rejecting that re-
gard to justice and humanity, to Divine Providence and
the fear of God, which they either really had, or pre-
tended to have, while they were in a lower condition.
It can never be too often perused by kings and great men.
nor by those who expect to obtain such elevated dignities
among mankind. See the like reflections of our Jose-
phus, Antiq. b. vii ch. i. sect. 5, at the end; and b. viii.
rh. x. sect. 2, at the beginning. They are to the like
purport with one branch of Agnr’s prayer: ’• One thing
have I required of thee, deny it me not before I die: Give
me not riches, lest I he full, and deny thee, and say,
who is the LordProv. xxx. 7, 8,9.

OF THE JEWS.	173

all the actions of their lives, and that he does
not only see the actions that are done, but
clearly knows those their thoughts also,
whence those actions do arise: but when once
they are advanced into power and authority,
then they put off all such notions, and, as if
they were no others than actors upon a
theatre, their disguised parts and manners,
and take up boldness, insolence, and a con-
tempt of both human and divine laws, and
this at a time when they especially stand in
need of piety and righteousness, because they
are then most of all exposed to envy, and all
they think and all they say are in the view of
all men ; then it is that they become so inso-
lent in their actions, as though God saw them
no longer, or were afraid of them because of
their power: and whatsoever it is that they
either are afraid of by the rumours they hear,
or they hate by inclination, or they love with-
out reason, these seem to them to be authen-
tic, and firm, and true, and pleasing both to
men' and to God; but as to what will come
hereafter, they have not the least regard to it.
They raise those to honour indeed who have
been at a great deal of pains for them, and
after that honour they envy them; and when
they have brought them into high dignity,
they do not only deprive them of what they
had obtained, but also on that very account
of their lives also, and that on wicked accu-
sations, and such as on account of their ex-
travagant nature are incredible. They also
punish men for their actions, not such as de-
serve condemnation, but from calumnies and
accusations without examination; and this
extends not only to such as deserve to be pun-
ished, but to as many as they are able to
kill. This reflection is openly confirmed to
us from the example of Saul, the son of
Kish, who was the first king who reigned af-
ter our aristocracy and government under the
judges were over; and that by his slaughter
of three hundred priests and prophets, on oc-
casion of his suspicion about Abimelech, and
by the additional wickedness of the overthrow
of their city, and this as if he were endeavour-
ing in some sort to render the temple [taber-
nacle] destitute both of priests and prophets;
which endeavour he showed by slaying so
many of them, and not suffering the very city
belonging to them to remain, that no others
might succeed them.

8. But Abiathar, the son of Abimelech,
who alone could be saved out of the family
of priests slain by Saul, fled to David, and
informed him of the calamity that had befallen
their family, and of the slaughter of his fa-
ther: who hereupon said, He was not un-
apprized of what would follow with relation
to them when he saw Doeg there; for he
had then a suspicion that the high-priest
would be falsely accused by him to the king;
and he blamed himself as having been the
cause of this misfortune. But he desired himANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

to stay there, and abide with him, as in a
place where he might he better concealed than
anywhere a£o.

CHAPTER XIIL

UOW DAVID, WHEN HE HAD TWICE THE OP-
PORTUNITY OF KILLING SAUL, DID NOT KILL
HIU. ALSO, CONCERNING THE DEATH OF
SAMUEL AND NABAL.

§ 1. About this time it was that David heard
how the Philistines had made an inroad into
the country of Keilah, and robbed it; so he
offered himself to fight against them, if God,
when he should be consulted by the prophet,
would grant him the victory. And when the
prophet said that God gave a signal of victory,
he made a sudden onset upon the Philistines
with his companions, and he shed a great deal
of their blood, and carried off their prey, and
staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had
securely gathered in their corn and their fruits.
However, it was told Saul the king that David
was with the men of Keilah; for what had
been done, and the great success that had
attended him, were not confined among the
people where the things were done, but the
fame of it went all abroad, and came to the
hearing of others, and both the fact as it stood
and the author of the fact, were carried to the
king’s ears. Then was Saul glad when he
heard David was in Keilah: and he said, “God
hath now put him into my hands, since he hath
obliged him to come into a city that hath walls,
and gates, and bars;” so he commanded all
the people to set upon Keilah suddenly, and,
when they had besieged and taken it, to kill
David. But when David perceived this, and
learned of God that if he staid there the men
of Keilah would deliver him up to Saul, he
took his four hundred men and retired into a
desert that was over against a city called En-
gedi. So that when the king heard he was
fled away from the men of Keilah, he left off
his expedition against him.

2.	Then David removed thence, and came
to a certain place called the New Place, be-
longing to Ziph; where Jonathan, the son of
Saul, came to him, and saluted him, and ex-
horted him to be of good courage, and to hope
well as to his condition hereafter, and not to
despond at his present circumstances, for that
he should be king, and have all the forces of
the Hebrews under him: he told him that
6uch happiness uses to come with great labour
and pains: they also took oaths, that they
would, all their lives long, continue in good-
will and fidelity one to another; and he called
God to witness as to what execrations he had
made upon himself if he should transgress his
covenant, and should change to a contrary be-
haviour. So Jonathan left him there, having
rendeied his cares, and fears somewhat lighter,

and returned borne. Now the men of Zipb,
to gratify Saul, informed him that David abode
with them, and [assured him] that if he would
come to them, they would deliver him up, for
that if the king would seize on the straits of
Ziph, David would not escape to any other
people. So the king commended them, and
confessed that he had reason to thank them,
because they had given him information of
his enemy; and he promised them, that it
should not be long ere he would requite their
kindness. He also sent men to seek for David,
and to search the wilderness wherein he was;
and he promised that he himself would follow
them. Accordingly they went before the king,
to hunt for and to catch David, and used en-
deavours not only to show their good-will to
Saul, by informing him where his enemy was,
but to evidence the same more plainly by de-
livering him up into his power. But these
men failed of those their unjust and wicked
desires, who, while they underwent no hazard
by not discovering such an ambition of reveal-
ing this to Saul, yet did they falsely accuse
and promise to deliver up a man beloved of
God, and one that was unjustly sought after
to be put to death, and one that might other-
wise have lain concealed, and this out of flat-
tery, and expectation of gain from the king;
for when David was apprised of the malignant
intentions of the men of Ziph, and the approach
of Saul, he left the Straits of that country, and
fled to the great rock that was in the wilder-
ness of Maon.

3.	Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue
him thither; for, as he was marching, he
learned that David was gone away from the
Straits of Ziph, and Saul removed to the other
side of the rock. But the report that the
Philistines had again made an incursion into
the country of the Hebrews, called Saul ano-
ther way from the pursuit of David, when
he was ready to be caught; for he returned
back again to oppose those Philistines, who
were naturally their enemies, as judging it
more necessary to avenge himself of them
than to take a great deal of pains to catch an
enemy of his own. and to overlook the ravage
that was made in the land.

4.	And by this means David unexpectedly
escaped out of the danger he was in, and came
to the Straits of Engedi; and when Saul had
driven the Philistines out of the land, there
came some messengers, who told him that
David abode within the bounds of Engedi;
so he took three thousand chosen men that
were armed, and made haste to him; and
when he was not far from those places, he
saw a deep and hollow cave hy the way-side;
it was open to a great length and breadth, and
there it was that David with his four hundred
men were concealed. When therefore he had
occasion to ease nature, he entered into it by
himself alone; and being seen by one of Da-
vid’s com|.anions, and he that saw him suyingCHAP. XIII,

ANTIQUITIES QF THE JEWS.

to him that he had now, hy God’s providence,
an opportunity of avenging himself of his ad-
versary; and advising him to cut off his head,
and so deliver himself out of that tedious wan-
dering condition, and the distress he was in,
he rose up and only cut off the skirt of that
garment which Saul had on; but he soon re-
pented of what he had done; and said it was
not right to kill him that was his master, and
er.e whom God had thought worthy of the
kingdom: “for that although be were wickedly
disposed towards us, yet does it not behove
me to be so disposed towards him.” But when
Saul had left the cave, David came near and
cried out aloud, and desired Saul to hear him;
whereupon the king turned his face back, and
David, according to custom, fell down on his
face before the king, and bowed to him; and
said, “ O king, thou oughtest not to hearken
to wicked men, nor to such as forge calum-
nies, nor to gratify them so far as to believe
what they say, nor to entertain suspicions of
ouch as are your best friends, but to judge of
the dispositions of all men by their actions ;
for calumny deludes men, but men’s own ac-
tions are a clear demonstration of their kind-
ness. Words indeed, i« their own nature,
may be either true or false, but men’s actions
expose their intentions nakedly to our view.
By these, therefore, it will be well for tbee to
believe me, as to my regard to thee and to thy
house, and not to believe those that frame such
accusations against me as never came into my
mind, nor are possible to be executed, and do
this farther by pursuing after my life, and
have no concern either day or night, but how
to compass my life and to murder me, which
thing I think thou dost unjustly prosecute;
for how comes it about that thou hast embraced
this false opinion about me, as if I had a
desire to kill thee?—or how canst thou escape
the crime of impiety towards God, when thou
wishest thou couldst kill, and deemest thine
adversary a man who had it in his power this
day to avenge himself, and to punish thee,
but would not do it?—nor make use of such
an opportunity, which, if it had fallen out to
thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip, for
when I cut off the skirt of thy garment, I
could have done the same to thy head.” So
be showed him the piece of his garment, and
thereby made him agree to what he said
to be true; and added, “ I, for certain, have
abstained from taking a just revenge upon
thee, yet art thou not ashamed to prosecute
me with unjust hatred.* May God do jus-
tise and determine about each of our disposi-
tions!”—But Saul was amazed at the strange
delivery be had received; and, being greatly
affected with the moderation and the disposi-

* The phrase in David's speech io Sant, as set down
In Josephus, that he had abstained from just revenge,
puts me in mind <jf the Rite words in the Apostolical
Constitutions, h. vii. ch. ti, •* That revenge is net evil,
bat that patie	n»ote honourable.”	,

175

tion of the young man, he groaned; end when
David had done the same, the king answerea
that he had the justest occasion to groar.,
“ for thou hast been the author of good to
me, as I have been the author of calamity to
thee; and thou hast demonstrated this day,
that thou possesses! the righteousness of the
ancients, who determined that men ought to
save their enemies, though they caught them
in a desert place. I am now persuaded that
God reserves the kingdom for thee, and that
thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the
Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon
oath, That thou wilt not root out my family,
nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have
done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and
preserve my house.” So David sware as he
desired, and sent back Saul to his own king-
dom ; but he, and those that were with him,
went up the Straits of Mastheroth.

5.	About this time Samuel the prophet
died. He was a man whom the Hebrews ho-
noured in an extraordinary degree; for that
lamentation which the people made for bim,
and this during a long time, manifested his
virtue, and the affection which the people bore
for him; as also did the solemnity and concern
that appeared about his funeral, and about the
complete observation of all his funeral rites.
'They buried him in his own city of Ramah;
and wept for him a very great number of days,
not looking on it as a sorrow for the death of
another man, but as that in which they were
every one themselves concerned. He was a
righteous man, and gentle in his nature; and
on that account he was very dear to God.
Now he governed and presided over the peo-
ple alone, after the death of Eli the high-
priest, twelve years, and eighteen years toge-
ther with Saul the king. And thus we have
finished the.history of Samuel.

6.	There was a man that was a Ziphite, of
the city df Maon, who was rich, and had a
vast number of cattle; for he fed a flock of
three thousand sheep, and another flock of a
thousand goats. Now David had charged his
associates to keep these flocks without hurt
and without damage, and to do them no mis-
chief, neither out of covetousness, nor because
they were in want, nor because they were in
the wilderness, and so could not easily be dis-
covered, but to esteem freedom from injustice
above all other motives, and to look upon the
touching 9f what belonged to another man as
a horrible crime, and contrary to the will of
God. These were the instructions he gave,
thinking that the favours he granted this man
were granted to a good man, and one that de-
served to have such care taken of bis affairs.
This man was Nabal, for that was bis name
—a harsh man, end of a very wicked life;
being like a cynic in tbe course of bis beha-
viour, but still bail obtained for his wife a wo-
man of a good character, wise and handsome.
To this Nabal, therefore, David sent tea men176

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK TO*

of his attendants at the time when he sheared
nis sheep, and by them saluted him; and also
wished he might do what he now did for many
years to come, hut desired him to make him a
present of what he was able to give him, since
he had, to be sure, learned from his shepherds
that we had done them no injury, but had been
their guardians a long time together, while we
continued in the wilderness; and he assured
him he should never repent of giving any
thing to David. When the messengers had
carried this message to Nabal, he accosted
them after an inhuman and rough manner;
for he asked them who David was? and when
he heard that he was the son of Jesse, he said,
“ Now is the. time that fugitives grow inso-
lent, and make a figure, and leave their mas-
ters.” When they told David this, he was
wroth, and commanded four hundred armed
men to follow him, and left two hundred to
take care of the stuff (for he had already six
hundred*), and went against Nabal: he also
swore that he would that night utterly destroy
the whole house and possessions of Nabal;
for that he was grieved, not only that he had
proved ungrateful to them, without making
any return for the humanity they had shown
him, but that he had also reproached them,
and used ill language to them, when he had
received no cause of disgust from them.

7. Hereupon one of those that kept the
flocks of Nabal, said to his mistress, Nabal’s
wife, that when David sent to her husband be
had received no civil answer at all from him.,
but that her husband had moreover added very
reproachful language, while, yet David had
taken extraordinary care to keep his flocks
from harm, and that what had passed would
prove very pernicious to bis master. When
the servant had said this, Abigail, for that was
his wife’s name, saddled her asses, and loaded
them with all sorts of presents; aryl, without
telling her husband any thing of what she was
about (for he was not sensible on account of
his drunkenness), she went to David. She
was then met by David as she was descending
a hill, who was coming against Nabal with
four hundred men. When the woman saw
David, she leaped down from her ass, and fell
on her face, and bowed down to the ground;
and entreated him not to bear in mind the
words of Nabal, since he knew that he re-
sembled his name. Now Nabal, jp the He-
brew tongue, signifies folly. So she made her
apology, that she did not see the messengers
whom he sent, “ Forgive me therefore,”
said she, “ and thank God, who hath hindered

David, are
;opies, but
four

• The number of men that came first to David,
stinctly.in Josephus and in our common copies,
ur hundred. When he Was at Keilah still but f

j_. i i. _iL	i ___t________j :_	.l„ i____:; i. •*

lour hundred. When h<
hundred both in Joseph
hundred
n
hei

thee from shedding human blood; for so long
as tbou keepest thyself innocent, he will uvenga
thee of wicked men,-)1 for what miseries awnit
Nabal, they will fall upon the heads of thine
enemies. Be thou gracious to me, and think
me so far worthy as to accept of these presents
from me; and, out of regard to me, remit that
wrath and that anger which thou hast against
my husband and his house, for mildness and
humanity become thee, especially as thou art
to be our king.” Accordingly David accepted
her presents, and said, “ Nay, but, O woman,
it was no other than God’s mercy which
brought thee to us to-day; for, otherwise, thou
hadst never seen another day, I having sworn
to destroy Nabal’s house this very night, J and
to leave alive not one of you who belonged to
a man that was wicked and ungrateful to me
and my companions; but now hast thou pre-
vented me, and seasonably nullified my an-
ger, as being thyself under the care of God’s
providence: but as for Nabal, although for thy
sake he now escape punishment, he will not
always avoid justice; for his evil conduct, on
some other occasion, will be his ruin.”

8. When David had said this, he dismissed
the woman. But when she came home and
found her husband feasting with a great com-
pany, and oppressed with wine, she said no-
thing to him then about what had happened;
but on the next day, when he was sober, she
told him all the particulars, and made his
whole body to appear like that of a dead man
by her words, and by that grief which arose
from them; so Nabal survived ten days, and
no more, and then died. And when David
heard of his death, he said that God had justly
avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had
died by his own wickedness, and had suffered
punishment on his account, while he had kept
his own hands clean. At which time he un-
derstood that the wicked are prosecuted by
God; that he does not overlook any man,
but bestows on the good what is suitable to
them, and inflicts a deserved punishment on
the wicked. So he sent to Nabal’s wife, and
invited her to come to him, to live with him,
and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied
to those that came, that she was not worthy

+ In tlijs and the two next sections, we may perceive

>w Josephus, nay, bow Abigail herself, would under-
not avenging ourselves, but heaping coafs

stand

how Joseph

the “not avenging c

of fire on the head of the injurious” (Prov. xxv. 24;

20); not as we commonly do now, of melting
kindness, but of leaving them to the judg-
ment of God, “to whom vengeance belongeth” (Deut
’. 3o: Ps. xeiv. 1; Heh. x 3(
ance on the wicked. Andsini:
ist, and all fit lobe executed, and all at length for
nished, I incline to think that

engea
re jus

ngel

Heh. x 30), and who will take
judgmen
length f

us and in the lxxii; but six j

ndred, in our Hebrew copies (l Sam. xxiii. 13; tee pla
x. 9. 10). Now the six hundred there mentioned are Da
re estimated by Josephus to have been so many, only his

are j c

the good of the persons pun

to be the meaning of this phrase of “heaping coals ot

i.”

y note here, that how sacred soever an oath
was esteemed among the people of God in old times,
they did not think it obligatory where the action was
lainly unlawful. For so we see it was in this case ol
ivid, who, although he had sworn to destroy i

to lie tne meaning <
fire on their heads.”
t Wi may note h

by Josephus to have been so many, only his family, yet does he here, and 1 Sam. xxv. 34—34,
by an augmentation of two hundred afterward, which 1 bless God for preventing his keeping his oath, ■ml from
e is the troa solution at this seeming disagreement 1 shedding of blood, as he had sworn to do.CHAP. xm.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

to touch his ifeet; however, the c4me, with
all her servants, and became his wife, having
received that honour on account of her wise
and righteous course of life. She also ob-
tained the same honour partly on account of
her beauty. Now David had a wife before,
whom be married from the city Abesarfor
as to Michal, the daughter of king Saul, who
had been David’s wife, her father had given
her in marriage to Pbalti, the son of Laish,
who was of the city of Gallim.

9. After this came certain of the Ziphites,
and told Saul that David was come again into
their country, and, if he would afford them
his assistance, they could catch him. So he
came to them with three thousand armed
men; and upon the* approach of night, he
pitched his camp at a certain place called Ha.
chilah. But when David heard that Saul was
coming against him, he sent spies, and bid
them let him know to what place of the coun-
try Saul was already come; and when they
told him that he was at Hachilah, he concealed
his going away from bis companions, and
came to Saul’s camp, having taken with him
Abishai, his sister Zeruiah’s son, and Ahime-
lech the Hittite.

Now Saul was asleep, and
the armed men, with Abner their commander, Sc
lay round about him in a circle. Hereupon | th

ment to be indicted on you, who never per.
ceived when, a little while ago, some of us
entered into your camp, nay, as far as to the
king himself, and to all the rest of you. If
thou look for the king’s spear and his cruse
of water, thou wilt learn what a mighty mis-
fortune was ready to overtake you in your very
camp without your knowing it.” Now when
Saul knew David’s voice, and understand that
when he had him in his power while he was
asleep, and his guards took no care of him,
yet did not he kill him, but spared him, when
he might justly have cut him off, he said that
he owed him thanks for his preservation; and
exhorted him to be of good courage, and not
be afraid of suffering any mischief from bim
any more, and to return to his own home, for
he was now persuaded that he did not love
himself so well as he was loved by him: that
he had driven away him that could guard
him, and had given many demonstrations of
his good-will to him: that he had forced him
to live so long in a state of banishment, and
in great fears of his life, destitute of his friends
and his kindred, while still he was often saved
by him, and frequently received his life again
when it was evidently in danger of perishing.
So David bade them send for the spear and

. tie cruse of water, and take them back; add-
David entered into the king’s tent; but he ing this withal, That God would be the judge

did neither kill Saul, though he knew where
he lay, by the spear that was stuck down by
him| nor did he give leave to Abishai, who
would have killed him, and was earnestly
bent upon it so to do; for he said it was a
horrid crime to kill one that was ordained
king by God, although he was a wicked man;
for that he who gave him the dominion would
in time inflict punishment upon him. So he
restrained his eagerness: but that it might
appear to have been in his power to have
killed him when he refrained from it, he
took his spear, and the cruse of water which
stood by Saul as he lay asleep, without being
perceived by any in the camp, who were all
asleep, and went securely away, having per-
formed every thing among the king’s atten-
dants that the opportunity afforded, and his
boldness encouraged him to do. So when
he had passed over a brook, and was gotten
up to the top of a hill, whence he might be
sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to Saul’s
soldiers, and to Abner their commander, and
awaked them out of their sleep, and called
both to him and to the people. Hereupon
the commander heard him, and asked who it
was that called him. To whom David re-
plied,—“ It is I, the sop of Jesse, whom you
make a vagabond. But what is the matter ?
Dost thou, that art a man of so gp-eat dignity,
and of the first rank in the king’s court, take
so little care of thy master’s body? and is
sleep of more consequence to thee than his
preservation and thy care of him ? This ne-
gligence of yours deserves death, and punish-

of both their dispositions, and of the actions
that flowed from the same, “ who knows that
when it was this day in my power to have
killed thee, I abstained from it.”

10. Thus Saul having escaped the hands
of David twice, he went his way to his royal
palace, and his own city: but David was
afraid, that if he staid there he should be
caught by Saul; so he thought it better to
go up into the land of the Philistines and
abide there. Accordingly he came with the
six hundred men that were with him to Ach-
ish, the king of Gath, which was one of their
five cities. Now the king received both him
and his men, and gave them a place to inhabit
in. He had with him also his two wives,
Ahinoam and Abigail; and he dwelt in Gath.
But when Saul heard this, be took no farther
care about sending to him, or going after him,
because he had been twice in a manner caught
by him, while he was himself endeavouring to
catch him. However, David had no mind to
continue in the city of Gath, but desired the
king, that since he had received him with
such humanity, that he would grant him ano-
ther favour, and bestow upon him some place
of that country for his habitation, for he was
ashamed, by living in the city, to be grievous
and burdensome to him. So Achish gave
him a certain village called Ziklag; which
place David and his sons were fond of when
he was king, and reckoned it to be their pe-
culiar inheritance. But about those matters
we shall give the reader farther information
elsewhere. Now the time that David dwelt
M178

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

in Ziklag, in the land of the Philistines, was
fcur months and twenty days. And now he
privately attacked those Geshurites and Arao-
lekites that were neighbours to the Philistines,
and laid waste their country, and took much
prey of their beasts and camels, and then re-
turned home; but David abstained from the
men, as fearing they should discover him to
king Achish; yet did he send part of the
prey to him as a free gift. And when the
king inquired whom they had attacked when
they brought away the prey, he said, those
that lay to the south of the Jews, and inha-
bited in the plain; whereby he persuaded
Achish to approve of what he had done, for
he hoped that David had fought against his
own nation, and that now he should have
him for his servant all his life long, and that
he would stay in his country.

CHAPTER XIV.

HOW SAUL, UPON GOD’S NOT ANSWERING HIM
CONCERNING THE FIGHT WITH THE PHILIS-
TINES, DESIRED A NECROMANTIC WOMAN TO
RAISE UP THE SOUL OF SAMUEL TO HIM;
AND HOW HE DIED, WITH HIS SONS, UPON
THE OVERTHROW OF THE HEBREWS IN
BATTLE.

§ 1. About the same time the Philistines re-
solved to make war against the Israelites, and
sent to all their confederates that they would
go along with them to the war to Reggan,
[near the city Shunem], whence they might
gather themselves together and suddenly at-
tack the Hebrews. Then did Achish, the king
of Gath, desire David to assist them with his
armed men against the Hebrews. This he
readily promised; and said that the time was
now come wherein he might requite him for
his kindness and hospitality; so the king pro-
mised to make him the keeper of his body after
the victory, supposing that the battle with the
enemy succeeded to their mind; which pro-
mise of honour and confidence he made on
purpose to increase his zeal for his service.

2. Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had
cast out of the country the fortune-tellers, and
the necromancers, and all such as exercised
the like arts, excepting the prophets; b
when be heard that the Philistines were i
ready come, and had pitched their camp near
the city Shunem, situate in the plain, he made
haste to oppose them with his forces; and
when he was come to a certain mountain called
Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against the
enemy; but when he saw the enemy’s army
he was greatly troubled, because it appeared
to him to be numerous, and superior to his
own; and he inquired of God by the prophets
concerning the battle, that he might know be-
forehand what would be the event of it; and

when God did not answer him, Saul wns un-
der a still greater dread, and his courage fell,
foreseeing, as was but reasonable to suppose,
that mischief would befall him, now God was
not there to assist him; yet did he bid his ser-
vants to inquire out for him some woman that
was a necromancer, and called up the souls
of the dead, that so he might know whether
his affairs would succeed to his mind; for this
sort of necromantic women that bring up the
souls of the dead, do by them foretell future
events to such as desire them. And one of
his servants told him that there was such a
woman in the city Endor, but was known to
nobody in the camp; hereupon Saul put off
his royal apparel, and took two of those his
servants with him, whom he knew to be most
faithful to him, and came to Endor to the
woman, and entreated her to act the part of a
fortune-teller, and to bring up such a soul to
him as he should name to her. But when
the woman opposed his motion, and said. She
did not despise the king, who had banished
this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he did not
do well himself, when she had done him no
harm, to endeavour to lay a snare for her, and
to discover that she exercised a forbidden art,
in order to procure her to be punished,—he
sware that nobody should know what she did;
and that he would not tell any one else what
she foretold, but that she should incur no
danger. As soon as he had induced her by
this oath to fear no harm, he bade her bring
up to him the soul of Samuel. She not know-
ing who Samuel was, called him out of Hades.
When he appeared, and the woman saw one
that was venerable, and of a divine form,
she was in disorder, and, being astonished
at the sight, she said, — “Art not thou king
Saul?” for Samuel had informed her who
he was. When he had owned that to be
true, and had asked her whence her disorder
arose, she said, that she saw a certain person
ascend, who in his form was like to a god.
And when he bid her tell him what he re-
sembled, in what habit he appeared, and of
what age he was, she told him he was an old
man already, and of a glorious personage, and
had on a sacerdotal mantle. So the king dis-
covered by these signs that he was Samuel;
and he fell down upon the ground and saluted
and worshipped him. And when the soul of
Samuel asked him why he had disturbed him,
and caused him to be brought up, he lamented
the necessity he was under; for he said, that
his enemies pressed heavily upon him; that
he was in distress what to do in his present
circumstances; that he was forsaken of God,
and could obtain no prediction of what was
coming, neither by prophets nor by dreams;
and that “ these were the reasons why I have
recourse to thee, who always tookest care of
me.” But* Samuel, seeing that the end ot

* This history of Saul’s consultation, not with a witch,
as we rentier the Hebrew word here, but with a necro-CHAP. XIV.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

179

Saul’s life was come, said,—“ It is in vain for
thee to desire to learn of me any thing farther,
when God hath forsaken thee: however, hear
what I say, that David is to be king, and to
finish this war with good success; and thou
art to lose thy dominion and thy life,- because
thou didst not obey God in the war with the
Amalekites, and hast not kept his command-
ments, as I foretold thee while I was alive.
Know, therefore, that the people shall be made
subject to their enemies, and that thou, with
thy sons, shall fall, in the battle to-morrow,
and thou shalt then be with ine [in Hades].’’

3.	When Saul heard this, he could not
speak for grief, and fell down on the floor,
whether it were from the sorrow that arose
upon what Samuel had said, or from his emp-
tiness, for he had taken -no food the foregoing
day nor night, he easily fell quite down:
and when with difficulty he had recovered
himself, the woman would force him to eat,
begging this of him as a favour on account o:
her concern in that dangerous instance of for
tune-telling, which it was not lawful for her to
have done, because of the fear she was under of
the king, while she knew not who he was, yet
(lid she undertake it, and go through with it;
on which account she entreated him to admit
that a. table and food might be set before him,
that he might recover his strength, and so get
safe to his own camp. And when he opposed
her motion, and entirely rejected it, by rea-
son of his anxiety, she forced him, and at last
persuaded, him to it. Now she had one calf
that she was very fond of, and one that she
took a great deal of care of, and fed it herself,
for she was a woman that got her living by
the labour of her own hands, and had no other
possession but that one calf; this she killed,
and made ready its tlesh, and set it before his
servants and himself. So Saul came to the
camp while it was yet night.

4.	Now it is but just to recommend the ge-
nerosity of this woman," because when the
king had forbidden her to use that art whence
her circumstances were bettered and improved,
and when she had never seen the king before,
she still did not remember to his disadvantage
that he had condemned her sort of learning,
and did not refuse him as a stranger, and one

mancer, as the whole history shows, is easily understood,
especially if we consult the Recognitions o! Clement, b.
i. chap. v. at large, and more briefly, and nearer the
days of Samuel, Gcclus. xlvi. 20. - Samuel prophesied
after his death, and showed the king his end. and lift up
his voice from the earth in prophecy.’.’ to blot out ” the
wickedness of the people.’’ Nor does the exactness of
the accomplishment of this prediction, the very nextday,
permit us to suppose any imposition upon Saul in the pre-
sent history, for as to all modern hypotheses against the
natural sense of such ancient and authentic histories. I
take them to be of very small valtie or consideration.

* These great commendations of this necromantic
woman of Ebdor. and of Saiil's martial courage, when
yet he knew he should die in the battle, are somewhat
unusual digressions in Josephus. They seem to me ex-
truded from some speeches or declamations of his com-
posed formerly, in the way of oratory, that lay by him
oml which he thought fit to insert upon this occusiop
Ste before on Antiq. b. i. ch. vi sect A

that she had had no acquaintance with; but
she had compassion upon him, and comforted
him, and exhorted him to do what he was
greatly averse to, and offered him the only
creature she had, as a poor woman, and that
earnestly, and with great humanity, while she
had no requital made her for her kirfdness,
nor hunted after any future favour from him,
for she knew he was to die; whereas men ate
naturally either ambitious to please those that
bestow benefits upon them, or are very ready
to serve those from whom they may receive
some advantage. It would be well therefore
to imitate the example of this woman, and to
do kindnesses to all such as are in want; and
to think that nothing is better, nor more be-
coming mankind, than such a general benefi-
cence, nor what will sooner render God fa-
vourable, and ready to bestow good things
upon us. And so far may suffice to have
spoken concerning this woman. But I shall
f speak farther upon another subject, which
will afford me an opportunity of discoursing
on what is for the advantage of cities, and
people, and nations, and suited to the taste of
good' men, and will encourage them all in the
prosecution of virtue, and is capable of show-
ing them the method of acquiring glory, and
an everlasting fame; and of imprinting in
the kings of nations, and the rulers of cities,
great inclination and diligence of doing well;
as also of encouraging them to undergo dan-
gers, and to die for their countries, and of in-
structing them how to despise all the most
terrible adversities; and I have a fair occa-
sion offered me to enter on such a discourse
by Saul the king of the Hebrews; for al-
though he knew what was coming upon him,
and that he was to die immediately by the
prediction of the prophet, he did not resolve
to fly from death, nor so far to indulge the
love of life as to betray his own people to the
enemy, or to bring a disgrace on his royal
dignity; blit, exposing himself, as well as all
his family and children to dangers, he thought
it a brave thing to fall together with them, as
he was fighting for his subjects, and that it
was better his sons should die thus, showing
their courage, than to leave them to their un-
certain conduct afterward, while, instead of
succession and posterity, they gained com-
mendation and a lasting name. Such a one
alone seems to me to be a just, a courageous,
and a prudent man; and when any one has
arrived at these dispositions, or shall hereaf-
ter arrive at them, he is the man that ought
to be by all honoured with the testimony of a
virtuous or courageous man; for as to those that
go out to war with hopes of success, and that
they shall return safe, supposing they should
have performed some glorious action, I think
those do not do well who call those valian'
men, as so many historians, and other writers
who treat of them are wont to do, although 1
confess those do justly deserve some con.men-180

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

BOOK VI

dation also;' but those only may be styled
courageous and bold in great undertakings,
and despisers of adversities, who imitate Saul;
for as for those who do not know what the event
of war will be as to themselves, and though
they do not faint in it, but deliver themselves
up to uncertain futurity, and are tossed this
way and that way, this is not so very eminent
an instance of a generous mind, although
they happen to perform many great exploits:
but when men’s minds expect no good event,
but they know beforehand they must die and
that they must undergo that death in the
battle also, after this, neither to be affrighted
nor to be astonished at the terrible fate that is
coming, but to go directly upon it when they
know it beforehand,—this it is that I esteem
the character of a man truly courageous. Ac-
cordingly this Saul did, and thereby demon-
strated, that all men who desire fame after
they are dead, are so to act as they may ob-
tain the same: this especially concerns kings,
who ought not to think it enough in their
high stations that they are not wicked in the
government of their subjects, but to be no more
than moderately good to them. I could'say
more than this about Saul and his courage,
the subject affording matter sufficient; but
that I may not appear to run out improperly
in his commendation, I return again to that
history from which I made this digression.

5. Now when the Philistines, as I said be-
fore, had pitched their camp, and had taken
an account of their forces, according to their
nations, and kingdoms, and governments,
king Achish came last of all with his own
army ; after whom came David with his six
hundred armed men. And when the com-
manders of the Philistines saw him, they asked
the king whence these Hebrews came, and at
whose invitation. He answered, That it was
David, who was fled away from his master
Saul, and that he had entertained him when
he came to him, and that now he was willing to
make him this requital for his favours, and to
avenge himself upon Saul, and so was become
his confederate. The commanders complained
of this, that he had taken him for a confe-
derate who was an enemy ; and gave him
counsel to send him away, lest he should un-
awares do his friends a great deal of mischief
by entertaining him, for that he afforded him
an opportunity of being reconciled to bis
master, by doing a mischief to our army.
They thereupon desired hihn, out of a prudent
foresight of I his, to send him away with his
six hundred armed men, to the place he had
given him for his habitation ; for that this was
that David whom the virgins celebrated in
their hymns, as having destroyed many ten
thousands of the Philistines. When the king
of Gath heard this, he thought they spake
well; so he called David, and said to him,
“ As for myself, 1 can bear witness that thou
hust shown grtat diligence and kindness about

me, and on that account it waa that I took
thee for my confederate; however, what 1
have done does not please the commanders of
the Philistines; go therefore within a day’s
time to the place I have given thee, without
suspecting any harm, and there keep my
country, lest any of our enemies should make
an incursion upon it, which will be one part
of that assistance which I expect from thee.”
So David came to Ziklag, as the king of Gath
bade him; but it happened that while he was
gone to the assistance of the Philistines, the
Amalekites had made an incursion, and taken
Ziklag before, and had burnt it; and when
they had taken a great deal of other prey out
of that place, and out of the other parts of the
Philistines’ country, they departed.

6. Now when David found that Ziklag
was laid waste, and that it was all spoiled,
and that as well his own wive who were two,
as the wives of his companions, with their
children, were made captives, he presently
rent his clothes, weeping and lamenting, to-
gether with his friends; and indeed be was
so cast down with these misfortunes, that at
length tears themselves failed him. He was
also in danger of being stoned to death by bis
companions, who were greatly afflicted at the
captivity of their wives and children, for they
laid the blame upon him of what had happened;
but when he had recovered himself out of
his grief, and had raised up his mind to
God, he desired the high-priest Abiathar to
put on his sacerdotal garments, and to en-
quire of God, and to prophecy to him, ‘Whe-
ther God would grant, that if he pursued aftei
the Amalekites, he should overtake them, and
save their wives and tbeir children, and avenge
himself on the enemies?—and when the high-
priest hade him to pursue after them, he
marched apace, ith his four hundred men, af.
ter the enemy; and when he was come to a ccr
tain brook called llesor, and had lighted upon
one that was wandering about, an Egyptian
by birth, who was almost dead with want and
famine ("for he had continued wandering about
without food in the wilderness three days), he
first of all gave him sustenance., both meat
and drink, and thereby refreshed him. He
tbfen asked him to whom he belonged, and
whence he came. Whereupon the man told
him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was
left behind by his master, because he was so
sick and weak that he could not follow him.
He also informed him that he was one of those
who had burnt and plundered, not only other
parts of Judea, but. Ziklag itself also. So
David made use of him as a guide to find
out the Amalekites ; and when he had over-
taken them, as they lay scattered about on
the ground, some at dinner, some disordered,
and entirely drunk with wine, and. in the frui-
tion of their spoils and their prey, he fell upon
them on the sudden, and made a great slaugh-
ter among them, for they were naked, andCHAP. XIV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

181

expected no such thing, but had betaken them-
selves to drinking and feasting, and so they
were all easily destroyed. Now some of them
that were overtaken as they lay at the table,
were slain in that posture; and tbeir blood
brought up with it their meat and their drink.
They slew others of them as they were drink-
ing to'one another in their cups; and some
of them when their full bellies had made them
fall asleep; and for so many as had time to
put on their armour, they slew them with the
sword, with no less ease than they did those
that were naked; and for the partisans of
David, they continued also the slaughter from
the first hour of the day to the evening, so
that there were not above four hundred of the
Amalekites left; and they only escaped by
getting upon tbeir dromedaries and camels.
Accordingly David recovered not only all the

titude of the Hebrews were put to flight, and
all was disorder, and confusion, and slaugh-
ter, upon the Philistines pressing in upon
them. But Saul himself fled, having a strong
body of soldiers about him; and upon the
Philistines sending after him those that threw
javelins and shot arrows, he lost all his com-
pany except a few. As for himself he fought
with great bravery; and when he had received
so many wounds that he was not able to beur
up, nor to oppose any longer, and yet was
not able to kill himself, he bid his armour-
bearer to draw his sword and run him through,
before the enemy should take him alive. But
his armour-bearer not daring to kill his mas-
ter, he drew his own sword, and placing him-
self over against its point, he threw himself
upon it; and when he could neither run it
through him, nor, by leaning against it, make

other spoils which the enemy had carried I the sword pass through him, he turned him

away, but his wives also, and the wives of his
companions; but when they were come to the
place where they had left the two hundred
men, which were not able to follow them, but
were left to take care of the stuff, the four
hundred men did not think fit to divide among
them any other parts of what they had got-
ten, or of the prey, since they did not accom-
pany them, but pretended to be feeble, and
did not follow them in the pursuit of the ene-
my, but said they should be contented to have
safely recovered their wives; yet David did
pronounce that this opinion of theirs was evil
and unjust, and that, w'hen God had granted
them such a favour, that they had avenged
themselves on their enemies, and had recovered
all that belonged to themselves, they should
make an equal distribution of what they had
gotten to all, because the rest had tarried be-
hind to guard their stuff; and from that time
this law obtained among them that those who
guarded the stuff should receive an equal
share with those that had fought in the battle.
Now when David was come to Ziklag, he
sent portions of the spoils to all that had been
familiar with him, and to his friends in the
tribe of Judah; and thus ended the affairs of
the plundering of Ziklag, and of the slaughter
of the Amalekjtes.

7. Now upon the Philistines joining battle,
there followed a sharp engagement, and the
Philistines became the conquerors, and slew
a great number of their enemies; but Saul
the king of Israel, and his sons, fought cou-
rageously, and with the utmost alacrity, as
knowing that their entire glory lay in nothing
else but dying honourably, and exposing
themselves to the utmost danger from the
enemy (for they had nothing else to hope for);
so they brought upon themselves the whole
power of the enemy, till they were encompassed
round and slain, but not before they had kill-
ed many of the Philistines. Now the sons of
Saul were Jonathan, and Abinadab, and Mal-
chisua; and when these were slain, the mul-

round, and asked a certain young man that
stood by who he was; and when he under-
stood that he was an Amalekite, he desired
him to force the sw'ord through him, because
he was not able to do it with his own hands,
and thereby to procure him such a death as
he desired. This the young man did accord-
ingly; and he took the golden bracelet that
was on Saul’s arm, and his royal crown that
was on his head, and ran away. And when
Saul’s armour-bearer saw that he was slain,
he killed himself; nor did any of the king’s
guards escape, but they all fell upon the moun-
tain called Gilboa. But when those Hebrews
that dwelt in the valley beyond Jordan, and
those who had their cities in the plain, heard
that Saul and his sons were fallen, and that
the multitude about them were destroyed,
they left their own cities, and fled to such as
were the best fortified and fenced; and the
Philistines finding those cities deserted, came
and dwelt in them.

8. On the next day, when the Philistines
came to strip their enemies that were slain,
they got the bodies of Saul and of his sons
and stripped them, and cut off their heads.
And they sent messengers all about their
country, to acquaint them that their enemies
were fallen; and they dedicated their armour
in the temple of Astarte, but hung their bo-
dies on crosses at the walls of the city Be(h-
shan, which is now called Scythopolis. But
when the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead heard
that they had dismembered the dead bodies
of Saul and of his sons, they deemed it so
horrid a thing to overlook this barbarity, and
to suffer them to be without funeral rites, that
the most courageous and hardy among them
(and indeed that city had in it men that were
very stout both in body and mind) journeyed
all night, and came to Bethshan, and ap-
proached to the enemy’s wall, and taking
doun the bodies of Saul and of his sons, they
carriid ibem to Julieth, while the enemy were
:ot able enough, uur bold enough, to hinder132	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*	BOOK TIL

them, because of their great courage; so the
peupie of Jabesh wept all in general, and
buried their bodies ill the best place of their
country, which was called Aroura; and they
observed a public mourning for them seven
days, with their wives and children, beating
their breasts, and lamenting the king and his
sons, without tasting either meat or drink*
[till the evening].

&. To this his sad end did Saul come, ac-

cording to the prophecy of Samuel, because ho
disobeyed the commands of God about the
Amalekites, and on the account of his destroy-
ing the family of Ahimelech, the high-priest,
with Ahimelech himself, and the city of the
high-priests. Now Saul, when he had reigned
eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and
after his death two [and twenty], ended hi*
life in this manner.

BOOK VII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FORTY YEARS.

FROM THE DEATH OF SAUL TO THE DEATH OF DAVID.

CHAPTER I.

H.)W DAVID REIGNED OVER ONE TRIBE AT HE-
BRON, WHILE THE SON OF SAUL REIGNED
OVER THE REST OF THE MULTITUDE; AND
HOW, IN THE CIVIL WAR WHICH THEN
AROSE, ASAHEL AND ABNER WERE SLAIN.

§ 1. This fight proved to be on the same day
whereon David was come back to Ziklag,
after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now
when he had been already two days at Zik-
lag, there came to him the man who slew
Saul, which was the third day after the fight.
He had escaped out of the battle which- the
Israelites had with the Philistines, and had
his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head.
And when he made his obeisance to David,
he inquired of him whence he came. He
replied, from the battle of the Israelites: and
he informed him that the end of it was unfor-
tunate, many ten thousands of the Israelites
having been cut off, and Saul, together with

* Tliis way of speaking in Josephus, of “fasting
seven days without meat or drink,” is almost like that
of St. Paul, Acts xxvii. 33: “This day is the four-
teenth day that ye have tarried and continued fasting,
having taken nothing;" and as the nature of the Ihing.
and the impossibility of strictly fasting so tong, require
us here to understand both Josephus and the sacred au-
thor of this history, 1 Sam. xxx. 13. from whence lie
took it. of only fasting till the evening; so must we
understand St. Paul, either that this was really the
fourteenth day of their tempestuous weather in the
Adriatic Sea, as ver. 27, and that on this tourteenth
day alone they had continued fasting, and had taken
nothing befure the evening. The mention of then- long
abstinence, ver 21, inclines tne to believe the former
explication to be the truth, and that the case was then
for a fortnight what il was here fur a week, that they
kept all those days entirely as lasts tilt the evening, hut
nol longer, see Judges xx. 2d; xxi^; 1 Sam. xir. 24,-
2 Samuel i. 12; AnUcp b. vii. chap. sect. 4.

bis sou, slain. He also said that he could
well give him this information, because he
was present at the victory gained over the
Hebrews, and was with the king when he
fled. Nor did he deny that he had himself
slain the king, when he was ready to be taken
by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him
to do it, because, when he was fallen on his
sword, his great wounds had made him so
weak that he was not able to kill himself. He
also produced demonstrations that the king
was slain, which were the golden bracelets
that had been on the king’s arms, and his
crown, which he had taken away from Saul's
dead body, and had brought them to him. So
David having no longer room to call in ques-
tion the truth of what he said, but seeing most
evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his
garments, and continued all that day, with his
companions, in weeping and lamentation. This
grief was augmented by the consideration of
Jonathan, the son of Saul, who had been his
most faithful friend, and the occasion of his
own deliverance. He also demonstrated him-
self to have such great virtue, and such great
kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death
to heart, though he had been frequently in
danger of losing his life by his means, but to
punish him that slew him: for when David
had said to him, that he was become his own
accuser, as the very man who had slain the
king, and when he understood that he was the
son of an Amalekite, he commanded him to
be slain. He also committed to writing some
lamentations and funeral commendations oi
Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to
my own age.

2. Now when David had paid these ho-CHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF tHE JEWS.

183

nours to the king, he left off his mourning,
and inquired of God, by the prophet, Which
of the cities of the tribe of Judah he Would
bestow upon him to dwell in; who answered
that he bestowed upon him Hebron. So he
left Zildag and came to Hebron, and took
with him his wives, who were in number two,
and his armed men; whereupon all the people
of the forementioned tribe came to him, and
ordained him their king. But when he heard
that the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead had bu-
ried Saul and his sons [honourably], he sent
to them and commended them, and took what
they had done kindly, and promised to make
them Amends for their care of those that were
dead; and at the same time he informed them
that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for
their king.

3. But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner,
who was general of Saul’s army, and a very
active man, and good-natured, knew that the
king and Jonathan, and his two other sons,
were fallen in the battle, he made haste into
the camp; and, taking away with him the re-
maining son of Saul, whose name was Isb-
bosheth, he passed over to the land beyond
Jordan, and ordained him the king of the
whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Ju-
dah ; and made his royal seat in a place called
in our language Mahanaim, but in the lan-
guage of the Grecians, The Camps; from
whence Abner made haste with a select body

too hard for men, but is repotted to have over-
run a horse, when they had a race together.
This Asahel ran violently after Abner, and
Would not turn in the least out of the straight
way, either to the one side or to the other.
Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted
artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he
bade him leave off the. pursuit, and take the
armour of one of his soldiers; and sometime?
when he could not persuade him so to do, he
exhorted him to restrain himself, and not to
pursue him any longer, lest he should force
him to kill him, and he should then not be
able to look his brother in the face; but when
Asahel would not admit of any persuasions,
but still continued to pursue him, Abner smote
him with his spear, as he held it in his flight,
and that by a back-stroke, and gave him a
deadly wound, so that he died immediately,
but those that were with him pursuing Abner,
when they came to the place where Asahel lay,
they stood round about the dead body, and
left off the pursuit of the eneir.v. Hswever,
both Joab* himself, and his brother Abishai,
ran past the dead corpse, and making their
anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of
greater zeal against Abner, they went on with
incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued
Abner to a certain place called Ammah: it
was about sun-set. Then did Joab a-vend a
certain hill, as he stood at that place, having
the tribe of Benjamin with him, whence he

of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe of! took a view of them, and of Abner also.

Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry
that this tribe had set up David for their king;
but Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mo-
ther Zeruiah, David’s sister, who was general
of David’s army, met him, according to Da-
vid’s appointment. He had with him his bre-
thren, Abishai and Asahel, as also all David’s
armed men. Now when he met Abner at a cer-
tain fountain, in the city of Gibeon, he prepar-
ed to fight; and when Abner said to him that
he had a mind to know which of them had the
more valiant soldiers, it* was agreed between
them that twelve soldiers of each side should
fight together. So those that were chosen out
by both the generals for this fight, came be-
tween the two armies, and throwing their
lances one against the other, they drew their
swords, and catching one another by the head,
they held one another fast, and ran each other’s
swords into their sides and groins, until they
all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished
together. When these were fallen down dead,
the rest of the army came to a sore battle, and
Abner’s men were beaten; and when they
were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing
them, but he pressed upon them, and excited
the soldiers to follow them close, and not to
grow weary of killing them. His brethren
also pursued them with great alacrity, especi-
ally the younger Asahel, who was the most
eminent of them. He was very famous for
bid swiftness of foot, for he could not only be

Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said that it
was not fit that they should irritate men of the
same nation to fight so bitterly one against
another; that as for Asahel his brother, he was
himself in the wrong, when he would not be
advised by him not to pursue him any farther,
which was the occasion of his wounding and
death. So Joab consented to what he said,
and accepted these words as an excuse [about
Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the
sound of the trumpet, as a signal for their
retreat, and thereby put a stop to any farther
pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp
there that night; but Abner marched all that
night, and passed over the river Jordan, and
came to Ishbosheth, Saul’s son, to Mahanaim.
On the next day Joab counted the dead men,
and took care of all their funerals. Now there
were slain of Abner’s soldiers about three
hundred and sixty; but of those of David
nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and
Abishai carried to Bethlehem; and when they
had buried him in the sepulchre of their fa-
thers, they came to David to Hebron. From
this time, therefore, there began an intestine
war, which lasted a great while, in which the
followers of David grew stronger in the dan-
gers they underwent; and the servants and sub-

* It ought to be here noted, that Joab, Abishai, and
Asahel, were all three David’s nephews, the sons of his
sister Zeruiah, as LChron. ii. 16; and that Amasa was
also his nephew by nis other sister Abigail, ver. 17,184	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK VII

jects of Saul’s son did almost every day be-
come weaker.

4. About this time David was become the
father of six sons, bom of. as many mothers.
The eldest was by Ahinoam, and he was called
Ammon; the second was Daniel, by his wife
Abigail; the name of the third was Absa-
lom, by Maacah, the daughter of Talmai,
king of Geshur; the fourth he named Ado-
nijah, by his wife Haggith; the fifth was
Shephatiah, by Abitail; the sixth he called

Ithream, by Eglah. Now while this intes-
tine war went on, and the subjects of the two
kings came frequently to action and. to fight-
ing, it was Abner, the general of the host of
Saul’s son, who, by his prudence, and the
great interest he had among the multitude,
made them all continue with Ishbosheth; and
indeed it was a considerable time that they
continued of his party; but afterwards Abner
was blamed, and an accusation was laid against
him, that he went in unto Saul’s concubine:
her name was Rispah, the daughter of Aiah.
So when he was complained of by Ishbosheth,
he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he
had not justice done him by Ishbosheth, to
whom he had shown the greatest kindness;
whereupon he threatened to transfer the king-
dom to David, and demonstrate that he did
not rule over the people beyond Jordan by
his own abilities and wisdom, but by his war-
like conduct and fidelity in leading his army.
So he sent ambassadors to Hebron to David,
and desired that he would give him security
upon oath that he would esteem him his com-
panion and his friend, upon condition that he
should persuade the people to leave Saul’s
son, and choose him king of the whole coun-
try; and when David had made that league
with Abner, for he was pleased with his mes-
sage to him, he desired that he would give
this as the first mark of performance of the
present league, that he might have his wife
Michal restored to him, as her whom he had
purchased with great hazards, and with those
six hundred heads of the Philistines which he
had brought to Saul her father. So Abner
took Michal from Phaltiel, who was then her
husband, and sent her to David, Ishbosheth
himself affording him his assistance; for David
had written to him that of right he ought
to have this his wife restored to him. Abner
also called together the elders of the multi-
tude, the commanders and captains of thou-
sands, and spake thus to them: That he had
formerly dissuaded them from their own re-
solution, when they were ready to forsake
Ishbosheth, and to join themselves to David;
that, however, he now gave them leave so to
do, if they had a mind to it, for they knew
that God had appointed David to be king of
all the Hebrews,by Samuel the prophet; and
had foretold that he should punish the Phi-
listines, and overcome them, and bring them
under. Now when the elders and rulers heard

this, and understood that Abner was come
over to those sentiments about the public af-
fairs which they were of before, they changed
their measures, and came in to David. When
these men had agreed to Abner’s proposal, he
called together the tribe of Benjamin, for all
of that tribe were the guards of Ishbosheth’s
body, and he spake to them to the same pur-
pose; and when he saw that they did not in
the least oppose what he said, but resigned
themselves up to his opinion, he took about
twenty of his friends and came to David, in
order to receive himself security upon oath
from him; for we may justly esteem those
things to be firmer which every one of us do
by ourselves, than those which we do by an-
other. He also gave him an account of what
he had said to the rulers, and to the whole
tribe of Benjamin; and when David had re-
ceived him in a courteous manner, and had
treated him with great hospitality for many
days, Abner, when he was dismissed, desired
him to permit him to bring the multitude
with him, that he might deliver up the govern-
ment to him when David himself was present,
and a spectator of what was done.

5. When David had sent Abner away, Joab,
the general of his army, came immediately
to Hebron; and when he had understood
that Abner had been with David, and had
parted with him a little before under leagues
and agreements that the government should
be delivered up to David, he feared lest David
should place Abner, who had assisted him to
gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dignity,
especially since he was a shrewd man in
other respects, in understanding affairs, and
in managing them artfully, as proper seasons

the army; so he took a knavish and a wicked
course. In the first place, he endeavoured to
calumniate Abner to the king, exhorting him
to have a care of him, and not to give atten-
tion to what he had engaged to do for him,
because all he did tended to confirm the go-
vernment to Saul’s son: that he came to him
deceitfully, and with guile, and was gone
away in hopes of gaining his purpose by this
management; but when he could not thus
persuade David, nor saw him at all exaspe-
rated, he betook himself to a project bolder
than the former:—he determined to kill Ab-
ner ; and, in order thereto, he sent some mes-
sengers after him, to whom he gave in charge,
that when they should overtake him, they
should recall him in David’s name, and tell
him that he had somewhat to say to him about
his affairs, which he had not remembered to
sneak of when he was with him. Now when
Abner heard what the messengers said (for
they overtook him in a certain place called
lie aim, which was distant from Hebron twenty
furlongs), he suspected none of the mischief
which was beful'ing him, and came back.

should require, and that he should himself be
put lower, and deprived of the command ofCHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

185

Hereupon Joab met him in the gate, and re-
ceived him in the kindest manner, .as if he
were Abner’s most benevolent acquaintance
and friend; for such as undertake the vilest
actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of
any private mischief intended, do frequently
make the greatest pretences to what really
good men sincerely do. So he took him aside
from his own followers, as if he would speak
with him in private, and brought him into a
void place of the gate, having himself nobody
with him but his brother Abishai; then he
drew his sword, and smote him in the groin;
upon which Abner died by this treachery of
Joab, which, as he said himself, was in the
way of punishment for his brother Asahel,
whom Abner smote and slew as he was pur-
suing after him in the battle of Hebron, but
<fs the truth was, out of his fear of losing his
command of the army, and his dignity with
the king, and lest he should be deprived of
those advantages, and Abner should obtain
the first rank in David’s court. By these ex-
amples any one may learn how many and how
great instances of wickedness men will ven-
ture upon for the sake of getting money and
authority, and that they may not fail of either
of them; for as when they are desirous of
obtaining the same, they acquire them by ten
thousand evil practices; so when they are
afraid of losing them, they get them confirm-
ed to them by practices much worse than the
former, as if [no] other calamity so terrible
could befall them as the failure of acquiring
so exalted an authority; and when they have
acquired it, and by long custom found the
sweetness of it, the losing it again: and since
this last would be the heaviest of all afflictions,
they all of them contrive and venture upon
the most difficult actions,, out of the fear of
losing the same. But let it suffice, that I
have made these short reflections upon that
subject.

6. When David heard that Abner was slain,
it grieved his soul: and he called all men to
witness, with stretching out his hands to God,
and crying out that he was not a partaker in
the murder of Abner, and that his death was
not procured by his command or approbation.
He also wished the heaviest curses might light
upon him that slew him, and upon his whole
house; and he devoted those that had assisted
him in this murder to the same penalties on
its account; for he took care not to appear to
have had any hand in this murder, contrary
to the assurances he had given, and the oaths
he had taken to Abner. However, he com-
manded all the people to weep and lament
this man, and to honour his dead body with
the usual solemnities; that is, by rending their
garments, and putting on sackcloth, and that
this should be the habit in which they should
go before the bier; after which he followed
it himself, with the elders and those that were
rulers, lamenting Abner, and by his tears de-

monstrating his good-will towards him, while
he was alive, and his sorrow for him now he
was dead, and that he was not taken off with
his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in
a magnificent manner, and indited funeral
elegies for him; he also stood first over the
monument weeping, and caused others to do
the same; nay, so deeply did the death of
Abner disorder him, that his companions could
by no means force him to take any food, for
he affirmed with an oath that he would taste
nothing till the sun was set. This procedure
gained him the good-will of the multitude;
for such as had an affection for Abner were
mightily satisfied with the respect he paid him
when he was dead, and the observation of that
faith he had plighted to him, which was shown
in his vouchsafing him all the usual ceremo-
nies, as if he had been his kinsman and his
friend, and not suffering him to be neglected
and injured with a dishonourable burial, as if
he had been his enemy; insomuch that the
entire nation rejoiced at the king’s gentleness
and mildness of disposition, every one being
ready to suppose that the king would have
taken the same care of them in the like cir-
cumstances, which they saw he showed in the
burial of the dead body of Abner. And in-
deed David principally intended to gain a good
reputation, and therefore he took care to do
what was proper in this case, whence none
had any suspicion that he was the author of
Abner’s death. He also said this to the mul-
titude, That he was greatly troubled at the
death of so good a man; and that the af-
fairs of the Hebrews Had suffered great detri-
ment by being deprived of him, who was of
so great abilities to preserve them by his ex-
cellent advice, and by the strength of his hands
in war. But he added, that “God, who
hath a regard to all omen’s actions, will not
suffer this man [Joab] to go off unrevenged;
but know ye, that I am not able to do any
thing to these sons of Zeruiah, Joab, and Abi-
shai, who have more power than I have; but
God will requite their insolent attempts upon
their own heads.” And this was the fatal
conclusion of the life of Abner.

CHAPTER IL

THAT UPON THE SLAUGHTER OF ISHBOSHETH,
BY THE TREACHERY OF HIS FRIENDS, DA-
VID RECEIVED THE WHOLE KINGDOM.

§ 1. When Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, bad
heard of the death of Abner, he took it to
heart to be deprived of a man that was of liis
kindred, and had indeed given him the king-
dom, but was greatly afflicted, and Abner’s
death very much troubled him; nor did ho186

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII,

himself outlive any long time, but was treach-
erously set upon by the sons of Rimmon
(Baanah and Rechab were their names), and
was slain by them; for these being of a family
of the Benjamites, and of the first rank among
them, thought that if they should slay Ish-
bosheth, they should obtain large presents from
David, and be made commanders by him, or,
however, should have some other trust com-
mitted to them. So when they once found
him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upper
room, when none of his guards were there, and
when the woman that kept the door was not
watching, but was fallen asleep also, partly on
account of the labour she had undergone, and
partly on account of the heat of the day, these
men went into the room in which Ishbosheth,
Saul’s son, lay asleep, and slew him; they
also cut off his head, and took their journey
all that night, and the next day, as supposing
themselves flying away from those they had
injured, to one that would accept of this action
as a favour, and would afford them security.
So they came to Hebron and showed David
the head of Ishbosheth, and presented them-
selves to him as his well-wishers, and such as
had killed one that was his enemy and anta-
gonist. Yet David did not relish what they
had done as they expected, but said to them,
“ You vile wretches, you shall immediately
receive the punishment you deserve. Did
not you know what vengeance I executed on
him that murdered Saul, and brought me his
crown of gold, and this while he who made
this slaughter did it as a favour to him, that
he might not be caught by his enemies? Or
do you imagine that I am altered in my dis-
position, and suppose that I am not the same
man I then was, but am pleased with men that
are wicked doers, and esteem your vile ac-
tions, when you are become murderers of your
master, as grateful to me, when you have slain
a righteous man upon his bed, who never did
evil to any body, and treated you with great
good-will and respect? Wherefore you shall
suffer the punishment due on his account, and
the vengeance I ought to inflict upon you for
killing Ishbosheth, and for supposing that 1
should take his death kindly at your hands;
for you could not lay a greater blot on my
honour than by making such a supposal.”
When David had said this, he tormented them
with all sorts of torments, and then put them
to death; and he bestowed all accustomed rites
on the burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and
laid it in the grave of Abner.

2. When these things were brought to this
conclusion, all the principal men of the He-
brew people came to David to Hebron, with
the heads of thousands, and other rulers, and
delivered themselves up to him, putting him
in mind of the good-will they had borne to
him in Saul’s lifetime, and the respect they
then had not ceased to pay him when he was
taptain of a thousand, as also that he was cho-

sen of God by Samuel the prophet, he and his
sons:* qnd declaring besides, how God had
given him power to save the land of the He-
brews, and overcome the Philistines. Where-
upon he received kindly this their alacrity on his
account; and exhorted them to continue in it,
for that they should have no reason to repent
j of being thus disposed to him. So when he
had feasted them, and treated them kindly, he
sent them out to bring all the people to him;
upon which there came to him about six thou-
sand and eight hundred armed men of the tribe
of Judah, who bare shields and spears for their
weapons, for these had [till now] continued
with Saul’s son, when the rest of the tribe of
Judah had ordained David for their king.
There came also seven thousand and one hun-
dred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out of the
tribe of Levi came four thousand and seven
hundred, having Jehoiada for their leader.
After these came Zadok the high-priest, with
twenty-two captains of his kindred. Out of
the tribe of Benjamin the armed men were
four thousand ; but the rest of the tribe con-
tinued, still expecting that some one of the
house of Saul should reign over them. Those
of the tribe of Ephraim were twenty thousand
and eight hundred; and these mighw men of
valour, and eminent for their strength. Out
of the dalf-tribe of Manasseh came eighteen
thousand of the most potent men. Out of the
tribe of Issachar came two hundred, who fore-
knew what was to come hereafter,f but of
armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe of
Zebulon fifty thousand chosen men. This
was the only tribe that came universally in to
David; and all these had the same weapons
witn the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe of
Naphthali the eminent men and rulers were
one thousand, whose weapons were shields
and spears; and the tribe itself followed after,
being (in a manner) innumerable [thirty-seven
thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan there
were of chosen men twenty-seven thousand
and six hundred. Out of the tribe of Asher
were forty thousand. Out of the two tribes
that were beyond Jordan, and the rest of the
tribe of Manasseh, such as used shields, and
spears, and head-pieces, and swords, were an
hundred and twenty thousand. The rest of
the tribes also made use of swords. This
multitude came together to Hebron to David,
with a great quantity of corn and wine, and

* This may be a true observation of Josephus, that
Samuel, by command from God, entailed the crown on

David and his posterity; for no farther did that entail
— Solomon himself having

• ma
e right to

+ These words of Josephus, concerning the tribe of

ever reach,— Solomon himself having never had any
promise made him that his posterity should always have
the right to iL

Issachar, “who foreknew what was to come berealter,”
are best paraphrased by the parallel text (I Chron. xii.
Who' '	............................

‘ par'

32): - Who had understanding of the times, to know
what Israel ought to do,-” that is. Who had so much
knowledge in astronomy as to make calendars for the
Israelites, that they might keep their festivals, and plough
and sow, and gather in their harvests and vintage ia dueCIIAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

187

all other sorts of food, and established David
in his kingdom with one consent; and when
the people had rejoiced for three days in
Hebron, David and all the people removed
and came to Jerusalem.

CHAPTER III.

HOW DAVID LAID SEIGE TO JERUSALEM; AND
WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY, HE CAST
THE CANAANITES OUT OF IT, AND BROUGHT
IN THE JEWS TO INHABIT THEREIN.

§ 1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inha-
bitants of Jerusalem, and were by extraction
Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the
blind, and the lame, and all their maimed per-
sons, upon the wall, in way of derision of the
king; and said that the very lame themselves
would hinder his entrance into it. This they
did out of contempt of his power, and as de-
pending on the strength of their walls. Da-
vid was ^hereby enraged, and began the siege
of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost dili-
gence and alacrity therein, as intending, by
the taking of this place, to demonstrate his
power, and to intimidate all others that might
be of the like [evil] disposition towards him:
so he took the lower city by force, but the ci-
tadel held out still;* whence it was that the
king, knowing that the proposal of dignities
and rewards would encourage the soldiers to
greater actions, promised that he who should
tirst go over the ditches that were beneath the
citadel,Mind should ascend to the citadel itself
and take it, should have the command of the
entire people conferred upon him. So they
all were ambitious to ascend, and thought no
pains too great in order to ascend thither, out
of their desire of the chief command. How-
ever, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the
rest; and as soon as he was got up to the ci-
tadel, cried out to the king, and claimed the
chief command.

* What our other copies say of Mount Sion, as alone
properly called the City of David (2 Sam. v. 6—9), and
of this its siege and conquest now by David, Josephus
applies to the whole city Jerusalem, though including
the citadel also ; by what authority we do not now know
—perhaps, after David had united them together, or

joined the citadel to the lower city, as sect. 2, Josephus nor do I sec any reason Tor Mr. (
esteemed them as one city. However, this notion seems about this procedure of Josephus
to be confirmed by what the same Josephus says con- j + Some copies of Josephus ha

2. When David had cast the Jebusites
out of the citadel, be also rebuilt Jerusalem,
and named it The City of David, and abode
there all the time of hi9 reign: but for the
time that he reigned over the tribe of Judah
only in Hebron, it was seven years and six
months. Now when he bad chosen Jeruso-
lem to be bis royal city, his affairs did more
and more prosper, by the Providence of God,
who took care that they should improve and
be augmented. Hiram also, the king of the
Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him, and made
a league of mutual friendship and assistance
with him. He also sent him presents, cedar-
trees, and mechanics, and men skilful in build-
ing and architecture, that they might build
him a royal palace at Jerusalem. Now Da-
vid made buildings round about the lower
city: be also joined the citadel to it, and
made it one body; and when be had encom-
passed all with walls, he_ appointed Joab to
take care of them. It was David, therefore,
who first cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem,
and called it by bis own name, The City oj
David; for under our forefather Abraham it
was called (Salem or] Solyma; I- but after
that time, some say that Homer mentions it
by that name of Solyma, [for he named the
temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew lan-
guage, which denotes security.] Now the
whole time from the warfare under Joshua
our general against the Canaanites, and from
that war in which he overcame them, and
distributed the land among the Hebrews (nor
could the Israelites ever cast the Canaanites
out of Jerusalem until this time, when David
took it by siege), this whole time was five
hundred and fifteen years.

3. I shall now make mention of Araunah,
who was a wealthy man among the Jebusites,
but was not slain by David in the siege of Je-
rusalem, because of the good-will he bore to
the Hebrews, and a particular benignity and
affection which he had to the king himself;
which I shall take a more seasonable opportu-
nity to speak of a little afterwards. Now
David married other wives over and above
those which he had before: he had also con-

nor do I sec any reason for Mr. Ottius’s evil suspicions

cerning David’s, and many other kings of Judah’s,
pulchres, which, as the authors of the hooks of Kings
Chronicles say, were in the city of David, so does J
plius still say they were in Jerusalem. The sepi
of David seems to have been also a known place i
several days of Hyrcanus, of Herod, and of St.

— Antiq. b. xiii. ch. viii. sect. 4 ; b. xvi. ch. vii. se
Acts ii. 2-). Now no such royal sepulchres have

and
s Jose-
e seputchn

n ; ai
■ best

ive here Solyma, or Sa-
una, or Jerusalem. The lat-
ree to what Josephu9 says elsewhere (of the

says con- j + Some copu
of Judah’s, se-| lem ; and others Hierosolym
ter best agree to what Josep

War, b. vi. c. a.), that this city was called Solyma or Sa-
Ichise

royal sepulchres have been | xxii. 14). The latter word Jireh, with a little alteration,
found about Mount Sion, but are found close by the prefixed to the old name Salem, Peace, will be Jerusa-
li wall of Jerusalem, which I suspect, therefore, to lem ; and since that expression, “ God will see,” or ra-
lese very sepulchres. See the note on chap.- xv. sect
In the mean time, Josephus’s explication of the
fame, and the blind, and the maimed, as set to keep this

city or citadel, seems to he the truth, and gives the best
light to that history in our Bible. Mr. Ottius truly ob-
serves ( ap. Iluverrainp. p :.IOo), that Josephus never
mentions Mount	liv thtsr name, us taking it for an

appeMat:vp. us I suppose, mol not liir n propt r name;
be si'll eitlici styles it 'the Citadel, or The Upjer City i

in, before the days of Melchisedec ; hut was by him
lied I I ierosolyma, or Jerusalem. 1 rather suppose it to
have been so called after Abraham had received that ora-
cle Jehovah Jireh : “ the Lord will see, or provide” (Gen.

ith a little alteration,
eace, will be Je
expression, “ God will see,” i
•vide himself a lamb for a burnt-

l sin

God will

offering” (ver. S, 14), is there said to have been prover-
I tilt the <f

ther,

the days of Moses, this seems to me the most
derivation of that name, which will then de-

bial

probable derivation ot that nai
note,‘‘That God would provide
God which was to take away the sins of the world.”
However, lhat which is put into brackets, can hardly be
supposed the genuine words of Josephus, as Dr. II so sou
well judges.

peace by that Lamb of
tins -...............188

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

BOOK VII.

cubines. The sons whom he had were in
number eleven, whose names were Amnon,
Emnos, Eban, Nathan, Solomon, Jeban, Elien,
Phalna, Ennaphen, Jen^e, Eliphale; and a
daughter, Tamar. Nine of these were born
of legitimate wives, but the two last-named
of concubines; and Tamar had the same mo-
ther with Absalom.

CHAPTER IV.

THAT WHEN DAVID HAD CONQUERED THE
PHILISTINES, WHO MADE WAR AUAINST
HIM AT JERUSALEM, HE REMOVED THE AUK
TO JERUSALEM, AND HAD A MIND TO
BUILD A TEMPLE.

§ 1. When the Philistines understood that
David was made king of the Hebrews, they
made war against him at Jerusalem; and
when they had seized upon that valley which
is called The Valle;/ of the Giantf, and is a
place not far from the city, they pitched their
camp therein: but the king of the Jews, who
never permitted himself to do any thing with-
out prophecy,* and the command of God, and
without depending on him as a security for
the time to come, bade the high-priest to fore-
tell to him what was the will of God, and
what would be the event of this battle. And
when he foretold that he should gain the vic-
tory and the dominion, he led out his army
against the Philistines; and when the battle
was joined, he came himself behind, and fell
upon the enemy on the sudden, and slew
some of them, and put the rest to flight. And
let no one suppose that it was a small army
of the Philistines that came against the He-
brews, as guessing so from the' suddenness of
their defeat, and from their having performed
no great action, or that was worth recording,
from the slowness of their march and want of

as numerous as before, and pitched their
camp on the same spot of ground as before.
The king of Israel therefore inquired of God
again concerning the event of the battle; and
the high-priest prophesied to him, that he
should keep his army in the groves, called the
Groves; of Wetping, which wore not far from
the enemy’s camp, and that he should not
move, nor begin to fight, till the trees of the
grove should be in motion without the wind’s
blowing; but as soon as these trees moved,
and the time foretold to him by God was
come, he should, without delay, go out to
gain what was an already prepared and evi-
dent victory; for the stveral ranks of the
enemy’s army did not sustain him, but re-
treated at the first onset, whom he closely
followed, and slew them as be went along,
and pursued them to the city of Gaza (which
is the limit of their country): after this he
spoiled their camp, in which he found gTeat
riches; and he destroyed their gods.

2. When this had proved the event of the
battle, David thought it proper, upon a consul-
tation with the elders and rulers, and captains
of thousands, to send for those that were in
the flower of their age out of all his country-
men, and out of the whole land, and withal
for the priests and the Levites, in order to
their going to Kirjathjearim, to bring up the
ark of God out of that city, and to carry it to
Jerusalem, and there to keep it, and offer be-
fore it those sacrifices and those other honours
with which God used to be well pleased; for
had they done thus in the reign of Sjiul, they
had not undergone any great misfortunes at
i all. So when the whole body of the people
were come together, as they had resolved to
do, the king came to the ark, which the priests
brought out of the house of Aminadab, and
laid it upon a new cart, and permitted their
brethren and their children to draw it, toge-
ther with the oxen. Before it went the king,
and the whole multitude of the people with

corn age; but let him know that ail Syria and
Phoenicia, with many other nations besides
them, and those warlike nations also, came
to their assistance, and had a share in this
war: — which thing was the only cause why,
when they had been so often conquered, and
had lost so many ten thousands of their men,
they still came upon the Hebrews with greater
armies; nay, indeed, when they had so often
failed of their purpose in these battles, they
came upon David with an army three times

+ It deserves here to be remarked, that Saul very
rarely, and David very frequently, consulted God byi
Urim; and that David aimed always to depend not on
his own prudence or abilities, but on the divine direc-
tion, contrary to Saul's practice. See sect 2, and the
note on Antiq. b. iii. chap. viii. sect. 9; and when Saul's
daughter (but David's wife) Michal laughed at David's
dancing before the ark. 2 Sam. vi. 1(5, &c.; and here,
sect. 1, 2, 3, it is probable she did so, because her fa-
ther Saul did not use lo pay such a regard to the ark,
to the llrim There inquired by, or to God's worship be-
fore it; and l ocalise she thought it benouth the dignity
of a king to be so religious.

him, singing hymns to God, and making use
of all sorts of songs usual among them, with
variety of the sounds of musical instruments,
and with dancing and singing of psalms, as
also with the sounds of trumpets and of cym-
bals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem.
But as they were come to the threshing-floor
of Chidon, a place so called, Uzzah was slain
by the anger of God; for as the oxen shook
the ark, he stretched out his hand, and would
needs cake hold of it. Now because he was
not a priest,* and yet touched the ark, God

* Josephus seems to he partly in the right, when he
observes here that Uzzah was no priest (though perhaps
lie might be a l.evile). and was therelote struck dead for
touching the ark, contrary to the law. and for which pro-
fane rashness death was the penalty by that law. Numb,
iv lo, zO. See the like before. Antiq.h. vi. ch. i. sect. 4.
It is not improbable that the putting this ark in a cart,
when it ought to have been carried by the priests or In-
vites, as it was presently here in Josephus so carried
from Ohededom’s house t > Davie’s, might be also an oc«
easion of the anger of Hod on that breach of his l&W
See Numb. iv. 16; 1 Chnxi. xv 13CHAP. IV.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	180

struck him dead. Hereupon both the king
and the people /were displeased at the death
ot' 1 rZ7.Hh; nnd the place where he died is still
called ’ he Breach of Uzz.:h unto this day. So
David was afraid; and supposing that if he
received the ark to himself into the city, he
mi*ht suffer in the like manner as (Jzzah hiul
siiifered. who, upon his hare putting out his
. hand to the ark, died in the manner already
mentioned, he did not receive it to himself
into the city, but he took it aside unto a cer-
tain place belonging to a righteous man,
whose name was Obededom, who was by his
fumily a Levite, and deposited the ark with
him; and it remained there three entire
months. This augmented the house of Obed-
edom, and conferred many blessings upon it;
nnd when the king had heard what had befal-
len Obededom, how he was become of a poor
man in a low estate, exceedingly happy, and
the object of envy to all those that saw or in-
quired after his house, he took courage, and
hoping that he should meet with no misfor-
tune thereby, he transferred the ark to his
own house, the priests carrying it, while seven
companies of singers, who were set in that
order by the king, went before it. atid while
he himself played upon-the harp, and joined
in the music, insomuch that when his wife
Michal, the daughter of Saul, who was our
first king, saw him so doing, she laughed at
him; but when they had brought in (he ark,
they placed it under the tabernacle which
D ivid had pitched for it, and he offered cost-
ly sacrifices and peace-offerings, and treated
the whole multitude, and dealt both to the
women, and the men, and the infants, a loaf
of-, bread and a cake. Hnd another cake baked
in a pan, with a portion of the sacrifice. So
when he had thus feasted the people, he sent
them away, and he himself returned to his
own house.

3. lint when Michal his wife, the daughter
of Saul, came and stood by him, she wished
him all other happiness; and entreated that
whatsoever he should farther desire, to the lit
most posMbilitv, might he given him by God,
and that he might be favourable to him; yet
d (1 she blame him, that so great a king as be
was should dance afrer an unseemly manner,
and in his danring uncover himself among the
servants and the hand-maidens; but he re-
plied, that he was not ashamed to do what
was acceptable to God, who had preferred
him before her father, and before all others;
that be would play frequently, and dance.;
without any regard to what the hand-maidens
and she herself thought of it. So this Michal
had no children; however, when she -was
afterwards married to him to- whom Saul her
father bad given her (for at this time David
had taken her away from him, and had her
himself), she bare five children. But con-
cerning those matters I shall discourse in a
proper places

4. Now when the king saw that his affairs
grew hotter, almost ev^ery day, by the v.ill ot
God. be thought he should offend him, if.
'■> h.le be himself continued in houses made of
cedar, such as were of a great height, Htid had
he most curious works of architecture in
them, he shouhtoverlook the ark while it was
laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build
a temple to God* as Moses had predicted such
a temple rhould be built.* And w§eu he
had discoursed with Nullum the prophet about
these things, and had been encouraged by
him to do whatsoever be had a mind to do,
as having God with him and his helper in all
things, he was thereupon the more ready to
set about that building. But God appeared
to Nathan that very night, and commanded
him to say to David.f.that he took his pur-
pose and his desires kindly, since noliody had
before now taken it irto their bead to build
him a temple, although upon his having such
a notion he would i.ot permit him to build him
that temple, because he had made many wars,
and was defiled with the slaughter of his ene-
mies; that, however, after his death, in his old
age. and when he had lived a long life, there
should he a temple built by a son of his, who
should lake the kingdom Hfter him, and
should lie called Solomon, whom he promised
to provide f r, as a fither provides for his
son by preserving the kingdom for bis son’s
posterity, ami delivering it to them; hut that
he would still punish him if he sinned, with
diseases and barrenness of land. When Da-
vid understood this from the prophet, and
was overjoyful at this knowledge of the sure
continuance of the dominion to his posterity,
and that his house should be splendid, and
very famous, he came to the ark, and fell
down on his face, and began to adore God,
and to return thanks to him for all. his bene-
fits. as well for those that he had already be-
stowed upon him in raising him from h low
-tate, and from the emplo. ment of a shep-
herd, to so great dignity of dominion 'and
glory, as for those also which he had pro-
mised to bis posterity; and, besides, for
that providence which he had exercised over
the Hebrews, in procuring them the liberty

• Josephus here Infnrmi at, that, according to his
nderatHuding of the aen-e of his copy of the IVnta-
-uch Most-S had himself foretold Ibe building of the
here.

Ihis is

understi

tench Moses had himself lorelold the building of
temple, which yet ht nowhere, that I know of. in our
present copies. And that this is not a mistake set down
by Min unwarl'y. appears by what he. observed before,
on Antiq. b. iv. ch vili. sret. -16. how Moses foretold,
that upon the Jews’ future disobedience, their temple
should be burnt and rebuilt, and that not once only, bat
several times afterward. See also Josephus’s mention
of God's firmer commands to bui'd such a temple pre-
sently -(i'll. *lv. sect. V). contrary to our other copies, ot
at least to our translation of the Hebrew, 4 Sam. vu. 6,
7 ; I Uhrun. xvli. 5, ti.

+ Josephus seems, in this place, with our modern In-
terpreters. to confound the two distinct predictions
which f-nd made to llavid and to Nathan, concerning
the building him a temple bv one of David's posterity :
the one belonge li to Solomon, the other to the Messiah t
the distinction between which it of the grew tost cooao-
qoaaan .to tbo Christian t Hginfc190

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. ’

BOOK VII,

thcyenioycd. And when be had anid thus,
and had sung a hymn of praise to God, he
went his way.

CHAPTER V*

HOW DAVID BROUGHT UNDER THE PHILIS-
TINES, AND THE MOABITES, AND THE KINGS
OF SOPHENE, AND OP DAMASCUS, AND OF
THE SYRIANS, AS ALSO THE IDUMEANS, IN
WAR; AND HOW HE MADE A LEAGUE WITH
_ THE KING OF HAMATH; AND WAS MIND-
PUL OF THE FRIENDSHIP THAT JONATHAN,
THE SON OF SAUL, HAD BORNE TO HIM.

§ 1. A little while after this, be considered
that he ought to make war against the Philis-
tines, and not to see any idleness or laziness
permitted in his management, that so it might
prove, as God had foretold to him, that, when
he had overthrown his enemies, he should
leave his posterity to reign in peace afterward:
so he called together his army again, and when
he had charged them to be ready and prepar-
ed for war, andtjvheri he thought that all things
in his army were ?n a good state, he removed
from Jerusalem, ana came against the Philis-
tines ; and when he had overcome them in bat-
tle, and had cut off a great part of their coun-
try, and adjoined it to the country of the He-
brews, he transferred the war to the Moabites;
and when he had overcome two parts of their
army in battle, he took the remaining part cap-
tive, End imposed tribute upon them, to be
paid anittialiy. He then made war against
Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of So-
phene; and when he had joined battle with
him at the river Euphrates, he destroyed
twenty thousand of his footmen, and about
seven thousand of his horsemen; he also
took a thousand of his chariots, and destroyed
the greatest part of them, and ordered that
no more than one hundred should be kept.*

2. Now when Hadad.f king of Damascus
and of Syria, heard that David fought against
Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to
his assistance with a powerful army, in hopes
to rescue him; and when he had joined battle
with David at the river Euphrates, he failed

* David's reserving only one bandied chariots for
himself, out of one thousand lie had taken from Hada-
dezer. was most probably done in compliance with the
law of Moses, which forbade a king of Israel “ to mul-
tiply horses to himself,” Deul. xvii. 16j one of the
principal uses of horses in Jndea at that, time being for
drawing their chariots. See Josh. xii. 6; and Antiq. b.
v. chap. i. sect. 18.

+ It deserves hers to be remarked, thaMhis Hadad,

I, or the son of Hudnd.
i Adar or Ader is also in
S4), written Renhadad

of his purpose, and lost in the battle a prer. >
number of his soldiers; for there were
of the army of Hadad twenty thousand, nnu
all the rest fled. Nicolaus [of Damascus] also
makes mention of this king in the fourth book
of his histories; where he speaks thus: ‘^A
great while after these things had happened,
there was one of that country whose name
was Hadad, who was become very potent: he
feigned over Damascus and the other parts
of Syria* excepting Phoenicia. He made war
against David, the king of Judea, and tried
his fortune in many battles, and particularly
in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein he wap
beaten. He seemed to , have been the most
excellent of all their kings in strength and
manhood.” Nay, besides this, he says of his
posterity, that they succeeded one another
in his kingdom, and in his name;” where he
thus speaks; “ When Hadad was dead, his
posterity reigned for ten generations, each of
his successors receiving from his father that
his dominion, and this his name; as did the
Ptolemies in Egypt. But the third was the
most powerful of them all, and was nulling to
avenge the defeat his forefather had received:
so he made an expedition against the Jews,
and laid waste the city which i§ now called
Samaria.” Nor did he err from the truth; for
this is that Hadad who made the expedition
against Samaria, in the reign of Ahab, king
of Israel; concerning whom we shall speak
in due place hereafter.

3.	Now when David had made an expedi-
tion against Damascus and the other parts of
Syria, and had brought it all into subjection,
and had placed garrisons in the country, and
appointed that they should pay tribute, he re-
turned home. He also dedicated to God at
Jerusalem the golden quivers, the entire ar-
mour which the guards of Hadad used to
wear; which Shisliak, the king of Egypt,
took away when he fought with David’s
grandson, Rehoboam, with a great deal of
other wealth which he carried out of Jerusa-
lem. However, these things will come to be
explained in their proper places hereafter.
Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was
assisted by God, w ho gave him great success
in his wars; and he made an expedition against
the best cities of Hadadezer, Betah and Ma-
chon; so he took them by force, and laid them
waste. Therein was found a very great quan-
tity of gold and silver, besides that sort of
brass which is said to be more valuable than
gold; of which brass Solomon made that large
vessel which was called The [Brazen] Sea, and
those most curious lavers, when he built the
temple for God.

4.	But when the king'of Hamath was in-
0Ur Hebrje06eCp°huS.( AdKa7’; forme(1 of the'ill success of Hadadezer, and

aid to beard of the ruin of his army, he was
' l'jx‘	his own account, and resolved to

•on .

Xiii
Adar.

be such in the same text, and in Josephus (Antiq h

d^d.P' ^"v^id therefore hire	.brew copy 'nake a !oH/ue of friendship and fidelity with

tern Joseohus’a. which stems to hove the true reading. ) l>avid, before he should come against him; A)CHAP, W.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS,

191

lie E«nt to him hit son Joram, and professed
that he owed him thanks for fighting against
Hadadezer, who was his enemy, and made a
league with him of mutual assistance and
friendship. He also sent him presents, ves-
sels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of
silver, and of brass. So when David had
made this league of mutual assistance with
Toi (for that was the name of the king of
Hamath), and had received the presents he
sent him, he dismissed his son with that re-
spect which was due on both sides; but then
David brought those presents that were sent
by him, as also the rest of the gold and silver
which he had taken of the cities whom he had
conquered, and dedicated them to God. Nor
did God give victory and success to him only
when he went to the battle himself, and led
his own army, but he gave victory to Abishai,
the brother of Joab, general of his forces,
over the Idumeans,* and by him to David,
when he sent him with an army into Idumea;
for Abishai destroyed eighteen thousand of
them in the battle; whereupon the king [of
Israel] placed garrisons through all* Idumea,
and received the tribute of the country, and
of every head among them. Now David was
in his nature just, and made his determination
with regard^ to truth. He had for the general
of his whole army Joab;. and he made Je-
hoshaphat, the son of Ahilud, recorder: he
also appointed Zadok, of the family of Phi-
neas, to be high-priest, together with Abiathar,
for he was his friend: he also made Seisan the
scribe; and committed the command over the
guards of his body to Benaiah, the son of Je-
hoiada. His elder sons were near his body,
and had the care of it also.

5. He also called to mind the covenants
and the oaths he had made with Jonathan,
the son of Saul, and the friendship and affec-
tion Jonathan had for him; for besides all the
rest of his excellent qualities with which he
was endowed, he was also exceeding mindful
of such as had at other times bestowed bene-
fits upon him. He therefore gave order that
inquiry should be.made, whether any of Jo-
nathan’s lineage were living, to whom he
might make return of that familiar acquain-
tance which Jonathan had had with him, and
for \yhich he was still debtor. And when one
of Saul’s freed men was brought to him, who
was acquainted with those of his family that,
were still living, he asked him whether be
could tell him of any one belonging to Jona-
than that was now alive, and capable of a re-
quital of the benefits which he had received

• By this great victory over the Idnmeans or Edom-
ites, the posterity of Esau, and by the consequent tri-
bute paid by that nation to the Jews, were the prophecies
delivered'to Itebecca before Jacob and Esau were horn,
and by old Isaac before his death, that the elder, Esau
(or the Edomites), should serve the younger, Jacob (or
the Israelites); ahd Jacob (or the Israelites) should be
Esac’s (or the Edomites’) lord, remartably fulAlled. Bee
Atli'q. b. viiL chap. vii. sect 6. Gen. xrv. 2?t and tbs
Dotes on 4 nriq. h. L ehen. ftvlll. sect t. &

from Jonathan. And when he said that a son
of his was remaining, whose name was Me-
phibosheth, but that he was lame of bis feet;
for that when his nurse heard that the father
and grandfather of the child were fallen in
the battle, she snatched him up, and tied away,
and let him fall from her shoulders, and his
feet were lamed. So when he had learned
where, and by whom he was brought up, he
sent messengers to JVlachir, to the city of Lo-
debar, for with him was the son of Jonathan
brought up, and sent for him )to come to him.
So when Mephibosheth came to the king, he
fell on his face and worshipped him; but Da-
vid encouraged him, and bade him be good
cheer, and expect better times. So he gave
him his father’6 house, and all the estate which
his grandfather Saul was in possession of, and
bade him come and diet with him at his own
table, and never to be absent one day from
that tabled And when the youth had wor-
shipped him, on account of his words and
gifts given to him, he called for Ziba, and told
him that he had given the youth his father’s
house, and all Saul’s estate. He also ordered
that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take
care of it, and bring him the profits of all to
Jerusalem. . Accordingly David brought him
to his table every day; and bestowed upon the
youth, Ziba and his sons, who were in num-
ber fifteen, and his servants, who were in num-
ber twenty. 'When the king had made these
appointments, and Ziba had worshipped him,
and promised to do all that he had bidden
him, he went his way; so that this son of
Jonathan dwelt at Jerusalem, anddieted at the
king’s table, and had the same care that a son
could claim taken of him. He also had him,
self a son, whom he named Micha.

CHAPTER VL

HOW THE WAR WAS WAGED AGAINST THE
AMHOMTES, AND HAPTILY CONCLUDED.

§ 1. These were the honours that such as
were left of Saul’s and'Jonathan’s lineage re-
ceived from David. About this time died
Nahash, the king of the Ammonities, who wa3
a friend of David’s; and when his son had suc-
ceeded his father in the kingdom, David sent
ambassadors to him to comfort him; and ex-
horted him to take bis father’s death patiently,
and to expeet that he Would continue the same
kindness! to himself which he had shown to bis
father. But the princes of the Ammonites
took this message in evil part, and not .as
David’s kind dispositions, gave reason to take
it; and they excited the king to resent it;
and said that David had sent men to spy out
the country, and what strength it bad, under
the pretence of humanity and kindness. They
farther advised him te have a «are, and not to192

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

book vn>

give heed to David’s words, lest he should be
deluded by him, and so fall into an inconsol-
able calamity. Accordingly Nahash’s [son],
the king of the Ammonites, thought chese
princes spake what was more probable than
the. truth would admit, and so abused the am-
bassadors after a very harsh manner; for he
shaved the one half of their beards, and cut off
one half of their garments, and sent his an-
swer not in words but in deeds. When the
king of Israel saw this, he had indignation at
it, and showed openly that he would not over-
look this injurious and contumelious treat-
ment, but would make war with the Ammon-
ites, and would avenge this wicked treatment
of his ambassadors on their king. So that the
king’s intimate friends and commanders, un-
derstanding that they bad violated their league,
and were liable to be punished for the same,
made preparations for war; they also sent a
tho sand talents to the Syrian king of Meso-
potamia, and endeavoured to prevail with him
to assist them for that pay, and Shobach. Now
these kings had twenty thousand footmen.
They also hired the king of the country called
Maaoah, and a fourth king, by name Ishtob ;
which last had twelve thousand armed men.

2. But David was under no consternation
at this confederacy, nor at the forces of the
Ammonites; and, putting his trust in God,
because he was going to war in a just cause,
on account of the injurious treatment he bad
met with, he immediately sent Joab, the cap-
tain of his host, againft them, and gave him
the flower'of his army, who pitched his camp
by Kabbatfr, the metropolis of the Ammonites;
whereupon the enemy came out, and set them-
selves in array, not all of them together, but
in two bodies; for the auxiliaries were set in
array in the plain by themselves, but the army
of the Ammonites at the gates over against the
Hebrews. When Joab saw this he opposed
one stratagem against another, and chose out
the most hardy part of his men, and set them
in opposition to the king of Syria, and the
kings that were with him, and gave the other
part to his brother Abishai, and bid him set
them in opposition to the Ammonities; and
said to him, That in case he should see that
the Syrians distressed him and were too hard
for him, he should order his troops to turn
about and assist him : and he said, That he
himself would dp the same to him, if he saw
him in the like distress from the Ammonites.
So he sent his brother before, and encouraged
him to do every thing courageously and with
alacrity, which would teach them to be afraid
of disgrace, and to fight manfully; and so he
dismissed him to fight with' the Ammonites,
while he fell upon the Syrians. And though
they made a strong opposition for a while,
Joab slew many of them, but compelled the
rest to betake : hemselves to flight; which,
when the \ mnoiiites saw, and were'withal
afrai.i of \ -h-ii md his army, they staid no

longer, but imitated their auxiliaries, and fled
to the city. So Joab,: when he had thus over-
come the enemy, returned with great joy to
Jerusalem to the king.

3. This defeat did not still induce the Am-
monites to be quiet, nor to own those tha^
were superior to them to be so, and be still,
but they sent to Cbalaman, the king of the
Syrians, beyond Euphrates, and hired him for
an auxiliary. He had Shobach for the captain
of his host, with eighty thousand footmen,
and ten thousand horsemen. Now when the
king of the Hebrews understood that the Am-
monites had again gathered so great an army
together, he determined to make war with
them no longer by his generals, but he passed
over the river Jordan himself with all his army;
and when he met them he joined battle with
them and overcame them, and slew forty
thousand of their footmen, and seven thou-
sand of their horsemen. He also wounded
Shobach, the general of ChaTaman’s forces,
who died of that stroke; but the people of
Mesopotamia, upon such a conclusion of tbe
battle, delivered themselves up to David, and
sent him presents, who at winter-time return-
ed to Jerusalem. But at the beginning of the
spring be sent Joab, the captain of his host, to
fight against the Ammonites, who overran all
their country, and laid it waste, and shut them
up in their metropolis Rabbah, and besieged
them therein.

CHAPTER VIL

HOW DAVID FELL IN LOVE WITH BATHSHEQA,
AND SLEW- HER HOSBAND URIAH, FOR
WHICH HE IS REPROVED BY NATHAN.

§ 1. But David fell now into a very griev-
ous sin, though he were otherwise naturally
a righteous and a religious man, and one that
firmly observed the laws of our fathers; for
when late in an. evening he took a view round
him from the roof of his royal palace, where
he used to walk at that hour, he saw a woman
washing herself in her own house: she was
one of extraordinary beauty, and therein sur-
passed all other women; her name was Bath-
sbeba. So be was overcome by that woman’s
beauty, and was not able to restrain his desires,
but sent for her and lay with her. Hereupon
she conceived with child, and sent to the king,
that he should contrive some way for conceal-
ing her sin (for, according to tbe laws of their
fathers, she who had been guilty of adultery
ought to be put to death). So the king sent
for Joab’s armour-bearer from the siege, who
was the woman’s husband; and bis name was
Uriah: and when he was come, the king in-
quired of him about the army,-and about the
siege; and when he had made answer, that
all tbeir affairs went according to their wishes.CHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OP TH E JEWS.

193

the king took some portions of meat from
his supper, and gave them to him, and bade
him go home to his wife, and take his rest
with her. Uriah did not do so, but slept
hear the king with the rest of his iirmour-
bearers. When the king was informe.d of
this, he asked him why he did not go home
to his bouse, and to his wife, after so long an
absence; which is the natural custom of all
men, when they come from a long journey.
He replied, that it was not right, while his
fellow-soldiers, and the general of the army,
slept upon the ground, in the camp, and in
an enemy’s country, that he should go and
take his rest, and solace himself with his wife.
So when he had thus replied, the king order-
ed him to stay there that night, that he might
dismiss him the next day to the general. So
the king invited Uriah to supper, and after
a cunning and dexterous manner plied him
with drink at supper till he was thereby
disordered; yet did he nevertheless sleep at
the king’s gates, without any inclination to go
to his wife. Upon this the king was very
angry at him; and wrote to Joab, and com-
manded him to punish Uriah, for he told him
that he had offended him; and he suggested
to him the manner in which lie would have
him punished, that it might not be discovered
that he was himself the author of this his pun-
ishment; for he charged him to set him
over-against that part of the enemy’s army
where the attack would be most hazardous,
and where he might be deserted, and be in the
greatest jeopardy; for he bade him order his
fellow-soldiers to retire out of the fight.
When he had written thus to him, and sealed
the letter with his own seal, he g^ve it to
Uriah to carry to Joab. When Joab had re-
ceived it, and upon reading it understood the
king’s purpose, he set Uriah in that place
where he knew the enemy would be most
troublesome to them; and gave him for his
partners some of the best soldiers in the army;
and said that he would also come to their assists
ance with the whole army, that if possible they
might break down some part of the wall, and.
enter the city. And he desired him to be
glad of the opportunity of exposing himself
to such great pains, and not to be displeased
at it, since he was a valiant soldier, and had a
great reputation for his valour, both with the
king and with hi3 countrymen. And when
Uriah undertook the work he was set upon
with alacrity, he gave private orders to those
who were to be his companions, that when
they saw the enemy make a sally, they should
leave him. When, therefore, the Hebrews
made an attack upon the city, the Ammonites
were afraid that the enemy might prevent
them, and get up into the city, and this at the
ver) place-whither Uriah was ordered; so they
exposed their best soldiers to be in the. fore-
front, and opened their gates suddenly, and
fell uponthe enemy with great vehemence, and

ran violently upon thorn. When those that were
with Uriah saw tliis,l hey all retreated back ward,
as Joab bad directed them beforehand; but
Uriah, as a-hamed tQ run away and leave his
post, sustained the enemy, and receiving the
violence of tl^ir onset, he slew many of them;
but being encompassed round, and caught in
the midst of them, he was slain, and some
other of his companions were slain with him.

2.	When this was done, Joab sent messen-
gers to the kihg, and ordered them to tell him
that he did what he could to take the city soon;
but that as they made an assault on the wall,
they had been forced to retire with great loss;
and bade them, if they saw the king was
angry at it, to add this, that Uriah was slain
also. When the king had heard this of the
messengers, he took it heinously, and said
that they did wrong when they assaulted the
wall, whereas they ought, by undermining
and other stratagems of war, to endeavour
the taking of the city, especially when the}
had before their eyes the example of Abime-
lech, the son of Gideon, who would needs
take the tower in Thebes by force, and wa3
killed by a large stone thrown at him by an
old woman; and, although he was a man of
great prowess, he died ignominiously by the
dangerous manner of his assault. That they
should remember this accident, and not come
near the enemy’s wall, for that the best me-
thod of making war with success was to call
to mind the accidents of former wars, and
what good or bad success had attended them
in the like dangerous cases, that so they might
imitate the one, and avoid the other. But
when the king was in this disposition, the
messenger told him that Uriah was slain also;
whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the
messenger go back to Joab, and tell him that
this misfortune is no other than what is com-
mon among mankind; and that such is the
nature, and such the accidents of war, inso-
much that sometimes the enemy will have
success therein, and sometimes others; but
that he ordered him to go on still in his care
about the siege, that no ill accident might be-
fall him in it hereafter: that they should
raise bulwarks and use machines in besieging
the city; and when they have gotten it, to
overturn its very foundations, and to destroy
all those that are in it. Accordingly the mes-
senger carried the king’s message with which
he was charged, and made haste to Joab.
But Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, when she
was informed of the death of her husband,
mourned for his death many days; and when
her mourning wa3 over, and the tears which
she shed for Uriah were dried up, the king
took her to wife presently; and a son was
born to him by her.

3.	With this marriage God was not well
pleased, but was thereupon angry at David;
and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in
his sleep, and complained of the king. Now

N194	ANTIQUITIES OP TUB JBBfS*	BOOK VI&

Nathan Traa* fair and prudent man; and con-
sidering that kings, when they fall into a pas-
sion, are guided more by that passion than
they are by justice, he resolved to conceal the
threatenings that proceeded from God, and
made a good-natured discourse* to him, and
this’affcer the manner following*—He desired
that the king would give him his opinion in
the following case: — “ There were,” said he,
“two men inhabiting the same city, the one
of them was rich and [the other poor]. The
rieh man had a great many flocks of cattle,
of sheep, and of kine; but the poor man had
but one ewe-lamb. This he brought up with
his children, and let her eat her food with
them; and he had.the same natural affection
for her which any one might have for a daugh-
ter. Now upon the coming of a stranger to
the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill
any of his Own flocks, and thence feast his
friend; but he sent for the poor man’s lamb,
and took her away from him, and made her
ready for food, and thence feasted the stran-
ger.” This discourse troubled the king ex-
ceedingly; and he denounced to Nathan,'that
“ this man was a wicked man, who could
dare to do such a thing; and that it was but
just that he should restore the lamb fourfold,
and be punished with death for it also.”
Upon this, Nathan immediately said, that he
was himself the man who ought to suffer
those punishments, and that by his own sen-
tence ; and that it was he who had perpe-
trated this great and horrid crime. He also
revealed to him, and laid before him, the
anger of God against him, who had made him
king over the army of the Hebrews, and lord
of all the nations, and those many and great
nations round about him; who had formerly
delivered him out of the hands of Saul, and
had given him such wives as he had justly and
legally married; and now this God was des-
pised by him, and affronted by his impiety,
when he had married, ..and now had another
man’s wife; and by exposing her husband to
the enemy, had really slain him; that God
would inflict punishments upon him on ac-
count of those instances of wickedness; that
his own waves should be forced by one of his
sons; and that he. should be treacherously
supplanted by the^same son; and that al-
though he had perpetrated his wickedness
secretly, yet should that punishment which
he Was to undergo be inflicted publicly upon
him; “that, moreover,” said he, “the child
who was born to thee of her, shall soon die.”
When the king was troubled at these fnes-
sacres, and sufficiently confounded, and said,
with tears and sorrow, that he had sinned (for
lie was without controversy a pious man, and
guiicv of no sin at all in his whole life, ex-
cepting those in the matter of Uriah), God
hod compassion on him, and was reconciled
to him, ana promised that he would preserve
to him both his life and Ins kingdom; for he

said, that Beelng he repented of the thirds he
had done, be was no longer displeased with
him. So Nathan, when he had delivered this
prophecy to the king, returned borne.

4.	However, God sent a dangerous dis-
temper upon the child that was born to David
of the wife of Uriah; at which the king was
troubled, and did not take any food for seven
days, although his servants almost forced
him to take it; but he clothed himself in a
black garment, and fell down, and lay upon
the ground in sackcloth, entreating God for
the-recovery of the child, for he vehemently
loved the child’s mother; but when, on the
seventh day, the child was dead, the king’s
servants durst not tell him of it, as supposing
that when he knew it, he would still less ad-
mit of food and other care of himself, by rea-
son of his grief at the death of his son, since
when the child was only sick, he 60 greatly
afflicted himself, and grieved for him; but
when the king perceived that his servants
were in disorder, and seemed to he affected as
those are who are very desirous to conceal
something, he understood that the child was
dead; and when he had called one of his ser-
vants to him, and discovered that so it was,
he arose up and washed himself, and took a
white garment, and came into the tabernacle
of God. He also commanded them to set
supper before him, and thereby greatly sur-
prised his kindred and servants, while he did
nothing of this when the child was sick, but
did it all when he was dead. Whereupon, hav-
ing first begged leave to ask him a question,
they besought him to tell them the reason of
this his conduct; he then called them unskil-
ful people, and instructed them how he had
hopes of the recovery of the child while it was
alive, and accordingly did all that was proper
for him to do, as thinking by such means to
render God propitious to him; but that when
the child was dead, there was no longer an}
occasion for grief, which was then to no pur-
pose. When he had said this, they com-
mended the king’s wisdom and understanding.
He then went in untcwBathshcba his wife,
and she conceived and Dare a son; and by
the command of Nathan the prophet, called
his name Solomon.

5.	But Joab sorely distressed the Ammon-
ites in the siege, by cutting off their waters,
and depriving them of other means of sub-
sistence, till they were in the greatest want of
meat and drink, for they depended only on
one small well of water, and this they dmst
not drink of too freely, lest Ihe fountain
should entirely fail them. So he wrote to the
king, and informed him thereof; and per-
suaded him to come himself to take the city,
that he might have the honour of the victory.
Upon this letter of Joab’s, this king accepted
of his good-will and fidelity, arid took with
him his army, and came to the destruction of
Rabbah; and when he had taken it by force.CHAP. Till.

he gave it to his soldiers to plunder it; but
he himself took the king of the Ammonites'
crown, the weight of which was a talent of
gold;* and it had in its middle a preciuu*
stone called a sardonyx; which crown David
ever after wore on his own head. He also
found many other vessels in the city, and thus,
both splendid and of great price; lint as for
the men, he tormented them.t and then de-
stroyed them: and when he had taken the
other cities of the Ammonites by force, he
treated them after the same manner.

CHAPTER VIII.

BOW ABSALOM MURDERED AMNON, WHO HAD
FORCED HIS OWH SISTER; AND HOW HE WAS
BANISHED, AND AFTEAWABDS RECALLED BY
DAVID.

§ 1. When the king was returned to Jerusa-
lem, a sad misfortune befell his house, on the
occasion following: He had a daughter, who
was yet a virgin, and Very handsome, inso-
much that she surpassed all the most beauti-
ful women; her name was Tamar; she had
the same mother with Absalom. Now Am-
non, David’s eldest son, fell in love with her,
and being not able to obtain his desires, on ac-
count of her virginity, and the custody she
was under, was so much out of order, nay,
his grief so eat up his body, that he grew lean,
and his colour was changed. Now there was
one Jonadab, a kinsman and friend of his,
who discovered this his passion, for he was an
extraordinary wise man, and of great sagacity
of mind. When, therefore, he saw that every
morning Amnon was not in body as be ought
to be, be came to him, and desired him to tell
him what was the cause of it; however, he
said that he guessed that it arose from the pas-
sion of love. Amnon confessed his passion,
that he was in love with a sister of his, who
had the same father with himself. So Jona-
dab suggested to him by what method and

* That a talent of gold was about seven pounds weight,
see the description of the tern pies, chap. xiii. Nor
could Josephus well-estimate it higher, since be here
says that David wore it on his bead perpetually.

+ Whether Josephus saw the wonts ot our copies. U
Sam. xii. 31, and 1 Chron. xx 3, that David pm the in-
habitants. or at least the garrison of Itabh ih. and of the
Ollier Ammonite cities whicn he besieged and took, under,
or cut tnem with saws, and under, or with harrows of
iron, and under, or with axes of iron, and made them
pass through the brick kiln, is not hei

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

105

pass through the brick kiln, is not nere directly ex-
pressed. If he saw them, as it is most probable he did.
tie certainly expounded them of toimenting these Am-
monites to death, who were none of those seven nations
of Canaan, whose wickedness had rendered them inca-
pable of mercy; otherwise I should he inclinable to think
that the meaning, at least as the words are in Samuel,
might only be this: That they were made the lowest
slaves, to work in sawing timber or stone, in harrowing
the Helds, in hewing timher, in making and burning
bricks, and the like hard services, but without taking
away their lives. We never elsewhere, that I remem-
ber, meet with such methods of cruelty in putting men to
death in all the Bible, or in any other ancient history
whatsoever: nor do the words in Samuel seem naturally
to refer to any such thing

contrivance he might obtain his desires; for
he persiisrieri bun to pretend sickness, and
hade him. when his fathef'should come to bim,
to beg of him that his sister might come and
minister to him; for, if that were done, he
should he better, and should quickly recover
hum his distemper. So Amnon lay down on
his lief I, and pretended to be sick, as Jonadab
had suggested. When his father came, and
inquired how he did, he begged of him to .send
his sister to him. Accordingly, he- presently
ordered her to be brought to him; and when
she was come, Amnon hade her make cakes
for him, and fry them in a pan, and do it all
with her own hands, because he should take
them better from her band [than -from any
one’s else]. So she kneaded the flour in the
sight of her brother, and made him cakes, and
baked them in a pan, and brought them to
him; but at that time he would not taste them,
but gave order to his servants to send all that
were there out of bis chamber, because be bad
a mind to repose himself, free from tumult
and disturbance. As 6pon as what be bad
commanded was done, he desired his sister to
bring his supper to bim into the inner parlour;
which, when the damsel had done, be took
hold of her, and endeavoured to persuade her
to lie with him. Whereupon the damsel cried
out, and said, “ Nay, brother, do not force
me, nor be so wicked as to transgress the laws,
and bring upon thyself the utmost confusion.
Curb this tby unrighteous and impure lust,
from which our house will get nothing hut
reproach and disgrace.” She also advised him
to speak to his father about this affair; for
he would permit him [to marry her]. This
she said, as desirous to avoid her brother’s vio-
lent passion at present. But he would not
yield to her; but, inflamed with love, and
blinded with the vehemency of his passion, he
forced his sister: but as 60on as Amnon bad
satisfied his lust, he hated her immediately,
and giving her reproachful words, bade her
rise up and be gone. And when she said
that this was a more injurious treatment than
the former, if, now he had forced her, he would
not let her stay with him till the evening, but
hid her go away in the day-time, and while it
was light, that she'might meet with people
that would be witness of her shame,-—he com-
manded his servant to turn her out of his
house. Whereupon 6he was sorely grieved
at the injury and violence that had been otier-
ed to her, and rent her loose coat (for the vir-
gins of old time wore such loose coats tied at
the bands, and let down to the ankles, that
the inner coats might not be seen), and
sprinkled ashes on her head; and went up
the middle of the city, crying out and lament-
ing for the violence that had been offered her.
Now Absalom, her brother, happened to meet
her, and asked her what sad thing had be-
fallen her, that she was in that plight; and
when she had told Him what iqjury had been.100

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII

offered her, he comforted ber, nnd desired her I be expected to see those bis sons again, whom
to be quiet, and take all patiently, and not to j be han-f. little before beard to have perished.

esteem her being corrupted by her brother as
an injury. So she yielded to his advice, and
left off her crying out, and dbcovering the
force offered her to'tbe multitude: and she
continued as a widow with ber brother Absa-
lom a long time.

2 When David his father knew this, he
was grieved at the actions of Amnon; but
because be bad an extraordinary affection for
h\m, for he was his eldest son, be was com-
pelled not to afflict him; but Absalom watch-
ed for a fit opportunity of revenging this crime
upon hjin, for he thoroughly hated him. Now
the second year after this wicked affair about
his sister was over, and Absalom was about to
go to shear his own sheep at Baalhazor, whirn
is a city in the portion of Ephraim, he be
sought his father,- as well as his brethren, to
come and feast with him; hut when David
excused himself, as not being willing to be
burdensome to him. Absalom desired he would
however send bis brethren; whom he did send
accordingly. Then Absalom charged bis own
servants, that when they should see Amnon
disordered and drowsy with wine, and he
should give them a signal, they should fear
nobody, hut kill him.

3. When they luul done as they were com-
manded. the rest of his brethren were aston-
ished ar.d disturbed, and were afraid for them-
selves, so they immediately got on horseback,
and rode away to their father; but somebody
there was who prevented them, and told their
father they were all slain by Absalom; where-
upon lie was oven*ome with soriow, as for so
maiiy of his sons .that were destroyed at once,
and that by their brother also; and*by ttiia<-on-
sideration that it was their brother that ap-

Ho-.' i-. i r '.here were tears on both sides; they
larne. tueir brother who was kulto. », d
tlie kii . !:.n.entii>g his son who was killed
also; l.,-.r .«bsalom fled to Gesliur, lo his
grandfat.it / bis mother’s side, who was king
of that com.try, and be remained with him
three whole years.

4. Now David bad a design to send to Ab-
salom, not that be should come to be punished,
but that be might be with him, for the effects
of his anger were abated by length of time.
It was Juab, the captain of his host, that chief-
ly persuaded him so to do; for he suborned
an ordinary woman, that was stricken in age,
to go to the king in mourning apparel, who

said thus-to him_____Thai two other sons, in a

coarse way, had some difference between tbem,
and that in the progress of that difference ihey
came to an open quarrel, and that one was
smitten by the other, and was dead'; and she
desired him to interpose in this case, and to
do her the favour to save this her sou from her
kindred, who were very zealous to have him
that ha.! stain Ids biother pul to death, that so
she might not. be farther deprived of the hopes
she lmd of being taken care of in her old age
by him; and that if he would hinder this
slaughter of her son by those that wished for
it. he would do her a great favour, because
the kindred would not be restrained from their
purpose by any tiling else than by the fear of
htTn;—and when the king had given his con-
sent to .what the woman had begged of him.
she made this reply to him;—I owe thee
thanks for thy benignity to ine in pitying iny
old age, and preventing the loss of my only
remaining child; hut in order to assure me of
this thy kindness, be first reconciled to thine

peared to have slain them, he aggravated his j own son. and cease to be Hiigry with him; for

sorrow for them. So he neither inquired what
was the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear
any thing else, which yet it was but reasonable
to have done, w hen so very great, and by that
greatness so incredible a misfortune was relat-
ed to him, he rent his clothes, and threw him-
self upon the ground, and there lay lamenting
the loss of all bis sons, both those who. as lie
was informed, were slain, and of him who slew
them. But Jonadab. the son of his brother
Sheineah, entreated him not to indulge his
sorrow so far, for as to the rest of his soils he
did not believe that they were slain, f< r he
found no cause-for such a suspicion; hi.t he
su'd it might deserve inquiry as to Amnon,
for it was not unlikely that Absalom might
venture to kill him on account of the injury
he bad offered to Tamar. Ill the mean lime,
a great noise of horses, and a tumult of some
people that were coming, turned their attention
to them; they w’ere the king’s sons, who were
fled away from the feast. So their father met
tbem as they were in their grief, and he him-
self grieved with tbem; but it was more than

how shall I persuade myself that thou bust
really bestowed this favour upon rue, while
thou thyself contiuuest after the like manner
in thy wrarh to thine own sou? for it is a fool-
ish thing to add wilfully another to thy dead
son, while the death of the other was brought
about without thy consent;”—and now the
k’ng perceived that this pretended story whs a
subornation derived from Joab, und was of
his contrivance; and when, immi iii'iuirv of
tlie old woman, he understood it to be so in
reality, he called for Juab, and told him be
had obtained what he requested according to
his own mind; and he bid him bring Absalom
back, for he was not now displeased, but had
already ceased to be angry with him. So Joab
bowed himself down to the king, anil took his
words kindly, and went immediately to Ge-
>hur, and took Absalom with him, and came
to Jerusalem.

5. However, the king sent a message to his
<011 hefori baud, as he was coming, and com-
manded him to retire to his own house, lor
he was not yet in such a disposition oa toCHAP; JX.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWg.

107

think fit at present to see him. Accordingly,
upon the father’s command, he avoided com-
ing into his presence, and contented him-
self with the respects paid him by bis own
family only. Now his beauty was not im-
paired, either by the grief he had been
under, or by the want of such care as was
proper to be taken of a king’s son, for he
still surpassed and excelled all men in the
tallness of his body, and was more eminent
[in a fine appearance] than those that dieted
the most luxuriously; and, indeed, such was
the thickness of the hair of his head, that it
was with difficulty he was polled every eighth
day; and his hair weighed two hundred she-
kels,* which are five pounds. However, he
dwelt in Jerusalem two years, and became
the father of three sons, and one daughter;
Which daughter was of very great beauty,
and which Rehoboam, the son of Solomon,
took to wife afterward, and had by her a son
named Abijah; but Absalom sent to Joab,
and desired him to pacify his father entirely
towards him; and to beseech him to give him
leave to come to him to see him, and speak
with him; but when Joab neglected so to do, be
sent some of his own servants, and set fire to
the field adjoining to him; which, when Joab
understood, he came to Absalom, and accused
him of what he had done; and asked him the
reason why he did so? To which Absalom
replied, that “ I have found out this strata-
gem that might bring thee to us, while thou
hast taken no care to perform the injunction
I laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile
my father to me; and I really beg it of thee,
now thou art here, to pacify my father as to
me, since I esteem my coming hither to be
more grievous than my banishment, while my
father’s wrath against me continues.” Here-
by Joab was persuaded, and pitied the distress
that Absalom was in, and" became an interces-
sor with the king for him; and when he had
discoursed with his father, he soon brought
him to that amicable disposition towards Ab-
salom, that he presently sent for him to come
to him; and when he had cast biinself down
upon the ground, and had begged for the
forgiveness of his offences,, the king raised
him up, and promised him to forget what he
had formerly done.

CHAPTER IX.

CONCERNING THE INSURRECTION OF ABSALOM
AGAINST DAVID; AND CONCERNING AHI-
THOPHEL AND HUSHAI; AND CONCERNING
ZIBA. AND SHIMEI; AND HOW AHITHOPHEL
HANGED HIMSELF.

§ 1. Now Absalom, upon this his success with
the king, procured to himself , a great many

• Of this weight of Absalom’s hair, how in twenty or
thirty years it might well amount to two hundred shekels,

horses, and many chariots, and that in a little
time also. He had moreover fifty armour-
bearers that were about him, and he came
early every day to the king’s palace, and
spake what was agreeable to such as came for

1	justice and lost their causes, as if that hap-
pened for want of good counsellors about the
king, or perhaps because the judges mistook
in that unjust sentence they gave; whereby
he gained the good-will of them all. He
told them, that had he but such authority
committed to him, he would distribute justice
to them in a most equitable manner. When
he had made himself so pcpu.ar among the
multitude, he thought he had already the
good-will of the people secured to him; but
when four years f had passed since his fa-
ther’s reconciliation to him, he came to him,
and besought him to give him leave to go to
Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to God, because
he vowed it to him when he fled out of the
country. So when David had granted his
request, he went thither, and great multitudes
came running together to him, for he had
sent to a great number so to do.

2. Among them came Ahithophel the Gi-
Ionite, a counsellor of David’s, and two hun-
dred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew
not his intentions, but were sent for as to a
sacrifice. So he was appointed king by all
of them, which he obtained by that stratagem.
As soon as this news was brought to David,
and he was informed of what he did not ex-
pect from his son, he was affrighted at this his
impious and bold undertaking, and wondered
that he was so far from remembering how his
offence had been so lately forgiven him, that
he undertook much worse and more wicked
enterprises; first, to deprive him of that
kingdom which was given him of God; and,
secondly, to take away his own father’s life.
He therefore resolved to fly to the parts be-
yond Jordan; so he called his most intimate
friends together, and communicated to them
all that he had heard of his son’s madness.
He committed himself to God, to judge be-
tween them about all their actions; and left
the care ,.of his royal palace to his ten concu-
bines, and went away from Jerusalem, being
willingly accompanied by the rest of the mu l-

or to somewhat above six pounds avoirdupois, see tho
Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, page 77, 78.
But a late very judicious author thinks that the lxxii.
meant not its weight, hut its value was twenty shekels.
Dr. Wall’s Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon

2	Samuel xiv. 26. It does not appear what was Jose-
phus’s opinion: he sets the text down honestly as he
found it in his copies, only he thought, that “ at the
end of days,” when Absalom polled or weighed his hair,
was once a week.

t This is one of the best corrections that Josephus’s
copy affords us of a text that, in our ordinary copies, is
grossly corrupted. They say that this rebellion of Ab-
salom was forty years after what went before (of his re-
conciliation to his lather), Whereas the series of the
history shows it could not be more than four years after
.it, as here in Josephus, whose number is directly con-
firmed by that copy of the Septuagint version whence
the Armenian translation was made, which gives us
the small number of four years.198

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII.

titude, who wentThastily away with him, and
particularly by those six hundred armed men,
who had been with him from his first (fight in
the days of Saul. But he persuaded Abia-
thar and'Zadok, the high-priests, who had de-
termined to go away with him, as also all the
Levites, who were with the ark, to stay be-
hind, as hoping that God would deliver him
without its removal; but he charged them to
let him know privately how all things went
on; and he had their sons, Ahimaaz the son
of Zadok, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar,
for faithful ministers in all things; but Ittai
the Gittite went out with him whether David
would let him or not, for he would have per-
suaded him to stay, and on that account he
appeared the more friendly to him; but as he
was ascending the mount of Olives barefoot-
ed, and all his company were in tears, it was
told him that Ahithophel was with Absalom,
and was of his side. This hearing augment-
ed his grief: and he besought God earnestly
to alienate the mind of Absalom from Ahitho-
phel, for he was afraid that he should persuade
him to follow his pernicious counsel, for he
was a prudent man, and very sharp in seeing
what was advantageous. When David was
gotten upon the top of the mountain, he took
a view of the city; and prayed to God with
abundance of tears, as having already lost his
kingdom: and here it was that a faithful
friend of his, whose name was Hushai, met
him. When David saw him with his clothes
rent, and having ashes all over his head, and
in lamentation for the great change of affairs,
he comforted him, and exhorted him to leave
off grieving; nay, at length he besought him
to go back to Absalom, and appear as one of
his party, and to fish out the secretest coun-
sels of his mind, and to contradict the coun-
sels of Ahithophel, for that he could not do
him so much good by being with him as
he might by being with Absalom. So he
was prevailed on by David, and left him, and
came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom himself
came also a little while afterward.

3.	When David was gone a little farther,
there met him Ziba, the servant of.JVlephi-
bosheth (whom he had sent to take*care of
the possessions which had been given him, as
the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul), with a
couple of asses, loaden with provisions, and
desired him to take as much of them as he
and his followers stood in need of. And
when the king asked him where he had left
Mephibosheth, he said he had left him in
Jerusalem, expecting to be chosen king in the
present confusions, in remembrance of the
benefits Saul had conferred upon them. At
this the king had great indignation, and gave
to Ziba all that he had formerly bestowed on
hlephihosheth, for he determined that it was
much fitter that he should have them than the
other; at which Ziba greatly rejoiced.

4.	When David was at Bahurim, a place

so called, there came out a kinsman of Sanl’s
whose name was Shimei, and threw stones at
him, and gave him reproachful words; and
as his friends stood about the king and pro-
tected him, he pprsevered still more in his re-
proaches, and called him a bloody man, and
the author of all sorts of mischief. He bade
him also go out of the land as an impure and
accursed wretch; and he thanked God for
depriving him of his kingdom, and causing
him to be punished for what injuries he had
done to his master [Saul], and this by the
means of hjs own son. Now when they were
all provoked against him, and angry at him,
and particularly Abishai, who had a mind to
kill Shimei, David restrained his anger. “ Let
us not,” said he, “bring upon ourselves an-
other fresh misfortune to those we have already,
for truly I have not the least regard nor con-
cern for this dog that raves at me: I submit
myself to God, by whose permission this man
treats me in such a wild manner; nor is it
any wonder that I am obliged to undergo these
abuses from him, while I experience the like
from an impious son of my own; but perhaps
God will have some commiseration upon us;,
if it be his will we shall overcome them.” So
he went on his way without troubling himself
with Shimei, who ran along the other side of
the mountain, and threw out his abusive lan-
guage plentifully. But when David was come
to Jordan, he allowed those that were with
him to refresh themselves; for they were
weary.

5.	But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his
counsellor, were come to Jerusalem, with all
the people, David’s friend, Hushai, came to
them; and-when he had worshipped Absalom,
he withal wished that his kingdom might last
a long time, and continue for all ages. But
when Absalom said to him, “ How comes
this, that he who was so intimate a friend of
my father’6, and appeared faithful to him in all
things, is not with him now, but hath left him,
and is come over to me?” Hushai’s answer
was very pertinent and prudent; for he said,
“ We ought to follow God and the multitude
of the people; while these, therefore, my lord
and master, are with thee, it is fit that I should
follow them, for thou hast received the king-
dom from God. I will, therefore, if thou be-
lievest me to be thy friend, show the same
fidelity and kindness to thee, which thou
knowest I have shown to thy father: nor is
there any reason to be in the least dissatisfied
with the present state of affairs, for the king-
dom is not transferred into another, but re-
mains still in the same family, by the son’s
receiving it after his father.” This speech
persuaded Absalom, who before suspected
Hushai. And now he called Ahithophel,
and consulted with him what he ought to do;
he persuaded him to go in unto his father’s
concubines; for he said, that “by this ac-
tion the people would believe that thy differ-CHAP. IX,

ANTTQTJTTIES OP TJJE JEW<&4

190

enoe with thy father is irreconrilisable, and
will thence fight with great alacrity against
thy father, for hitherto they are afraid of .ta-
king up open enmity against him, out of an
expectation that you will be reconciled again.”
Accordingly Absalom was prevailed on by
this advice, and commanded his servants to
pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal
palace, in the 6ight of the multitude; and he
went in and lay with bis father’s concubines.
Now this came to pass according to the pre-
diction of Nathan, when be prophesied and
signified to him that his son would rise up in
rebellion against him.

6. And when Absalom had done what he
was advised to by Ahithophel, he desired bis
advice, in the second place, about the war,
against his father. Now Ahithophel only ask-
ed him to let him have ten thousand chosen
men, and he promised he would slay his fa-
ther, and bring the soldiers back again in
safety; and he said, that then the kingdom
would be firm to him when David was dead
[but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased
with this advice, and called for Hushai, Da-
vid’s friend (for so did he style him), and in-
formed him of the opinion of Ahittyphel: he

city with machines of war, and by undermi-
ning it.” When Hushai had said this, he ob-
tained his point against Ahithophel, for his
opinion was preferred by Absalom before the
other’s: however, it was no other than God*
who made the counsel of Hushai appear best
to the mind of Absalom.

7. So Hushai made haste to the high-priests,
Zadok and Abiathar, and told them the opi-
nion of Ahithophel, and bis own, and that the
resolution was taken to follow this latter ad-
vice. He therefore bade them send to David,
and tell him Qf it, and to inform him of the
counsels that had been taken; and to desire
him farther to pass quickly over Jordan, lest
his son should change his mind, and make
baste to pursue him, and so prevent him, and
seize upon him before he be in safety. Now
the high-priests had their sons concealed in a
proper place out of the city, that they might
carry news to David of what was transacted.
Accordingly, they sent a maid-servant, whom
they could trust, to them, to carry the news
of- Absalom’s counsels, and ordered them to
signify the same to David with all speed. So
they made no excuse nor delay, but, taking
along with them their fathers’ injunctions.

asked, farther, what was his opinion concern-1 be(3»de pious and faithful ministers ; and
ing that matter. Now he was sensible fh** fudging that quickness and suddenness was

if Ahithophel’s counsel were followed, David
would be in danger of being seized on, and
slain; so he attempted to introduce a contrary
opinion, and said, “ Thou art not unacquaint-
ed, .6 king, with the valour of thy father, and
of those that are now with him; that he hath
made many wars, and hath always come off
with victory, though probably he now abides
in the camp, for he is very skilful in strata-
gems, and in foreseeing the deceitful tricks of
his enemies; yet will he leave his own soldiers
in the evening, and will either hide himself in
some valley, or will place an ambush at some
rock; so that, when our army joins lmttle
with him, his soldiers will retire for a little,
while, but will come upon us again, as en-
couraged by the king’s being near them ; and
in the meantime your father will show him-
self suddenly in the time of the battle, and
will infuse courage into his own people when
they are in danger, but bring consternation to
thine. Consider, therefore, my advice, and
reason upon it, and if thou canst not but ac-
knowledge it to he the best, reject the opinion
of Ahithophel. Send to the entire country of
the Hebrews, and order them to come and
fight with thy father; and do thou thyself
take the army, and he thine own general in
this- war, and do not trust its management to
another; then expect to conquer him with
ease, when thou overtakest him openly with
his few partizans, hut hast thyself many ten
thousands, who will be desirous to demon-
strate to thee their diligence and alacrity. And other the like
if thy father shall shut himself up in some divine or human ope
dty, and bear a siege, we will overthrow that *»• *ch. i. aert. 2: an

the best mark of faithful service, they made
haste to meet with David. But certain horse-
men saw them when they were two furlongs
from the city, and informed Absalom of them,
who immediately sent some to take them ; but
when the sons of the high-priests perceived this,
they went out of the road, and betook them,
selves in h certain village (that village was
called Baburim): there they desired a certain
woman to hide them, and afford them secu-
rity. Accordingly she let the young men
dj\vn by a rope into a well, and. laid fleeces
of wool over them; and when those that pur-
sued them came to her, and asked her whether
she saw them, she did not deny that she had
seen them, for that they staid with her some
time, but she said they then went their ways;
d she foretold, that, however, if they would

follow them directly, they would catch them;
• This reflection of Josephus’s, that God brought to

ing the hearts, and blinding the eyes of men, who. by
their former voluntary wickedness, have justly <~
to be destroyed, and are thereby I

less, have justly deserved
y brought to destruction),
is a very just one. and iu him Dot uufrequenL Nor does
Josephus ever puzzle himself, or perplex his renders,
with subtle hypotheses as to the manner of such judicial
infatuations hy (jod^wnile the justice of them is sene-

operations, or permissions, or the means God makes use
of in such cat
s belong

ire revea _ _______.

may do all the words of this law,”
r have all the sublilties of the moderns, as
given any considerable light in this, and

s, 1

things belong to the laird
that are revealed bclo
ever, that We
xxix. 29. Noi
far as

such cases, is often impenetrable by ua “Secret
laird our God; but thnse things
mg to us. and to our children for
all the words of this law,” Deut.

>. given any considerable light in this, i
the like points of difficulty relating eithe

lerations.—See the notes onAntiq.

Autiq. b. ix> ch. iv. seot &ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

BOOK Til.

200

buf when, after a long pursuit, they could not
catch them, they came hack again; and when
the woman saw those men were returned, and
th it there was no longer any fear of the young
men’s being caught by them, she drew them
up by the rope, and hade them go on their
journey. Accordingly they used great dili-
gence in the prosecution of that journey, and
(Mine to David and informed him accurately
of all the counsels of Absalom. So he com-
manded those that were with him to pass over
Jord.:.': while it was night, and not to delay at
all on that account.

8. Hut Ahithophel, on rejection of his ad-
vice, got upon bis ass and rode away to his
own country, Oilon; and. calling his family
together, he told them distinctly what advice
he had given Absalom; and since he bad not
been persuaded by it, he .'aid he would evi-
dently perish, and this in no long time, and
that Divid would overcome him, and return
to his kingdom again; so he siid it was better
that he should take his own life away with

snt down not far off Mahanaim, in the country
g>f Gilead. He appointed Amasa to be cap-
tain of all his host, instead of Joab his kins-
man: his ‘father was ithra, and his' mother
Abigail: now she and Zeruiah, the mother of
Joab, were David’s sisters; but when David
had numbered his followers, and found them
to be about four thousand, he resolved not to
tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over
his men captains of thousands, and captains of
hundreds, and divided his army into three
parts; tlie one part he committed to Joab, the
next to Abisliai, Joab’s brother, and the third
to Ittai, David’s companion and friend, but
one that came from the city Gath; and when
he was desirous of lighting himself among
them, his friends would not let him: and this
refusal of theirs was founded upon very, wise
reasons:—“For,” said they, “if we be con-
<|uered when he is with us, we have lost all
good hopes of recovering ourselves-, hut if we
should lie beaten ii: one part of our army,
the other parts may retire to him, and may

freedom and macimniimtv. than expose hiin-lthereby prepare a greater force, while the ene-

self to lie punished hy Divid. in opposition
to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom.
When he had discoursed thus to them, he
went into the inmost room of his housv. and
banged l>:tr.self: and thus was the death cf
Ahi^l'ouhc1. who whs self-condemned; and
unco h<s relations had taken him duwn from
the en'/e' »bey took care of his funeral. Now.
as tor David, he passed over Jordan, as we
have said already, and came to Mahanaim, a
very line and very strong city; and all the
chief men of the country received him with
great pleasure, both out of the shame they
had that he should he forced to flee away
[from Jerusalem], and out of the respect they
bare him while lie was in his former prospe-
rity. These were Barzillai the Gileadite, and
Siphar the ruler among the Ammonites, and
Maehir the principal man of Gilead; and
these furnished him with plentiful provisions
for himself and lus followers, insomuch that
they wanted no beds nor blankets for them,
nor loaves ot bread, nor wine; nay, they
brought them a great many cattle for slaugh-
ter, anil atlordeM them what furniture they
wanted lor their refreshment when they were
weary, and tor food, with plenty of other ne-
cess<u lea.

CHAPTER X.

HOW WHEN ABSALOM WAS BEATEN, HE WAS
CAl’CHT IN A TBEE BY HIS HAIR, AND WAS
s; a:.v.

§ 1. A nd this was the state of David and his
followers: hut Absalom got together a vast
uriuy of the Hebrews to oppose his father, and
passed therewith over the river Jordan, and

my will imturallv suppose that he hath another
army with him." So David was pleased with
this their advice, and resolved himself to tarry
it .Mahanaim; and as he sent his friends and
•omuiHiiders to the battle, hg d sired them to
show all possible alacrity and fidelity, aim to
hear in mind what advantages they had received
from him, which, thuugh they had not been
very great, yet had they not been quite incon-
siderable; and he begged of them to spare the
young mail Absalom, lest some mischief should
befall himself, if he should be killed; and thus
(lid he send out his army to the battle, and
wished them victory therein.

2. Then did Joab put his army in battle
array over-against the enemy in the Great
Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Ab-
salom also brought his army into the field to op-
pose him. ITpoii the joining of the battle, both
sides showed great actions with their hands
and their boldness; the one side exposing
themselves to the greatest hazards, and using
their utmost alacrity, that David might recover
his kingdom; Hiid the other being no way de-
ficient, either in doing or suffering, that Ab-
salom might not be deprived of that kingdom,
and be brought to punishment by his father,
for his impudent attempt against him. Those
also that were the most numerous were solici-
tous that they might not be conquered by those
few that were with Joab,and with tbeothercom-
inanders, because that would be the greatest
disgrace to them; while David's soldiers
strove greatly to overcome so many ten thou-
sands as the enemy had with them. Now
David's men were conquerors, as superior in
strength and skill in war; so they followed the
others as they fled away through the forests
and valleys; some they took prisoneis, and
many they slfcw, and more in the flight than
in the battle, for there fell about twenty til on-CEAP. X.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*	201

sard that day. But all David’s men ran vio-
lently upon Absalom, for be wa9 easily known
by bis beauty and, tallness. He was himself
also afraid lest his enemies should seize on him,
so he got upon the king’s mule aud fled; but
as he was carried with violence, and noise, and
a great motion, as being himself light, he en-
tangled his hair greatly in the large boughs of
a knotty tree that spread a great way, and
there he hung, after a surprising manner; and
as for the beast it went on farther, and that
swiftly, as if his master had been still upon
bis back; but be banging in the air upon the
boughs, was taken by his enemies. Now when
one of David's soldiers saw this, be informed
Joab of it; and when the general said, That if
he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would
have given him fifty shekels, he replied,—“ I
would not have killed my master’s son if
thou wonldst have given me a thousand
shekels; especially when he desired that the
young man might be spared, in the hearing
<>i us all." But Joab bade him show him
where it was that be saw Absalom hang;
whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew
him, and Joab’s armour-bearers stood round
the tree, and pulled down his dead body, and
cast it into a great chasm that was out of
sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him, till
the cavity was filled up, and bad both the
appearance and the bigness of a grave. Then
Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own
soldiers from pursuing the enemy’s army, in
order to spare their countrymen.

3.	Now Absalopn had erected for himself
a marble pillar in the king’s dale, two fur-
longs distant from Jerusalem, which he named
Absalom’s Hand, saying, that if his children
were killed, his name would remain by that
pillar; for he had three sons and one daugh-
ter, named Tamar, as we said before, who,
when she was married to David’s grandson,
Rehoboam, hare a son, Abijah by name, who
succeeded his father in the kingdom; but of
these we shall speak in a part of our history
which will be more proper. After the . death
of Absalom, they returned every one to 4heir
own homes respectively.

4.	But now Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok the
high-priest, went to Joab, and desired he would
permit him to go and tell David of this vic-
tory, and to bring him the good news that
God had afforded bis assistance and his pro-
vidence to him. However, he did not grant
his request, but said to him, “ Wilt thou,
who hast always been the messenger of good
news, now go and acquaint the king that his
son is dead?" So he desired him to desist.
He then called Cushi, and committed the
business to him, that he should tell the- king
what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again
desired him to let him go as a messenger, and
assured him that he would only relate what
concerned the victory, but not concerning the
death of Absalom, he gave him leave to go to

David. Now he took a nearer road then the
former did, fi r nobody knew it but biinsc*if,
and he came he lore Cushi. Now as David
was sitting between the gates,* and waiting
to see when somebody would come to hiui
from the battle, and tell him how it went, one
of-tbe watchmen saw Ahimaaz running, and
before he could discern who he was, he told
David that he saw somebody coming to him,
who said, he was a good messenger. ~ A little
while after, he informed him, that another
messenger followed him; whereupon the king
said that he also was a good messenger: but
when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and that
he was already very near, he gave the king
notice, that it was the son of Zadok the
high-priest, who came running. So David
was very glad, and said he was a messenger
of good tidings, and brought him some such
news from the battle as he desired to hear.

5.	While the king was saying thus, Ahi-
maaz appeared, ai.id worshipped the king.
And when the king inquired of him about
the battle, he said he brought him the good
news of victory and dominion. And when
he inquired what he had to say concerning
his son, he said that he game, away on the
sudden as soon as the enemy was defeated,
but that he heard a great noise of those that
pursued Absalom, and that he could team no
more, because of the haste he made when
Joab sent him to inform him of the victory.
But when Cushi was come, and had worship-
ped him, and informed him of the victory, he
asked him about his son, who replied, “ May
the like misfortune befall thine enemies as
hath befallen Absalom.” That word did not
permit either himself or his soldiers to rejoice
at the victory, though it was a very great one;
but David went up to the highest part of the
city,f and wept for his son, and beat his
breast, tearing rj„he hair of] his head, torment-
ing himself all manner of ways, and crying
out, “Oh, my soul I wish that I had died
myself, and ended my days with thee!” for
he was of a tender natural affection, and had
extraordinary compassion for this son in par-
ticular. But when the army and Joab heard
that the king mourned for his son, they were
ashamed to enter the city in the habit of con-
querors, but they all came in as cast down,

1 The reader need not be surprised at this account of
David’s throne, both here and 2 Sam. xviii. 24, that it
was between two gates, or portals; gates being in cities,
as well as at the temple, large open plates, with a portal
at the entrance, anil another at the exit, between which
judicial causes were heard, and public consultations ta-
ken. ns is well known from several places of Scripture,
2 Clirou. xxxi. 2; PM. ix. 14; cxxvii. 5; Prov. i. 21;
vlii a -U: xxxi. 23; and ofleu elsewhere.

+ Sore David was now in IMahanaim, and in the
open p-a-e nl that city-gate, which seems still to have
been built the Highest of any part of the wal.; and since
otic other copies say he went up to the chamber over the
gate (2 Sain, xviii. 33)t I think we ought to oorrect our
present reudinc in Josephus, and for city should read
gale i.e. instead of the highest part of the city should say
the highest part of the gate. Accordingly we find David
presently, in Josephus, as well as iu our other copies;
2 Sam. xix 6, sitting as before, in the gate of the city.202

ANTIQUITIES OFJTHE JEWS.

BOOK VII.

and in tears, as if they , bad been beaten.
Now while the king covered himself, and
grievously lamented his son, Joab went in to
him, and said, “ O my lord the king, thou
art not aware that thou layest a blot on thy-
self by what thou now doest; for thou now
seemest to hate those that love thee, and un-
dergo dangers for thee; nay to hate thyself
and thy family, and to love those that are thy
bitter enemies, and to desire the company of
those that are no more, and who have been
justly slain; for had Absalom gotten the vic-
tory, and firmly settled himself in the kingdom,
there bad been none of us left alive, but all of
us, beginning with thyself and thy children,
had miserably perished, while our enemies
had not wept for us, but rejoiced over us,
and punished even those that pitied us in our
misfortunes; and thou art not ashamed to do
this in the case of one that has been thy bit-
ter enemy, who, while he was thine own son,
hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave off,
therefore, thy unreasonable grief, and come
abroad and be seen by thy soldiers, and return
them thanks for the alacrity they showed in
the fight; for I myself will this day per-
suade the people to leave thee, and to give
the kingdom to another, if thou continuest
to do thus; and then I shall make thee to
grieve bitterly and in earnest.” Upon Joab's
speaking thus to him, he made the king leave
off his sorrow, and brought him to the consi-
deration of his affairs. So David changed
his habit, and exposed himself in a manner
fit to be seen by the multitude, and sat in the
gates; whereupon all the people heard of it,
and ran together to him, and saluted him.
And this was the present state of David’s
affairs.

CHAPTER XL

HOW DAVID, WHEN HE HAD RECOVERED HIS
KINGDOM, WAS RECONCILED TO SHIMEI, AND
TO ZIBA ; AND SHOWED A GREAT AFFEC-
TION TO BARZILLAI: AND HOW, UPON THE
-RISE OF A SEDITION, HE MADE AMASA CAP-
TAIN OF HIS HOST, IN ORDER TO PURSUE
SHEBA; WHICH AMASA WAS SLAIN BY JOAB.

§ 1. Now those Hebrews that had been with
Absalom, and had retired out of the battle,
when they were all returned home, sent mes-
sengers to every city to put them in mind of
what benefits David had bestowed upon them,
and of that liberty which he had procured
them, by delivering them from many and great
wars. But they complained, that whereas
they had ejected him out of his kingdom, and
committed it to another governor, which
other governor, whom they had set up, was
already dead; they did not now beseech David

to leave off his anger at them, and to become
friends with them, and, as he used to do, to
resume the care of their affairs, and take the
kingdom again. This was often told to Da-
vid. And, this notwithstanding, David sent
to Zadok and Abiathar the high-priests, that
they should speak to the rulers of the tribe of
Judah after the manner following: That it
would be a reproach upon them to permit the
other tribes to choose David for their king,
before their tribe, and this, said he, while you
are akin to him, and of the same common
blood. He commanded them also to say the
same to Amasa the captain <X their forces,
That whereas he was his sister’s son, he had
not persuaded the multitude to restore the
kingdom of David: that he might expect from
him not only a reconciliation, for that was al-
ready granted, but that supreme command of
the army also which Absalom had bestowed
upon him. Accordingly the bigh-priests,
when they had discoursed with the rulers of
the tribe, and said what the king had ordered
them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care
of his affairs. So he persuaded that tribe to
send immediately ambassadors to him, to be-
seech him to return to his own kingdom. The
same did all the Israelites, at the like persua-
sion of Amasa.

2. When the ambassadors came to him, he
came to Jerusalem; and the tribe of Judah
was the first that came to meet the king at the
river Jordan; and Shimei, the son of Gera,
came with a thousand men, which he brought
with him out of the tribe of Benjamin; and
Ziba, the freedman of. Saul, with his sons,
fifteen in number, and with his twenty ser-
vants. All these, as well as the tribe of Ju-
dah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river,
that the king, and those that were with him,
might with ease pass over it. Now as soon
as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah
saluted him. Shimei also came upon the
bridge, took hold of his feet, and prayed him
to forgive him what he had offended, and not
to be too bitter against him, nor to think fit
to make him the first example of severity un-
der his new authority; .but to consider that
he had repented of his failure of duty, and
had taken care to come first of all to him.
While he was thus entreating the king, and
moving him to compassion, Abishai, Joab’s
brother, said, And shall not this man die for
this, that he hath cursed that king whom God
hath appointed to reign over us? But Da-
vid turned himself to him, and said, “ Will
you never leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah? Do
not you, I pray, raise new troubles and sedi-
tions among us, now the former are over; for
I would not have you ignorant, that I this dny
begin my reign, and therefore swear to remit to
all offenders their punishments, and not to
animadvert on any one that has sinned. Be
thou, therefore,” said he, “ O Shimei, of good
oourage, and do not at all fear being put toOHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

death.” So he worshipped him, and went on
before him.

3.	Mephibosbeth also, Saul’s grandson,
met David, clothed in a sordid garment, aind
having his hair thick and neglected; for after
David was fled away, he was in such grief
that he had not polled bis' head, nor had he
washed his clothes, as dooming himself to un-
dergo such hardships upon occasion of the
change of the king’s affairs. Now he had
been unjustly calumniated to the king by
Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the
king, and worshipped him, the king began to
ask him why he did not go out of Jerusalem
with him, and accompany hirn during his
flight? He replied, that this piece of injus-
tice was owing to Ziba; because, when he
was ordered to get things ready for his going
out with him, he took no care of it, but re-
garded him no more than if he had been a
slave; “ and, indeed, had I bad my feet sound
and strong, I had not deserted thee, for I
could then have made use of them io my
flight; but this is not all the injury that Ziba
has done me, as to my duty to thee, my lord
and master, but he hath calumniated me be-
sides, and told-lies about me of his own in-
vention; but I know thy mind will not ad-
mit of such calumnies, but is righteously dis-
posed, and a lover of truth, which it is also
the will of God should prevail. For when
thou wast in the greatest danger of suffering
by my grandfather, and when, on that ac-
count, our whole family might justly have
been destroyed, thou wast moderate and mer-
ciful, and didst then especially forget all those
injuries, when, if thou badst remembered
them, thou badst the power of' punishing us
for them; but thou hast judged me to be thy
friend, and hast set me every day at thine
own table; nor have I wanted any thing
which one of thine own kinsmen, of great-
est esteem with thee, could have expected.”
When he had said this, David resolved nei-
ther to punish Alepbiboshetb, nor to con-
demn Ziba, as having belied his master; but
said to him, that as he had [before] granted
all his estate to Ziba, because he did not come
along with him, so he [now] promised to for-
give him, and ordered that the one half of his
estate should be restored to him.* Where-
upon Mephibosbeth said, “ Nay, let Ziba take
all; it suffices me that thou hast recovered
thy kingdom.”

4.	But David desired Barzillai the Gilead-

By David’s disposal of half Mephiboshelh’s estate to
a, one would imagine th^he was a good deal dissa-
sther Mephibosbeth’s story were
rdnes David now invite him to
dirt with him, as he did bi

Ziba, one would imagine thtfThe was a goo
tibfled, aLd doubtful whether Mephibosheth’s story
entirely true or not: nor does David now invite hi:
dirt with him, as he did before, but Only forgives him
if be had been at all guilty. Nor is this odd way o
------!— **--* »• 1 ibosheth made use of here, and 5

mourning that Mephiboslietb made use of here, and a
Sam. xix. 24. wholly free from suspicion of hypocrisy.
If Ziba neglected or refused to bring Mephibosbeth an
ass of his own, on which be might ride to David, it is
harf

III ItUC W USMU, SI SB

nan as he was should

vn, on v

hard to suppose that so great a man as he was s
not be able to procure some other beast for the

purpose.

203

ite, that great and good man, and one that
had made a plentiful provision for him at
Mahanaim, and had. conducted him as far as
Jordan, to accompany him to Jerusalem, for
he promised to treat him in his old age with
all manner of respect—to take care of him,
and provide for him. But 'Barzillai was so
desirous to live at home, that he entreated
him to excuse him from attendance on him;
and said, that his age was too great to'enjoy
the pleasures [of a court], s.ince he was four-
score years old, and was therefore making
provision for his death ard burial; so he de-
sired him to gratify him in this request, and
dismiss him; for he had no relish of his meat
or his drink, by reason of his age; and that
bis ears were too much shut up to hear the
sound of pipes, or the melody of other musi-
cal instruments, such as all those that live
with kings delight in. When he entreated
for this so earnestly, the king said, “ 1 dis-
miss thee; but thou sbalt grant me thy son
Chimham, and upon him I will bestow all
sorts of good things.” So Barzillai left bid
son with him, and worshipped the king, and
wished him a prosperous conclusion of all his
affairs according to his own mind, and then
returned home: but David came to Gilgal,
having about him half the people [of Israel]
and the [whole] tribe of Judah.

5.	Now the principal men of the country
came to Gilgal to him with a great multitude,
and complained of the tribe of Judah, that
they had come to him in a private manner,
whereas they ought all conjointly, and with
one and the same intention, to have given
him the meeting. But the rulers of the tribe
of Judah desired them not to be displeased if
they had been prevented by them: for, said
they, “ We are David’s kinsmen, and on that
account we the rather took care of him, and
loved him, and so came first to him;” yet
had they not, by their early coming, received
any gifts from him, which might give them
who came last any uneasiness. When the
rulers of the tribe of Judah bad said t^js, the
rulers of the other tribe were not quiet, but
said farther, “ O brethren, we cannot hut
wonder at you when you call the king your
kinsman alone, whereas he that hath received
from God the power over all of us in com-
mon, ought to be esteemed a kinsman to us
all; for which reason the whole people have
eleven parts in him, and you but one part:f
we are also elder than you; wherefore you
have not done justly in coming to the king in
this private and concealed manner.”

6.	While these rulers were thus disputing

+ I clearly prefer Josephus’s reading here, when it sup-
poses eleven tribes, including Benjamin, to be on the one
side, and the trihe of Judah alone on the other, since
Benjamin, in general, had been still founder of the house
of Saul, and less firm to David hitherto, than any of the
rest, and so cannot he supposed to be joined with Judah
at this time, to make it double, especially whi
lowing rebellion was headed by a Benjamite.

6- and 3 Sam. xx.2, -t

len the fnW
See sect204

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEtVS.

one with another, a certain wicked man, who.
took a pleasure in seditious practices (his
nbme was Sheba, the son of Bichri, of the
tribe of Beniamin), 6tood up in the midst of
the multitude, and cried aloud, and spake thus
to them:—“ We have no part in David, nor
inheritance in the son of Jesse.” And when
he had used those words, he blew with a
trumpet, and declared war against the king;
and they all left David, and followed him;
the tribe of Judah alone staid with him, and
settled him at his royal palace at Jerusalem.
But as for his concubines, with whom Absa-
lom his son bad accompanied, truly be re-
moved them to another house; and ordered
those that bad the care of them to make a
plentiful provision for them; but he came
not near them any more. He also appointed
Amasa for the captain of his forces,- and gave
him the same high office which Joab before had;
and he commanded him to gather together,
out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as
be could, and come to him within "three days,
that he might deliver to him his entire army,
and might send him to fight against [Sheba]
the son of Bichri. Now while Amasa was gone
out, and made some delay in gathering the
army togeiher, and so was not yet returned,
on the third day the king said to Joab,—
“ It is not fit we should make any delay in
this affair of Sheba, lest he get a numerous
army about him. and be the occasion of great-
er mischief and hurt our affairs more than
did Absalom himself; do not thou therefore
wait any longer, but take such forces as thou
hast at hand, and that [old] body of six hun-
dred men and thy brother Abishai with thee,
and pursue after our enemy, and endeavour
to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake
him. Make haste to prevent him, lest Le
seize upon some fenced cities, and cause us
great labour and pains before we take him.”

7. So Joab resolved to make no delay, but
taking with him his brother, and those six
hundred men, and giving orders that the rest
of the? army which was at Jerusalem should
follow him, he marched with great speed
against Sheba; and when he was come to
Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs dis-
tant from Jerusalem, Amasa brought a great
army with him, and met Joab. Now Joab
was girded with a sword, and bis breast-plate
on; and when Amasa came near him to sa-
lute him, he took particular care that his
sword should fall out, as it were, of its own
accord; so he took it up from the ground,
and while he approached Amasa, who was
then near him, as though he would kiss him.
he took hold of Amasa's beard with bis other
hand, and he smote him in his helly when he
did not foresee it, and slew him. This im-
pious and altogether profane action, Joab did
to a good young man and his kinsman, and one
that had done him no injury, and this out
of jealousy that be wou.d obtain the chief

BOOK VIL

command of the army, and be in equal dig-
nity with himself about the king; and for
the same cause it was that he killed Abner;
but as to that former wicked action, the death
of his brother Asahel, which he seemed to
revenge, afforded him a decent pretence, and
made that crime a pardonable one; but in
this muider of Amasa there was no such
covering for it. Now when Joab had killed
this general, be pursued after Sheba, having
left a man with the dead body, who wras or-
dered to proclaim aloud to the army that Ama-
sa wras justly slain, and deservedly punished.
“But,” said he, “if you be for the king, fol-
low Joab his general, and Abishai, Joab’s bro-
ther;” but because the body lay on the road,
and all the multitude came running to it, and,
as is usual with the multitude, stood wonder-
ing a great while at it, he that guarded it
removed it thence, and carried it to a certain
[dace that was very remote from the road,
and there laid it, and covered it with his gar-
ment. When this was done, all the people
followed Joab. Now as he pursued Sheba
through all the country of Israel, one told
him that he was in a strong city called Abel-
beth-maaebah. Hereupon Joab went thither,
and set about it with bis army, and cast up a
bank round it, and ordered his soldiers to
undermine the walls, and to overthrow them;
and since the people in the city did not admit
him, he was greatly displeased at them.

8. Now there was a woman of small ac-
count, and yet both wise and intelligent, who
seeing her native city lying at the last extre-
mity, ascended upon the wall, and, by means
of the armed men, called for Joab; and w hen
he came to her, she began to say, “ That God
ordained kings and generals of armies, that
they might cut off the enemies of the He-
brews, and introduce a universal peace among
them; but thou art endeavouring to over-
throw and depopulate a metropolis of the
Israelites, which hath been guilty of no of-
fence.” But he replied, “ God continue to
be merciful unto me: lam disposed to avoid
killing any one of the people, much less w'ould
I destroy such a city as this; and if they will
deliver me up Sheba, the son of Bichri, who
bath rebelled against the king, I will leave off
the siege, and withdraw the army from the
place.” Now as soon as ihe woman beard
what Joab said, she desired him to intermit
the siege for a little while, for that he should
have the head of his enemy thrown out to
him presently. So she went down to the ci-
tizens and said to t1!em, “ Will you be so
wicked as to perish miserably, with your chil-
dren and wives, for the sake of a vile fellow,
and one whom nobody knows who be is?
And will you have biro for your king instead
of David, who hath been so great a benefactor
to you, and oppose your city alone to such a
mighty and strong army?” So she prevailed
with them, and thev cut off the head of She-CHAP. XII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

205

ba, and threw it into Joab’s army. When
this was done, the king's general sounded a
retreat, and raised the siege. And when he
was come to Jerusalem, he was again appoint-
ed to be general of all the people. The king
also constituted Benaiah captain of the guards,
aud of the six hundred men. Ue also set
Adorara over the tribute, and Sabathes and
Achilaus over the records. He made Sheva
the scribe; and appointed Zadok and Abia-
thar the high-priests.

CHAPTER XII.

BOW THB HEBREWS WEBE DELIVERED FROM
A FAMINE WHEN THE CIBEONITES HAD
CACSED'PUNISHMENT TO BE INFLICTED FOR
THOSE OF THEM THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN:
AS ALSO, WHAT GREAT ACTIONS WERE PER-
FORMED AGAINST THE PHILISTINES BY DA-
. VID, AND THE MEN OF VALOUR ABOUT HIM.

§ 1. After this, when the country was great-
ly afflicted with a famine, David besought
God to have mercy on the people, and to dis-
cover to him what was the cause of it, and
how a remedy might he found for that dis-
temper. And when the prophets answered,
that God would have the Gibeonites avenged,
whom Saul the king was so wicked as to be-
tray to slaughter, and had not observed the
oath which Joshua the general and the senate
had sworn to them. If, therefore, said God,
the king would permit such vengeance to be
taken for those that were slain as the Gibeon-
ites should desire, he promised that he would
he reconciled to them, and free the multitude
from their miseries. As soon therefore as the
king understood that this it was which God
sought, he sent for the Gibeonites, and asked
them what it was they would have;—and
when they desired to have seven sons of Saul
delivered to them to be punished, he delivered
them up, but spared Mephibosheth the son of |
Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had re-
ceived the men, they punished them as the}
pleased; upon which God began to send rain,
and to recover the earth to bring forth its fruirs
as usual, and to free it from the foregoing
drought; so that the country of the Hebrews
flourished again. A little afterward theming
made war against the Philistines: and when
he bad joined battle with them, and pot
them to flight, he was left alone, as he was in
pursuit of them: and when be was quite tired
down, he was seen by one of the enemy,
his name was Acbmon, the son of Araph; he
was one of the sons of the giants. He had a
spear, the handle of which weighed three hun-
dred shekels, and a breast-plate of chain-work,
and a sword. He turned back, and ran vio-
lently to slay ||David] their enemy's king, for
he was quite tired out with labour: but Abi-

shai, Jonb’s brother, appeared on the sudden,
and protected the king with his shield, as he
lay down, and slew the enemy. Now the
multitude were very uneasy at these dangers
of the king, and that he was very near to be
slain: and the rulers made him swear that he
would no more go out with them to' battle,
lest he should come to some great misfortune
by his courage and boldness, and thereby de-
prive the people of the benefits they now en-
joyed by his means, and of those that they
might hereafter enjoy by his living a long time
among them.

2.	When the king heard that the Philis-
tines were gathered together at the city Ga-
zara, he sent an army against them, when Sib-
bechai the Hittite, one.of David’s most cou-
rageous men, behaved himself so as to deserve
great commendation, for he slew many of those
that bragged they were the posterity of the
giants, and vaunted themselves highly on
that account, and thereby was the occasion of
victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat,
the Philistines made war again; and when
David had qent an army against them, Nephan
his kinsman fought in a single combat with
the stoutest of all the Philistines, and slew
him, and put the rest to flight. Many of them
also were slain in the fight. Now a little
while after this, the Philistines pitched their
camp at a city which lay not far off the bounds
of the country of the Hebrews. They had a
man who was six cubits tall, and had on each
of his feet and hands one more toe and fin-
ger than men naturally have. Now the per-
son who was sent against them by David out
of his army was Jonathan, the son of Shimea,
who fought this man in a single enmbat, and
slew him; and as be was the person who gave
the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest
reputation for courage therein. This man
also vaunted himself to be of the sons of the
giants. But after this fight, the Philistines
made war no more against the Israelites.

3.	And now David being freed from wars
and dangers, and enjoying for the future a
profound peace,* composed songs and hymns

* This section is a very remarkable one, and shows
that. Ml the opinion of Josephus, David composed the
Kook 'O' Psalms. not at several times before, as their
present insciiptions frequently imply, hut generally at
the hitter end of his life, or after his wars were over.
Nor does Josephus, nor the authors of the known books
<>f the O'd and New Testament, nor the Apostolical
Constitutions, seem to have ascribed any of them to any
other author than to David himself. See Essay on the
Old Testament, pages 174, "175. Of these metres of the
Psalms, see the note on Antiq. b ii. ch. xvi. sect 4.
However, we must observe here, that as Josephus says,
b. ii. <	'	■ -	•	-	.	_ _

Antiq.

ch. xvi. sect 4,

■ »ri

Sea, i'.xod. xv. 1—81, was composed by Moses in the
hexameter tune or metre; as also, Antiq. b. iv. chap,
viii. sect. 44. that the song of Moses. Deut. xxxii. J—
-13 was un hexameter poem ; so does he say that the
Psalms of On nit were of various hinds of metre, and
paiticnlui Ii. ili it they contained trimeters and penta-
meters. Antiq. h. ii. ch xii. sect. 3, all which implies,
that lie thought three Hebrew poems might be best de-
scribed to the Greeks and Romans under those names
and characters of Hexameters, Trimeters, and Penta-
meters. How it appear* that the instrument* of muaw

re, tn
that

the song at the Red
the

ft at
Mos206

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

boo$ yn.

to God, of several sorts of metre; some
of those which he made were trimeters and
some were pentameters. He also made instru-
ments of music, and taught the Levites to
sing hymns to God, both on that called the
Sabbath-Day, and on other festivals. Now
the construction of the instruments was thus:
The viol was an instrument of ten strings,
it'was played upon with a bow; the psaltery
had twelve musical notes, and was played
upon by the fingers; the cymbals were broad
and large instruments, and were made of
brass. And so much shall suffice to be spoken
by us about these instruments, that the rea-
ders may not be wholly unacquainted with
their nature.

4. Now all the men that were about David,
were men of courage. Those that were
most illustrious and famous of them for their
actions were thirty-eight; of five of whom I
will only relate the performances, for these
will suffice to make manifest the virtues of
the others also; for these were powerful
enough to subdue countries, and conquer
great nations. First, therefore, was Jessai,
the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped
upon the troops of the enemy, and did
not leave off fighting till be overthrew nine
hundred of them. After him was Eleazar,
the son of Dodo, who was with the king at
Arasam. This man, when once the Israelites
were under a consternation at the multitude
of the Philistines, and were running away,
stood alone, and fell upon the enemy, and
slew many of them, till his sword clung to
his hand by the blood he had shed, and till
the Israelites, seeing the Philistines retire by
his means, came down- from the mountains
and pursued them, and at that time won a
surprising and a famous victory, while Eleazar
slew the men, and the multitude followed
and spoiled their dead bodies. The third was
Sheba, the son of Ilus. Now this man,
when, in the wars against the Philistines, they

that were originally

lly used, by the command of Ling David
nd were carried to Babylon at the
captivity of the two tribes, were brought back after that
captivity: as also, that the singers and musicians, who
out-lived that captivity, came back with those instru-
ments, Kara il. 41; viL 24; Neh. vii. 44; Antiq.b. xi.
fch. iii. sect. 8; and ch. iv sect 2; and that tlfis music
and these instruments at the temple, could not but be
well known to Josephus, a priest belonging to that tem-
ple; who accordingly gives us a' short description of
three of the instruments, Antiq. b. viL ch. xii. sect 3;
and gives us a distinct account, that such psalms and
hymns were sung in his days at that te:
sx. ch. ix. sect 6; so that Josephus’s autl
------...— t --------..— p, or

exceptinn in these matters,
the moderns that does not agree
racters. he Justly supposed the true meti
Hebrews; nor indeed is there, 1 think.

such psalms and
temple. Antiq. b.
ulhority is bryond

ny hypothesis of
Josephus’s cha-
of the ancient

uu, tuuccu ,d in,,., , .iiiiii,. i,iiy other origi-
nal authority now extant, hereto relating, to be opposed
*■ '*■	:	-he ancient ■

to these testimonies before us. That the ancient music

pitched tbeir camp at a place called Lebi,
and when the Hebrews were again afraid
of their army, and did not stay, be stood still
alone, as an army and a body of men; and
some of them he overthrew, and some who
were not able to abide bis strength and force,
he pursued. These' are the works of the
hands, and of fighting, which these three per-
formed. Now at the time when the king
was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the
Philistines came upon him to fight him, Da-
vid went up to the top «f the citadel, as we
have already said, to enquire of God concern-
ing the battle, while the enemy’s camp lay in
the valley that extends to the city Bethlehem,
which is twenty furlongs distant from Jeru-
salem. Now David said to his companions,
—“ We have excellent water in my own city,
especially that which is in the pit near the
gate,” wondering if any one would bring him
some of it to drink; but he said that he would
rather have it than a great deal of money.
When these three men heard what he said, they
ran away immediately, and burst through the
midst of their enemy’s camp, and came to Beth-
lehem; and when they had drawn the water,
they returned again through the enemy’s camp
to the king, insomuch that the Philistines were
so surprised at their boldness and alacrity, that
they were quiet, and did nothing against them,
as if they despised their small number. But
when the water was brought to the king, he
would not drink it, saying, that it was brought
by the danger and the blood of men, and that
it was not proper on that account to drink it.
But he poured it out to God, and gave him
thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to
these was Abishai, Joab’s brother; for he in
one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these
was Benaiah, by lineage a priest; for being
challenged by [two] eminent men in the coun-
try of Moab, he overcame them by his valour.
Moreover, there was a man, by nation an
Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and chal-
lenged him, yet did be, when he was unarmed,
kill him with his own spear, which he threw
at him, for be caught him by force* and took
away his weapons while he was alive and fight-
ing, and slew him with his own weapons.
One may also add this to the foreroentioiied
actions of the same man, either as the princi-
pal of them in alacrity, or as resembling the
rest. When God sent a snow, there was «
lion who slipped and fell into a certain pit,
and because the pit’s mouth was narrow, it
was evident he would perish, being enclosed
with the snow; so when he saw no way to
get out and save himself, he roared. When
Benaiah heard the wild beast, he went to-
wards him, and coming at the noise he made,

of the Hebrew# was very complete also, and had in it he went down into the mouth of the pit, and
great variety of tunes, is evident by the number of their:	.	,.	,	, .	...	„ ,	. ,

musical instruments, and by the testimony of another i smote him, as be Struggled, With a Stake that

most authentic witness. Jesus, the son of Sirach, F.ccius. i lay there, and immediately slew him.
1. 18, who #ay. that, at the temple, in hi# days, - The j other thirty-three were like these in
•ns- r# sang praises with their voice; with great variety 1	. *

of sounds was there made sweet melody. ”	I also.

The

valoureHAjvxm.

AWiZWWW the JE WS*

207

CHAPTER XIIL

THAT WHEN DAVID HAD^ NUMBERED THE
PEOPLE, THEY WERE PUNISHED; AND HOW
THE DIVINE COMPASSION RESTRAINED
THAT PUNISHMENT.

§ 1. NOw king David was desirous to know
how many ten thousands there were of the
people, but forgot the commands of Moses,*
who toM them beforehand, that if the multi-
tude were numbered, they should pay half a
shekel to God for every head. Accordingly,
the king commanded Joab, the captain of his
host, to go and number the whole multitude ;
but when he said there was no necessity for
such a numeration, he Was not persuaded [to
countermand it], but he enjoined him to make
no delay, but to go about the numbering of
the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with
him the heads of the tribes, and the scribes,
and went over the country of"the Israelites,
and took notice how numerous the multitude
were, and returned to Jerusalem to the king,
after nine months and twenty days; and he
gave in to the king the number of the people,
without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not
yet numbered that tribe, no more than the
tribe of Levi, for the king repented of his hav-
ing sinned against God. Now the number
of the rest of the Israelites was nine hundred
thousand men, who were able to bear arms
and go to war; but the tribe of Judah, by
itself, was four hundred thousand men.

2. Now when the prophets had signified to

_• The words of God by Muses (Kxod. xxi.

ephus tor the
hen thou

: sum

her, then shall they give every man a.ransom for his
soul unto the Lord, when thou numberest them, that
there be no plague amongst them when thou numberest
them.” Nor indeed could David’s or the Sanhedrim’s
neglect at executing this law at this numeration, excuse
ths people, who ought still to have brought their bouoden
oblation of half a shekel a-piece with them, when they
came to be numbered. Tbi

fter their nun

are so constantly punishi
kings and governors is
stai

dience to.

piece with them, when they
Ihe great reason why nations
ed by and with their wicked

igs and governors is this, that they almost con.
ntl<' comply with them in their neglect of, or disobe-
mce to, the divine laws, and suffer those divine laws
to go Into disuse or contempt, in order to please those
wicked kings and governors; and that they submit to
several wicked political laws and commands of those
kings and governors, instead of the righteous laws of
God, which all mankind ought ever to obey, let their
kings and governors say what they please to the con.
trary ■ this preference of human before divine laws seem-
ing to me the principal character of idolatrous or anti-
Christian nations. Accordingly. Josephus well observes
(Antiq. b iv. ch viii. sect. 17), that it was the duty of
the people of Israel to lake care that their kings, when
they should have them, did not exceed their proper
limits of power, and pqMje ungovernable by the laws of
God, which would certdjniy be a most pernicious thing
to their divine settlement. Nor do I think that negli-

einer

miliar to the Jews: those nations which are
are
ings

human laws of their several kingdoms, hut without the

gence peculiar to the Jews: I
culled Christiana are sometimes indeed very solicitous
to restrain their kings and governors from breaking the

like care for restraining them from breaking the laws
of tiod. “ Whether it he right in the sight of God, to
hearken unto men more than to Gqd, judge ye,” Acts ▼.
19: * We ought to obey God rather than men,” v. 29.

David that God wasangry at him, he began
to entreat him, and to desire he would be
merciful to him, and forgive him Lis sin.
But God sent Nathan the prophet to him, to
propose to him the election of three things,
that he might choose which he liked best:
Whether he would have a famine come upon
the country for seven years, or would have a
war, and be subdued three months by his
enemies? or, whether God should send a pes-
tilence and a distemper upon the Hebrews for
three days? But as he was fallen to a fatal
choice of great miseries, he was in trouble,
and sorely confounded; and when the pro-
phet had said that he must of necessity'make
his choice, and had ordered him to answer
quickly, that he might declare what he had
chosen to God, the king reasoned with him-
self, that in case he should ask for famine, he
would appear to do it for others, and without
danger to himself, since he had a great deal
of corn hoarded up, but to the harm of others;
that in case he should choose to be overcome
[by his enemies] for three months, he would
appear to have chosen war, because he had va-
liant men about hitn, and strong holds, and that
therefore he feared nothing therefrom: so he
chose that affliction which is common to kings
and to their subjects, and in which the fear was
equal on all sides; and said this beforehand,
that it was much better to fall into the hauds
of God than into those of his enemies.

3. When the prophet had heard this, he de-
clared it to God; who thereupon sent a pes-
tilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews;
nor did they die after one and the same man-
ner, nor so that it was easy to know what the
distemper was. Now, the "miserable disease
was one in deed, but it carried them off by ten
thousand causes and occasions, which those
that were afflicted could not understand; for
one died upon the neck of another, and the
terrible malady seized them before they were
aware, and brought them to their end suddenly,
some giving up the ghost immediately with
very great pains and bitter grief; and some
were worn away by their distempers, and had
nothing remaining to be buried, but as soon
as ever they fell, were 'entirely macerated;
some were choked, and greatly lamented their
case, as being also stricken with a sudden
darkness; some there were who,'as they were
burying a relation, fell down dead,f without
finishing the rites of the funeral. Now there
perished of this disease, which began with the
morning, and lasted till the hour of dinner,
seventy thousand. Nay, the angel stretched
out his hand over Jerusalem, as sending this
terrible judgment upon it; but David had
put on sackcloth, and lay upon the ground, en-

+ Whence Josephus took these his distinct and me-
lancholy acc'smts of the particular symptoms, and most
miserable methods of dying, in this terrible pestilence,
we cannot now tell, our other copies affording us no
such accounts.	V-208

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK VII.

treating God, and begging that the distemper
might now cease, and that he would be satis-
fied with those that had already perished; and
when the king looked up into the air, and saw
the angel carried along thereby into Jerusalem,
with his sword drawn, he said to God, thathe
might justly be punished, who was their shep-
herd ; but that the sheep ought to be preserved,
as not having sinned at all; and he implored
God that he would send his wrath upon him,
and upon all his family, but spare the people.

4. When God heard his supplication, he
caused the pestilence to cease; and sent Gad
the prophet to him, and commanded him to
go up immediately to the thrashing-floor of
Araunah the Jebusite, and build an altar there
to God, and offer sacrifices. When David
heard that, he did not neglect his duty, but
made haste to the place appointed him. Now
Araunah was thrashing wheat; and when he
6aw the king and all his servants coming to
him, he ran before, and came to him, and
worshipped him: he was by his lineage a Jebu-
site, but a particular friend of David’s; and for
that cause it was that, when he overthrew the
city, he did him no harm, as we informed the
reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired,
wherefore is my lord come to his servant?
He answered, to buy of him the thrashing-
floor, that he might therein build an altar to
God, and offer a sacrifice. He replied, that
he freely gave him both the thrashing-floor,
and the ploughs and the oxen for a burnt-
offering; and he besought God graciously to
accept his sacrifice. But the king made an-
swer, that he took his generosity and magnani-
mity kindly, and accepted his good-will; but
he desired him to take the price of them all,
for that, it. was not just to offer a sacrifice that
cost nothing. And when Araunah said he
would do as he pleased, he bought the thrash-
ing-floor of him for fifty shekels; and when
he had built an altar, he performed divine
service, and brought a burnt-offering, and
offered peace-offerings also. With these God
was pacified, ami became gracious to them
again. Now it happened that Abraham* came
and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering
at that very place; and when the youth was
ready to have his throat cut, a ram appeared
on a sudden, standing by the altar, which
Abraham sacrificed in the stead of his son, as
we have before related. Now when king
David saw that God had heard his prayer, and
had graciously accepted of his sacrifice, he re-
solved to call that entire place The Altar of all
the People, and to build a temple to God there;
which words he uttered very appositely to
what was to be done afterward; for God sent
• What Josephus adds here is very remarkable, that
this mount Moriah was not only the very place where
Abraham offered up Isaac long ano, but that God had
foretold to David by a prophet, that here his son should
build him a temple; which is not directly in any of our
other copies, though very agreeable to what is in them,
particularly in 1 Cliron. xxi. 26, 20 i and xxii. 1; t„
which places 1 refer the reader.

the prophet to him, and told him that there
should his son build him an altar, — that sou
who was to take the kingdom after him.

CHAPTER XIV.

THAT DAVID MADE GREAT PREPARATIONS FOB.

THE HOUSE OF GOD;. AND THAT UPON

ADONIJAH’S ATTEMPT TO GAIN THE KING-
DOM, HE APPOINTED SOLOMON TO REIGN.

§ 1. After the delivery of this prophecy, the
king commanded the strangers to be numbered,
and they were found to be one hundred and
eighty thousand; of these he appointed four-
score thousand to be hewers of stone, and the
rest of the multitude to carry the stones, and of
them he set over the workmen three thousand
and five hundred. He also prepared' a great
quantity of iron and brass for the work, with
many (and those exceeding large) cedar-trees,
the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to
him, for he had sent to them for a supply of
those trees; and he told his friends that these
things were now prepared, that he might leave
materials ready for the building of the temple
to his son, who was to reign after him, and
that he might not have them to seek then, when
he was very young, and, by reason of his age,
unskilful in such matters, but might have them
lying by him, and so might the more readily
complete the work.

2. So David called his son Solomon, and
charged him, when he had received the king-
dom, to build a temple to God; and said, “ I
was willing to build God a temple myself, but
he .prohibited me, because 1 was polluted with
blood and wars; but he hath foretold that
Solomon, my youngest son, should build him
a temple, and should be called by that name;
over whom he hath promised to take the like
care as a father takes over bis son; and that he
would make the country of the Hebrews happy
under him, and that not only in other respects,
but by giving it peace, and freedom from wars,
and from internal seditions, which are the
greatest of all blessings. Since, therefore,”
says he, “thou wast ordained king by God
himself before thou wast born, endeavour to
render thyself worthy of this his providence,
as in other instances, so particularly in being
religious, and righteous, and courageous.
Keep thou also his commands, and his laws,
which he hath given us by Moses, and do not
permit others to break them. Be zealous also
to dedicate to God a temple, which he hath
chosen to be built under thy reign; nor be
thou affrighted by the vastness of the work,
nor set about it timorously, for I will make all
things ready before 1 die: and take notice,
that there are already ten thousand talents of
gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver,f

+ Or the quantity of cold and silver expended in the
building of Solomon's temple, and whence it arose, seo
tbe description of the tempie, chap. xiii.CHAP# XIV*

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS

209

collected together. I have also laid together
brass and iron without number, and an im-
mense quantity of timber, and of stones. More-
over, thou hast many ten thousand stone-
cutters, and carpenters; and if thou shalt want
anything farther, do thou add somewhat of
thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest this
work, thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have
him for thy patron.” David also farther exhort-
ed the rulers of the people to assist his son in
this building, and to attend tp the divine ser-
vice, when they should be free from all their
misfortunes, for that they by this means should
enioy, instead of them, peace and a happy
settlement; with which blessings God rewards
such men as are religious and righteous. He
also gave orders, that when the temple should
be once built, they should put the ark therein,
with the holy vessels; and he assured them,
that they ought to have had a temple long ago,
if their fathers had not been negligent of
God’s commands, who had given it in charge,
that when they had got the possession of this
land they should build him a temple. Thus
did David discourse to the governors, and to
his son.

3.	David was now in years, and his body,
by length of time, was become cold and be-
numbed, insomuch that he could get no heat
by covering himself with many clothes; and
when the physicians came together, they agreed
to this advice, that a beautiful virgin, chosen
out of the whole country, should sleep-=by the
king’s side, and that this damsel would com-
municate heat to him, and be a remedy against
his numbness. Now there was found in the
city one woman, of a superior beauty to all
other women (her name was Abishag),*who,
sleeping with the king, did no more than com-
municate warmth to him, for he was so old
that he could not know her as a husband
knows his wife; but of this woman we shall
speak more presently.

4.	Now the fourth son of David wa3 a
beautiful young man, and tall, born to him of
Haggith his wife. He ws named Adonijah,
and was in his disposition like to Absalom;
and exalted himself as hoping to be king,
and told his friends that he ought to take the
government upon him. He also prepared
many chariots, and horses, and fifty men to
run before him. When his father saw this,
he did not reprove him, nor restrain him from
his purpose, nor did he go so far as to ask
wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah had for
his assistants Joab, the-captain of the army,
and Abiathar the high-priest; nhd the only
persons that opposed him were Zadok the high-
priest, and the prophet Nathan, and Benaiah,
who wa9 captain of the guards, and Shimei,
David’s friend, with all the other most mighty
men. Now Adonijah had prepared a supper
out of the city, near the fountain that was in
the king’s paradise, and had invited all his
brethren except Solomonj and had taken with

him Joab, the captain of the army, and Abia-
tkar, and the rulers of the tribe of Judah;
but had not invited to this feast either Zadok
the high-priest, or Nathan the prophet, or
Benaiah the captain of the guards, nor uiiy of
those of the contrary party. This matter was
told by Nathan the prophet to Bathsheba, So-
lomon’s mother, that Adonijah was king, and
that David knew nothing of it; and lie advised
her to save herself and her son -Solomon,
and to go by herself to David, and say to
him, that he had indeed sworn that Solomon
should reign after him: but that, in the mean
time. Adoniiah had already taken the king-
dom. He said that be, the prophet himself,
would come after her, and whe° she bed
spoken thus to the king, would confirm whet
she had said. Accordingly Bat-lisheba agreed
wun Nathan, and went in to the king, and
worshipped him; and when she had desired
leave to speak with him, she told him all things
in the manner that .Nathan had suggested to
her; and related what a supper Adonijah had
made, and who they were whom be had .invi-
ted; Abiathar the high-priest, and Joab the
general, and David’s sons, excepting Solo-
mon and his intimate friends. She also said,
that all the people had their eye9 upon him,
to know whom he would choose for their king.
She desired him also to consider, how, after
his departure, Adonijah, if he were king,
would slay her and her son Solomon.

5.	Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the
keeper of the king’s chambers told him that
Nathan desired to see him; and when the
king had commanded that he should be ad-
mitted, he came in, and asked him whether
he had ordained Adonijah to be king, and de-
livered the government to him, or not; for
that he had made a splendid supper and invi-
ted all his sons, except Solomon; as a.so that
he had invited Joab, the captain of his host
[and Abiathar the high-priest], who are feast-
ing with applauses, and many joyful sounds
of instruments, and wish that his kingdom
may last for ever; but he hath not invited
me, nor Zadok the high-priest, nor Benaiah
the captain of the guards; and it is but fit
that all should know whether this be done by
thy approbation or not. When Nathan had
said thus, the king commanded that they
should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone
out of the room when the prophet came; and
when Bathsheba was come, David said, “ I
swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solo-
mon shall certainly be king, as I formerly,
swore, and that he shall sit upon my throne,
and thatthis very day also.” So Bathsheba wor-
shipped him, and wished him a long life; and
the king sent for Zadok the high-priest,'and
Benaiah the captain of the guards; and when
they were come, he ordered them to take with
them Nathan the prophet, and all the armed
men about the palace, and to set his son Solo-
mon upon the king’s mule and to carry him
O210

AUtlQurrifes dr the JEWE.

•fiGOK ffl.

out of fbe city to the fountain called Gihon,
and to anoint him there with the holy oil, and
to make him king. '^Tbis be charged- Zadok
the high-priest, and Nathan the prophet, to
do; and commanded them to follow Solomon
through the midst of the city, and to sound
the trumpets, and to wish aloud that Solomon
the king may sit upon the royal throne for
ever, that so all the people may know that he
is ordained king by his father. He also gave
Solomon a charge concerning his government,
to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and
particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and
righteously. And when Benaiab had prayed
to God to be favourable to Solomon,—with-
out any delay, they set Solomon upon the
mule, and brought him out of the city to the
fountain, and anointed him with oil, and
brought him into the city again, with accla-
mations and wishes that his kingdom might
continue a long time; and when they had in-
troduced him into the king’s house, they set
him upon the throne;—whereupon all the
peopte betook themselves to make merry, and
to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting
themselves with musical pipes, till both the
earth and the air echoed with the multitude
of the instruments of music..

6. Now when Adonijah and his guests per-
ceived this noise, they were in disorder; and
Joub the captain of the host said he was not
pleased with these echoes, and the sound of
these trumpets. And when supper was set
before them, nobody tasted of it, but they were
all very thoughtful what could be the matter.
Then Jonathan, the son of Abiatharthe high-
priest, came running to them; and when
Adonijah saw the young man gladly, and said
to him that he was a good messenger, he de-
clared to them the whole matter about Solo-
mon, and the determination of king David;
hereupon both Adonijah and all his guests rose
hastily from the feast and every one fled to
their own homes.. Adonijah also, as afraid
of the king for what he had done, became a
Supplicant to God, and took hold of the horns
of the altar, which were prominent. It was
also told Solomon that he had so done; and
that he desired to receive assurances from him
that he would not remember the injury he had
done, and not inflict any severe punishment
for it. Solomon answered very mildly and
prudently, that he forgave him this his of-
fence , but said Withal, that if he were found
out in any attempt for new innovations, that
be. w’ould be the author of his own punish-
ment. . So he sent to him, and raised him up
from the place of bis supplication. And when
be was come to the king, and had worshipped
bim, the king bid him go away to his own
bouse, and have no. suspicion of any harm;
and desired him to show himself a worthy
man, as what would tend to his own advan-
tage.

7-« But David being desirous of ordaining

his son king of all the people, called together
their rulers to Jerusalem, with the priests and
the Leviles; and Laving .first numbered the
Levites, be found them to be thirty-eight thou-
sand, from thirty y ears old to fifty ; out of
which be appointed twenty-three thousand to
take care of the building of the temple, and
out of the same six thousand to be judges of
the people and scribes; four thousand for
porters to the house of God, and as many for
singers, to sing to the instruments which Da-
vid had prepared, as we have said already.
He divided them also into courses; and when
be had separated the priests from them, he
found of these priests twenty-four courses,
sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight of
that of Ithamar ; and be ordained that one
course should minister to God eight days,
from Sabbath to Sabbath. And thus were
the courses distributed by lot, in the presence
of David, and Zadok and Abiathar the high-
priests, and of all the rulers; and that course
which came up first was written down as the
first, and accordingly the second, and so on to
.the twenty-fourth; and this partition hath
remained to this day. He also made twenty-
four parts of the tribe of Levi; and when they
cast lots they came up in the same manner for
their courses of eight days; he also honoured
the posterity of Moses, and ’made them the
keepers of the treasures of God, and of the
donations which the kings dedicated; he also-
ordained that all the tribe of Levi, as well as
the priests, should serve God night and day,
as Moses had enjoined them.

8. After this he parted the entire army into
twelve parts, with their leaders [and captains
of hundredsj, and commanders. Now every
part had twenty-four thousand, which were
ordered to wait on Solomon, by thirty days
at a time, from the first day to the last, with
the captains of thousands and eaptains of hun-
dreds ; he also set rulers over every part, such
as he knew to be good and righteous men; he
set others also to take charge of the treasures,
and of the villages, %nd "of the fields, and of
the beasts, whose names I do not think it ne-
cessary to mention. When David had or-
dered all these offices after the manner before
mentioned, he called the rulers of the Hebrews,
and their heads of tribes, and the officers over
the several divisions, and those that were ap-
pointed over every work and every possession;
and standing upon a high pulpit, he said to
the multitude as follows:—“My brethren
and my people, I would have you know that
I intended to build a house for God, and pre-
pared a large quantity of gold, and a hundred
thousand talents of silver; but God prohibited
me by the prophet Nathan, because of the wars
I had on your account, and because my right
hand was polluted with the slaughter of our
enemies; but he commanded that my son,
who was to succeed me in the kingdom, should
build a temple for him Now therefore, sincecfeAPfSft;	A#fr$UlTlES OP THE JEW.	211

and the priests, and of all the rest; and he be-
gan to bless God with a loud voice, calling him
the Father and Parent of the universe, and the
Author of human and divine things, with
which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and
guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its hap-
piness, and of that kingdom which he hath
given his son. Besides this, he prayed for
happiness to all the people; and to Solomon
his son, a sound and a righteous mind, and
confirmed in all sorts of virtue; and then he
commandedrthe multitude to bless God. Upon
which they all fell down upon the ground and
worshipped him. They also gave thanks to
David, on account of all the blessings which
they had received ever since he had taken the
kingdom. On the next day he presented sa-
crifices to God, a, thousand bullocks, and as
many lambs, .which they offered for burnt-
offerings. They also offered peace-offerings;
and slew many ten thousand sacrifices; and
the king feasted all day, together with all the
people; and they anointed Solomon a second
time with the oil, and appointed him to be
king; and Zadok to be the high-priest of the
whole multitude. And when they had brought
Solomon to the royal palace, and had set him
upon his father’s throne, they were obedient
to him from that day.

you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob
our forefather had, Judah was appointed to be
king, and that I was preferred before my six
brethren, and received the government from
God, and that none of them were uneasy at it,
so do 1 also desire that my sons be not seditious
one against another, now Solomon has received
the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for
their lord, as knowing that God hath chosen
him; for it is not a grievous thing to obey
even a foreigner as a ruler if it be God’s will,
but it is fit to rejoice when a brother hath ob-
tained that dignity, since the rest partake of it
with him. And I pray that the promises of
God may be fulfilled; and that this happiness
which he hath promised to bestow upon king
Solomon, over all the country, may continue
therein for all time to come. And these
promises, O son, will be firm, and come to a
happy end, if thou showest thyself to be a re-
ligious and a righteous man, and an observer
of the laws of thy country; but if not, expect
adversity upon thy disobedience to them.”

9. Now when the king had said this, he
left off; but gave the description and pattern
of the building of the temple in the sight of
them all, to Solomon; of the foundations and
of the chambers, inferior and superior; how
many there were to be, and how large in height
and in breadth; as also he determined the
weight of the golden and silver vessels; more-
over, he earnestly excited them with his words,
to use the utmost alacrity about the work: he
exhorted the rulers also, and particularly the
tribe of Levi, to assist him, both because of his
youth, and because God had chosen him to
take care of the building of the temple, and of
the government of the kingdom. He also de-
clared to them that the work would be easy,
and not very laborious to them, because he
tiad prepared for it many talents of gold, au<
more of silver, with timber, and a great man\
carpenters and stone-cutters, and a large quan-
tity of emeralds, and all sorts of precious
stores-.—and he said, that even now he would
give of the proper goods of his own dominion

CHAPTER XV.

WHAT CHARGE DAVID GAVE TO HIS SON SOLO-
MON AT THE APPROACH OF HIS DEATH;
AND HOW MANY THINGS HE LEFT HIM FOR
THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.

§ 1. A little afterward, David also fell into
a distemper, by reason of his age; and per-
ceiving that he was near to death, he called
his son Solpmon, and discoursed to him thus:
—“ I am now, O my son, going to my grave,
and to my fathers, which is the common way
which all men that.now are, or shall be here-

two hundred talents, and three hundred other after, must go; from which way it is no longer
talents of pure gold, for the most holy place; possible to return, and to know any thing that
and fortbe chariot of God, the cherubim, which is done in this world. On which account I
are to stand over and cover the ark. Now, exhort thee, while I am still alive, though al-

when David had done speaking, there ap-
peared great ulacrity among the rulers, and the
priests, and the Levites, who now contributed
and made great and splendid promises for a
future contribution; for they undertook to
bring of gold five thousand talents, and ten
thousand drachms, and of silver ten thousand
thlents, and many ten thousand talents of iron:
and if any one had a precious stone he brought
it, and bequeathed it to be put among the trea-
sures; of which Jachiel, one of the posterity
of Moses, had the care.

10. Upon this occasion all the people re-
joiced, ^s in particular did David, when he
saw the zeal and forward amhition.ofthe rulers,.

ready very near to death, in the same manner
as I have formerly said in my advice to thee,
to be righteous towards thy subjects, and re-
ligious towards God, that hath given thee thy
kingdom; to observe his commands, aud Lis
laws, which he hath sent us by Moses; and
neither do thou, out of favour nor flattery, al-
low any lust or other passion to weigh with
thee to disregard them; for if thou transgress-
est his laws, thou wilt lose the favour of God,
and thou wilt turn away his providence from
thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so
as it behoves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou
wilt preserve our kingdom to our family, and
no other house will bear rule ove- the He*313

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

BOOK Tit.

brews, but we ourselves for all ages. Be thou
also mindful of the transgressions of Joab,* the
captain of the host, who hath slain two ge-
nerals out of envy, and those righteous and
good men, Abner the son of Ner, and Amasa
the son of Jether; whose death do thou avenge
as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath
been too hard for me, and more potent than
myself, and so hath escaped punishment hither-
to. I also commit to thee the son of Barzil-
lai, the Gileadite, whom, in order to gratify
roe, thou shalt have in great honour, and take
great care of; for we have not dorie good to
him first, but we only repay that debt which
we owe to his father, for what- he did to me in
my flight. There is also Shimei, the son of
Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after he
had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in
my flight, I was going to Mabanaim, met me
at Jordan, and received assurances that he
should then suffer nothing. Do thou now
seek out for some just occasion, and punish
film."

2. When David had given these admoni-
tions to his son about public affairs, and about
his friends, and about those-whom he knew
to deserve punishment, he died, having lived
seventy years, and reigned seven years and
six months in Hebron, over the tribe of Ju-
dah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem, over

• David is here greatly blamed by some for recom-
mending Joab and Shimei to be punished by Solomon, if
he could find a proper occasion, after he had borne with
the first a long while, and seemed to have pardoned the
other entirely, which Solomon executed accordingly: yet
I cannot discern any fault either in David or Solomon in
these c^ses. Joab’s murder of Abner ami Amasa were
very barbarous, and could not properly be forgiven either
by David or Solomon i for a dispensing power in kings
for the crime of wilful murder is warranted by no law of
God, nay, is directly against it every where

ay, is directly agai

certain, in the power of men to grant such a prerogative
to any of their kings, though Joab was so nearly re
potent in the army under a wariik

Lord’s anointed, and this without any just cause,
highest act of treason against God and his anointi
and justly deserved death: and though David cc

all the country. This man was of an excellent
character, and was endowed with all the vir-
tues that were desirable itt a king, and in one
that had the preservation of so many tribes
committed to him; for be was a man of va-
lour in a very extraordinary degree, and went
readily and first of all into dangers, when he
was to fight for his subjects, as exciting the
soldiers to action by bis own labours, and fight-
ing for them, and not by commanding thqm
in a despotic way. He was also of very great
abilities in understanding and apprehension of
present and future circumstances, when he
was to manage any affairs. He was prudent
and moderate, and kind to such as were under
any calamities; he was righteous and humane,
which are good qualities peculiarly fit for
kings; nor was he guilty of any offence in
the- exercise of so great an authority, hut in
the business of the wife of Uriah. He also
left behind him greater wealth than any other
king, either of the Hebrews or of otner na-
tions, ever did.

3. He was buried by his son Solomon, in
Jerusalem, with great magnificence, and with
all the other funeral pomp which kings use
to be buried with; moreover, be bad great
and immense wealth buried with him, the va?t-
ness of which may be easily conjectured at by
what I shall now say; for a thousand and
three hundred years afterwards, Hvrcinus the
high-priest, when he was besieged by Anti-
och us, that was called the Pious, the sor of
Demetrius, and wa* lesirous of giving him
money to get him to raise the siege, and draw
off his army; and having no other method of
compassing the money, opened one room of
David’s sepulchre, and took out three thou-
sand talents, and gave part of that sum to
Antiochus, and by this means caused the siege
to be raised, as we have informed the reader
elsewhere. Nay, after him, and that many
, . years, Herod the king opened another room,
an'rtUuRhDa^dcoMd f“£ an<1 t°f'k awaY a 6reat deal of money, and

ery w
Hint!

kin
’ no law

lere; nor is it, lor
uch a prerogative
related

to David, and so potent in the army under a warlike ad-
ministration, that David durst not himself put him to
death. 2 Sam. iii. 3{i, and xix. 7. Shimei’s-xursing the

, was the

and justly deserved death: and though David could for- l “,"4 l ^ ~	“*■“

give .treason against himself, yet had he done no more in | yet neither of them Came at the COlfillS of the
the case of Shimei than promised him that he would not . knurs tneniselves, for their bodies Were buried

‘!p^n thatMcasionfhhmseff put him todeathfa	I mu.er tue'earth so artfully, that they did not

l; and he swore to him no farther, ver. 123, as the words I appear even to those that entered iofO t.b“.T
re in Jpsephus, than that be would not then put hu, to , mouumentS:—but BO much Bhall 8uflice US to

npoi

22; and be swore to bira no farther, i

are iu Josephus, than that be would not men put mxi m , monuments:— but BO much shall 8uf
death, which he performed: nor was bolomon under aa7 •	• •	•	.«	,,

obligation to spare such a traitor*	l A&Y6 80*1(1 COOC&rniD£ ttiCM QlftttorSs213

BOOK VIII.

+

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL 07 ONE HUNDRED AND BIXTT-THBKE TIARf*

FROM THE DEATH OF DAVID TO THE DEATH OF AHAB.

CHAPTER L

HOW SOLO.MON, WHEN HE HAD RECEIVED THE
KINGDOM, TOOK OTT HIS ENEMIES.

§ 1. We have already treated of David and
his virtue, and of the benefits he was the au-
thor of to his countrymen; of his wars also
and battles, which he managed with success,
and then died an old man, in the foregoing
book. And when Solomon his son, who was
but a youth in age, had* taken the kingdom,
and whom David had declared, while he was
alive, the lord of that people, according to
God’s will; when he sat upon the throne, the
whole body of the people made joyful accla-
mations to him, as is usual at the beginning
of a reign; and wished that all his affairs
might come to a blessed conclusion; and that
he might arrive i^t a great age, and at the
most happy state of affairs possible.

2 But Adonijah, who, while his father
was living, attempted to gain possession of
the government came to the king’s mother
Bathsheba, and saluted her with great civi-
lity; and when she asked him, whether he came
to her as desiring her assistance in any thing
or not; and bade him tell her if that were the
case, for that she would cheerfully afford it
him; he began to say,'that she knew herself
that the kingdom was his, both on account of
his elder age, and of the disposition of the
multitude; and that yet it was transferred to
Solomon her son, according to’the will of God.
He also said that he was contented to be a
servant under him, and was pleased with the
present settlement; but he desired her to be
a means of obtaining a favour from his bro-
ther to him, and to persuade him to bestow
on him in marriage Abishag, who had indeed
slept by his father, but, because his father was
too old, he did not lie with her, and she was
still a virgin. So Bathsheba promised him
to afford him her assistance very earnestly,
and to bring this marriage about, because the
king would be willing to gratify him in'such
a thing, and because she would press it to him

very earnestly. Accordingly, he went away,
in hopes of succeeding in tms match. So So-
lomon’s mother went presently to ner son, to
speak to him about what she had promised,
upon Adonijah’s supplication to her. And
when her son came forward tc meet her, and
embraced her, and when he had brought her
into the house where his royal throne was set,
he sat thereon, and bid them set another throne
on the right hand for his motner. When
Bathsheba was set down, Bhe said, “O my son,
grant me one request that I make of thee, and
do not any thing to me that is disagreeable
or ungrateful, which thou wilt do if thou de-
niest me.” And when Solomon bid her to
lay her commands upon him, because it was
agreeable to his duty to grant her every thing
she should ask, and complained that she did
not begin her discourse with a firm expectation
of obtaining what she desired, but had some
suspicion of a denial,—she entreated him to
grant, that his brother Adonijah might marry
Abishag.

3. But the king was greatly offended at
these words, and sent away his mother, and
said that Adonijah aimed at great things; and
that he wondered that she did not desire him
to yield up the kingdom to him, as to his elder
brother, since she desired that he might marry
Abishag; and that he had potent friends, Joab
the captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest.
So he called for Benaiah, the captain of the
guards, arid ordered him to slay his brother
Adoriijah; he also called for Abiathar, the
priest, and said to him, “ I will not put thee
to death, because of those other hardships
which thou hast endured with my father, and
because of the ark which thou hast borne along
with him; but I inflict the following punish-
ment upon thee, because thou wast among
Adonijah’s followers, and wast of his party. Do
not thou continue here, nor come any more into
my sight, but go to thine own town, and live
on thy own fields, and there abide all thy life;
for thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not
just that thou shouldest retain thy dignity any
longer.” For the fbrementioned cause, there-214	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK Fill.

fore, it was tbat the house of Ithamar was de-
prived of the sacerdotal dignity, as God had
foretold to Eli the grandfather of Abiatbar.
So it was transferred to the family of Phineas,
to Zadok. Now those tbat were of the family
of Phineas, but lived privately during the time
that the high-priesthood was transferred to the
house of fthamar (of which family Eli was the
first that received it), were these that follow:
Bukki, the son of Abishua the high-priest;
his son was Joatham; Joatham’s son was Me-
raioth; Meraioth’s son was Arophsus; Aro-
phaeus’s son was Ahitub; and Ahitub’s son
was Zadok, who was first made high-priest in
the reign of David.

4.	Now when Joab the captain of the host
heard of the slaughter of Adonijah, he was
greatly afraid, for he was a greater friend to
him than to Solomon; and suspecting, not
without*reason, that he was in danger, on ac-
count of his favour to Adonijah, he fled to the
altar, and supposed he might procure safety
thereby to himself, because of the king’s piety
towards God. But when some told the king
what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah,
and commanded him to raise him up from the
altar, and bring to the judgment-seat, in or-
der to make his defence. However, Joab
said he would not leave the altar, but would
die there rather than in another place. And
when Benaiah bad reported his answer to the
king. Solomon commanded him to cut off his.
head there,* and let him take that as a punish-
ment for those two captains of the host whom
he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body,
that his-sins might never leave his family, but
that himself and his father, by Joab’s death,
might be guiltless; and when Benaiah bad
done what he was commanded to do, he was
himself appointed to be captain of the whole
urmy. The king also made Zadok to be alone
the high-priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom
be had removed.

5.	But as to Shimei, Solomon commanded
that he should build him a house, and stay at
Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should
nothaveauthority to go over the brook Cedron;
and that if he disobeyed that command, death
should be bis punishment. He also threatened
him so terribly, that he compelled him to take
an oath that he would obey. Accordingly
Shimei said that he had reason to thank So-
lomon for giving him such an injunction; and
added an oath, that he would do as he bade
him; end leaving his own country, he made
his abode in Jerusalem; but three years after-
wards, when he heard that two of his servants
were run away from him, and were in Gath,
he went for his servants in haste; and when
he was come back with them, the king per-

ceived it, and was much displeased that he had
contemned his commands, and what was more,
bad no regard to the oaths he had sworn to
God; so be called him, and said to him,
“ Didst not thou swear never to leave me, nor
to go out of this city to another? Thou shalt
not therefore escape punishment for thy per-
jury; but I will punish thee, thou wicked
wretch, both for this crime, and for those
wherewith thou didst abuse mv father when he
was in his flight, that thou mayest know that
wicked men gain nothing at last although they
be not punished immediately upon their unjust
practices; but that in all the time wnerein they
think themselves secure, because they have yet
suffered nothing, their punishment increases,
and is heavier upon them, and that to a greater
degree than if they had been punished immedi-
ately upon the commission of their crimes.'’ So
Benaiah, on the king’s command, slew Shimei.

CHAPTER II.

CONCERNING THE WIFE OF SOLOMON; CON-
CERNING HIS WISDOM AND RICHES; AND
CONCERNING WHAT HE OBTAINED OF HIRAM
FOR THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.

§ 1. Solomon having already settled himself
firmly in his kingdom, and having brought
his enemies to punishment, he married the
daughter of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, and
built the walls of Jerusalem much larger and
stronger than those that had been before,* and
thenceforward he managed public affairs v?ry
peaceably: nor was his youth any hinderance
in the exercise of justice, or in the observation
of the laws, or in the remembrance of what
charges his father had given him at his death;
but he discharged every duty with great ac-
curacy, that might have been expected from
such as are aged, and of the greatest prudence.
He now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacri-
fice to God upon the brazen altar that was
built by Moses. Accordingly he offered there
burnt offerings, iq number a thousand; and
when he had done this, he thought he had
paid great honour to God; for, as he was
asleep that very night, God appeared to him,
and commanded him to ask of him some gifts
which he was ready to give him as a reward
for his piety. So Solomon asked of God
what was most excellent, and of the greatest
worth in itself, what God would bestow with
the greatest joy, and what it was most profit-
able for man to receive; for he did not desire
to have bestowed upon him either gold or
silver, or any other riches, as a man and a

• This execution upon Joab, as a murderer, by slay-
ing him, even when h«- bad taken sanctuary at God’s
altar, is perfectly agreeable Jto the law of Moses, which
enjoins, that, “ if a mau come presumptuously upon his
peighbonr to olay him with juile. thou shalt take him
bem nine aKat, that he dir.* Exod. xxi. 14.

• This building of the walls of Jerusalem, soon after
David’s death, illustrates the conclusion of the 51st
psalm, where David prays, “ Build tbou the walls of
Jerusalem —they being, it seems, unfinished or im-
perfect at that time. See chap, vl sect 11 and ch. vii.
beet, 7; alsu 1 Kings ix. I&CHAP. II.	ANTIQUITIES

youth might naturally have done, for these
are the things that generally are esteemed by
most men, as alone of the greatest worth, and
the best gifts of God; but, said he, “ Give
me, O Lord, a sound mind and a good under-
standing, whereby I may speak and judge the
people according to truth and righteousness.”
With these petitions God was well pleased;
and promised to give him all those things that
he had not mentioned in his option, riches,
glory, victory over his enemies; and, in the
first place, understanding and wisdom, and
this in such a degree, as no other mortal man,
neither kings nor ordinary persons, ever had.
He also promised to preserve the kingdom to
his posterity for a very long time, if he con-
tinued righteous and obedient to him, and
imitated his father in those things wherein
he excelled. When Solomon heard this from
God, he presently leaped out of his bed; and
when he had worshipped him, he returned to
Jerusalem; and after he had offered great sa-
crifices before the tabernacle, he feasted all his
own family.

2. In these days a hard cause came before
him in judgment, which it was very difficult
to find any end of; and I think it necessary
to explain the fact about which the contest
was, that such as light upon my writings may
know what a difficult cause Solomon was to de-
termine ; and those that are concerned in such
matters may take this sagacity of the king for
a pattern, .that they may. the more easily give
sentence about such questions. There were
two women, who were harlots in the course of
their lives, that came to-him, of whom she
that seemed to be injured began to speak first,
and said, “ O king, I and this other woman
dwell together in one room. Now it came to
pass that we both bore a son at the same hour
of the same day; and on the third day this wo-
man overlaid her son, and killed it, and then
took my son out of my bosom, and removed
him to herself; and as I was asleep she laid
her dead son in my arms. Now, when in the
morning I was desirous to give the breast to
the child, I did not find my own, but saw the
woman’s dead child lying by me; for I con-
sidered it exactly, and found it so to be.
Hence it was that I demanded my son, and
when I could not obtain him, I have recourse,
my lord, to thy assistance; for since we were
alone, and there was nobody there that could
convict her, she cares for nothing, but perse-
veres in the stout denial of the fact.” When
this woman had told this her story, the king
asked the other woman what she had to say in
contradiction to that story. But when she
denied that she had done what was charged
upon her, and said that it was her child
that was living, and that it was her antago-
nist’s child that was dead, and when ho one
could devise what judgment could be given,
and the whole court were blind in their un-
derstanding, and aould not tall how to find

OF THE JEWS.	215

out this riddle, the king alone invented the
following way how to discover it: He bade
them bring in both the dead child and the
living child; and sent one of his guards, and
commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw
it, and to cut both the children into two pieces,
that each of the women might have half the
living and half the dead child. Hereupon all
the people privately laughed at the king, as
no more than a youth. But in the mean
time, she that was the real mother of the liv-
ing child cried out, that he should not do so,
but deliver that child to the other woman as
her own, for she would be satisfied with the
life of the child, and with the sight of it, al-
though it were esteemed the other’s child;
but the other woman was ready to see the
child divided, and was desirous, moreover,
that the first woman should be tormented.
When the king understood that both theiife
words proceeded from the truth of their pas-
sions, he adjudged the child to her that cried
out to save it, for that she was the real mother
of it; and he condemned the other as a wick-
ed woman, who had not only killed her own,
child, but was endeavouring to see her friend’s
child destroyed also. Now the 'multitude
looked on this determination as a great sign
and demonstration of the king’s sagacity and
wisdom; and, after that day, attended to him
as to one that had a divine mind. ..

3.	Now the captains of his armies, and
officers appointed over the whole country,
were these: — Over the lot of Ephraim was
Ures; over the toparchy of Bethlehem was
Dioclerus; Abinadab, who married Solomon’s
daughter, had the region of Dora and the
sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was
under Benaiah, the son of Achilus; he also
governed all the country as far as Jordan;
Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulantis,
and had under him the sixty great and fenced
cities [of Og]; Achinadab managed the af-
fairs of all Galilee, as far as Sidon, and had
himself also married a daughter of Solomon’s,
whose name was Basima; Banacates had the
sea-coast about Arce; as had Shaphot Mount
Tabor, and Carmel, and [the lower] Galilee
as far as the river Jordan; one man was ap-
pointed over all this country; Shimei was in-
trusted with the lot of Benjamin; and Ga-
bares had the country beyond Jordan, over
whom there ’was again one-governor appoint-
ed. Now the people of the Hebrews, and
particularly the tribe of Judah, received a
wonderful increase when they betook them-
selves to husbandry and the cultivation of
their grounds; for as they enjoyed peace, and
were not distracted with wars and troubles,
and having besides an abundant fruition of
the most desirable liberty, every one wa3 busy
in augmenting the product of their own lands,
and making them worth more than they had
formerly been.

4.	The king had also other rulers, whobook yin.

216	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

were over tKe land of Syria and the Philis-1 him to learn that skill which expells demons,f

—	is a science useful

tines, which reached from the river Euphrates
to Egypt, and these collected his tributes of
the nations. Now these contributed to the
king’s table, and to his supper every day,*
thirty cori of fine flour, and*sixty of meal;
as also ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of
the pastures, and a hundred fat lambs; all
these were besides what were taken by hunt-
ing harts and bulfaloes, and birds and fishes,
which were brought to the king by foreigners
day by day. Solomon had also so great a num-
ber of chariots, that the stalls of his horses
for those chariots were forty thousand; and
besides these, he had twelve thousand horse-
men, the one half of whom waited upon the
king in Jerusalem, and the rest were dis-
persed abroad, and dwelt in the royal vil-
lages; but the same officer who provided for
the king’s expenses, supplied also the fodder
for the horses, and still carried it to the place
where the king abode at that time.

5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which
God had bestowed upon Solomon was so
great, that he exceeded the ancients, inso-
much that he was no way inferior to the
Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond
all men in understanding; nay, indeed, it is
evident that their sagacity was very much in-
ferior to that of the king’s. He also excelled
and distinguished himself in wisdom above
those who were most eminent among the He-
brews >at that time for shrewdness: those I
mean were Ethan, arid Heman, and Chalcol,
and Darda, the sons of Mahul. He also
composed books of odes and songs, a thou-
sand and five; of parables and similitudes,
three thousand; for he spake a parable upon
every sort of tree, from the hyssop to the
cedar; and in like manner also about beasts,
about all sorts of living creatures, whether
upon the earth, or in the seas, or in the air;
for he was not unacquainted with any of their
natures, nor omitted inquiries 'about them,

which is a science useful and sanative to
He composed such incantations also
by which distempers are alleviated. And he
left behind him the manner of using exor-
cisms, by which they drive away demons, so
that they never return, and this method of
cure is of great force unto this day; for I
have seen a certain man of my own country,
whose name .was Eleazar, releasing people
that were demoniacal in the presence of Ves-
pasian, and his sons, and his captains, and the
whole multitude of his soldiers. The man-
ner of the cure was this:—He put a ring
that had a root of one of those sorts men-
tioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the de-
monaic, after whch he drew out the demon
through his nostrils; and when the man fell
down immediately, he abjured him to return
into him no more, making still mention of
Solomon, and reciting the incantations which
he composed. And when Eleazar would per-
suade and demonstrate to the spectators that
he had such a power, he set a little way off a
cup or bason full of water, and commanded
the demon, as he went out of the man, to
overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators
know that he had left the man; and when
this was done, the skill and wisdom of Solo-
mon was shown very manifestly: for which
reason it is that all men may know the vast-
ness of Solomon’s abilities, and how he was
beloved of God, and that the extraordinary
virtues of every kind with which this king
was endowed, may not be unknown to any
people under the sun; for this reason, I say,
it is that we have proceeded to speak so '-argely
of these matters.

6. Moreover Hiram, king of Tyre, when
he had heard that Solomon succeeded to his
father’s kingdom, was very glad of it, for he
was a friend of David’s. So he sent ambas-
sadors to him, and saluted aim, and congratu-
lated him on the present happy state of his
affairs. Upon which Salomon Bent hint an

but described them all like a philosopher, _________ ______________ ________ ____ ____

and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of epistle, the contents of winch acre follow:
their several properties. God also enabled	,SOLOmon to king hiram.

* It may not be amiss to compare the daily furniture
of king Solomon's Jable, here set down, and 1 Kings iv.
22, 23, with the like daily furniture of Neheniah'tbe
governor’s table, after the Jews were come back from
Babylon: and to remaaber withal, that Nehemiah was
now building the watts of Jerusalem,'and maintained,
more than usral. above V50 considerable men every
dayand that, because the nation was then very poor,
at his own charges also, without laying any burden upon
the people at all. “Mow that which was prepared
for me daily was an ox, and six choice sheep; also fowls
were prepared for me; and oncfe in ten days, store ot
all sorts of wine; and yet for all this I required not the
bread of the governor, because tbe bondage was heavy
upon this people.’’ Neb. v. 18. See the whole context,
ver 14—19. Nor did the governor’s usual allowance
of 40 shekels of silver a day, ver. 15, amount to £5 a day,
nor to £1800 a year. Nor does it indeed appear, that,
under the judges, or under Samuel the prophet, there
was any such public allowance to those governors at all:
those great charges upon the public for maintaining
courts, came in with kings, — as God foretold they
Would, 1 Sim viii. il —18.

“ X Know thou that my father would have

+ Some pretended fragments -rf *-rsk|i of con-
juration of Solomon are st.il tWnt .a i A-tw.us’s Cod.
I’seudepigr. Vet. Test, page 1054, though I entirely
differ from Josephus in this his supposal, that such
hooks and arts of Solomoo were sazts of that wisdom
which was imparted io mm oj icm in his younger
days,- they must rather have belonged to such profane
but curious arts as we find mentioned, Acts xix. 13—20,
and had been derived trom the idolatry and superstition
of bis heathen wives and concubines in his old age,
when he had forsaken God, and God had forsaken him,
and given him up to demoniacal delusions. Nor does
Josephus’s strange account of the root Baara (of the
War, b. viii. ch. vi. sect. 3) seem to be other than that
of its magical use in such conjurations. As for the
following history, it confirms what Christ says (Matt
xii. 27), “If I by Beelzebub cast out demons, by whom
do your sons cast them out?’’

t These epistles of Solomon and Hiram are those in
1 Kings v. 3—9. and. as enlarged, in 2 Chron. ii. 3—Id;
I hut here given ns by Josephus in his own words.CHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

217

built a temple to God, but was hindered by
wars, and continual expeditions: for he did
not leave off to overthrow his enemies till he
made them all subject to tribute. But I give
thanks to God for the peace I at present en-
joy, and on that account I am at leisure, and
design to build a house to God, for God fore-
told to my father that such a house should be
built by me; wherefore I desire thee to send
some of thy subjects with mine to Mount
Lebanon, to cut down timber; for the Sido-
nians are more skilful than our people in cut-
ting of wood. As for wages to the hewers
of wood, I will pay whatsoever price thou

read this epistle, he
was pleased with it, and wrote back this an-
swer to Solomon:—

HIHAM TO KING SOLOMON.

“ It is lit to bless God, that he hath commit-
ted thy father’s government to thee, who art
a wise man, and endowed with all virtues.
As for myself, I rejoice at the condition thou
art in, and will be subservient to thee in all
that thou sendest to me about; for when by
my subjects I have cut down many and large
trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send
them to sea, and will order my subjects to
make floats of them, and to sail to what place
soever of thy country thou shalt desire, and
leave them there, after which thy subjects
may carry them to Jerusalem : but do thou
take care tq procure us corn for this timber,
which we stand in need of, because we inha-
bit in an island.”*

* What Josephus here puts into his copy of Hiram’s
epistle to Solomon, and repeats afterwards (cb. v. sect. 3),
that Tyre was now an island, is not in any of the three
other copies, viz. that of the Kings, Chronicles, or Kuse-
biut; nor is it any other, I suppose, than his own con-
jectiral paraphrase; for when I, many years ago, inquired
into this matter, I found the state of this famous city, and
of the island whereupon it stood, to have been very dif-
ferent at different times. The result of my inquiries in
thh matter, with the addition of some later iraprove-
mests, stands thus: — That the best testimonies hereto
rela'ing, imply, that Palcetyrus, or Oldest Tyre, was no
othei than that most ancient smaller fort or city Tyre, si-
tuate) on the continent, and mentioned in Josh. xix. 29,
out o’ which the Canaanite or Phoenician inhabitants
were criven into a large island,‘that lay not far off in the
sea, by Joshua: that this island was then joined to the
continent, at the present remains of Palaetyrus, by a neck
of land,over against Solomon’s cisterns, still so called
and the tity’s fresh water, probably, was carried along in
pipes by that neck of land; and that this island was
therefore,in strictness, no other than a peninsula, having
villages in its fields (Ezek: xxvi. 6), and a wall about it
(Amos i. 10); and the city was not of so great reputation
as Sidon for some ages; that it was attacked both by sea
and land by Salmanasser, as Josephus informs U6 (Antiq.
b. ix. ch. xiv. sect 2), and afterwards came to be the me-
tropolis of Phoenicia; and was afterwards taken and de-
stroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the numerous
scripture prophecies thereto relating, Isa.xxiii; Jer.xxv.
22; xxvii. 3; xlvii. 4; Ezek. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii. That
seventy years after that destruction by Nebuchadnezzar,
this city was in some measure revived and rebuilt (Isa.
xxiii. 17, 18), but that, as the prophet Ezekiel had fore-
told (xxvi. 3,4,6, 14; xxvii. 34), the sea arose higher
than before, till at last it overffowed, not only the neck
of land, but the main island or peninsula itself, and de-
stroyed that old and famous city for ever: that, however,
there still remained an adjoining smaller island, once

shalt determine. s
7. When Hiram had

8.	The copies of these epistles remain at
this day, and are preserved notr only in our
books, but among the Tyrians also; inso-
much that if any one would know the cer-
tainty about them, he may desire of the keep-
ers of the public records of Tyre to show
him them, and he will find what is there set
down to agree with what we have said. I
have said so much out of a desire that my
readers may know that we speak nothing but
the truth, and do not compose a history out
of some plausible relations, which deceive
men and please them at the same time, nor
attempt to avoid examination, nor desire men
to believe us immediately; nor are we at
liberty to depart from speaking truth, which
is the proper commendation of a historian,
and yet to be blameless. But we insist upon
no admission of what we say, unless we be
able to manifest its truth by demonstration
and the strongest vouchers.

9.	Now king Solomon, as soon as this
epistle of the king of Tyre was brought him,
commended the readiness and good-will he
declared therein, and repaid him in what he
desired, and sent him yearly twenty thousand
cori of wheat, and as many baths of oil: now
the bath is able to contain seventy-two sexta-
ries. He also sent him the same measure of
wine. So the friendship between Hiram and
Solomon hereby increased more and more;
and they swore to continue it for ever. And
the king appointed a tribute to be laid on all
the people, of thirty thousand labourers, whose
work he rendered easy to them, by prudently
dividing it among them; for he made ten
thousand, cut timber in mount Lebanon for
one month, and then to come home; and to
rest two month's, until the time when the
other twenty thousand had finished their task
at the appointed time; and so afterward it
came to pass, that the first ten thousand re-
turned to 'their work every fourth month:
and it was Adoram who was over this tribute.
There were also of the strangers who were
left by David, who were to carry the stones
and other materials, seventy thousand; and
of those that cut the stones, eighty thousand.
Of these three thousand and three hundred
were rulers over the rest. He also enjoined
them to cut out large stones for the founda-
tions of the temple, and that they should fit
them and unite them together in the moun-
tain, and so bring them to the city. This

connected to Old Tyre itself by Hiram, which was after-
wards inhabited; to which Alexander the Great, with
incredible pains, raised a new bank or causeway: and
that it plainly appears from IMaundrell, a most authentio
eye-witness, that the old, large, and famous city, on the
original large island, is now laid so generally under wa-
ter that scarce more than forty acres of it, or rather of
that adjoining small island, remain at this day: so that,
perhaps, not above a hundredth part of the first island
and city is now above water. This was foretold in the
same prophecies of Ezekiel; and, according to them, OS
Mr. Maundrell distinctly observes, these poor remains of
Old Tyre are now “become like the top of a rock; a
place for the spreading of nets in the midst of the sea.”218

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOKWIU

was done, not only by our own country
workmen, but by those workmen whom Hi™™
sent also.

CHAPTER m.

OF THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.

§ 1. Solomon began to build the temple in
the fourth year of his reign, on the second
month, which the Macedonians call Artemi-
sius, and the Hebrews Jut; five hundred and
ninety-two years after the exodus out of
Egypt, hut one thousand and twdhty years
from Abraham’s coming out of Mesopotamia
into Canaan; and after the Deluge one thou-
sand four hundred and forty years; and from
Adam, the first man who was created, until
Solomon built the temple, there had passed
in all three thousand one hundred and two
years. Now that year on which the temple
began to be built, was already the eleventh
year of the reign of Hiram; but from the
building of Tyre to the building of the temple,
there had passed two hundred and forty years.

2. Now, therefore, the king laid the foun-
dations of the temple very deep in the
ground,* and the materials were strong stones,
and sy.ch as would resist the force of time:
these were to unite themselves with the earth,
and become a basis and a sure foundation for
that superstructure which was to be( erected
over it: they were to be so strong, in order
to sustain with ease those vast superstructures,
and precious ornaments, whose own weight
was to be not less than the w.eight of those
other high and heavy buildings which the
king designed to be very ornamental and
magnificent. They erected its entire body,
quite up to the roof, of white stone: its
height was sixty cubits, and its length was
the same, and its breadth twenty. There
was another building erected over it, equal
to it in its measures; so that the entire alti-
tude of the temple was a hundred and twenty
cubits. Its front was to the east. As to the
porch, they built it before the temple: its
length was twenty cubits, and it was so order-
ed that it might agree with the breadth of
the house; and it had twelve eubits in lati-
tude, and its height was raised as high as a
hundred and twenty cubits. He also built
round about the temple thirty small rooms,

which might include the whole temple, by j deal of gold, that had sculptures upon ii.
their closeness one to another, and by theii also had veils of blue, and purple, andficarlet,
number, and outward position round it. Hej and the brightest and softest of linen, with the
also made passages through them, that they! most curious flowers^ wrought upon them,
might come into one through another. Every which were to be drawn before these doors,
dne of these rooms had five cubits in breadth, f He also dedicated for the most secret place,

and the same in length, but/in height twenty.
Above these were other rooms, and others
above them, equal, both in their measures
and number; so that these reached to a height
equal to the lower part of the house; for the
upper part had no buildings about it. The
roof that was over the house was of cedar;
and truly every one of these rooms had a roof
of their own, that was not connected with the
other rooms; but for the other parts, there
was a covered roof common to them all, and
built with very long beams, that passed
through the rest, and through the whole
building, that s<J the middle walls, being
strengthened by the same>>beams of timber,
might be thereby made firmer; but as for
that part of the roof that whs under the beams,
it was made of the same materials, and was
all made smooth, and had ornaments proper
for roofs, and plates of gold nailed upon
them; and as he enclosed the walls with
boards of cedar, so he fixed on them plateB
of gold, which had sculptures upon them; so
that th^ whole temple shined, and dazzled the
eyes of such as entered, by the splendour of
the gold that was on every side of them.)
Now the whole structure of the temple was
made, with great skill, of polished stones,
and those laid together so’very harmoniously
and smoothly, that there appeared to the spec-
tators no sign of any hammer, or other in-
strument of architecture, but as ifi without
any use of them, the entire materials had na-
turally united themselves together,- that the
agreement of one part with another seemed1
rather to have been natural, than to have
arisen from the force of tools upon them.
The king also had a fine contrivance for an/
ascent to the upper room over the temple/
and that was by steps in the thickness of its
wall; for it had no large door on the east
end, as the lower house had, but the entrances
were by the sides, through very small doors.
He also overlaid the temple, both within and
without, with boards of cedar, that were kep
close together, by thick chains, so ” ' ”1
contrivance was in the nature of i
and a strength to the building.

3. Now when the king had divided the ti
pie into two parts, he made the inner hou
twenty cubits [every way], to be the mo:
cret chamber, but he appointed that of forty
cubits to be the sanctuary; and when he had
cut a door-place out of the wall, he put therein
doors of cedar, and overlaid them with a great

He

less than twenty
here must have been &

* Of the temple of Solomon here described byJose-,been by Josephus’s description,
pfius, in this and the following sections of this chapter, (cubits high a piece, otherwise there must have been t
see iny description of toe temples belonging to this; large interval between one and the other that was ovei
work, ch.xiii	lit; and this with double floors, the one of six cubits dis-

+ These small rooms, or side chambers, seem to have| bince from the floor beneath it, as 1 Kiugs vi. ftCHAP. III.	ANTIQUITIES '

whose breadth was twenty cubits, and .the
length the same, two cherubims of solid gold;
the height of each of them was five cubits:*
they had each of them two wings stretched
out as far as five cubits; wherefore Solomon
set them up not far from each other, that with
one wing they might touch the southern wall
of the secret place, and with another the north-
ern; theii|other wings, which joined to each
other, were a covering to the ark; which was
set between them: but nobody can tell, or
even conjecture, what was the shape of these
cherubims. He also laid the .floor of the
temple with plates of gold; and ,he added
doors to the gate of the temple agreeable to
the measure of the height of the wall, but in
breadth twenty cubits, and on them he glued
gold plates; and, to say all in one word, he
left no part of the temple, neither internal nor
external, but what was obvered with gold. He
also had curtains drawn over these doors, in
lire manner as they were drawn over the inner
doors of the mOst holy place; but the porch
of the temple had nothing of that sort.

4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out
of Tyre, whose name was Hiram: he was by
lirth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother’s
side (for she was of that tribe); but his father
vas Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This
man was skilful in all sorts of work; but his
;hief skill lay in working in gold, in silver,
ind brass; by whom were made all the me-
;hanical works about the temple, according tp
he will of Solomon. Moreover, this Hiram
nade two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were
»f brass; and the thickness of the brass was
four finger^), breadth, and the height of the
<illars was eighteen cubits,f and their circum-
irence twelve cubits; but there was cast with
ech of their chapiters lily-work, that stood
uon the pillar, and it was elevated five cubits,
rcuid about which there was net-work inter-
wiven with small palms, made of brass, and
overed with lily-work. To this also were hung
tvo hundred pomegranates in two rows. The
oeiof these pillars he set at the entrance of
th porch on the right hand, and called it Ja-
ch~; and the other at the left hand, and
cald it Booz.

5 Solomon also cast a brazen sea, the
figbi of which was that of an hemisphere.
Thisfcrazen vessel was called a sea for its
large,ggt for the laver was ten feet in diame-
ter, al cast of the thickness of a palm: its
middlpart rested on a short pillar, that had
ten spds round it, and that pillar was ten

* Jo'hus says here that the cherubims were of
solid goUn(] 00|y five cubits high; while our Hebrew
copies 'lingg vi. 23. 28) say they were of the olive-
tree: anc,e ixxii. of the cypress-tree, and only over-
laid with j. and both agree they were ten cubits high.

1 supposee number here is falsely traoscribed, and
tbat Josep, wr0{e ten cubits also.

+ As fotese two famous pillars, Jachin and Booz,
their heigh^ij be no more than 18 cubits, as here,
and 1 Kingt 15. g Kings xxv. 17; Jer. iii. 21; those
36 oubits tnchron. iii. 15, being contrary to all the
rales of arcktum |n tbe world.

)F THE JEWS.	219

mbits in diameter. There stood round about
t twelve oxen that looked to the four winds
of heaven, three to each wind, having their
hinder parts depressed, that so the hemisphe-
rical vessel might rest upon them, which itself
was also depressed round about inwardly.
Now this sea contained three thousand baths.

6. He also made ten brazen bases for so
many quadrangular lavers: the length of every
one of these bases was five cubits, and the
breadth four cubits, and the height six cubits.
This yessel was partly turned, and was thus
contrived: There were four small quadran-
gular pillars, that stood one at each corner;
these had the sides of the base fitted to them
on each quarter; they were parted into three
parts; every interval had a border fitted to
support [the laver]; upon which was engruven,
in one place‘a lion, and in another place a
bull, and an eagle. The small pillars had the
same animals engraven that were engraven on
the sides. The whole work was elevated, and
stood upon four wheels, which were also cost,
which had also naves and felloes, and were a
foot and a half in diameter. Any one who
saw the spokes of the wheels, how exactly
they were turned, and united to the sides of
the bases, and with what harmony they agreed
to the felloes, would wonder at them. How-
ever, their structure was this: Certain shoul-
ders of hands stretched out held the corners
above, upon which rested a short spiral pillar,
that lay under the hollow part of the laver,
resting upon the. fore part of the eagle and
the lion, which were adapted to them, inso-
much that those who viewed them would
think they were of one piece: between these
were engravings of palm trees. This was
the construction of the ten bases: he also
made ten large round brass vessels, which
were the lavers themselves, each of which con-
tained forty baths;]; for it had its height four
cubits, and its edges were as much distant
from each other: he also placed these lavers
upon the ten bases that were called Mecho-
nojjj: and he set five of the lavera on the left
sitf&'of the temple,§ which ’was that side to-
wards the north wind, and as many on the

t The round or cylindrical lavera of four cnbita in
diameter, and fonr in height* both in our copies,
l Kings vii. 38, 39, and here in Josephus, must have
contained a great deal more than these forty baths,
which are always assigned them. Where the error lies
is hard to say; perhaps Josephus honestly followed his
copies here, though they bad been corrupted, and he
was not able to restore tbe true reading. In tbe mean
time, the forty baths are probably the true quantity
contained in each laver, since they went npon wheels, and
were to be drawn by the Levites about the courts of tho
priests, for the washings they were designed for; and
had they held much more, tbev would have been too
heavy to have been so drawn.

} Here Josephus gives us a key to his own language,
of right and left hand in the tabernacle and temple;_
that by tbe right band he means what is against our'
left- when we suppose ourselves going np from the east
gatts of tbe courts towards the tabernacle or temple
themselves, and so vice versa j whence it follows, that
the pillar Jachin, on the right hand of the temple, was
on the south, against oar left hand; and Boos on tbs
north, against our right band.220

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOR vnt

right side, towards the south, but looking to-
wards the east; the same [eastern] way he also
set the sea. Now, he appointed the sea to be
for washing the hands and the feet of the
priests when they entered into the temple and
were to ascend the altar; but the la vers to
cleanse the entrails of the beasts that were to
be burnt-offerings, with their feet also.

7.	He also made a brazen altar, whose
length was twenty cubits, and its breadth the
same, and its height ten, for the burnt-offer-
ings: he also made all its vessels of brass;
the pots, and the shovels, and the basons, and
besides these, the snuffers and the tongs, and
all its other vessels he made of brass, and such
brass as was in splendour and beauty like gold.
The king also dedicated a great number of
tables, but one that was large and made of
gold, upon which they set the loaves of God;
and he made ten thousand more that resem-
bled them, but were dbne after another man-
ner, upon which lay the vials and the cups;
those of gold were twenty thousand, those of
silver were forty thousand. He also made
ten'thousand candlesticks, according to the
command of Moses, one of which he dedica-
ted for the temple, that it might bum in the
day-time, according to the law; and one table
with loaves upon it, on the north side of the
temple, over against the candlestick; for this
he set on the south side, but the golden altar
stood between them. All these vessels were
contained in that part of the holy house, which
was forty cubits long, and were before the
vail of that most secret place wherein the ark
was to be set.

8.	The king also made pouring vessels, in
number eighty thousand, and a hundred thou-
sand golden vials, and twice as many silver
vials: of golden dishes, in order therein to of-
fer kneaded fine flour at the altar, there were
eighty thousand, and twice as many of silver.
Of large basons also, wherein they mixed fine
flour with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and
twice as many of silver. Of the measures
like those which Moses called the Hin, and
the Assaron (a tenth deal), there were twenty
thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver.
The golden censers, in which they carried the
incense to the altar,*were twenty thousand:
the other censers, in which they carried fire
from the great altar to the little altar, within
the temple, were fifty thousand. The sacer-
dotal garments which belong to the high-
priest, with the long robes, and the oracle,
and the precious stones, were a thousand; but
the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name
of God],* was only one, and hath remained
to this very day. He also made ten thousand
sacerdotal garments of fine linen, with purple
girdles, for every priest; and two hundred

. * Of the golden plate on the high-priest’,, forehead
tbatwas inbeing in the days of Josephus,, and a century
or two at least later, see the note on Antiq b. iii. cb. vii.
Met. 8.

thousand trumpets, according to the command
of Moses; also two hundred thousand gar-
ments of fine linen for the singers that were
Levites; and he made musical instruments,
and such as were invented for singing of
hymns, called Nablce and Cinyrce [psalteries
and harps], which were made of electrum [the
finest brass], forty thousand.

9.	Solomon made all these thing# for the
honour of God, with great variety and mag-
nificence, sparing no cost, but using all pos-
sible liberality in adorning the temple; and
these things he dedicated to the treasures df
God. He also placed a partition round about
the temple, which, in our tongue, we cat
Gison, but it is called Thrigcos by the Greeks,
and he raised it up to the height of three cu-
bits ; and it was for the exclusion of the multi-
tude from coming into the temple, and show-
ing that it was a place that was free and open
only for the priests. He also built beyond
this court a temple, the figure of which was
that of a quadrangle, and erected for it great
and broad cloisters; this was entered into by
very high gates, each of which had its front
exposed to one of the [four] winds, and were
shut by golden doors. Into this temple all
the people entered that were distinguished
from the rest by being pure, and observant of
the laws; but he made that temple which was
beyond this •a wonderful one indeed, and such
as exceeds all description in words; nay, if I
may so say, is hardly believed upon sight; for
when he had filled up great valleys with earth,
which, on account of their immense depth,
could not be looked on when you bended
down to see them, without pain, and had ele-
vated the ground four hundred cubits, he
made it to be on a level with the top of the
mountain on which the temple was built, and
by this means the outmost temple, which was
exposed to the air, was even with the temple
itself.f He encompassed this also with a
building of a double row of cloisters, which
stood on high upon pillars of natiye stone,
while the roofs were of cedar, and were polish-
ed in a manner proper for such high roofs; but
he made all the doors of this temple of silver.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW SOLOMON REMOVED THIS ARK INTO THE
TEMPLE; HOW HE MADE SUPPLICATION TO
GOD, AND OFFERED PUBLIC SACRIFICES TO
HIM.

§ 1. When king Solomon had finished these
works, these large and beautiful buildings,

+ When Josephus here says that the floor of the out-
most ten pie or court of the Gentiles was with vast
labour raised to be even, or of equal height, with the
noor of the inner, or court of the priests, he must mean
this in a gross estimation only; for he and all others
agree that the inner temple, or court of the priests, wasCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

221

end had laid up his donations in the temple,
and all this in the interval of seven years,*
and had given a demonstration of his riches
and alacrity therein; insomuch, that any one
who saw it would have thought it must have
been an immense time ere it could have been
finished, and [would be surprised] that so
much should be finished in so short a time;
—short, I mean, if compared with-the great-
ness of the work: he also wrote to the rulers
and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered all the
people to gather themselves together to Jeru-
salem, both to see the temple which he had
built, and to remove the ark of God into it;
and when this invitation of the whole body of
the people to come to Jerusalem was every
where carried abroad, it was the seventh month
before they came together; which month is,
by our countrymen, called Thisri; but by the
Macedonians, Hyperberetceus. The Feast of
Tabernacles happened to fall at the same time,
which was kept by the Hebrews as a most holy
and most eminent feast. So they carried the
ark and the tabernacle which Moses had pitch-
ed, and all the vessels that were for ministra-
tion to the sacrifices of God, and removed them
to the temple.f The king himself, and all the
people and the Levites, went before, rendering
the ground moist with sacrifices, and drink-
offerings, and the blood of a great number of
oblations, and burning an immense quantity
of incense; and this till the very air itself
every where round about was so full of these
odours, that it met, in a most agreeable man-
ner, persons at a great distance, and was an
indication of God’s presence, and, as men’s
opinion was, of his habitation with them in
this newly-built and consecrated place, for they
did not grow weary, either of singing hymns,
or of dancing, until they came to the temple;
and in this manner did they carry the ark:
but when they should transfer it into the most
secret places, the rest of the multitude went
away, and only those priests that carried it set
it between the two cherubims, which embra-
cing it with their wings (for so they were
framed by the artificer1), they covered it, as un-
der a tent or a cupola. Now the ark contained

a few cobits more elevated than the middle court, the
cou£ of Israel, and that much more wa9 the court of the
priests elevated several cubits above the outmost court,
since tbe court of Israel was lower than the one, and
higher than the other.

• The Septuagint say, that “ they prepared timber and
stones to build the temple for three years,” 1 Kings v. IS;
and although neither our present Hebrew copy, nor Jo-
sephus, directly name that number of years, yet do they
both say the building itself did not begin till Solomon’s

both say the building ltsell did not begin till
fourth year; and both speak of the preparation of mate-
rials beforehand, 1 Kings v. 18; Antiq. b.viii. ch. 5, sect.
1. There is no reason, therefore, to alter the Septuagin
number; but we are to suppose three years to have b
the just time of the preparation, as I have done in

t’s
ieen

preparation, as 1 have done in my
computation or the expense in building the temple.

+ This solemn removal of the ark from mount Sion
to mount Moriah, at the distance of almost three quar-

aml followed

tors of a mile, confutes that notion of the modern Jews,
ed by many Christians also, as if those two
were, after a sort, one and the same mountain: for which
there is, I think, very little foundation.

nothing else but those two tqples of stone that
preserved the ten commandments, which God
spake to Moses in mount Sinai, and which
were engraved upon them; but they set’the
candlestick, and the table, and*the golden altar
in the temple, before the most secret place, in
the very same places wherein they stood till
that time in the tabernacle. So they offered
up the daily sacrifices; but for the brazen
altar, Solomon set it before the temple, over
against the door, that when the door was open-
ed, it might be exposed to right, and the
sacred solemnities, and the richness of the
sacrifices, might be thence seen; and all the
rest of the vessels they gathered together, and
put them within the temple.

2. Now, as soon as the priests had put all
things in ordep about the ark, and were gone
out, there came down a thick cloud, and stood
there; and spread itself, after a gentle man-
ner, into the temple: such a cloud it was as
was diffused and temperate,—not such a
rough one as we see full of rain in the win-
ter season. This cloud so darkened the place,
that one priest could not discern another;
but it afforded to the minds of all a visible
image and glorious appearance of God’s hav-
ing descended into this temple, and of his
having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein.
So these men were intent upon this thought;
but Solomon rose up (for he was sitting be-
fore), and used such words to God as he
thought agreeable to the divine nature to re-
ceive, and fit for him to give;—for he said,
“ Thou hast an eternal house, O Lord, and
such 'a one as thou hast created for thyself
out of thine own works; — we know it to be
the heaven, and the air, and the earth, and
the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou
contained within their limits. I have indeed
built this temple to thee, and thy name., that
from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform
sacred operations, we may send our prayers
up into the air, and may constantly believe
that thou art present, and art not remote from
what is thine own; for neither when thou
seest all things, and hearest all things, nor now,
when it pleases thee to dwell here, dost thou
leave off the care of all men, but rather thou
art very near to them all, but especially thou
art present to those that address themselves
to thee, whether by night or by day.” When
he had thus solemnly addressed himself to
God, he converted his discourse to the mul-
titude, and strongly represented the power
and* providence of God to them;—how he
had shown all things that were come to piss
to David his father, as many of those things
had already come to pass, and the rest would
certainly come to pass hereafter; and how
he had given him his name, and told to David
what he should be called before he was born;
and foretold, that when he should be king af-
ter his father’s death, he should build him a
temple, which since they saw accomplished,22 2

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VIII.

according to Ids prediction; he required them
to bless God, and by believing him, from the
sight of what they had seen accomplished, ne-
ver to despair of any thing that he had pro-
mised for the future, in order to their happi-
ness, or suspect that it would not come to pass

3.	When the king had thus discoursed to
the multitude, he looked again towards the
temple, and lifting up his right hand to the
multitude, he said, “ It is not possible by what
men can do to return sufficient thanks to God
for his benefits bestowed upon them, for the
Deity stands in need of nothing, and is above
any such requital; but so far as we have been
made superior, O Lord, to other animals by
thee, it becomes us to bless thy Majesty, and
it is necessary for us to return thee thanks
for what thou hast bestowed upon our house,
and on the Hebrew people; for with what
other instrument can we better appease thee,
when thou art angry at us, or more properly
preserve thy favour, than with our voice;
which, as we have it from the air, so do we
know that by that air it ascends upwards [to-
wards thee]. I therefore ought myself to
return thee thanks thereby, in the first place,
concerning my father, whom thou hast raised
from obscurity unto so great joy;- and, in
the next place, concerning myself, since thou
hast performed all that thou hast promised
unto this very day; and I beseech thee, for
the time to come, to afford us whatsoever
thou, O God, hast power to bestow on such
as thou dost esteem; and to augment our
house for all ages, as thou hast promised to
David my father to do, both in his lifetime
and at his death, that our kingdom shall con-*
tinue, and that his posterity should successive-
ly receive it to ten thousand generations. Do
not thou therefore fail to give us these bless-
ings, and to bestow on my children that vir-
tue in which thou delightestl and besides all
this, I humbly beseech thee, that thou wilt
let some portion of thy Spirit come down and
inhabit in this temple, that thou mayest ap-
pear to be with us upon earth. As to thy-
self, the entire heavens, and the immensity
of the things that are therein, are but a small
habitation for thee, much more is this poor
temple so; but 1 entreat thee to keep it as thine
own house, from being destroyed by our ene-
mies for ever, and to take care of it as thine
own possession; but if this people be found
to have sinned, and be thereupon afflicted
by thee with any ‘plague, because of their
sin, as with dearth, or pestilence, or any other
affliction which thou usest to inflict on those
that transgress any of thy holy laws, and if
they fly all of them to this temple, beseech-
ing thee, and begging of thee to deliver them,
then do thou hear their prayers, as being
within thine house, and have mercy upon
them, and deliver them from their afflictions 1
nay, moreover, this help is what I implore of
thee, not for the Hebrews only, when they

are in distress, but when any shall come
hither from any ends of the world whatso-
ever, and shall return from their sins and im-
plore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them,
and hear their prayer 1 for hereby all shall
leant that thou thyself wast pleased with the
building of this house for thee; and thatiwe
are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor
behave ourselves like enemies to such as are
not of our own people., but are willing that
thy assistance should be communicated by
thee to all men in common, and that they
may have the enjoyment of thy benefits be-
stowed upon them.”

4.	When Salomon had said this, and had
cast himself upon the ground, and worshipped
a long time, he rose’ up and brought sacri-
fipes to the altar; and when he had filled it
with unblemished victims, he most evidently
discovered that God had with pleasure ac-
cepted of all that he had sacrificed to him, for
there came a fire running out of the air, and
rushed with violence upon the altar, in the
sight of all, and caught hold of and consumed
the sacrifices. Now, when this divine appear-
ance was seen, the people supposed it to be a
demonstration of God's abode in the temple,
and were pleased with it, and fell down upon
the ground, and worshipped. Upon which
the king began to bless God, and exhorted
the multitude to do the same, as now having
sufficient indications of God’s favourable dis-
position to them; and to pray that they might
always have the like indications from him,
and that he would preserve in them a mind
pure from all wickedness, in righteousness
and religious worship, and that they might
continue in the observation of those precepts
which God had given them by Moses, because
by that means the Hebrew nation would be
happy, and indeed the most blessed of all na-
tions among all mankind. He exhorted them
also to be mindful, that by what methods they
had attained their present good things, by the
same they must preserve them sure to them-
selves, and make them greater, and more than
they were at present; for that it was not suf-
ficient for them to suppose they had received
them on account of their piety and righteous-
ness, but that they had no other way of pre-
serving them for the time to come; for thft
it is not so great a thing for men to acquire
somewhat which they want, as to preserve
what they have acquired, and to be guilty of
no sin, whereby it may be hurt.

5.	So when the king had spoken thus to
the multitude, he dissolved the congregation,
but not till he had completed his oblations,
both for himself and for the Hebrews, inso-
much that he sacrificed twenty and two thou-
sand oxen, and a hundred and twenty thon-
sand sheep; for then it was that the temple
did first of all taste of the victims; and all the
Hebrews, with their wives and children, feast-
ed therein: nay, besides this, the king thenCHAP. V.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEFS*	223

observed splendidly and magnificently the
feast which is called the Feast of Tabernacles,
before the temple, for twice seven days, and
he then feasted together with all the people.

6. When all these solemnities were abun-
dantly satisfied, and nothing was omitted that
concerned the divine worship, the king dis-
missed them; and every one went to their
own homes, giving thanks to the king for the
care he had taken of them, and the works he
had done for them; and praying to God to
preserve Solomon to be their king for a long
time. They also took their jpurney home
with rejoicing, and making merry, and sing-
ing hymns to God; and indeed the, pleasure
they enjoyed, took away the sense of the pains
they all underwent in their journey home.
So when they had brought the ark into the
temple, and had seen its greatness, and how
fine it was, and had been partakers of the
many sacrifices that had been offered, and of
the festivals that had been solemnized, they
every one returned to their own cities. But
a dream that appeared to the king in his sleep,
informed him, that God had heard his pray-
ers; and that he would not only preserve the
temple, but would always abide in it; that is,
in case his posterity and the whole multitude
would be righteous.. And for himself, it said,
that if he continued according to the admo-
nitions of his father, he would advance him
to an immense degree of dignity and happi-
ness, and that then his posterity should be
kings of that country, of the tribe of Judah,
for ever; but that still, if he should be found
a betrayer of the ordinances of the law, and
forget them, and turn away to the worship of
strange gods, he would cut him off by the
roots, and would neither suffer any remainder
of his family to continue, nor would overlook
the people of Israel, or preserve them any
longei from afflictions, but would utterly de-
stroy them with ten thousand wars and mis-
fortunes; would cast them out of the land
which he had given their fathers, and make
them sojourners in strange lands; and deliver
that temple which was now built, to be burnt
and spoiled by their enemies; and that city
to be utterly overthrown by the hands of their
enemies; and make their miseries deserve to
be a proverb, and such as should very hardly
be credited for their stupendous magnitude,
till their neighbours, when they should hear
of them, should wonder at their calamities,
and very earnestly inquire for the occasion,
why the Hebrews, who had been po far ad-
vanced by God to such glory and wealth,
should be then so hated by him? And that
the answer that should he made by the re-
mainder of the people should be, by confess-
ing their sins, and their transgression of the
laws of their country. Accordingly/ we have
it transmitted to us in writing, that thus did
God speak to Solomon in his sleep.

CHAPTER V.

HOW SOLOMON BUILT HIMSELF A ROYAL FA-
LACE, VERY COSTLY AND SPLENDID; AND
HOW HE SOLVED THE RIDDLES WHICH
WERE SENT HIM BY HIRAM.

§ 1. After the building of the temple,
which, as we have before said, was finished
in seven years, the king laid the foundation
of his palace, which he did not finish, under
thirteen years ; for he was not equally zealous
in the building of this palace as he had been
about the temple; for as to that, though it
was a great- work, and required wonderful
and surprising application, yet God, for whom
it was made, so far co-operated therewith,
that it was finished in the forementioned
number of years; but the palace, which was
a building much inferior in dignity to the
temple, both on account that its materials had
not been so long beforehand gotten ready,
nor had been so zealously prepared, and on
account that this was only a habitation for
kings, and not for God, it was longer in
finishing. However, this building was raised
so magnificently, as suited the happy state of
the Hebrews, and of the king thereof: but
it is necessary that I describe the entire struc-
ture and disposition of the parts, that so those
that light upon this book may thereby make
a conjecture, and, as it were, have a prospect
of its magnitude.

, 2. This house was a large and curious
building, and was supported by many pillars,
which Solomon built to contain a multitude
for hearing causes, and taking cognizance of
suits. It was sufficiently capacious to con-
tain a great body of men, who would come
together to have their causes determined. It
was a hundred cubits long, and fifty broad,
and thirty high, supported by quadrangular
pillars, which were all of cedar; but its rpof
was according to the Corinthian order,* with
folding doors, and their adjoining pillars of
equal magnitude, each fluted with thr-e cavi-

* This mention of the Corinthian ornaments of archi-
tecture in Solomon’s palace by Josephs*. seems to ha
here set down by way of prolepsis; for although it ap-
pears to me that the Grecian and Ro<l,in most ancient
rders of architecture were taken frofl Solomon’s tom pie,
,s from their original patterns, yet X >» not to dear that
be last and most ornamental orier of the Corinthian
ras so ancient, although what the same Josephus says
le War, b. ▼. ch. v. sect. ?J- that one of the gates of

rithout dispute, much oUer than the reign 01 Herod,
lowever, upon some trial, I confess I have not hitherto
een able fully to understand the structure of this palace
f Solomon, either as described in our Bibles, or even
ritb the additional help of this description here by Jose-

■ -	----J.........------------------ that

mbits

ng, and SO cubits broad, are the very same with the
•ea of the court of the tabernacle of Moses, and Jos*
ilf an Egyptian aroura, or aora224	ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.	BOOK VIII.

ties: which building was at once firm and
very ornamental. There was also another
house so ordered, that its entire breadth was
placed in the middle; it was quadrangular,
and its breadth was thirty cubits, having a
temple over against it, raised upon massy pil-
lars; in which temple there was a large and
very glorious room, wherein the king sat in
judgment. To this was joined another house,
that was built for his queen. There were
ather smaller edifices for diet, and for sleep,
after public matters were over; and these
were, all doored with boards of cedar. Some
of these Solomon built with stones of ten
cubits, and wainscoted the walls with other
stones that were sawed, and were of great
value, such as are dug out of the earth for
the ornaments of temples, and to make fine
prospects in royal palaces, and which make
the mines whence they are dug famous.
Now the contexture of the curious workman-
ship of these stones was in three rows, but
the fourth row would make one admire its
sculptures, wliereby were represented trees,
and' all sorts of plants, with the shades that
arose from their branches, and leaves that
hung down from th«m. Those trees and
plants covered the storm that was beneath
them, and their leaves were wrought so pro-
digious thin and subtile, that you would
think they were in motion; but the other
part, up to the roof, was plastered over, and,
bs it were, embroidered with colours and pic-
tures. He, moreover, built other edifices
for pleasure; as also very long cloisters, and
those situate in an agreeable place of the pa-
lace; and among them a most glorious di-
ning-room, for feastings and com potations, and
full of gold, and such other furniture as so
fine a room ought to have for the conveniency
of the guests, and where all the vessels were
made of gold. Now it is very hard to reck-
on up the magnitude and the variety of the
royal apartments; how many rooms there
were of the largest sort, how many of a big-
ness ipferior to those, and how many that
were subterraneous and invisible; the curi-
osity of those that enjoyed the fresh air; and
the groves for the most delightful prospect,
for the avowing the heat, and covering of
their bodies. 'And to say all in brief, Solo-
mon made the whole building entirely of
white stone, and tedar-wood, and gold, and
silver. He also adorned the roofs and walls
with stones set in gold, and beautified them
thereby in the same mazier as he had beau-
tified the temple of God both the like 6tones.
He also made himself a tmpne of prodigious
bigness, of ivory, constructed,as a seat of jus-
tice, and haying six steps to it: on every one
of which stood, on each end of the step, two
lions, two other lions standing above also;
but at the sitting place of the throne, hands
came out, and received the king; and when
be sot backward, he reeled on half a bullock.

that looked towards his back; but still all
was fastened together with gold.

• 3. When Solomon had completed all this
in twenty years’ time, because Hiram king of
Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold,
and more silver to these buildings, as also
cedar-wood and pine-wood, he also rewarded
Hiram with rich presents; corn he sent him
also year by year, and wine and oil, which
were the principal things that he stood in
need of, because he inhabited an island, as
we have already said. And besides these,

which, when Hiram went to, and viewed, and
did not like the gift, he sent word to Solo-
mon that he did not want such cities as they
were; and after that time those cities were
called the land of Cabul; which name, if it
be interpreted according to the language of
the Phoenicians, denotes what does not please.
Moreover, the king of Tyre 6ent sophisms
and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and de-
sired he would solve them, and free them
from the ambiguity that was in them. Now
of so sagacious an understanding was Solo-
mon, that none of these problems were too
hard for him; but he conquered them all by
his reasonings, and discovered their hidden
meaning, and brought it to light. Menan-
der also, one who translated the Tyrian ar-
chives out of the dialect of the Phoenicians
into the Greek language, makes mention of
these two kings, where he says thus:—“ When
Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram received
the kingdom from him, vyho,. when he had
lived fifty-three years, reigned thirty-four.
He raised a bank in the large place, and de-
dicated the golden pillar which is in Jupiter’s
temple. He also went and cut down mate-
rials of timber out of the mountain called Li-
banus, for the roof of temples; and when he
had pulled down the ancient temples, he
both built the temple of Hercules and that of
Astarte; and he first set up the temple of
Hercules in the month Peritius; he also made
an expedition against the Euchii [or Titii],
who did not pay their tribute; and when he
had subdued them to himself he returned.
Under this king there was Abdemon, a very
youth in age, who always conquered the dif-
ficult problems which Solomon, king of Je-
rusalem, commanded him to explain.” Dius
also makes mention of him, where he. says
thus: — “When Abibalus was dead, his son
Hiram reigned. He raised the eastern parts
of the city higher, and made the city itself
larger. He also joined the temple of Jupi-
ter, which before stood by itself, to the city,
by raising a bank in the middle between them;
and he adorned it with donations of gold.
Moreover, he went up to Mount Libanus
and cut down materials of wood for the build-
ing of the temples.” He says also, that
“ Solomon, who was then king of Jerusalem.

he granted him certain cities of Galilee, twen-
ty in number, that lay not far from Tyre;CHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES Of’ THE JEWS.

sent riddles to Hiram, and desired to receive
the like from him; but that be who could
not solve them should pay money to them
that did solve them; and that Hiram ac-
cepted the conditions; and when he was not
able to solve the riddles [proposed by So-
lomon], he paid a great deal of money for
his fine; but that he afterwards did solve the
proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a
man of Tyre; and that Hiram proposed
other riddles,, which, when Solomon could
not solve, he paid .back a great deal of
money to Hiram/’ This it is which Dius
wrote.

CHAPTER VI.

BOW SOLOMON FORTIFIED THE CITY OF JERU-
SALEM, AND BUILT GREAT CITIES; AND
HOW HE BROUGHT SOME OF THE CANAAN-
ITES INTO SUBJECTION, AND ENTERTAINED
THE QUEEN OF EGYPT AND OF ETHIOPIA.

§ 1. Now when the king saw that the walls of
Jerusalem stood in need of being better se-
cured, and made stronger (for he thought the
walls that encompassed Jerusalem ought to
correspond to the dignity of the city) he both
repaired them and made them higher, with
great towers upon them; he also built cities
which might be counted among the strongest,
Hazor and Megiddo, and the third Gezer,
which had indeed belonged to the Philistines;
but Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made
an expedition against it, and besieged it, and
taken it by force; and when he had slain all
its inhabitants, he utterly overthrew it, and
gave it as a present to his daughter, who had
been married to Solomon: for which reason
the king rebuilt it, as a city that was natu-
rally strong, and might be useful in wars, and
the mutations of affairs that sometimes hap-
pen. Moreover, he built two other cities not
far from it; Betb-horon was the name of one
of them, and Balaath of the other. He
also built other cities that lay conveniently
for these, in order to the enjoyment of plea-
sures and delicacies in them, such as were
naturally of a good temperature of the air,
and agreeable for fruits ripe in their proper
seasons, and well watered with springs. Nay,
Solomon went as far as the desert above Sy-
ria, and possessed himself of it, and built
there a very great city, which was distant two
days’ journey from the Upper Syria, and one
day’s journey from Euphrates, and six long
days’ journey from Babylon the Great. Now
the reason why this city lay so remote from
the parts of Syria that are inhabited, is this:
That below there is no water to be had, and
that it is in that place only that there are
springs and pits of water. When he bad
therefore built this city, and encompassed it

225

wjth very strong walls, he gave it the name
of Tadmor; and that is the name it is still
called by at this day among the Syrians; but
the Greeks name it Palmyra.

2. Now Solomon the king was at this time
engaged in building these cities. But if any
inquire why all the kings of Egypt from
Menes, who built Memphis, and was many
years earlier than our forefather Abraham,
until Solomon, where the interval was more
than one thousand three hundred years, were
called Pharaohs, and took it from one Pha-
raoh tnat lived after the kings of that inter-
val, I think it necessary to inform them of it,
and this in order to cure their ignorance, and
to make the occasion of that name manifest.
Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a
king* but I suppose they made use of other
names from their childhood; but when they
were made kings, they changed them into the
name which, in their own tongue, denoted
their authority; for thus it was also that the
kings of Alexandria, who were called formerly
by other names when they took the king-
dom, were named Ptolemies, from their first
king. The Roman emperors also were, from
their nativity, called by other names, but are
styled Caesars, their empire and their dignity
imposing that name upon them, and not suffer-
ing them to continue in those names which their
fathers gave them. I suppose also that Herodo-
tus of Halicarnassus, when he said there were
three hundred and thirty kings of Egypt after
Menes, who built Memphis, did therefore not
tell us their names, because they were in com-
moncalled Pharaohs; for when aftertheir death
there was a queen reigq'ed, he calls her by her
namp Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while
the kings were of the male line, and so ad-
mitted of the same name, while a woman did
not admit the same, he did therefore set down
that her name, which she could not naturally
have. As for myself, I have discovered from
our own books that after Pharaoh, the father-
in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt
did any longer use that name; and that it was
after that time when the forenamed queen of
Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, con-
cerning whom we shall inform the reader pre-
sently ; but I have now made mention of
these things, that I may prove that our books

* This signification of the name Pharaoh appears to
be true- But what Josephus adds presently, that no
king of Egypt was called Pharaoh after Solomon’s father-
in-law, does hardly agree to our copies, which have
long afterwards the names of Pllaraoh Necboh and
Pharaoh Hophrah (3 Kings xxiii. 29; Jer. xliv. 30);
besides the frequent mention of that name in the pro-
phets However, Josephus himself, in his own speech
to the Jews (Of the War, b. v. chap. ix. sect- 4), speaks of
Nechao, who was also called Pharaoh, as the name of
that king of Egypt with whom Abraham was concern-
ed; of which name Nerfhao yet we have elsewhere no
mention till the days of Josiah, but only of Pharaoh.
And indeed it must he confessed that here, and sect. 5,
we have more mistakes made by Josephus, and those
relating to the kings of Egypt, and to the queen of
Egypt and Ethiopia, whom he supposes to have corns
to see Solomon, than almost any where else in all hi*
Antiquities.

PANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VIII.

220

and those of the Egyptians agree together in
many things.

3.	But king Solomon subdued to himself
the remnant of the Canaanites that had not
before submitted to him;—those I mean that
dwelt in mount Lebanon, and as far as the
city Hamath; and ordered them to pay tri-
bute. He also chose out of them every year
such as were to serve him in the meanest
offices, and to do his domestic works, and to
follow husbandry; for none of the Hebrews
were servants [in such low employments];,
nor was it reasonable that, when God Lad
brought so many nations under their power,
they should depress their own people to such
mean offices of life, rather than those nations;
but all the Israelites were concerned in war-
like affairs, and were in armour, and were set
over the chariots and the horses rather than
leading the life of slaves. He appointed also
five hundred and fifty rulers over those Ca-
naanites who were reduced to such domestic
slavery, who received the entire care of them
from the king, and instructed them in those
labours and operations wherein he wanted
their assistance.

4.	Moreover, the king built many ships in
the Egyptian Bay of the Red Sea, in a cer-
tain place called Ezion-geber: it is now called
Berenice, and is not far from the city Eloth.
This country belonged formerly to the Jews,
and became useful for shipping, from the do-
nations of Hiram, king of Tyre; for he sent a
sufficient number of men thither for pilots,
and such as were skilful in navigation; to
whom Solomon gave this command: That
they should go along with his own stewards
to the land that was of ola called Ophir, but
now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs
to India, to fetch him gold. And when they
had gathered four hundred talents together,
they returned to the king again.

5.	There was then a woman, queen of
Egypt and Ethiopia;* she was inquisitive into
philosophy, and one that on other accounts
also was to be admired. When this queen
heard of the virtue and prudence of Solo-
mon, she had a great mind to see him; and
the reports that went every day abroad in-
duced her to come to him, 6he being desirous
to be satisfied by her own experience, and not
by a bare hearing (for reports thus heard are
likely enough to comply with a false opinion,
while they wholly depend on the credit of the
relaters); so she resolved to come to him, and
that especially, in order to have a trial of his

* That this queen of Sbeba was a queen of Sabea in
South Arabia, and not of Egypt, and Ethiopia, as Jose-
phus here asserts, is, I suppose, now generally agreed;
and since Sabsea is well known to be a country near the
sea in the south of Arabia Felix, which lay south from
Judea also; and since our Saviour calls this queen
“ the queen of the south,” and says, “ she came from
the utmost parts of the earth” (Matt xii. 42; Luke xi.

a than
occasion for

31), which descriptions agree better to this Arabii
to Egypt and Ethiopia, there is little occasii
doubting in this matter.

wisdom, while she proposed questions of very
great difficulty, and entreated that he would
solve their hidden meaning. Accordingly
she came to Jerusalem with great splendour
and rich furniture; for she brought with her
camels laden with gold, with several sorts of
sweet spices, and with precious stones. Now,
qpon the king’s kind reception of her, he both
showed a great desire to please her, and easily
comprehending in his mind the meaning of
the curious questions she propounded to him,
he resolved them sooner than any body could
have expected. So she was amazed at the
wisdom of Solomon, and discovered that it
was more excellent upon trial than what she
had heard by report beforehand; and espe-
cially she was surprised at the fineness and
largeness of his royal palace, and not less so at
the good order of the apartments, for §he ob-
served that the king had therein shown great
wisdom; but she was beyond measure asto-
nished at the house which was called the Fo-
rest of Lebanon, as also at the magnificence of
his daily table, and the circumstances of its
preparation and ministration, with the apparel
of his servants that waited, and the skilful
and decent management of their attendance:
nor was she less affected with those daily
sacrifices which were offered to God, and the
careful management which the priests and
Levites used about them. When she saw
this done every day, she was in the greatest
admiration imaginable, insomuch that she was
not able to contain the surprise she was in,
but openly confessed how wonderfully she
was affected; for she proceeded to discourse
with the king, and thereby owned that she
was overcome with admiration at the things
before related; and said, “ All things, in-
deed, O king, that came to our knowledge
by report, came with uncertainty as to our
belief of them; but as to those good things
that to thee appertain, both such as thou thy-
self possessest, I mean wisdom and prudence,
and the happiness thou hast from thy king-
dom, certainly the same that came to us was
no falsity; it was not only a true report, but
it related thy happiness after a much lowe.
manner than I now see it to be before my
eyes. For as for the report, it only attempted
to persuade our hearing, but did not so
make known the dignity of the things them-
selves as does the sight of them, and being
present among them. I, indeed, who did
not believe what was reported, by reason of
the multitude and grandeur of the things 1
inquired about, do see them to be much more
numerous than they were reported to be.
Accordingly, I esteem the Hebrew people,
as well as thy servants and friends, to be
happy, who enjoy thy presence, and. hear thy.
wisdom every day continually. One would
therefore bless God, who hath so loved this
country, and those that inhabit therein, as to
make thee king over them.”CHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

227

6. Now when the queen had thus demon-
strated in words how deeply the king had
affected her, her disposition was known by
certain presents, for she gave him twenty
talents of gold, and an immense quantity
of spices and precious stones. (They say
also that we possess the root of that bal-
sam which our country still bears by this
woman’s gift).* Solomon also repaid her
with many good things, and principally by
bestowing upon her what she chose of her
own inclination, for there was nothing that
she desired which he denied her; and as
he was very generous and liberal in his
own temper, so did he show the greatness
of his soul in bestowing on her what she
herself desired of him. So when this
queen of Ethopia had obtained what we
already given an account of, and had again
communicated to the king what she brought
wity her, she returned to her own kingdom.

CHAPTER VII.

BOW SOLOMON GREW RICH, AND FELL DESPE-
RATELY IN LOVE WITH WOMEN, AND HOW
GOD, BEING INCENSED AT IT, RAISED UP
ADER AND JEROBOAM AGAINST HIM. CON-
CERNING THE DEATH OF SOLOMON.

§ I. About the same time there were

by those that purchase them; for those we
speak of were to the. sight like the wood of
the fig-tree, but were whiter and more
shining. Now we have said thus* much,
that nobody may be ignorant of the differ-
ence between these sorts of wood, nor unac-
quainted with the nature of the genuine
pine-tree; and we thought it both a season-
able and humane thing when we mentioned
it, and the uses the king made of it, to ex-
plain this difference so tar as we have done.

2. Now the weight of gold that was
brought him was Bix hundred and Bixty-
six talents, not including in that sum what
was brought by the merchants, nor what
the toparchs and kings of Arabia gave him
in presents. He also cast two hundred
targets of gold, each of them weighing six
hundred shekels: he also made three hun-
dred shields, every one weighing three
pounds of gold, and he had them carried
and put into that house which was called
The Forest of Lebanon. He also made
cups of gold, and of [precious] stones, for
the entertainment of his guests, and had
them adorned in the most artificial manner;
and he contrived that all his other furniture
of vessels should be of gold, for there was
nothing then to be sold or bought for silver;
for the king had many ships which lay upon
the Sea of Tarsus, these he commanded to
carry out all sorts of merchandise into the
remotest nations, by the sale of which silver
and gold were brought to the king, and a
great quantity of ivory, arid Ethiopians,

brought to the king from the Aurea Cher- and apes; and they finished their voyage,

sonesus, a country so called, precious stones
and pine-trees, and these trees he made UBe
of for supporting the temple and the palace,
as also for the materials of musical instru-
ments, the harps, and the psalteries, that
the Levites might make use of them in
their hymns to God. The wood which was
brought to him at this time was larger and
finer than any that had ever been brought
before; but let no one imagine that these
pine-trees were like those which are now so
named, and which take that their denomina-
tion from the merchants, who so call them,
that they may procure them to be admired

ral have said, that of old no country bore this pree.ii
balsam but J udea; yet it is not only false that this balsam
was peculiar to Judea, but both bgyptand Arabia,and
particularly Sabaea, had it; which last was that very coun-
try whence J osephus, if understood not of Ethiopia but of
Arabia, intimates this queen might bring it first into J u-
dea. Nor are we to suppose that the queen of Sabea
could will omit such a present, as this balsam-true would
oe esteemed by Solomon, in case it were then almost pe-
culiar to nerown rountry: nor istbe mention of balm or
ba-saro, as carried by merchants, and sent as a present
out of Judea by Jacob, to the governor of Egypt (Gen.
xxxvii. 25. and xliii. 11), to be alleged to the contrary,
since what we there render balm or balsam denotes rather
that turpentine which we now call Turpentine of Chio or
Cyprus, the juice of the turpentine-tree, than this precious
balsam, t his last is also the same word that we rise-
where render, hv the same mistake Balm nt	it

going and returning, in three years’ time.

3. Accordingly there went a great fame all
around the neighbouring countries, which
proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of Solo-
mon, insomuch that all the kings every-
where were desirous to see him, as not giving
credit to what was reported, on account of
its'being almost incredible: they also de-
monstrated the regard they had for him
by the presents thev made him ; for they
sent him vessels of gold and silver, ana
purple garments, and many sorts of spices,
and horses, and chariots, ana as manymules
for his carriages as they could find proper
to please the king’s eyes, by their strength
and beauty. This addition that he made
to those chariots and horses which he had
before from those that were sent him aug-
mented the number of his chariot? by above
four hundred, for he had a thousand before,
and augmented the number of bis horses
by two thousand, for he had twenty thou-
sand before. These horses also were so
much exercised, in order to their making a
fine appearance, and running swiftly, that
no others could, upon the comparison, appear
either finer or swifter; but they were at once
the most beautiful of all others, and their
BwiftneBs was incomparable. Their riders
also were a further ornament to them,being,
in the first place, young men in the most
ahouid he rend -red the Turpentine of Giieuit. Jer vm. 22.! delightful flower of their age, and being e mi-ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

book vm,

228

nent for their largeness, and far taller than
other men. They had also very long heads of
hair hanging down, and were clothed in gar-
ments of 'Tyrian purple. They had also dust
of gold every day sprinkled on their hair, so
that their heads sparkled with the reflection
of the sun-beams from the gold. The king
himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of
these men, who were still in armour, and had
their bows fitted to them. He had on a white
garment, and used to take his progress out of
the city in the morning. There was a certain
place, about fifty furlongs distant from Jeru-
salem, which is called Etham, very pleasant
it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivu-
lets of water;* thither did he use to go out in
the morning, sitting on high [in his chariot].

4.	Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in
all things, and was very diligent and studious
to have things done after an elegant manner;
so be did not neglect the care of the ways,
but he laid a causeway of black stone along
the roads that led to Jerusalem, which was the
royal city, both to render them easy for tra-
vellers, and to manifest the grandeur of his
riches and government. He also parted his
chariots, and set them in a regular order, that
a certain number of them should be in every
city, still keeping a few about him; and those
cities he called the cities of his chariots; and
the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusa-
lem as the stones in the street; and so multi-
plied cedar-trees in the plains of Judea, which
did not grow there before, that they were like
to the multitude of common sycamore-trees.
He also ordained the Egyptian merchants
that brought him their merchandise, to sell
him a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six
hundred drachmae of silver, and he sent them
to the kings of Syria, and to those kings that
were beyond Euphrates.

5.	But although Solomon was become the
most glorious of kings, and the best beloved
by God, and had exceeded in wisdom and
riches those that had been rulers of the He-
brews before him, yet did not he persevere in
this happy state till he died. Nay, he for-
sook the observation of the laws of his father,
and came to an end no way suitable to our
foregoing history of him. He grew mad in
his love of women, and laid no restraint on
himself in his lusts; nor was he satisfied'with
the women of his country alone, but he mar-

• Whether these fine gardens and rivulets of Etham,
about six miles from Jerusalem, whither Solomon rode so
often in state, be not those alluded to, Eccles. li. 5,6;
where he says, “ He made him gardens and orchards, and
planted trees in them of all kinds of fruits; he made him

trees;” and to the finest part whereof be seems to allude,
when, in the Canticles, he compares his spouse to a “gar-
den enclosed,” to a “ spring shut up,” to a “ fountain
sealed,” ch. iv. 12 (part of which fountains are still extant,
as Mr. Maundrell informs us, pp H7, 88), cannot now be
certainly determined, but may very probably be conjec-
tured. But, whether this Etham has any relation to those

Tivernof Etham, which Providence once dried up in a mi-
raculous manner, Ps. Ixxiv. 15, in the Septuagint, I i
not say.

ried many wives out of foreign nations: Si-
donians, and Tyrians, and Ammonites, and
Edomites; and he transgressed the laws of
Moses, which forbade Jews to marry any but
those that were of their own people. He
also began to worship their gods, which he
did in order to the gratification of his wives,
and out of his affection for them. This very
thing our legislator suspected, and so admo-
nished us beforehand, that we should not
marry women of other countries, lest we
should be entangled with foreign customs,
and apostatize from our own; lest we should
leave off to honour our own God, and should
worship their gods. But Solomon was fallen
headlong into unreasonable pleasures, and
regarded not those admonitions; for when
he had married seven hundred wives,f the
daughters of princes, and of eminent persons,
and three hundred concubines, and these be-
sides the king of Egypt’s daughter, he soon
was governed by them, till he came to imitate
their practices. He was forced to give them
this demonstration of his kindness and affec-
tion to them, to live according to the laws of
their countries. And as he grew into years,
and his reason became weaker by length of
time, it was not sufficient to recall to his
mind the institutions of his own country; so
he still more and more contemned his own
God, and continued to regard the gods that
his marriages had introduced: nay, before
this happened, he sinned, and fell into an
error about the observation of the laws, when
he made the images of brazen oxen that sup-
ported the brazen sea,J and the images of
lions about his own throne; for these he
made, although it was not agreeable to piety
so to do; and this he did, notwithstanding
that he had his father as a most excellent and
domestic pattern-of virtue, and knew yghat a
glorious character he had left behind him,
because cf his piety towards God; nor did
he imitate David, although God had twice ap-
peared to him in his sleep, and exhorted him
to imitate his father: so he died ingloriously.
There came therefore a prophet to him, who
was sent by God, and told him that his wicked
-t These 700 wives, or the daughters of great men, and
the 300 concubines, the daughters of the ignoble, make
1000 in all; and are, I suppose, those very 1000 women
intimated elsewhere by Solomon himself, when he speaks
of his not having found one [good) woman among that
very number, Eccles. vii. 28.

t Josephus is here certainly too severe upon Solomon,
who, in making the cherubims and these twelve brazen
oxen, seems to have done no more than imitate the pat-
terns left him by David; which were all given David by
divine inspiration. See my description of the temples,
ch. x.; and although God gave no direction for the lions
that adorned his throne, yet does not Solomon seem
therein to have broken any law of Moses; for although
the Pharisees and latter liabhios have extended the se-
cond commandment, to forbid the very making of any
image,though withoutany intention to have it worshipped,
yet do not I suppose that Solomon so understood it, nor
that it ought to be so understood. The making any other
altar for worship but that at the taberoacle, was equally
forbidden by Moses, Ant. b. iv. ch. viii. s. 5; yet did not
the two tribes and a half offend when they made an altar
for a memorial only. Josh. xxii.; Ant. b. v.cb. i. s. 26,27.CHAP. VII,	AMTQUITIES OF THE JEWS,	229

actions were not concealed from God; and
threatened him that he should not long re-
ioice in what he had done: that indeed the
kingdom should not be taken from him while
he was alive, because God had promised to
his father David that, he would make him his
successor, but that lie would take care that
this should befall his son when he was dead;
not that he would withdraw all the people
from him, but that he would give ten tribes
to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes
to David’s grandson for his sake, because he
loved God, and for the sake of the city of
Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple.

6.	When Solomon heard this he was grieved,
and greatly confounded, upon this change of
almost all that happiness which had made
him to be admired, into so bad a state; nor
had there much time passed after the prophet
had foretold what was coming, before God
raised up an enemy against him, whose name
was Ader, who took the following occasion
of his enmity to him:—He was a child of the
stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal;
and when Joab, the captain of David’s host,
laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed
all that were men grown, and able to bear
arms, for six months’ time, this Hadad fled
away, and .came to Pharaoh, the king of
Egypt, who received him kindly, and assigned
him a house to dwell in, and a country to
supply him with food; and when he was grown
up, he loved him exceedingly, insomuch that
he gave him his wife’s sister, whose name was
Tahpenes, to wife, by whom he had a son,
who was brought up with the king’s children.
When Hadad heard in Egypt that both David
and Joab were dead, he came to Pharaoh, and
desired that he would permit him to go to his
own country: upon which the king asked
what it was that he wanted, and what hardship
he*had met with, that he was so desirous to
leave him; and when he was often trouble-
some to him, and entreated him to dismiss
him, he did itot then do it. But at the time
when Solomon’s affairs began to grow worse,
on account of his forementioned transgres-
sions,* and God’s anger against him for the
same, Hadad, by Pharaoh’s permission, came
to Edom; and* when he was not able to make
the people forsake Solomon, for it was kept
under by many garrisons, and an innovation
was not to be made with safety, he removed
thence, and came into Syria; there he lighted
upon one Rezon, who had run away from Ha-
dadezer, king of Zobah, his master, and was
become a robber in that country, and joined
friendship with him, who had already a band

• Since the beginning of Solomon’s evil life and ad-
versity was the time when Hadad or Ader, who was born
at least 20 or 30 years before Solomon name to the crown,
in the days of David, began to give him disturbance,
this implies that Solomon’s evil life began early, and
continued very long, which the multitude of bis wives
and concubines does imply also: I suppose when he was
not fifty years of age.

of robbers about him. So he went up, and
seized upon' that part of Syria, and was made
king thereof. He also made incursions into
the land of Israel, arid did it no small mis-
chief, and spoiled it, and that in the life-time
of Solomon. And this was the calamity which
the Hebrews suffered by Hadad.

7.	There was also one of Solomon’s own
nation that made an attempt against him,
Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an ex-
pectation of rising, from*a prophecy that had
been made to him long before. He was left
a child by his father, and brought up by his
mother; and when Solomon saw that he was
of an active and bold disposition, he made him
the curator of the walls which he built round
about Jerusalem; and he took such care of
those works, that the king approved of his
behaviour, and gave him, as a reward for the
same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And
when about that time Jeroboam was once
going out of Jerusalem; a prophet of the city
Shilo, whose name was Ahijah, met him, and
saluted him; and when he had taken him a
little aside, to a place out of the way, where
there was not one other person present, he
rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces,
and bid Jeroboam take ten of them; and told
Lim beforehand, that “this is the will of
God: he will part the dominion of Solomon,
and give one tribe, with that which is next it,
to his son, because of the promise made to
David for his succession, and will give ten
tribes to thee, because Solomon hath sinned
against him, and delivered up himself to women,
and to their gods. Seeing therefore thou
knowest the cause for which God hath changed
his mind, and is alienated from Solomon, be
thou righteous and keep the laws, because he
hath proposed to thee the greatest of all re-
wards for thy piety, and the honour thou
shalt pay to God, namely, to be as greatly
exalted as thou knowest David to have been.”

8.	So Jeroboam was elevated by these
words of the prophet; and being a young
man,f of a warm temper, and ambitious of
greathess, he could not be quiet; and when
he had so great a charge in the government,
and called to mind what had been revealed to
him by Ahijah, he endeavoured to persuade
the people to forsake Solomon, to make a dis-
turbance, and to bring the government over
to himself; but when Solomon understood
his intention and treachery, he sought to catch
him and kill him; but Jerobdam was informed
of it beforehand,.and fled to Shishak, the king
of Egypt, and there abode till the death of

+ This youth of Jeroboam, when Solomon built the
walls of Jerusalem, not very long after he had finished
his twenty years buildiDg of the temple and bis own
palace, or not very long after the twenty-fourth of hia
reign (I Kings ix. 2 Chron. viii. 11), aDd his youth
here still mentioned, when Solomon’s wickedness was
become intolerable, fully confirm my former observation,
that such his wickedness began early, and continued very
long. See Eccles, zlviL 14.230

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VIII,

Solomon; by which means he gained these
two advantages,—to suffer no harm from So-
lomon, and to be preserved for the kingdom.
So Solomon died when he was already an old
man, having reigned eighty years, and lived
ninety-four. He was buried in Jerusalem,
having been superior to all other kings -in
happiness, and riches, and wisdom, excepting
that when he was growing into years he was
deluded by women, and transgressed the law;
concerning which transgressions, and the
miseries which befell the Hebrews thereby, I
think proper to discourse at another oppor-
tunity.

CHAPTER VIIL

HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF SOLOMON, THE
PEOPLE FORSOOK HIS SON REHOBOAM, AND
ORDAINED JEROBOAM KING OVER THE TEN-
TRIBES.

§ 1. Now when Solomon was dead, and his
son Rehoboam (who was born of an Ammon
ite wife, whose name was Naamah) had suc-
ceeded him in the kingdom, the rulers of the
multitude sent immediately into Egypt, and
called back Jeroboam; and when he was
come to them, to the city Shechem, RehO'
boam came to it also, for he had resolved
to declare himself king to the 'Israelites, while
they were there gathered together. So the
rulers of the people, as well as Jeroboam,
came to him, and besought him, and said that
be ought to relax, and to be gentler than his
father, in the servitude he had imposed on
them, because they had borne a heavy yoke,
and that then they should be better, affected
to him, and be well contented to serve him
under his moderate government, and should do
it more out of love than fear; but Rehoboam
told them they should come to him again in
three days’ time, when he would give an answer
to their request. This delay gave occasion to a
present suspicion, since he had not given tbs.m
a favourable answer to their mind immediately,
for they thought that he should have given
them a humane answer offhand, especially
since he was but young. However, they
thought that this consultation about it, and
that he did not presently give them a denial,
afforded them some good hope of success.,

2. Rehoboam now called his father’s friends,
and advised with them what sort of answer
he ought to give to the multitude: upon
which they gave him the advice which became
friends, and those that knew the temper of
such a multitude. Thi-y advised him to speak
in a way more popular than suited the grandeur
of a king, because he would thereby oblige
them to submit to him with good-will, it be-
ing most agreeable to subjects that their kings
should be almost upon the level with them;

—but Rehoboam rejected this, so good, and
hi general so profitable advice (it was such at
least, at that time when he was to be made
king), God himself, I suppose, causing what
was most advantageous to be condemned by
him. So he called for the young men who
were brought up with him, and told them
what advice the elders had given him, and
bade them speak what they thought he ought
to do. They advised him to give the follow-
ing answer to the people- (for neither their
youth nor God himself suffered them to dis-
cern what was best):—-That his little finger
should be thicker than his father’s loins; and
if they had met. with hard usage from his fa-
ther, they should experience much rougher
treatment from him; and if his father had
chastised them with whips, .they must expect
that he would do it with scorpions.* The
king was pleased with this advice, and thought
it agreeable to the dignity of his government
to give them such an answer. Accordingly,
when the multitude was come together to hear
his answer on the third day, all the people
were in great expectation, and very intent to
hear what the king would say to them, and
supposed they should hear somewhat of a kind
nature; but he passed by his friends, and an-
swered as the young men had given him
counsel. Now this was done according to
the will of God, that what A hijah had fore-
told might come to pass.

3. By these words the people were struck,
as it were, by an iron hammer, and were so
grieved at the words,, as if they had already
felt the effects of them; and they had great
indignation at the king; and all cried out
aloud, and said, “ We will have no longer any
relation to David or his posterity after this
day;” and they said farther, “We only leave
to Rehoboam the temple which his father
built;” and they threatened to forsake him.
Nay, they were so bitter, and retained their
wrath so long, that when he sent Adoram,
who was over the tribute, that he might pacify
them, and render them milder, and persuade
them to forgive him, if he had said any
thing that was rash or grievous to them in hi,s
youth, they would not hear it, but threw
stones at him and killed him. When Rehoboam
saw this, he thought himself aimed at by those
stones with which they had killed his servant,
and feared lest he should undergo the last of
punishments in earnest; so he got immedi-
ately into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem,
where the tribe of Judah and that of Benja-
min ordained him king; but the rest of the
multitude forsook the sons of David from that
day, and appointed Jeroboam to be the ruler
of their public affairs. Upon this Rehoboam,

• That by scorjrions is not here meant that small ani-
mal so called, which was never used in corrections; bat
either a shrub with sharp prickles, like the stings of
scorpions, such as our furze-bush, or else some terrible
sort of whip of the like nature. See Hudson’s and Span-
hcim’s notes here.CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

231

Solomon's son, assembled a great congrega-
tion of those two tribes that submitted to him,
and was ready to take a hundred and eighty
thousand chosen men out of the army, to
make an expedition against Jeroboam and his
people, that he might force them by war to
be his servants; but he was forbidden of God
by the prophet [Shemaiah] to go to war; for
that it was not just that brethren of the same
country should fight one against another.
He also said that this defection of the multi-
tude was according'to the purpose of God.
So he did not proceed in this expedition:—
and now I will relate first the actions of Je-
roboam the king of Israel, after which we
will relate what are therewith connected, the
actions of Rehoboam, the king of the two
tribes; by this means we shall preserve the
good order of the history entire.

4. When therefore Jeroboam had built a
palace in the city Shechem, he dwelt there.
He also built him another at Penuel, a city
so called; and how the Feast of Tabernacles
was approaching in a little time, Jeroboam
considered if he should permit the multitude
to go to worship God at Jerusalem, and there
to celebrate the festival, they would probably

you, certain priests and Levites from among
yourselves, that you may have no want of the
tribe of Levi, or of the sons of Aaron; but
let him that is desirous among you of being a
priest, bring to God a bullock and a ram,
which they say Aaron the first priest brought
also." When Jeroboam had said this, he.de-
luded the people, and made them to revolt
from the worship of their forefathers, arid to
transgress their laws. This was the beginning
of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause
why they were overcome in war by foreigners,
and so fell into captivity. But we shall relate
those things in their proper places hereafter.

5. When the feast [of Tabernacles] was
just approaching, Jeroboam was desirous to
celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two
tribes celebrate it in Jerusalem. Accordingly
he built an altar before the heifer, and under-
took to be high-priest^ himself. So he went
up to the altar, with his own priests about him;
but when he was going to offer the sacrifices,
and the burnt-offerings in the sight of all the
people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was
sent by God, and came to him from Jerusa-
lem, who stood in the midst of the multitude,
and in the hearing of the king, and directing

repent of what they had done, and be enticed ! his discourse to the altar, said thus:—“ God

by the temple, and by the worship of God
there performed, and would l£ave him, and
return to their first king; and if so he should
run the risk of losing his own life: so he in-
vented this contrivance: He made two golden
heifers, and built two little temples for them,
the one in the city Bethel, and the other in
Dan, which last was at the fountains of the
Lesser Jordan,* and he put the heifers into
both the little temples, in the forementioned
cities. And when he had called those ten
tribes together, over whom he ruled, he made
a speech to the people in these words: “ I
suppose, my countrymen, that you know this,
that every place hath God in it; not is there
any one determinate place in which he is, but
he every where hears and sees those that wor-
ship him; on which account I do not think
it right for you to go so long a journey to
Jerusalem, which is an enemy’s city, to wor-
ship him. It was a man that built the temple:
I have also made two golden heifers, dedi-
cated to the same God; and one of them I
have consecrated in the city Bethel, and the
other in Dan, to the end that those of you
that dwell nearest those cities may go to them,
and worship God there: and I will ordain for

* Whether these “ fountains of the lesser Jordan” were
near a place called Dan, aud the fountains of the Greater
place called Jor, before their conjunction; or whe-

near a place called Jor, before their conjunction; or whe-
ther there was only one fountain, arising at the lake
Phiala, at first sinking under ground, and then arising
near the mopntain Pa
the lake Semuchomti;

ground, and then arising
aneum. and thence running through
Semuchonitis to the Sea of Galilee, and so far
called the Lesser Jordan, is hardly certain, even in Jose-
phus himself, though the latter account be the most pro-
bable. However, the northern idolatrous calf, set up by
Jeroboam, was where little Jordan fell into Great Jordan,
f ar a place called Daphne, as Josephus elsewhere in-
■ b. iv. c. L s. 1). See the note there.

.lace

^uii us (Of the War, I

foretells that there shall be a certain man of
the family of David, Josiah by name, who
shall slay upon thee those false priests that
shall live at that time, and upon thee shall
burn the bones of those deceivers of the peo-
ple, those impostors and wicked wretches.
However, that this people may believe that
these things shall so come to pass, I foretell
a sign to them that shall also come to pass:
This altar shall be broken to pieces immedi-
ately, and all the fat of the sacrifices that is
upon it, shall be poured upon the ground.’’
When the prophet- had said this, Jeroboam
fell into a passion, and stretched out his band,
and bid them lay hold of him: but the hand
which he stretched out was enfeebled, and he
was not able to pull it in again to him, for it
was become withered, and hung down as if
it were a dead hand. The altar also was
broken to pieces, and all that was upon it was
poured out, as the prophet had foretold should
come to pass. So the king understood that
he was a man of veracity, and had a divine
foreknowledge; and entreated him to pray
to God that he would restore his right hand.
Accordingly the prophet did pray to God to
grant him that request. So the king having
his hand recovered to its natural state, rejoiced
at it, and invited the prophet to sup with
him; but Jadon said, that he could not en-
dure to come into his house, nor to taste of
bread or water in this city, for that was a
thing God had forbidden him to do; as also
to go back by the same way which he came;
but he said he was to return by another way.
So the king wondered at the abstinence of the
man; but was himself in fear, as suspecting232

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK VIII

• change of his affairs for the worse, from
what had been said to him.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW(JADON THE PROPHET WAS PERSUADEDBY
ANOTHER LYING PROPHET, AND RETURNED
[TO BETHEL], AND WAS AFTERWARDS SLAIN
BY A LION. AS ALSO WHAT WORDS THE
WICKED PROPHET MADE USE OF TO PER-
SUADE THE KING, AND THEREBY ALIEN-
ATED HIS MIND FROM GOD.

§ 1. Now there was a certain wicked man in
that city who was a false prophet, whom Je-
roboam had in great esteem, but was deceived
by him and his flattering words. This man
was bedrid by reason of the infirmities of
old age; however, he was informed by his
sons concerning the prophet that was come
from Jerusalem, and concerning the signs
done by him; and how, when Jeroboam’s
right hand had been enfeebled, at the pro-
phet's prayer, he had it revived again. Where-
upon be was afraid that this stranger and
prophet should be in better esteem with the
king than himself, and obtain greater honour
from him; and he gave order to his sons to
saddle his ass presently, and make all ready
that he might go out. Accordingly they
made haste to do what they w^e commanded,
and he got upon the ass and followed af-
ter the prophet; and when he had.overtaken
him, as he was resting himself under a very
large oak-tree that was thick and shady, he
at first saluted him, -but presently he com-
plained of him, because he had not come in-
to his house, and partaken of his hospitality.
And when the other said, that Ood had for-
bidden him to taste of any one’s provision in
that city, he replied, that “ for certain God
had not forbidden that I should set food be-
fore tbee, for I am a prophet as thou art,
and worship God in the same manner that
thou dost; and I am now come as sent by
him, in order to bring thee into my bouse,
and make thee my guest.” Now Jadon gave
credit to this lying prophet, and returned
back with him. But when they were at din-
ner, and merry together, God appeared to
Jadon, and said, that he should suffer pun-
ishment for transgressing his commands,—
and he told him what that punishment should
be for he said that he should meet with a
lion as he was going on his way, by which
lion he should be torn in pieces, and be de-
prived of burial in the sepulchres of his fa-
thers;—which things came to pass, as I sup-
pose, according to the will of God, that so
Jeroboam might not give heed to the words
of Jadon, as of one that had been convicted
of lying. However, as Jadon waB again go-
ing to Jerusalem, a lion assaulted him, and
pulled him off the beast he rode on, and slew

him; yet did he not at all hurt the ass, but sat
by him, and kept him, as also the prophet’s
body. This continued till some travellers
that saw it came and told it in the city to the
false prophet, who sent his sons and brought
the body into the city, and made a funeral for
him at great expense. He also charged his
sons to bury himself with him; and said, that
all which he had foretold against that city,
and the altar, and priests, and false prophets,
would prove true; and that if he were buried
with him, he should receive no injurious
treatment after bis death, the bones not being
then to be distinguished asunder. But now
when he had performed those funeral rites to
the prophet, and had given that charge to his
sons, as he was a wicked and impious man,
he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, “ And
wherefore is it now that thou art disturbed at
the words of this silly fellow?” And when
the king had related to him what had hap-
pened about the altar, and about his own
hand, and gave him the names of divine man,
and an excellent prophet, he endeavoured by a
wicked trick, to weaken that his opinion ; and
by using plausible words concerning what
had happened, he aimed to injure the truth
that was in them; for he attempted to per-
suade him that his hand was enfeebled by
the labour it had undergone in supporting
the sacrifices, and that upon its resting a
while it returned to its former nature again;
and that as to the altar, it was but new, and
had borne abundance of sacrifices, and those
large ones too, and was accordingly broken
to pieces, and fallen down by the weight of
what had been laid upon it. He also inform-
ed him of the death of him that had foretold
those things, and how he perished; [whence
he concluded that] he had not any thing in
him of a prophet, nor spake any thing like
one. When he had thus spoken, he persuaded
the king, and entirely alienated his mind
from God, and from doing works that were
righteous and holy, and encouraged him to
go on in his impious practices;* and accord-
ingly, he was to that degree injurious to
God, and so great a transgressor, that he
sought for nothing else every day but how
he might be guilty of some new instances of
wickedness, and such as should be more de-
testable than what he had been so insolent as

* How much a larger and better copy Josephus had in
this remarkable history of the true prophet of Judea, and
his concern with Jeroboam, and with the false prophet
of Bethel, than our other copies have, is evident at first
sight. The prophet’s very name, Jadon, or, as the Con-
stitutions call him, Adonais, is wanting in our other
copies; and it is there, with no little absurdity, said
that God revealed Jadon the true prophet's death, not to
himself, as here, but to the false prophet Whether the
particular account of the arguments, made use of, after
all, by the false prophet against bis own belief, and bis
owu conscience, in order to persuade Jeroboam to per-
severe in his idolatry and wickedness, than which
more plausible could not be invented, was intimated
in Josephus’s copy, or in some other ancient book, can-
not now be determined; our other copies say not one
word of itCHAP. X,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

233

to do before. And bo much shall at present
suffice to have said concerning Jeroboam.

CHAPTER X.

CONCERNING RF.HOBOAM, AND HOW GOD IN-
FLICTED PUNISHMENT UPON HIM FOR HIS

IMPIETY, BY SHISHAK [KING OF EGYPT].

§ 1. Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon,
wno, as we said before, was king of the two
tribes, built strong and large cities, Beth-
lehem, and Etam, and Tekoa, and Bethzur,
and Shoco, and Adullam, and Ipan, and Ma-
resha, and Ziph, and Adoriam, and Lachish,
and Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon, and
Hebron; these he built first of all in the
tribe of Judah. He also built other large
cities in the tribe of Benjamin, and walled
them about, and put garrisons in them all,
and captains, and a great deal of corn, and
wine, and oil; and he furnished every one of
them plentifully with other provisions that
were necessary for sustenance: moreover, he
put therein shields and spears for many ten
thousand men. The priests also that were
in all Israel, and the Levites, and if there
were any of the multitude that were good
and righteous men, they gathered themselves
together to him, having left their own cities,
that they might worship God in Jerusalem;
for they were not willing to be forced to wor-
ship the heifers which Jeroboam had made;
and they augmented the kingdom of Reho-
boam for three years. And after he had
married a woman of his own kindred, and
had by her three children born to him, he
married also another of his own kindred, who
was daughter of Absalom by Tamar, whose
name was Maachah; and by her he had a
son, whom he named Abijah. He had more-
over many other children by other wives, but
he loved Maachah above them all. Now he
had eighteen legitimate wives, and thirty con-
cubines, and he had born to him twenty-eight
sons and threescore daughters; but he ap-
pointed Abijah, whom he had by Maachah,
to be his successor in the kingdom, and in-
trusted him already with the treasures and the
strongest cities.

2. Now I cannot but think that the great-
ness of a kingdom, and its change into pro-
sperity, often becopie the occasion of mischief
and of transgression to men; for when Reho-
boam saw that his kingdom was so much in-
creased, he went out of the right way, unto
unrighteous and irreligious practices, and he
despised the worship of God, till the people
themselves imitated his wicked actions; for
so it usually happens, that the manners of
subjects are corrupted at the same time wit h
those of their governors; which subjects thdtti
lay aside their own sober way of living, as

a reproof of their governors’ intemperate
courses, and follow their wickedness as if it
were virtue; for it is not possible to show
that men approve of the actions of their kings,
unless they do the same actions with them.
Agreeable whereto it now happened to the
subjects o£ Rehoboam; for when he was
grown impious, and a transgressor himself,
they endeavoured not to offend him by re-
solving still to be righteous; but God sent
Shishak, king of Egypt, to punish them for
their unjust behaviour towards him; concern-
ing whom Herodotus was mistaken, and ap-
plied his actions to Seso^tris; for this Shi-
shak,* in the fifth year of the reign of Reho-
boam, made an expedition [into Judea] with
many ten thousand men; for he had one
thousand two hundred chariots in number
that followed him, and threescore thousand
horsemen, and four hundred thousand foot-
men. These he brought with him, and they
were the greatest part of them Libyans and
Ethiopians. Now, therefore, when he fell
upon the country of the Hebrews, he took
the strongest cities of Rehoboam’s kingdom
without fighting; and when he had put gar-
risons in them, he came last of all to Jerusa-
lem.

3. Now when Rehoboam, and the multi-
tude with him, were shut up in Jerusalem by
the means of the army of Shishak, and when
they besought God to give them victory and
deliverance, they could not persuade God to
be on their side; but Shemaiah the prophet
told them, that God threatened to forsake
them, as they had forsaken his worship.
When they heard this, they were immediately
in a consternation of mind, and seeing no way
of deliverance, they all earnestly set them-
selves to confess that God might justly over-
look them, since they had been guilty of im-
piety towards him, and had lefrnis laws lie
in confusion. So when God saw them in
that disposition, and that they acknowledged
their sins, he told the prophet that he would
not destroy them, but that he would, how-
ever, make them servants to the Egyptians,
that they may learn whether they will suffer
less by serving men or God. So when Shi-
shak had taken the city without fighting, be-
cause Rehoboam was afraid, and received
him into it, yet did not Shishak stand to the
covenants he had made, but he spoiled the
temple, and emptied the treasures of God and
those of the king, and carried off innumerable
ten thousands of gold and silver, and left no-
thing at all behind him. He also took away
the bucklers of gold, and the shields, which
Solomon the king had made; nay, he did
not leave the golden quivers which David

• That this Shishak was not the same person with tbs
famous Seaostris, as some have very lately, in contradic-
tion to all antiquity, supposed, and that our Josephus did
not take him to lie the same, as they pretend, but that
Sesnstris was many centuries earlier than Shishak, see
Aothent, Records, Part ii. paqe 1024.234

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VIII.

had taken from the king of Zobah, and had
dedicated to God: and when he bad thus
done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now
Herodotus of Halicarnassus mentions this ex-
pedition, having only mistaken the king’s
name; and [in saying that] he made war upon
many other nations also, and brought Syria
of Palestine into subjection, and took the
men that were therein prisoners without fight-
ing. Now it is manifest that he intended to
declare that our nation was subdued by him ;
for he saith, that he left behind him pillars in
the land of those that delivered themselves up
to him without fighting, and engraved upon
them the secret parts of women. Now our
king Rehoboam delivered up our city with-
out fighting. He says withal,* that the
Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy
parts from the Egyptians; with this addition,
that the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in
Palestine confess that they learned it of the
Egyptians; yet it is evident that no other of
the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us
alone, are circumcised. But as to such mat-

high mountains, and went on making priests
out of the multitude.

CHAPTER XI.

CONCERNING THE DEATH OF A SON OF JERO-
BOAM. HOW JEROBOAM WAS BEATEN BT
ABIJAH, WHO DIED A LITTLE AFTERWARDS,
AND WAS SUCCEEDED IN HIS KINGDOM BT
ASA. AND ALSO HOW, AFTER THE DEATH
OF JEROBOAM, BAASHA DESTROYED HIS gON
NADAB, AND ALL THE HOUSE OF JEROBOAM.

, § 1. However, God was in no long time
ready to return Jeroboam’s wicked actions,
and the punishment they deserved, upon his
own head, and upon the heads of alibis house:
anjd whereas a son of his lay sick at that time,
who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife
to lay aside her robes, and to take the gar-
ments belonging to a private person, and to
go to Ahijah the prophet, for that he was a
ters, let every one speak what is agreeable to i wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it
his own opinion.	:	having been he who told me that I should be

4. When Shishak was gone away, king Re- , king. He aho enjoined her, when she came
hoboam made bucklers and shields of brass,! to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she
instead of those of gold, and delivered the i were a stranger, whether he should escape this
same number of them to the keepers of the distemper. So she did as her husband bade
king’s palace: so, instead of warlike expedi-1 her, and changed her habit, and came to the
tions, and that glory which results from those i city Shiloh, for there did Ahijah live: and as
public actions, he reigned in great quietness, she was going into his house, his eyes being
though not without fear, a's being always an then dim with age, God appeared to him, and

enemy to Jeroboam; and he died when he had
lived fifty-seven years and reigned seventeen.
He was in his disposition a proud and a fool-
ish man, and lost [part of his] dominions by
not hearkening to his father’s friends. He
was buried in Jerusalem, in the sepulchres of
the kings; and his son Abijah succeeded him
in the kingdom, and this in the eighteenth
year of Jeroboam’s reign over the ten tribes;
and this was the conclusion of these affairs.
It must be now our business to relate the af-
fairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life;
for he ceased not, nor rested to be injurious
to God, but every day raised up altars upon

[which last are generally supposed to denote the Jews]
owned their receiving circumcision from the Egyptians,-”
whereas it is abundantly evident that the Jews received
their circumcision from the patriarch Abraham, Gen. xvii,
9—14, John vii. 22, 23, as I conclude the Egyptian
priests did also. It is not therefore very unlikely, that
Herodotus, because tLe Jews had lived long in Egypt
and came out of it circumcised, did thereupon think

ley I
ad it

not before. Manetho

led, did thereupon
they had learned that circumcision in Egypt, and
bad it not before. Manetho, the famous Egyptian chro-
nologer and historian, who knew the history of bis own

country much better than Herodotus, coinplains fre-
quently of his mistakes about their affairs; as does Jose-
phus more than once in this chapter. Nor, indeed, does
Herodotus seem at all acquainted with the affairs of the
Jews,- for as he never names them, so little or nothing
of what he says about them, their country, or maritime
cities, two of which be alone mentions, Cadytis and
Jenvsus, proves true; nor, indeed, do there appear to

have ever bean any au

; uui,

uh eitii

es on their ooaat.

informed him of two things; that the wife ol
Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer
he should make to her inquiry. Accordingly,
as the woman wis coming into the house like
a private person and a stranger, be cried out,
“Come in, O t^ou wife of Jeroboam! Why
concealest thou thyself? Thou art not con-
cealed from God, who hath appeared to me,
and informed me that thou wast coming, and
hath given me in command what I shall say
to thee.” So he said that she should go away
to her husband, and speak to him thus:—
“ Since I made thee a great man when thou
wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent
the kingdom from the house of David, and
gave it to thee, and thou hast been unmindful
of these benefits, hast left off my worship,
hast ihade thee molten gods, and honoured
them Jl will in like manner cast thee down
again 1 and destroy all thy house, and make
them food for the dogs qnd the fowls; for a
certain king is rising up, by appointment, over
all this people, who shall leave none of the
family of Jeroboam remaining. The multi-
tude also shall themselves partake of the same
punishment, and shall be cast out of this good
land, and shall be scattered into the p«aces be-
yond Euphrates, because they have followed
the wicked practices of their king, and have
worshipped the gods that he made, and for-
saken my saorifices. But do thou. O woman,CHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

235

make haste back to thy husband* and tell him | tinued to offer, and hath persuaded you to do
this message; but thou shalt then find thy the same; yet when you were not any farther
son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall unjustly treated by my father, than that be did
depart this life; yet shall he be buried with not speak to you so as to please you, and this
the* lamentation of all the multitude, and ho- only in compliance with the advice of wicked
noured with a general mourning, for he is men, you in anger forsook him, as you pre-
the only person of goodness of Jeroboam's 'tended, but, in reality, you withdrew your-
famiJv,” When the prophet had foretold these selves from God, and from his laws, although
events, the woman went hastily away with a it had been right for you to have forgiven a
disordered mind, and greatly grieved at the man that Was young in age, and not used to
death of the forenamed child: so she was in govern people, not only some disagreeable
lamentation as she went along the road, and words, but if his youth and his unskilfulness
mourned for the death of her son, that was in affairs had led him into some unfortunate
just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable actions, and that for the sake of his father So-
condition, at the unavoidable misery of his lomon, and the benefits you received from
death, and went apace, but in circumstances him; for men ought to excuse the sins of pos-
very unfortunate, because of her son; for the terity on account of the benefactions of pa-
greater haste she made, she would the sooner renter but you considered nothing of all this
see her son dead, yet was she forced to make then, neither do you consider it now, but come

such haste, on account of her husband. Ac-
cordingly, when she was come back, she found,
that the child had given up the ghost, as the
prophet had said; and she related all the cir-
cumstances to the king.

2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these.

with so great an army against us. And what
is it you depend upon for victory? Is it upon
these golden heifers, and the altars that you
have on high places, which are demonstrations
of your impiety^and not of Religious worship?
Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army

things to heart, but he brought together a very which gives you such good hopes? Yet cer-
numerous army, and made a warlike expedi- tainly there is no strength at all in an army of
tion against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, many ten thousands, when the war is unjust;
who had succeeded his father in the kingdom for we ought to place our surest hope of suc-
of the two tribes; for be despised him because cess against our enemies in righteousness alone,
of his age. But when he heard of the ex-I and in piety towards God; which hope we
pedition of Jeroboam, he was not. affrighted justly have, since we have kept the laws from

at it, but proved of a courageous temper of
mind, superior both to his’ youth and to the
hopes of his enemy; so he chose him an army
out of the two tribes, and met JeroboanT at a
place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched
his camp near the other, and prepared every
thing necessary for the fight. His army con-
sisted of four hundred thousand, but the army
of Jeroboam was double to it. Now, as the
armies stood in array, ready for action and
dangers, and were just going to fight, Abijah
stood upon an elevated place, and, beckoning
with his hand, he desired the multitude and
Jeroboam himself to hear first with silence
what he had to say. And when silence was
made, he began to speak, and told them,—
“ God had consented that David and his pos-
terity should be their rulers for all time to
come, and this you yourselves are not unac-
quainted with; but I cannot but wonder how
you should forsake my father, and join your-
selves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now
here with him to fight against those who, by
God’s own determination, are.to reign, and to
deprive them of that dominion which they
nave still retained; for as to the greater part
of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it.
However. I do not suppose he will enjoy it
any longer; but when he hath suffered that
punisnment which God thinks due to him for
wnat is past, he will leave off the transgressions
he hath been guilty of, and the injuries ke hath
olfered to him, and w hich he hath still con-

the beginning, and have worshipped our own
God, who was not made by hands out of cor-
ruptible matter; nor was he formed by a
wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude;
but who is his own Workmanship,* and the
beginning and end of all things. I therefore
give you counsel even now to repent, and to
take better advice, and to leave off the prose-
cution of the war; to call to mind the laws of
your country* and to reflect what it hath been
that hath advanced you to so happy a state a9
you are now in.”

3. This was the speech which Abjjah made
to the multitude.* But, while he was still
speaking, Jeroboam sent some of his sol-
diers privately to encompass Abijah round
about, on certain parts of the camp that were
not taken notice of; and when he was thus
within the compass of the enemy, his army
was affrighted, and their courage failed them.
But Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted
them to place their hopes on God, for that he
was not encompassed by the enemy. So they
all at once implored the divine assistance,
while the priests sounded with the trumpet,
and they made a shout, and fell upon their
enemies, and God brake the courage, and cast
down the force of their enemies, and made
Abijah's army superior to them, for God

* This is a strange expression in Josephus, that God
is his own workmanship, or that he made himself, con-
trary to common sense and to catholic Christianity; per-
haps he only means that he was not made by one, hut
was unoriginated.	'ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

JBOOK VIII.

236

vouchsafed to grant them a wonderful and
very famous victory: and such a slaughter
was now made of Jeroboam’s army* as is
never recorded to have happened in any other
war, whether it were of the Greeks or of the
Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five
hundred thousand of their enemies, and thdy
took their strongest cities by force, and spoiled
them; and besides those, they did the same
to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and
her towns. And after this defeat, Jeroboam
never recovered himself during the life of
Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he
reigned about three years, and was buried in
Jerusalem in the sepulchres of his forefathers.
He left behind him twenty-two sons and six-
teen daughters, and he had also those children
by fourteen wives; and Asa his son succeeded
in the kingdom; and the young man’s mother
was Micbaiah. Under his reign the country
of the Israelites enjoyed peace for ten years.

4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son
of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, as his his-
tory hath come down to us; but Jeroboam,
the king of the ten tribes, died when he had
governed them two and twenty years; whose
son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year
of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam’s son
governed two years, and resembled his father
in impiety and wickedness. In these two
years he made an expedition against Gibbe-
thon, a city of the Philistines, and continued
the siege in order to take it; but he was con-
spired against while he was there, by a friend
of his, whose name was Baasha, the son of
Ahijah, and was slain; which Baasha took the
kingdom after the other’s death, and destroy-
ed the whole house of Jeroboam. It also
came to pass, according as God had foretold,
that some of Jeroboam’s kindred that died in
the city were torn to pieces and devoured hy
jjogs; arid that others of them that died in
the fields, were tom and devoured by the
fowls. So the house of Jeroboam suffered
the just punishment of his impiety and of his
wicked Actions.

CHAPTER XII.

HOW ZERAH, KING OP THE ETHIOPIANS, WAS
BEATEN BY ASA; AND HOW ASA, UPON
baasha’s MAKING WAR AGAINST HIM, IN-
VITED THE KING OF THE DAMASCENS TO
ASSIST HIM: AND HOW, ON THE DESTRUC-
TION OF THE HOUSE OF BAASHA, ZIMRI GOT
THE KINGDOM, AS DID HIS SON AHAB AFTER
HIM.

§ 1. Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was
of an excellent character, and had a regard

* By tliis terrible and perfectly nnparallelled slaughter
of 500,000 men of the newly iilulatrous and rebellious
ton tribes, God’s hijjli displeasure anil Indignation

to God,,and neither , did nor designed any
thing but what had relation to the observation
of the laws. He made a reformation of b,s
kingaom, and cut off whatsoever was wicked
therein, and purified it from every impurity.
Now he had an army of chosen men, that
were armed with targets and spears: out of
the tribe of Judah three hundred thousand;
and out of the tribe of Benjamin, that bore
shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty
thousand; but when he had already reigned
ten years, Zerah, king of Ethiopia,! made an
expedition against him, with a great army of
nine hundred thousand footmen, and one
hundred thousand horsemen, and three hun-
dred chariots, and came as far as Maresbah,
a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah.
Now when Zerah had passed so far with his
own army, Asa met him, and put his army in
array over-against him, in a valley called
Zephathah, not far from the city; and when
he saw the multitude of the Ethiopians, he
cried out, and besought God to give him the
victory, and that he might kill many ten thou-
sands of the enemy: “ For,” said he, “ I
depend on nothing else but that assistance
which I expect from thee, which is able to
make the fewer superior to the more nume-
rous, and the weaker to the stronger; and
thence it is alone that I venture to meet Ze-
rah and fight him.”

2. While Asa was saying this, God gave
him a signal of. victory, and joining battle
cheerfully on account of what God had fore-
told about it, he slew a great many of the
Ethiopians; and when be had put them to
flight, he pursued them to the country of
Gerar; and when they left off killing their
enemies, they betook themselves to spoiling
them (for the city Gerar was already taken),
and to spoiling their camp, so that they car-
ried off much gold, and much silver, and a
great deal of [other] prey, and camels, and
great cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accord-
ingly, when Asa and his army had obtained
such a victory, and such wealth ^om God,
they returned to Jerusalem. Now, as they
were coming, a prophet, whose name was
Azariah, met them on the road, and bade
them stop their journey a little, and began to
say to them thus:—That the reason why they
had obtained this victory from God was this,
that they had showed themselves righteous and
religious men, and had done every thing ac-
cording to the will of God; that therefore * he
said, if they persevered therein, God would

against that idolatry and rebellion folly appeared; the
remainder were thereby seriously cautioned not to per-
sist in them, and a kind of balance or equilibrium waa
made between the ten and the two tribes for the time to
come; while otherwise the perpetually idolatrous and
rebellious ten tribes would naturally have been too
powerful for the two tribes, which were pretty frequently
free both from such idolatry and rebellion; nor is there
aDy reason to doubt of the truth of the prodigious num-
ber siflin upon so signal an occasion.

+ The Teader is to remember, that Cush is not Ethio-
pia, but Arabia. See Beclwit. I>. iv. eh. ii.CHAP. XII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW'S*

grant that they should always overcome their
enemies, and live happily; but that if they
left off his worship, all things shall fall out
on the contrary; and a time should come,*1
wherein no true prophet shall be left in your
whole multitude, nor a priest who shall deli-
ver you a true answer from the oracle; but
your cities shall be overthrown, and your na-
tion scattered over the whole earth, and live,
the life of strangers and wanderers. So he
advised them, while they had time, to be good,
and not to deprive themselves of the favour
of God. When the king and the people heard
this, they rejoiced; and all in common, and
every one in particular, took great care to
behave themselves righteously. The king
also sent some to take care that those in the
country should observe the laws also.

3.	And this was the state of Asa, king of
the two tribes. I now return to Baasha,
the king of the multitude of the Israelites
who slew Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and
retained the government. He dwelt in the
city Tirzah, having made that his habitation,
and reigned twenty-four years. He became
more wicked and impious than Jeroboam or
his son. He did a great deal of mischief to
the multitude, and was injurious to God, who
sent the prophet Jehu, and told him before-
hand, that his whole family should be de-
stroyed, and that he would bring the same
miseries on his house which had brought that
of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had
been made king by him, he had not requited
his kindness, by governing the multitude
righteously and religiously; which things, in
the first place, tended to their own happi-
ness; and, in the next place, were pleasing to
God: that he had imitated this very wicked
king Jeroboam; and although that man’s
soul had perished, yet did he express to the
life his wickedness; and he said that he
should therefore justly experience the like
calamity with him, since he had been guilty
of the like wickedness. But Baasha, though
he heard beforehand what miseries would be-
fall him and his whole family for their inso-1
lent behaviour, yet did not he leave off his
wicked practices for the time to come, nor
did he care to appear to be other than worse
and worse till he died; nor did he then re-
pent of his past actions, nor endeavour to ob-
tain pardon of God for them, but did as those
do who have rewards proposed to them, when
they have once in earnest set about their work,
they do not leave off their labours; for thus
did Baasha, when the prophet foretold to him
what would come to pass, grow worse, as if
whut were threatened, the perdition of his fa-
mily, and the destruction of his house (which
are really among the greatest of evils), were

* Here is a very great error in our Hebrew copy in
this place (2 Citron, vi. 3—0), as applying what follows
to times past, and not to times future; whence that text
i« quite misapplied by Sir Isaac Newton.

887

good things; and, as if he were a combatant
for wickedness, he every day took more and
more pains for it; and at last he took his
army, and assaulted a certain considerable
city called Ramah, which was forty furlongs
distant from Jerusalem; and when he had
taken it, he fortified it, having determined
beforehand to leave a garrison in it, that they
might thence make excursions, and do mis-
chief to the kingdom of Asa.

4.	Whereupon Asa was afraid of the at-
tempts the enemy might make upon him;
and considering with himself what mischiefs
this army that was left in Ramah might do
to the country over which he reigned, he sent
ambassadors to the king of the Damascens,
with gold and silver, desiring his assistance,
and putting him in mind that we have had a
friendship together from the times of our
forefathers. So he gladly received that sum
of money, and made a league with him, and
broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and
sent the commanders of his own forces unto
the cities that were under Baasha’s dominion,
and ordered them to do them mischief. So
they went and burnt some of them, and spoiled
others; Ijon, and Dan, and Abel main, f
and many others. Now when the king of
Israel heard this, he left off building and
fortifying Ramah, and returned presently to
assist his own people under the distresses they
were in; but Asa made use of the materials
that were prepared for building that city, for
building in the same place two strong cities,
the one of which was called Geba, and the
other Mizpah ; so that after this, Baasha had
no leisure to make expeditions against Asa,
for he was prevented by death, and was bu-
ried in the city Tirzah; and Elah, his son,
took the kingdom, who, when he had reigned
two years, died, being treacherously slain by
Zimri, the captain of half his army; for when
he was at Arza, his steward’s house, he per-
suaded some of the horsemen that were un-
der him to assault Elah, and by that means
he slew him when he was without his armed
men, and his captains, for they were all busied
in the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Phi-
listines.

5.	When Zimri, the captain of the army,
had killed Elah, he took the kingdom him-
self, and, according to Jehu’s prophecy, slew
all the house of Baasha; for it came to pass
that Baasha’s house utterly perished, on ac-

+ This Abelmain, or, in Josephus’s copy, Abellane,
that belonged to the land of Israel, and bordered on the
country of Damascus, is supposed, both by Hudson and
Spanheim, to be the same with Abel, or Abila, whence
came Abilene. This may be that city so denominated
from Abel the righteous, there buried; concerning the
shedding of whose blood within the compass of the land
of Israel, I understand our Saviour’s words, about the
fatal war and overthrow of Judea by Titus and his Ro-
man army, “That upon you may come all the righteous
blood shed upon the land, from the blood of righteous
Abel to the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias, whom
ye slew between the temple and the altar. Verily I say
unto you, all these things shall come upon this ganeta-
1100.” Matt xxiii. 36,36i Luka xL. 61.239

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

count of bis impiety, in the same manner as
we have already, described the destruction of
the bouse of Jeroboam; but the army that
was besieging Gibbethon, when they heard
wimt had befallen the king, and that when
Zimri bad killed him he had gained the king*
dom, they made Omri their general king,
who drew off his army from Gibbethon, and
came to Tirzah, where the royal palace was,
and assaulted the city, and took it by force.
Jtut when Zimri saw that the city bad none
to defend it, he fled into the inmost part of
the palace, and set .it on fire, and burnt him-
self with it, when he had reigned only seven
days. Upon which the people of Israel were
presently divided, and part of them would
have Tibni to be king, and part Omri; but
when those that were for Oinri's ruling had
beaten Tibni, Omri reigned over all the mul-
titude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of
the reign of Asa that Omri reigned for twelve
years; six of these years he reigned in the
city of Tirzah, and the rest in the city called
Semareori, but named by the Greeks Sama-
ria ; but he himself called it Semareon, from
Seiner, who sold him the mountain whereon
be built it. Now Omri was no way different
from those kings that reigned before him,
but that he grew worse than they, for they
all sought how they might turn the people
away from God, by their daily wicked prac-
tices ; and on that account it was that God
made one of them to be slain by another, and
that no one person of their families should
remain. This Omri also died at Samaria,
and Ahab his son succeeded him.

6. Now by these events we may learn what
concern God hath for the affairs of mankind,
and bow he loves good men, and hates the
wicked, and destroys them root and branch;
for many of these kings of Israel, they and
their families, were miserably destroyed, and
taken away one by another, in a short time,
for their transgression and wickedness; but
Asa, who was king of Jerusalem, and of the
two tribes, attained, by God’s blessing, a long
and a blessed old age, for his piety and righ-
teousness, and died happily, when he had
reigned forty .and one years; and when he
was dead, his son Jehoshaphat succeeded him
in the government. He was born of Asa’s
wif* Azubah. And all men allowed that he
fouowed the works of David his forefather,
ai>.i this both in courage and piety; but we
e not obliged no w to speak any more of the
aifiurs of this king.

BOOK VIII.

CHAPTER XIII.

HOW AHAB, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN JEZEBEL TO
WIFE, BECAME MORE WICKED THAN ALL TUB
KINGS THAT HAD BEEN BEFORE HIM. OF THE
ACTIONS OF THE PROPHET*ELIJAH; AND WIIAT
BEFEL NABOTH.

§ 1. Now Ahab, the king of Israel, dwelt in
Samaria, and held the government for twenty-
two years; and made no alteration in the
conduct of the kings that were his predeces-
sors, but only in such things us were of his
own invention for the worse, and in his most
gross wickedness. He imitated them in their
wicked courses, and in their injurious beha-
viour towards God; and more especially he
imitated the trangression of reroboara; for
he worshipped the heifers that be had made;
and he contrived other absurd objects of wor-
ship besides those beifers; be also took to
wife the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the
Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Jeze-
bel, of whom he learned to worship her own
gods. This woman was active and bold, and
fell into so great a degree of impurity and
wickedness, that she built a temple to the god
of the Tyrians, whieh they called Belus, and
planted a grove of all sorts of trees; she also
appointed priests and false prophets to this
god. The king also himself had many such
about him; and so exceeded in madness and
wickedness all [the kings] that went before
him.

2. There was now a prophet of God Al-
mighty, of Thesbon, a country in Gilead, that
came to Ahab, and said to him that God
foretold he would not send rain nor dew in
those years upon the country but when he
should appear. And when he bad confirmed
this by an oath, be departed into the southern
parts, and made his abode by a brook, out of
which be had water to drink; for asfor his food,
ravens brought it to him every day; but when
that river was dried up for want of rain, he caine
to Zarephath, a city not far from Sidon and
Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at the
command of God, for [God told him] that he
should there find a woman, who was a widow,
that should give him sustenance: so when be
was not far off the city, he saw a woman that
laboured with her own hands, gathering of
sticks; so God informed him that this was
the woman who was to gjve him sustenance;
so he came and saluted her, and desired her
to bring him some water to drink; but as she
was going so to do, he called to her, and
would have her to bring him a loaf of bread
also; whereupon she affirmed upon oath,
that she bad at home nothing more than ono
handful of meal and a little oil, and that she
was going to gather some sticks, that she
might knead it. and make bread for herselfCHAP. XIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

239

and her son; after which, she said, they must
perish, and be consumed by the famine, for
they bad nothing for themselres any longer.
Hereupon he said, “Go on with good cou-
rage, and hope for better things; and first
of all make me a little cake, and bring it to
me, for 1 foretel to thee that this vessel of meal
and this cruise of oil shall not fail until God
send rain.” When the prophet had said this, she
came to him, and made him the before-named
cake: of which she had part for herself, and
gave the rest to her son,and to the prophetalso;
nor did any thing of this fail until the drought
ceased. Now Menander mentions this drought
in his account of the act of Ethbaal, king
of the Tyrians; where he says thus:—“Un-
der him, there was a want of rain from the
month Hyperberetsus till the month Hyper-
beretaeus of the year following; but when he
made supplications, there came great thun-
ders. This Ethbaal built the city Botrys, in
Phoenicia, and the city Auza, in Libya." By
these words he designed the want of rain that
wa9 in the days of Ahab; for at that time it
was that Ethbaal also reigned over the Ty-
rians, as Menander informs us.

3.	Now this woman, of whom we spake
before, that sustained the prophet, when her
son was fallen into a distemper till he gave
up the ghost, and appeared to be dead, came
to the prophet weeping, and beating her
breasts with her hands, and sending out such
expressions as her passions dictated to her,
and complained to him that he had come to
her to reproach her for her sins, and that on
this account it was that her son was dead.
But he bid her be of good cheer, and deliver
her son to him, for that he would deliver him
again to her alive. So when she had delivered
her son up to him, he carried him into an up-
per room, where he himself lodged, and laid
him down upon the bed, and cried unto God,
and said, that God had not done well in re-
warding the woman who had entertained him
and sustained him, by taking away her son;
and he prayed that he would send again the
soul of the child into him, and bring him to
life again. Accordingly God took pity on the
mother, and was willing to gratify the pro-
phet, that he might not seem to have come
to do her a mischief; and the child, beyond all
expectation, came to life again. So the mo-
ther returned the prophet thanks, and said
6he was then clearly satisfied that God did
converse with him.

4.	After a little while Elijah came to king
Ahab, according to God’s will, to inform him
that rain was coming.* Now the famine

* Josephus, in his present copies, says, That a little
while alter the recovery of the widow's son of Sarepta,
God sent rain upon the earth; whereas, in our other
copies, it is after many days, 1 Kings xviii. 1. Several
years are also intimated there, and in Josephus (sect. 2).
as helonging to this drought and famine; nay, we have
the express mention of the third year, which. I suppose,
was reckoned from the recovery of the widow’s son and
the ceasing of this drought in Phoenicia (which, as Mu-

had seized upon the whole Cd’untry, and there
was a great want of what was necessary for
sustenance, insomuch that it was not only
men that wanted it, but the earth itself also,
which did not produce enough for the horses
and the other beasts, of what was useful for
them to feed on, by reason of the drought.
So the king called for Obadiah, who wa9
steward over his cattle, and said to him, that
he would have him go to the fountains of
water, and to the brooks, that if any herbs
could be found for them, they might mow it
down, and reserve it for tbe beasts. And
when he had sent persons all over the habi-
table earth.f to discover the prophet Elijab,
and they could not find him, he bade Obadiah
accompany him: so it was resolved they
should make a progress, and divide the ways
between them; and Obadiah took one road,
and the king another. Now it happened, that
the same time when queen Jezebel slew the
prophets, this Obadiah had hidden a hun-
dred prophets, and had fed them with no-
thing but bread and water. But when Oba-
diah was alone, and absent from the king,
tbe prophet Elijah met him; and Obadiah
asked him who he was; and when he had
learned it from him, he worshipped him.
Elijah then bid him go to the king, and tel/
him that I am here ready to wait on him.
But Obadiah replied, “ What evil have I
done to thee, that thou sendest me to one
who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over
all the earth for thee? Or was he so igno-
rant as not to know that the king had left no
place untouched unto which he bad not sent
persons to bring him back, in order, if they
could take him, to have him put to death;”
For he told him he was afraid lest God should
appear to him again, and he should go away
into another place; and that when the king
should send him for Elijah, and he should
miss of him, and not be able to find him any-
where upon earth, he should be put to death.
He desired him therefore to take care of his
preservation; and told him how diligently he
had provided for those of his own profession,
and had saved a hundred prophets, when
Jezebel slew the rest of them, and bad kept
them concealed, and that they had been sus-
tained by him. But Elijah bade him fear
nothing, but go to the king; and he assured
him upon oath that he would certainly show
himself to Ahab that very day.

5.	So when Obadiah had informed the king
that Elijah was there, Ahab met him, and
asked him in anger, if he were the man that

nander informs us here, lasted one whole year); and
both onr Saviour and St. James affirm, that this drought
lasted three years and six months, as their copies of the
Old Testament then informed them, Luke iv. 25; James
v. 17.

here seems to mean, that this drough
e habitable earth, and presently all thi
Saviour says it was upon all the earth

+ Josephus
afTccted all the

earth, as our Saviour says it was upo,, m, mr rami,
Luke iv. 25. They who restrain these expressions to
the laud of Judea also*, go withsut sufficient authority
ur examples.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK vm,

240

afflicted the people of the Hebrews, and was
the occasion of the drought they lay under?
But Elijah, without any flattery, said that he
was himself the man; he and his house, which
brought such afflictions upon them; and that
by introducing strange gods into their country,
and worshipping them, and by leaving their
own, who was the only true God, and having
no manner of regard to him. However, he
bade him go his way, and gather together all
the people to him, to mount Carmel, with his
own prophets, and those of his wife, telling
him how many there were of them, as also the
prophets of the groves, about four hundred
in number. And as all the men whom Ahab
sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain,
the prophet Elijah stood in the midst of them,
and said, “How long will you live thus in un-
certainty of mind and opinion?” He also ex-
horted them, that in case they esteemed their
own country God to be the true and only God,
they would follow him and his commandments;
but in case they esteemed him to be nothing,
but had an opinion of the strange gods, and
that they ought to worship them, his counsel
was, that they should follow them. And
when the multitude made no answer to what
he said, Elijah desired, that, for a trial of the
power of the strange gods and of their own
God, he, who was his only prophet, while they
had four hundred, might take a heifer and kill
it as a sacrifice, and lay it upon pieces of wood,
and not kindle any fire, and that they should do
the same things, and call upon their own gods
to set the wood on fire, for if that were done,
they would thence learn the nature of the true
God. This proposal pleased the people. So
Elijah bade the prophets to choose out a heifer
first, and kill it', and to call on their gods;
but when there appeared no effect of the prayer
or invocation of the prophets upon their sa-
crifice, Elijah derided them, and bade them
call upon their gods with a loud voice, for they
might either be on a journey or asleep; and
when these prophets had done so from morn-
ing till noon, and cut themselves with swords
and lances,* according to the customs of their
country, and he was about to offer his sacri-
fice, he bid [the prophets] go away; but bade
[the people] come near and observe what he
did, lest he should privately hide fire among
the pieces of wood. So, upon the approach
of the multitude, he took twelve stones, one
for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews,
and built an altar with them, and dug a very
deep trench; and when he had laid the pieces
of wood upon the altar, and upon them had
laid the pieces of the sacrifices, he ordered
them to fill four barrels with the water of the
fountain, and to pour it upon the altar, till it
ran over it, and till the trench was filled with

• Mr. Spanheim takes notice here, that in the worship
of Milhra (the god of the Persians) the priests cut them-
selves in the same manner as iliit these priests in their
invocation of Baal (the god of the I'boeniriuus).

the water poured into it. ’When be had done
this, he began to pray to God, and to invocate
him to make manifest his power to a people
that bad already been in an error a long time;
upon which words a fire came on a sudden
from heaven, in the sight of the multitude,
and fell upon the altar, and consumed the
sacrifice, till the very water was set on fire,
and the place was become dry.

6.	Now when the Israelites saw this, they
fell down upon the ground, and worshipped
one God, and called him The great and the
only true God; but they called the others
mere names, framed by the evil and wild
opinions of men. So they caught their pro-
phets, and, at the command of Elijah, slew
them. Elijah also said to the king, that he
should go to dinner without any farther con-
cern; for that in a little time he would see
God send them rain. Accordingly, Ahab
went his way; but Elijah went up to the
highest top of Mount Carmel, and sat down
upon the ground, and leaned his head upon
his knees, and bade his servant go up to a
certain elevated place, and look towards the
sea, and when he should see a cloud rising
anywhere, he should give him notice of it, for
till that time the air had been clear. When
the servant had gorie up, and had said many
times that he saw nothing, at the seventh
time of his going up, he said that he saw a
small black thing in the sky, not larger than
a man’s foot. When Elijah heard that, he
sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to
the city before the rain came down. So he
came to the city Jezreel; and in a little time
the air was all obscured, and covered with
clouds, and a vehement storm of wind came
upon the earth, and with it a great deal or
rain; and the prophet was under a divine
fury, and ran along with the king’s chariot
unto Jezreel, a city of Izarf [Isachar].

7.	When Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, under-
stood what signs Elijah had wrought, and how
he had slain her prophets, she was angry, and
sent messengers to hirn, and by them threa-
tened to kill him, as he had destroyed her pro-
phets. At this Elijah was affrighted, and fled
to the city called Beersheba, which is situate at
the utmost limits of the country belonging to
the tribe of Judah, towards the’ land of Edom;
and there he left his servant, and went away
into the desert. He prayed also that he
might die, for that he was no better than his
fathers, nor need he be very desirous to live,
when they were dead; and he lay and slept
under a certain tree; and when somebody
awakened him, and he was risen up, he found
food set by him and water; so when he had
eaten, and recovered his strength by that his

• For Tzar we may here read (with Hudson and Coc-
ceius) hochar, i. e of the tribe of Isachar, for to that
tribe did Jezreel belong; and presently, at tlie begin-
ning of sect 8, as also ch. xv. sect. 4, we may read for
/rar, with one MS. nearly, and the Scripture, Jezreelt
tor that was tbe sity meant In the history of Naboth.CHAP. XIII,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

241

food, he came to that mountain which is
culled Sinai, where it is related that Moses
received bis laws from God; and finding
there a certain hollow cave, he entered into
it, and continued to make his abode in it.
But when a certain voice came to him, but
from whence he knew not, and asked him,
why he was come thither, and had left the
city? he said, that because he had slain the
prophets of the foreign gods, and had per-
suaded the people that he alone whom they
had worshipped from the beginning was God,
he was sought for by the king’s wife to be
punished for so doing. And when he had
heard another voice, telling him that he
should come out the next day into the open
air, and should thereby know what he was to
do, he came out of the cave the next day
accordingly, when he both heard an earth-
quake, and saw the bright splendour of a fire;
and after a silence made, a divine voice ex-
horted him not to be disturbed with the cir-
cumstances he was in, for that none of bis
enemies should have power over him. The
voice also commanded him to return home,
and to ordain Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be
king over their own multitude; and Hazael,
of Damascus, to be over the Syrians; and
Elisha, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in
his stead: and that of the impious multitude,
some should be slain by Hazael, and others
by Jehu. So Elijah, upon hearing this charge,
returned into the land of the Hebrews. And
when he found Elisha, the son of Shaphat,
ploughing, and certain others with him, driving
twelve yoke of oxen, he came to him, and
cast his own garment upon him; upon which
Elisha began to prophesy presently, and leav-
ing his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when
he desired leave to salute his parents, Elijah
gave him leave so to do: and when he had
taken his leave of them, he followed him,
and became the disciple and the servant of
Elijah all the days of his life. And thus
have T dispatched the affairs ir. which this
prophet was concerned.

8. Now there was one Naboth, of the city
Izar [Jezreel], who had a field adjoining to
that of the king: the king would have per-
suaded him to sell him that his field, which
lay so near to his own lands, at what price he
pleased, that he might join them together, and
make them one farm; and if he would not
accept of money for it, he gave him leave to
choose any of his other fields in its stead
But Naboth said he would not do so, but
would keep the possession of that laud of his
own, which he had by inheritance from his
father. Upon this the king-was grieved, as
if he had received an injury, when he could
not get another man’s possession, and he
would neither wash himself, nor take any
and when Jezebel asked him what it
was that troubled him, and why he would
neither wash himself, nor eat either dinner

or supper, he related to her the perverseness
of Nahoth; and how when he had made use
of gentle words to him, and such as were be-
neath the royal authority, he had been affront-
ed, and had not obtained what be desired.
However, she persuaded him not to be cast
down at this accident, but to leave off bis
grief, and return to the usual care of his body,
for that she would take care to have Naboth
punished: and she immediately sent letters
to the rulers of the Israelites [Jezreelites] in
Ahab’s name, and commanded them to fast,
and to assemble a congregation, and to set Na-
both at the head qf them, because he was of
an illustrious family, and to have three bold
men ready to bear witness that be had blas-
phemed God and the king, and then to
stone him, and slay him in that manner.
Accordingly, when Naboth had been thus tes-
tified against, as the queen had written to
them, that he bad blasphemed against God
and Abab the king, she desired him to take
possession of Naboth’s vineyard on free cost.
So Abab was glad at what bad been done,
and rose up immediately from the bed wherein
he lay, to go to see Naboth’s vineyard; but
God bad great indignation at it, and sent
Elijah the prophet to the field of Naboth, to
speak to Ahab, and to say to him, that he
bad slain the true owner of that field unjustly.
And as soon as he came to him, and the king
bad said that he might do with him what be
pleased (for be thought it a reproach to him
to be thus caught in his sin), Elijah said, that
in that very place in which the dead body of
Naboth was eaten by dogs, both bis own blood
and that of his wife should be shed; and that
all his family should perish, because he had
been so insolently wicked, and had slain a citi-
zen unjustly and contrary to the laws of his
country. Hereupon Abab began to be sorry
for the things he had done, and to repent of
them; and he put on sackcloth, and went
barefoot,* and would not touch any food: he
also confessed his sins, and endeavoured thus
to appease God. But God said to the pro-
phet, that while Ahab was living he would
put off the punishment of his family, because
he repented of those insolent crimes he had
been guilty of, but that still he would fulfil
his threatening under Ahab’s son. Which
message the prophet delivered to the king.

* “The Jews weep to this day (says Jerome, here
cited by lleland) and roll themselves upon 6ackcloth, in
ashes, barefoot, upon such occasions.” To which Span-
neim adds, “ that after the same manner Bernice, when
iier life was in daiiKc-r, stood at the tribunal of F lor us
barefoot.” (Of the War, b. ii. chap. IS, sect. I.)—See the
like of David, 3 Sam. xv. 30. Antiq. b. vii. chap, uc.
sect 3.242

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VIII.

CHAPTER XIV.

HOW HADAD, KINti OF DAMASCUS AND OF
SYRIA, MADE TWO EXPEDITIONS AGAINST
AHAB, AND WAS BEATEN.

§ 1. When the affa irs of Ahab were thu9, at
that very time the sen of Hadad [Benhadad],
who was king of the ;5yrians and of Damascus,
got together an army out of all his country,
and procured thirty-two kings beyond Eu-
phrates, to be his auxiliaries: so he made an
expedition against Ahab; but because Ahab’s
army was not like th at of Benhadad, he did
not set it in array to fight him, but having shut
up every thing that w'as in the country, in the
strongest cities he h id, he abode in Samaria
himself, for the walls i ibout it were very strong,
and it appeared to he not easily to be taken
in other respects also. So the king of Syria
took his army with 'nim, arid came to Samaria,
and placed his army round about the city, and
besieged it. He al so sent a herald to Abab,
:mil desired he wo uld admit the ambassadors
he would send hirn, by whom he would let
him know his pleasure. So upon the king of
Israel’s permission for him to send, those am-
bassadors came, and by their king’s command
spake thus: — That Ahab’s riches, and his
children, and his wives, were Benhadad’s, and
if he would make an agreement, and give him
leave to take as much of what he had as he
pleased, he would withdraw his army, and
leave off the si'2ge. Upon this Ahab bade the
ambassadors to go back, and tell their king
that both he himself, and all that he hath,
were his possessions. And when these am-
bassadors had told this to Benhadad, he sent
to him again, and desired, since he confessed
that all he had was his, that he would admit
those servants of his which he should send the
next day; and he commanded him to deliver
to those whom he should send, whatsoever,
upon their searching his palace and the houses
of his friends and kindred, they should find to
be excellent in its kind; but that what did not
please them they should leave to him. At
this second embassage of the king of Syria,
Ahab was surprised, and gathered together
the multitude to a congregation, and told
them, that for himself he was ready, for their
safety and peace, to give up his own wives and
children to the enemy, and to yield to him all
his own possessions, for that wras what the Sy-
rian king required at his first embassage; but
that no w he desires to send his servants to search
all their houses, and in them to leave nothing
that is excellent in its kind, seeking an occa-
sion of fighting against him, “ as knowing that
I would not spare what is mine own for your
sakes, but taking a handle from the disagree-
able terms he offers concerning you to bring
a war upon us; however, I will do what you

shall resolve is fit to be done.” But the mul-
titude advised him to hearken to none of his
proposals, but to despise him, and be in readi-
ness to fight him. Accordingly, when he had
given the ambassadors this answer to be le-
ported—that, he still continued in the mind to
comply with what terms he at first desired, for
the safety of the citizens; but as for his se-
cond desires, he cannot submit to them,—he
dismissed them.

2. Now when Benhadad heard this, he had
indignation, and sent ambassadors to Ahab
the third time, and threatened that his army
would raise a bank higher than those walls,
in confidence of whose strength he despised
him, and that by only each man of his army
taking a handful of earth; hereby making a
show of the great number of his army, and
aiming to affright him. Ahab answered, that
he ought not to vaunt himself when he had
only put on his armour, but when he should
have conquered his enemies in the battle. So
the ambassadors came back, and found the
king at supper with his thirty-two kings, and
informed him of Ahab’s answer; who then
immediately gave orders for proceeding thus:
—To make lines round the city, and raise a
bulwark, and to prosecute the siege all man-
ner of ways. Now, as this was doing, Ahab
was in a great agony and all his people with
him; but he took courage, and was freed from
his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to
him, and saying to him, that God had pro-
mised to subdue so many ten thousands of
his enemies under him; and when he inquired
by whose means the victory was to be ob-
tained, he said, “ By the sons of the princes;
but under thy conduct as their leader, by rea-
son of their unskilfulness [in war].” Upon
which he called for the sons of the princes,
and found them to be two hundred and thirty-
two persons. So when he was informed that
the king of Syria had betaken himself to feast-
ing and repose, be opened the gates, and sent
out the princes’ sons. Now when the senti-
nels told Benhadad of it, he sent some to meet
them, and commanded them that if these men
were come out for fighting, they should bind
them, and bring them to him; and that if
they came out peaceably they should do the
same. Now Ahab had another army ready
within the walls, hut the sons of the princes
fell upon the out-guard, and slew many of
them, and pursued the rest of them to the
camp; and when the king of Israel saw that
these had the upper hand, he sent out all the
rest of his army, which, falling suddenly
upon the Syrians, beat them, for they did not
think they would have come out; on which
account it was that they assaulted them when
they were naked * and drunk, insomuch that

• Mr. Reland notes here very truly, that the ward
naked does not always signify entirely naked ; but some,
times without men’s usual armour, without their usutu
robes or upper garments; as when Virgil bids the hus-
bandman plough naked, and bow naked; when JaneCHAP. XIV,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

248

they left all their armour behind them when
they fled out of the camp, and the king him-
self escaped with difficulty, by flying away on
horseback. But Ahab went a great way in
pursuit of the Syrians; and when he had
spoiled their camp, which contained a great
deal of wealth, and moreover a large quantity
of gold and silver, he took Benhadad’s cha-
riots and horses, and returned to the city: but
as the prophet told him he ought to have his
anny ready, because the Syrian king would
make another expedition against him the next
year, Ahab was busy in making provision for
it accordingly.

3. Now, Benhadad, when he had saved him-
self, and as much of his army as he could, out
of the battle, he consulted with his friends how
he might make another expedition against the
Israelites. Now those friends advised him not
to fight with them on the hills, because their
God was potent in such places, and thence it
had come to pass that they had very lately
been beaten; but they said, that if they joined
battle with them in the plain they should
beat them. They also gave him this farther
advice, to send home those kings whom he
had brought as his auxiliaries, but to retain
their army, and to set captains over it instead
of the kings, and to raise an army out of
their country, and let them be in the place of
the former who perished in the battle, toge

seven days; but on the last of those days,
when the enemies came out of their camp,
and put themselves in array in order to fight,
Ahab also brought out his own arihy; and
when the battle was joined, and they fought
valiantly, he put the enemy to flight, and
pursued them, and pressed upon them, and
slew them; nay, they were destroyed by their
own chariots, and by one another; nor could
any more than a few of them escape to their
own city Aphek, who were also killed by the
walls falling upon them, being in number
twenty-seven thousand.* Now there were
slain in this battle a hundred thousand more;
but Benhadad, the king of the Syrians, fled
away, with certain others of his most faithful
servants, and hid himself in a cellar under
ground; and when these told him that the
kings of Israel were humane and merciful
men, and thut they might make use of the
usual manner of supplication, and obtain de-
liverance from Ahab, in case he would gi:Je
them leave to go to him: he gave them leave
accordingly. So they came to Ahab, clothed
in sackcloth, with ropes about their heads
(for this was the ancient maimer of supplica-
tion among the Syrians),f and said, that Ben-
hadad desired he would save him; and that
he would ever be a servant to him for that
favour. Ahab replied he was glad that he
was alive, and not hurt in the battle; and he

ther with horses and chariots. So he judged ! further promised him the same honour and

their counsel to be good, and acted according
to it in the management of the army.

4. At the beginning of the spring, Benha-
dad took his army with him, and led it against
the Hebrews; and when he was come to a

kindness that a man would show to his bro-
ther. So they received assurances upon oath
from him, that when he came to him he should
receive no harm from him, and then went and
brought him out of the cellar wherein he was

certain city which was called Aphek, he
pitebed his camp in the Great Plain. Ahab
also went to meet him with his army, and
pitched his camp over against him, although
nis army was a very small one, if it were com-
pared with the enemy’s; but the prophet came
again to him, and told him, that God would
give him the victory, that he might demon-
strate his own power to be not only on the
mountains, but on the plains also; which it
seems was contrary to the opinion of the
Syrians. So they lay quiet in their camp

phus says (Antiq.b iv.ch.lii.sect.2), that God had piven
the Jews (he security of armour when they were naked; i
and when he here says, that Ahah fell on the Syrians
when they were both naked and drunk; when (Antiq. h.
xi. ch. V. sect. 8) he says, that Neheiniah c itnmanded
those Jews that were building the walls of Jerusalem to
take care to have their urmour on upon occasion, that the
enemy might not fall upon them naked. 1 may add. that
the case seems to he the same in the Scripture, when it
says that Saul lay down naked among the prophets (I
Sam. xix. 24); when it says that Isaiah walked naked
and barefoot (Isa.xx 2.it); and when it also says that
Peter, before he girt his fisher's coat In him. was naked.
John zxi. 7 What is said of David also gives light to
tnis, who was reproached by Miclial for "dancing before'
the ark,and uncovering himself in the eyes of his hand-
maids. as one of the vain lellnws shamefully uncovered;
himself ” (2 Sain.vi 14,2(1), yet it is there expressly said
(v. 14), that ‘-David was girded with a linen ephud," i.r. he
had laid asids his robes of stale, and put on the sacerdotal,
A^rritieal, Of aacrud garments, proper for such u solemnity.

hid, and brought him to Abab as he sat in
his chariot. So Benhadad worshipped him;
and Ahab gave him his hand, and made him
come up to him into his chariot, and kissed
him, and bid him be of good cheer, and not
to expect that any mischief should be done to
him. So Benhadad returned him thanks,
and professed that he would remember his
kindness to him all the days of his life; and
promised he would restore those cities of the
Israelites which the former kings had taken
from them, and grant that he should have
leave to come to Damascus, as bis forefathers
had to come to Samaria. So they confirmed

JosepIms’B number,two myriads ami seven thousand,
agrees here wijh thut in our othe
were i

I suspected at Hrst that this number in Josephus** |

es here wijh thut in our other copies, as those that
* slain by the falling down of the walls of Aphek ; hut
I suspected at Hrst that this number in Josephus** present
copies could not be his origiua) number, because he calls
them *• olitfoi,1* a few. which could hardly he said of so

t of the im«

any as twenty-seven thousand, and hccaiisi
(inability of the fall of a particular wall k ii lii
t when I consider Josephus's next word** how the rest
hicli were slain in the battle were ** ten other myriads,**

vet when I consider Josep
which were slain in the h;i

nut twenrv->even thuusai.d were hut a few in com
son of a hundred thousand; and that it W?lh no
as in our Kuelish vers on. hut ••the wal.,** or 1
walls'* of the city that fell down, as in all the
+ This manner of supplication for men’* live*.among
the Syrians, with rope* or halters about their head's hr
necks, is, I suppose, no strange thing in later ages, m
in our own oountry.

• the entire
originals.244

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

BOOK TIU,

tlieir covenant by oaths; and Ahab made
him many presents, and sent him back to his
owm kingdom. And this was the conclusion
of the war that Benhadad made against Ahab
and the Israelites.

5. But a certain prophet, whose name was
Micaiah,* came to one of the Israelites, and
bade him smite him on the head, for by so do-
ing he would please God; but when he would
not do so, he foretold to him, that since he
disobeyed the commands of God, he should
meet with a lion, and be destroyed by him.
When this sad accident had befallen the man,
the prophet came again to another, and gave
him the same injunction; so he smote him,
and wounded his skull: upon which he
bound up his head, and came to the king,
and told him that he had been a soldier of
his, and had the custody of one of the prison-
ers committed to him by an officer, and that
the prisoner being run away, he was in dan-
ger of losing his own life by the means of
that officer, who had threatened him, that if
the prisoner escaped he would kill him; and
when Ahab had said that he would justly die,
he took off the binding that was about his head,
and was known by the king to be Micaiah
the prophet, who made use of this artifice as
a prelude to the following words; for he
said that God would punish him who had
suffered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him,
to escape punishment; and that he would so
bring it about, that he should die by the
other’s means,f and his people by the other’s
army. Upon which Ahab was very angry
at the prophet, and gave commandment that
he should be put in prison, and there kept;
but; for himself, he was in confusion at the
words of Micaiah, and returned to his own
house.

CHAPTER XV.

CONCERNING JEHOSHAPHAT, THE KING OF
JERUSALEM; AND HOW AHAB MADE AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SYRIANS, AND
WAS ASSISTED THEREIN BY JEHOSHAPHAT,
BUT WAS HIMSELF OVERCOME IN BATTLE,
AND PERISHED THEREIN.

§ 1. And these were the circumstances in
which Ahab was. But I now return to Je-

* It is here remarkable that in Joseplufs’s copy, this
prophet, whose severe denunciation of a disobedient
person’s slaughter by a lion had lately come to pass, was
no other than IMicaiah, the mxn of finish, who. as he
now denounced God’s judgment an disobedient Ahab,
seems directly to have been that very prophet whom The
same Ahab, in 1 Kings xxii. P, IP, complains of “as
one whom he hated, because he did not prophecy good
concerning him, but evil;” and who. in that chanter,
openly repeats hi* denunciations against him ; all which
came to pass accordingly: nor is there any reason to
doubt but this and the former were tbe very same pro-
phet

+ What is most remarkable in this history, and in
many histories.on other occasions In the Old Testament,

hoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem, who, when
he had augmented his kingdom, and bad sot
garrisons in the cities of the countries belong-
ing to his subjects, and had put such garri-
sons' no less into those cities which were
taken out of the tribe of Ephraim, by his
grandfather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned
over the ten tribes [than he did into the
other]. But then he had God favourable
and assisting to him, as being both righteous
and religious, and seeking to do somewhat
every day that should be agreeable and ac-
ceptable to God. The kings also that were
round about him honoured him with the pre-
sents they made him, till the riches that he had
acquired were immensely great, and the glory
he had gained was of a most exalted nature.

2.	Now, in the third year of his reign, he
called together the rulers of the country, and
the priests, and commanded them to go round
the land, and teach all the people that were
under him, city by city, the laws of Moses,
and to keep them, and to be diligent in the
worship of God. With this the whole mul-
titude was so pleased, that they were not so
eagerly set upon or affected with any thing
so much as the observation of the laws. The

| neighbouring nations also continued to love
Jehoshaphat, and to be at peace with him.
The Philistines paid their appointed tribute,
and the Arabians supplied him every year
with three hundred and sixty lambs, and as
many kids of the goats. He also fortified
the great cities, which were many in number,
and of great consequence. He prepared also
a mighty army of soldiers and weapons against
their enemies. Now the army of men that

"wore their armour, was three hundred thou-
sand of the tribe of Judah, of whom Adnab
was the chief; but John was chief of two
hundred thousand. The same man was chief
of the tribe of Benjamin, and had two hun-
dred thousand archers under him. There was
another chief, whose name was Jehozabad,
who had a hundred and fourscore thousand
armed men. This multitude was distributed
to be ready for the king’s service, besides
those whom he sent to the best fortified cities.

3.	Jehoshaphat took tor his son Jehoram
to wife, the daughter of Ahab, the king of
the ten tribes, whose name was Athaliah.
And when, after some time, he went to Sa-
maria, Ahab received him courteously, and
treated the army that followed him in a splen-
did manner, with great plenty of corn and
wine, and of slain beasts; and desired that
he would join with him in his war against
the king of Syria, that he might recover from

is this, that, during the Jewish theocracy,
tirely ob the Supreme Kiug of Israel, ami

God acted en.
the Sup

upren

. General of their armies; and always expected that the
Israelites should be in such absolute subjection to him.
their Supreme and Heavenly King, and General of thor*
| armies, as subjects and soldiers are to tlieir earthly king*
and generals, and that usually without knowing the ytu-
ticular reasons of their injunctions.CHAP. XV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

245

im the city of Ramoth, in Gilead; for though
it had belonged to his father, yet had the
king of Syria’s father taken it away from
him; and upon Jehoshaphat’s promise to af-
ford him his assistance (for indeed his army
was not inferior to the other), and his sending
for his army from Jerusalem to Samaria, the
two kings went out of the city, and each of
them saton bis ownthrone, and each gave their
orders to their several armies. Now Jeho-
shaphat bade them call some of the prophets,
if there were any there, and inquire of them
concerning this expedition against the king
of Syria, whether they would give them coun-
sel to make that expedition at this time, for
there was peace at that time between Ahab
and the king of Syria, which had lasted three
years, from the time he had taken him captive
till that day.

4. So Ahab called his own prophets, being
in number about four hundred, and bade
them inquire of God whether he would grant
him the victory, if he made an expedition
against Betthadad, and enable him to over-
throw that city, for whose sake it was that he
was going to war. Now these prophets gave
their counsel for making this expedition; and
said, that he would beat the king of Syria,
and, as formerly, would reduce him under
his power. But Jehoshaphat, understanding
by their words that they were false prophets,
asked Ahab whether there were not some other
prophet, and be belonging to the true God,
that we may have surer information concern-
ing futurities. Hereupon Ahab said, there
was indeed such a one, but that he hated
him, as having prophesied evil to him, and
having foretold that he should be overcome
and slain by the king of Syria, and that for
this cause he had him now in prison, and -that

his name was Micaiah, the son of Imlah______

But upon Jehoshaphat’s desire that he might
be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch, who brought
Micaiah to him. Now the eunuch had in-
formed him by the way, that all the other
prophets had foretold that the king should
gain the victory; but he said, that it was
not lawful for him to lie against God; but
that he mimt speak what he should say to

him about the king, whatsoever it were______

When he came to Ahab, and he had adjured
him upon oath to speak the truth to him, he
said that God had shown to him the Israelites
running away, and pursued by the Syrians,
and dispersed upon the mountains by them,
as flocks of sheep are dispersed when their
shepherd is slain. He said farther, that God
signified to him that those Israelites should
return in peace to their own home, and that
he only should fall in the battle. When Mi-
caiah had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehosha-
phat,—“ I told thee, a little while ago, the
disposition of the man with regard to me, and
that he uses to prophesy evil to me.” Upon
which Micaiah replied, that he ought to hear

all, whatsoever it be, that God foretells; ar.d
that in particular, they were false prophets
that encouraged him to make this war in
hope of victory, whereas he must fight and
be killed. Whereupon the king was in sus-
pense with himself; but Zedekiah, one of
those false prophets, came near, and exhorted
him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did not
at all speak truth; as a demonstration of
which, he instanced in what Elijah had said,
who was a better prophet in foretelling futu-
rities than Micaiah ;* for he foretold that the
dogs should lick his blood in the city of Jez-
reel, in the field of Naboth, as they licked the
blood of Naboth, who by his means was there
stoned to death by the multitude; that there-
fore it was plain that this Micaiah was a liar,
as contradicting a greater prophet than him-
self, and saying that he should be slain at
three days’journey distance: “and [said he]
you shall soon know whether he be a true
prophet, and hath the power of the Divine
Spirit; for I will smite him, and let him
then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused the hand
of Jeroboam the king to wither when he
would have caught him; for I suppose thou
hast certainly heard of that accident.” So
when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm
happened to him, Ahab took courage, and
readily led his army against the king of Sy-
ria; for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for
him, and made him believe that the false
prophets spake truer than the true one, that
it might take an occasion of bringing him to
his end. However, Zedekiah made horns of
iron, and said to Ahab, that God made those
horns signals, that by them he should over-
throw all Syria. But Micaiah replied, that
Zedekiah, in a few days, should go from one
secret chamber to another, to hide himself,
that he might escape the punishment of his
lying. Then did the king give orders that
they should take Micaiah away, and guard
him to Amon, the governor of the city, and
to give him nothing but bread and water.

5. Then did Ahab, and Jehoshaphat the
king of Jerusalem, take their forces, and
marched to Ramoth, a city of Gilead; and
when the king of Syria heard of this expedi-
tion, he brought out his army to oppose them,
and pitched his camp not far from Ramoth
Now Ahab and Jehoshaphat had agreed that
Ahab should lay aside his royal robes, but
that the king of Jerusalem should put on his
[Ahab’s] proper habit, and stand before the
army, in order to disprove, by this artifice,

* These reasonin.es of Zedekiah the false prophet, in
order to persuade Ahab not to believe Micaiah the true
prophet, are plausible; but being omitted in our other
copies, we cannot now tell whence Josephus had their,;
whether from his own temple copy, from some other
original author, or from certain ancient notes. That
some such plausible objection was now raised against
Micaiah is very likely, otherwise Jehoshaphat. who used
to disbelieve all such false prophets; could never have
been induced to accompany Abab in these desperate oip.
cum stances.BOOK Till.

246	ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

what Micaiah had foretold.* But Ahab’s
fate found him out without his robes; for
Benhadad, the king of Assyria, had charged
his anry, by means of their commanders, to
kill nobody else but only the king of Israel.
So when the Syrians, upon their joining bat-
tle with the Israelites, saw Jehoshaphat stand
before the army, and conjectured that he was
Ahab, they fell violently upon him, and en-
compassed him round; but when they were
near, and knew that it was not he, they all
,etumed back; and while the fight lasted
from the morning light till late in the even-
ing, and the Syrians were conquerors, they
killed nobody, as their king had commanded
them; and when they sought to kill Ah&b
alone, but could not find him, there was a
young nobleman belonging to king Benhadad,
whose name was Naaman; he drew bis bow
against the enemy, and wounded the king
through his breastplate, in his lungs. Upon
this Ahab resolved not to make his mischance
known to bis army, lest they should run
away; but he bid the driver of his chariot
to turn it back, and carry him out of the
battle, because he was sorely and mortally
wounded. However, he sat in his chariot
and endured the pain till sun-set, and then
he fainted away and died.

6. And now the Syrian army, upon the
coming on of the night, retired to their camp;
and when the herald belonging to the camp

* This reading of Josephus, that Jehoshaphat put on
not his own but Ahab’s robes, in order to appear to be
Ahab, while Ahab was without any robes at all, and
hoped thereby to escape his own evil fate, and disprove
Micaiah’s prophecy against him, is exceeding probable.
It gives great light also to this whole history, and shows,
that although Ahab hoped Jehoshaphat would be mis*
taken for him, and run the only risk of being slain in the
battle, yet was he entirely disappointed; while still the
escape of the good man Jehos'uaphat, and the slaughter
of the had man Ahab, demonstrated the great distinction
that Divine Providence made betwixt them.

gave notice that Ahab was dead, they returned
home; and they took the dead body of Ahab
to Samaria, and buried it there; but when
they had washed his chariot in the fountain
of Jezreel, which was bloody with the dead
body of the king, they acknowledged that the
prophecy of Elijah was true, for the dogs
licked his blood, and the harlots continued
afterwards to wash themselves in that foun-
tain ; but still he died at Bamoth, as Micaiah
had foretold. And as what things were fore-
told should happen to Ahab by the two pro-
phets came to pass, we ought thence to have
high notions of God, and every where to ho-
nour and worship him, and never to suppose
that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy
of belief before what i9 true; and to esteem
nothing more advantageous than the gift of
prophecy,f and that foreknowledge of future
events which is derived from it, since God
shews men thereby what we ought to avoid.
We may also guess, from what happened to
tbis king, and have reason to consider the
power of fate, that there i9 no way of avoid-
ing it, even when we know it. It creeps
upon human souls, and flatters them with
pleasing hopes, till it leads them about to the
place where it will be too hard for them.
Accordingly Ahab appears to have been de-
ceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that
foretold his defeat; but by giving credit to
such as foretold what was grateful to him, was
slain; and his son Ahaziah succeeded him.

+ We have here a very wise reflection of Josephus
about Divine Providence, and what is derived from it,
prophecy, and the inevitable certainty of its accomplish-
ment; and that when wicked men think they take pro-
per methods to elude what is denounced against them,
and to escape the divine judgments thereby threatened
them, without repentance, they are ever by Providence
infatuated to bring about their own destruction, and
thereby withal to demonstrate tat perfect veracity of
that God whose predictions they in vain endeavour to
elude.247

BOOK IX.

OONTAIKIXa tH» ihtekyal of ONE HUNDRED and futt-sevzn yxa

FBOM THE DEATH OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY OF THE Tfflff

TRIBES.

CONCERNING JEHOSHAPHAT AGAIN; HOW HE
CONSTITUTED JUDGES, AND, BY GOD’S AS-
SISTANCE, OVERCAME HIS ENEMIES.

CHAPTER I.	1 judges, wlio would be obliged to give rigb-

1 teous sentences concerning such causes; and
this with the greater care, because it is pro-
per that the sentences which are given in that
i city wherein the temple of God is, and where.
|in the king dwells, he given with great care
f 1. When Jehoshaphat tne king was come' and the utmost justice. Now he set over
to Jerusalem, from the assistance he had at- I them Amariah the priest, and Zehediah, [both]
forded Ahab, the king of Israel, when he | or the tribe of Judah: and after this manner
fought with Benhadad, Ring of Syria, the pro- ! it was that the king ordered these affairs,
phet Jehu met him, and accused him tor as- |	2. Aoout the same time the Moahites and

listing Ahab, a man both impious and wicked; i Ammonites made an expedition against Jeho-
and said to him, that God was displeased j s'naphat, and took with them a great body of
with him for so doing, but that he delivered ! Arabians, and pitched their camp ut Kngeili,'
him from the enemy, notwithstanding he had a city that is situate at the lake Aspludtitis,
sinned, because of his own proper disposition, , and distant three hundred furlongs from Je-
wliich was good. Whereupon the king be- rusalem. In that place grows the best lynd
took himself to thanksgivings and sacrifices I of palm-trees, and the opobalsamum.t Now
to God; after which he presently went over ] Jehoshaphat heard that the enemies had passed
all that country which he ruled round about, ’ over the lake, and had made an irruptimt
and taught the peop.e. as well the laws which into that country which belonged to his king-
God; gave them by Moses, as that religious dorr., at whicn news he was aff':yh'c<l, and

worship that was due to him. He also con-
stituted judges in every one of the cities of
his kingdom; and charged them to have re-
gard to nothing so much in judging the mul-
titude as to do justice, and not to be moved by
bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for
either their riches or their high birth, but to
distribute justice equally to all, as knowing
thut God is eonscious of every secret action
of theirs. When he had himself instructed
them thus, and gone over every city of the
two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem. He
there also constituted judges out of the priests
and the Levites, and principal persons of the
multitude, and admonished them to pass all
their sentences with rare and justice.* And
that if any of the people of his country had
differences of great consequence, they should
send them out of the other cities to these

• These jndges. -constituted by Jehoshaphat were a
kind ot Jerusalem Sanhedrim, out of the priests, the
Invites, and the principal of the people, both here and
it Chronicles, sic. 8; much like the old. Christian judi-
r.-vitres of the bishop, the presbyters, the deacons, and
the peoplfc-

called the people of Jerusalem to a congrega-
tion in the temple, and standing over-against
the temple itself, he called upon God to afford
him power and strength, so as to indict pun-
ishment on those that made this expedition
against them (for that those who built this his
temple had prayed that he would protect that
city, and take vengeance on those that were
so bold as to come against it); for they are
come to take from us that land which thou
hast given us for a possession. When he had
prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the whole
multitude, together with their wives and chil-
dren, made their supplications also: upon
which a certain prophet, Jahaziel by name,
came into the midst of the assembly, and tried
out, and spake both to the multitude and to
the king, that God heard their prayers, and
promised to light, against their enemies. He
also gave-order that the king should draw his
fureeB out the next day, for that he should
find them between Jerusalem and the ascent

+ Concerning this precious ball
Antiq. b. viii. oh. vl sect &

ssm, sm tbs Boh «a248

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

of Engedi, at a place ealled The Eminence,
and that he should not fight against them, but
only stand still, and see how God would fight
against them. When the prophet had said
this, both the king and the multitude fell
on their faces, and gave thanks to God, and
worshipped him: and the Levites continued
singing hymns to God with their instruments
of music.

3.	As soon as it was day, and the king was
come into that wilderness which is under the
city of Tekoa, he said to the multitude, “that
they ought to give credit to what the prophet
had said, and not to set themselves in array
for fighting; but to set the priests with their
trumpets, and the Levites with the singers of
hymns, to give thanks to God, as having
already delivered our country from our ene-
mies.” This opinion of the king pleased [the
people], and they did what he advised them
to do. So God caused a terror and a com-
motion to arise among the Ammonites, who
thought one another to be enemies, and slew
one another, insomuch that not one man out
of so great an army escaped; and when Je-
hoshaphat looked upon that valley wherein
their enemies had been encamped, and saw it
full of dead men, he rejoiced at so surprising
an event as was this assistance of God, while
he himself by his own power, and without
their labour, had given them the victory. He
also gave his army leave to take the prey of
the enemy’s camp, and to spoil their dead
bodies; and indeed so they did for three days
together, till they were weary, so great was
the number of the slain; and on the fourth
day, all the people were gathered together,
unt5 a certain hollow place or valley, and
blessed God for his power and assistance;
from which the place had this name given it,
the Valley of [Berachah, or] Blessing.

4.	And when the king had brought his
army back to Jerusalem, he betook himself to
celebrate festivals, and offer sacrifices, and
this for many days; and indeed, after this de-
struction of their enemies, and when it - came
to the ears of the foreign nations, they were
all greatly affrighted, as supposing that God
would openly fight for him hereafter. So
Jehoshaphat from that time lived in great
glory and splendour, on account of his righ-
teousness and his piety towards God. He
was also in friendship with Ahab’s son, who
was king of Israel; and he joined with him
in the building of ships that were to sail to
Pontus and the traffic cities of Thrace;*

* What are here Pontus and Thrace, as the places
whither Jehosbaphat’s fleet sailed, are in our other copies
Ophir and Tarshish, and the place whence it sailed
is in them Eziongeber, which lay on the Red -Sea,
whence it was impossible for any ships to sail to Pontus
ot Thrace; so that Josephus’s copy differed from our
other copies, as is farther plain from his own words,
which render what we read, that14 the ships were broken
at Eaiongeber, from their unwieldy greatness.” But so
fat.we may conclude, that Josephus thought one Ophir
to be somewhere in the MedRemnean, and not in the

but he failed of his gains, for the ships were
destroyed by being so great [and unwieldy];
on which account he was no longer concerned

about shipping___And this is the history of

Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem.

CHAPTER II.

CONCERNING AHAZIAH, THE KING OT ISRAEL;
AND AGAIN CONCERNING THE PROPHET
ELIJAH.

§ 1. And now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab,
reigned over Israel, and made his abode in
Samaria. He was a wicked man, and in all
respects like to both his parents, and to Jero-
boam, who first of all transgressed, and began
to deceive the people. In the second year of
his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his
obedience, and left off paying those tributes
which he before paid to his father Ahab. Now
it happened that Ahaziah, as he was coming
down from the top of his house, fell down
from it, and in his sickness sent to the Fly,
which was the god of Ekron, for that was this
god’s name, to inquire about his recovery if
but the God of the Hebrews appeared to Eli-
jah the prophet, and commanded him to go
and meet the messengers that were sent, and
to ask them, whether the people of Israel had
not a God of their own, that the king sent to
a foreign god to inquire about his recovery?
and to bid them return and tell the king that
he would not escape this disease. And when
Elijah had performed what God had com-
manded him, and the messengers had heard
what he said, they returned to the king im-
mediately; and when the king wondered how
they could return so soon, and asked them the
reason of it, they said that a certain man met
them, and forbade them to go on any farther;
but to return and tell thee, from the command
of the God of Israel, that this disease will have
a bad end. And when the king bade them
describe the man that said this to them, they
replied, that he was a hairy man, and was girt
about with a girdle of leather. So the king
understood by this, that the man who was de-
scribed by the messengers was Elijah; where-
upon be sent a captain to him, with fifty
soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah
to him; and when the captain that was sent
found Elijah sitting upon the top of a hill, he
commanded him to come down, and to come
to the king, for so had he enjoined; but that
in case he refused, he would carry him by

South Sea, though perhaps
Ophir in that South Sea also,
sail both from I’hceoicia and

though perhaps there might he another
and that fferts might then
from the Ked Sea, to fetch

the gold of Ophir.

+ This Cod of Flies seems to have been so call'll, ia
was the like god among the Greeks, from his siippmed
power over flies, in driving them away from the iter. of
their sacrifices, which otherwise would have beeu vei5
troublesome to them.CHAP. Ill,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

249

fcrce. Elijah said to him, “ That you may
have a trial whether l be a true prophet, I will
pray that fire may fall from heaven, and de-
stroy both the soldiers and yourself.”* So he
prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from
heaven], and destroyed the captain and those
that were with him. And when the king was
informed of the destruction of these men, he
was very angry, and sent another captain with
the like number of armed men that were sent
before. And when this captain also threatened
the prophet, that unless he came down of his
own accord, he would take him and carry him
away; upon his prayer against him, the fire
[from heaven] slew this captain as well as the
other. And when, upon inquiry, the king was
informed of what had happened to him, he sent
out a third captain. But when this captain,
who was a wise man, and of a mild disposition,
came to the place where Elijah happened to be,
and spake civilly to him, and said, that he knew
that it was without his own consent, and only in
submission to the king’s command that he came
to him; and that those that came before did not
come willingly, but on the same account,—he
therefore desired him to have pity on those
armed men that were with him; and that he
would come down and follow him to the king.
So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and
courteous behaviour, and came down and
followed him. And when he came to the king,
he prophesied to him, and told him, that God
said,—“ Since thou hast despised him as not
being God, and so unable to foretell the truth
about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god
of Ekron to inquire of him what will be the
end of this thy distemper, know this, that thou
shalt die.”

2. Accordingly the king in a very little
time died, as Elijah had foretold; but Je-
horam his brother succeeded him in the king-
dom, for he died without children: but for
this Jehoram, he was like his father Ahab in
wickedness, and reigned twelve years, indulg-
ing himself in all sorts of wickedness and im-

» It is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of Eli-
jah, when he called for fire from heaven, and consumed
no fewer than two captains and a hundred soldiers, and
this for no other crime.than obeying the orders of their
king, in attempting to seize him : and it is owned by our
Saviour, that it was an instance of greater severity than
the spirit of the New Testament allows, Luke ix.-51. But
then we must consider, that it is not unlikely that these
captains and soldiers believed that they were sent to fetch
the prophet, that he might be put to death for foretelling
the death of the king, and this while they knew him to be
the prophet of the true God, the Supreme King of I
(for they were still undei the theocracy), which ws

of Israel

theocracy), which was no
bellion, and treason, in the highest

ey were

less than impiety, rebt
degree: nor would the command of a subaltern or inferior

when
as I
diso-

captain. contradicting the commands of the general, v
the captain and the suldiers botn knew it to b* so,
suppose, justify or excuse such gross rebellion and diso-
bedience in soldiers at this day. Accordingly, when Saul
commanded his guards to slay Aliimelech and the priests
at Nob, they knew it to be an unlawful command, and
would not obey it. I Sam. xxil. 17. From which cases,
both officers and soldiers may learn that the commands
............ 1 '	‘ !	ie thi

ey knew

ould not obey it. I Sam. xxil. 17. From which casei
ith officers and soldiers
of their leaders or kiius
in doing what is wicked in the sight of God, or in fight-
ing in an unjust cause, when they know it so to be.

cannot justify or excuse them

piety towards God, for, leaving off his worship,
he worshipped foreign gods; but in other re-
spects be was an active man. Now at this
time it was that Elijah disappeared from among
men, and no one knows of his death to this
very day; but he left behind him his disciple
Elisha, as we have formerly declared. And
indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who
was before the Deluge, it is written in the
sacred books that they disappeared; but so
that nobody knew that they died.

CHAPTER Hi.

HOW JORAM AND JEHOSHAPHAT MADE AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MOABITES; AS
ALSO CONCERNING THE WONDERS OF ELI-
SHA; AND THE DEATH OF JEHOSHAPHAT.

§ 1. When Joram had taken upon him the
kingdom, he determined to make an expedi-
tion against the king of Moab, whose name
was Mesha; for, as we told you before, he
was departed from his obedience to his bro-
ther [Ahaziah], while he paid to his father
Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with their
fleeces of wool. When therefore he had ga-
thered his own army together, he sent also to
Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since be
had from the beginning been a friend to bis
father, he would assist him in the war that he
was entering into against the Moabites, who
had departed from their obedience, who not
only himself promised to assist him, but would
also oblige the king of Edom, who was under
his authority, to make the same expedition
also. When Joram had received these as-
surances of assistance from Jehoshaphat, he
took his army with him, and came to Jeru-
salem; and when he had been sumptuously
entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was
resolved upon by them to take their march
against their enemies through the wilderness
of Edom: and when they had taken a com-
pass of seven days’ journey, they were in dis-
tress for want of water for the cattle and for
the army, from the mistake of their roads by
the guides that conducted them, insomuch
that they were all in an agony, especially Jo-
ram; and cried to God, by reason 9!' their
sorrow, and [desired to know] what wicked-
ness had been committed by them that induced
him to deliver three kings together, with-
out fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Je-
hoshaphat, who was a righteous man, encou-
raged him, and bade him send to the camp
and know whether any prophet of God was
come along with them, that we might by him
learn from God what we should do. And
when one of the servants of Joram said thai
he had seen there Elisha, the son of Shapliat,
the disciple of Elijah, the three kings went tv*
him at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; anu250

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

when they were come at the prophet’s tent,
which tent was pitched out of the camp, they
asked him, what would become of the army?
and Joram was particularly very pressing with
him about it. And when he replied to him,
that he should not trouble him, but go to his
father’s and his mother’s prophets, for they [to
be sure] were true prophets, — he still desired
him to prophesy, and to save them. So he
swore by God that he would not answer him,
unless it were on account of Jehoshaphat,
who was a holy and righteous man: and
when, at his desire, they brought him a man
that could play on the psaltery, the divine
spirit came upon him as the music played,
and he commanded them to dig many trenches
in the valley; for, said he, “though there
appear neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of
rain, ye shall see this river full of water, till
the army and the cattle be saved for you by
drinking of it; nor will this be all the favour
that you shall receive from God, but you shall
Iso overcome your enemies, and take the best
and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you
shall cut down their fruit-trees,* and lay waste
their country, and stop up their fountains and
rivers.”

2. When the prophet had said this, the
next day, before the sun-rising, a great tor-
rent ran strongly; for God had caused it to
rain very plentifully at the distance of three
days’ journey into Edom, so that the army
and the cattle found water to drink in abun-
dance. But when the Moabites heard that
the three kings were coming upon them, and
made their approach through the wilderness,
the king of Moab gathered his army together
presently, and commanded them to pitch their
camp upon the mountains, that when the ene-(
my should attempt to enter their country,.
they might not be concealed from them.
But when, at the rising of the sun, they saw 1
the water in the torrent, for it was not far
from the land of Moab, and that it was of
the colour of blood, for at such a time the
water especially looks red, by the shining of
the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of
the state of their enemies, as if they had slain
one another for thirst; and that the river ran
with their blood. However, supposing that
this was the case, they desired their king
would send them out to spoil their enemies;
whereupon they all went in haste, as to an
advantage already gained, and came to the
enemy’s camp, as supposing them destroyed
already; but their hope deceived them, for

* This practice of cutting down, or plucking up by
the roots, the fruit-trees, was forbidden, even in ordi-
nary wars, by the law of Moses, Deut xx. 19. 20; and
only allowed by God in this particular case, when the
Moabites were to be punished and cut off in an extra-
ordinary manner fur their wickedness. See Jer. xlv

as their enemies stood round about them,
some of them were cut to pieces, and others
of them were dispersed, and fled to their own
country; and when the kings fell into the
land of Moab, they overthrew the cities that
were in it, and spoiled their fields, and marred
them, filling them with stones out of the
brooks, and cut down the best of their trees,
and stopped up their fountains of water, and
overthrew their walls to their foundations;
but the king of Moab, when he was pursued,
endured a siege, and seeing his city in dan-
ger of being overthrown by force, made a
sally, and went out with seven hundred men,
in order to break through the enemy’s camp
with his horsemen, on that side where the
watch seemed to be kept most negligently;
and when, upon trial, he could not get away,—
for he lighted upon a place that was carefully
watched,—he returned into the city, and did
a thing that showed despair, and the utmost
distress; for he took his eldest son, who was
to reign after him, and lifting him up upon
the wall, that he might be visible to all the
enemies, he offered him as a whole burnt-
offering to God, whom, when the kings saw,
they commiserated the distress that was the
occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of
humanity and pity, that they raised the seige,
and every one returned to his own house.
So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and con-
tinued in peace there, and outlived this ex-
pedition but a little time, and then died,
having lived in all sixty years, and of them
reigned twenty-five. He was buried in a
magnificent manner in Jerusalem, for he had
imitated the actions of David.

wickedness. See Jer.

1 ~ prophecies against them.

ordinary manner fur their wic
II. 12, 13. and many the like

Nothing could therefore justify this practice but a parti-
cular commission from tiod by his prophet, as in the
present case, which was ever a sulhcient warrant for
breaking auy such ritual or ceremonial law whatsoever

CHAPTER IV.

JEHORAM SUCCEEDS JEHOSHAPHAT; HOW JO-
RAM, HIS NAMESAKE, KINO OF ISRAEL,
FOUGHT WITH THE SYRIANS; AND WHAT
WONDERS WERE DONE BY THE PROPHET
ELISHA.

§ 1. Jehoshaphat had a good number of
children; but he appointed his eldest son, Je-
horam, to be his successor, who had the same
name with his mother’s brother, that was
king of Israel, and the son of Ahab. Now
when the king of Israel was come out of the
land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him
Elisha the prophet, whose acts 1 have a mind
to go over particularly, for they were illus-
trious, and worthy to be related, as we have
them set down in the sacred books.

2. For they say that the widow of Oba-
diah.f Ahab’s steward, came to him, und said,

+ That this woman who cried to hlisha, and who, in
our Bible, is staled “ the wile of out of the sons of the
prophet' ” 2 Kings ir. 1, wa* n > ui: er than the widowCHAP. 17.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

251

that he was not ignorant how her husband had
preserved the prophets that were to be slain
by Jezebel, the wife of Ahab; for she said that
he hid a hundred of them, and had borrowed
money for their maintenance, and that, after
her husband’s death, she arid her children were
carried away to be made slaves by the credi-
tors; and she desired of him to have mercy
upon her on account of what her husband did,
and afford her some assistance. And when he
asked her what she had in the house, she said,
“ Nothing but a very small quantity of oil in
a cruise.” So the prophet bid ber go away,
and borrow a great many empty vessels of her
neighbours, and when she had shut her cham-
ber-door, to pour the oil into them all; for
that God would fill them full. And when the
woman had done what she was commanded to
do, and bade her children bring every one of
the vessels, and all were filled, and not one
left empty, she came to the prophet, and told
him that they-were all full; upon which he
advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and
pay the creditors what was owing to them,
for that there would be some surplus of the
price of the oil, which she might make use of
for the maintenance of her children;—and thus
did Elisha discharge the woman’s debts, and
free her from the vexation of her creditors.

3. Elisha also sent a hasty message to Jo-
ram,* and exhorted him to take care of that

nd steward of Atiab, is confirmed by
< and others.

of Ubadiah, the good steward o! Atiab, is c
the Chaldee paraphrast, and by the Rabbins
Nor is that tinlikelv which Josephus heie adds, that those
debts were contracted by her husband lor the support of
those “hundred of tae Lord’s prop.ieto. wh<m he main-
tained by fifty in a cave,” n the days of Aliab and Jeze-
bel. 1 Kings xviii. 4- which circumstance rendered it
highly fit that the propnet Eiisna snould provide her a
remedy, and enable her to redeem herself and her sons
from the fear of that slavery which insolvent debtors were
liable to by the law of Moses, Leviticus txv. 39; Matt,
xviii. 26; which he did accordingly, with God’s help, at
the expense of a miracle.

* Ur. Hudson, wf-J; vary good reason, suspects, that
there is no small delect in our present copies of Josephus,
just before the beginning of this section: and chiefly, as
to the distiu?’ account which he had given us reason to
expect in the first section, and to which he seems to
refer (cn. viii. sect. 6;, concerning the glorious miracles
which Misha wrought, which indeed in our Bibles are not
a few <2 Kings iv. to ix.); hut of which we have several
omitted in Josephus’s present copies. One of those his-
tories omitted at present, was evidently in his Bible, I
mean that of the curing of JSaaman's leprosy (2 Kings
▼.): for he plainly alludes to it (b. iii. chap. xi. sect. 4),
where he ohserves, that ” there were lepers in many na-
tions who yet have been in honour, and not only free from
reproach and avoidance, but who have been great cap-
tains of armies, and been intrusted with high offices in

-------------“u -_J 1----1 ■J *'---rivilege of entsr-

1 what knakes me

the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of i
ing into holy places and temples.” But what knak
most to regret the want of that history in our pi
copies of Josephus Is this, that we have here, as it is com-
monly understood, one of the greatest difficulties in all
the Bible, that in 2 Kings v. 18, 19. where Naaman. alter
lie had been miraculously cured by a prophet of the true
God, and had thereupon promised (ver. 17) that ‘ he
would henceforth otter neither biirnt-ofierings nor sacri-

fices unto other gods, but unto the Lord. adds, in <his
thing the Lord pardon thy servant, that when mv master

'***---------------- '	1 he

myself in the
servant in this

ng the Lord par

sth into the house of Rimmon to worship there, and he
th on my hands, and I how down myself in the
:ot Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant in this
thingi and Elisha said. Go in peacr.” This looks liken
prophet’s permission for being partaker in idolatry itself,
out of compliance with an idolatrous court.

goei
lea: eth
nnu9e ot
thi

place, for that therein were some Syrians lying
in atnbush to kill him. So the king did as the
prophet exhorted him, and avoided his going
a-hunting; and when Benhadad missed of
the success of his lying in ambush, he was
wroth with his own servants, as if they had
betrayed his ambushment to Joram; and he
sent for them, and said they were the betrayer
of his secret counsels; and he threatened tha
he would put them to death, since such their
practice was evident, because he had intrusted
this secret to none but them, and yet it was
made known to bis enemy: and when one that
was present said, that he should not mistake
himself, nor suspect that they had discovered
to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but
that he ought to know that it was Elisha the
prophet who discovered all to him, and laid
open all his counsels. So he gave order that
they should send some to learn in what city
Elisha dwelt. Accordingly, those that were
sent brought word that he was in Dothan;
wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great
army, with horses and chariots, to take Elisha;
so they encompassed the city round about by
night, and kept him therein confined; but
when the prophet’s servant in the morning
perceived this, and that his enemies sought to
take Elisha, he came running, and crying out
after a disordered manner to him, and told him
of it; but he encouraged him, and bade him
not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and
trust in the assistance of God, and was himself
without fear; and he besought God to make
manifest to his servant his power and presence,
so far as was possible, in order to the inspiring
him with hope and courage. Accordingly,
God heard the prayer of the prophet, and made
the servant see a multitude of chariots and
horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside
his fear, and his courage revived at the sight
of what he supposed w-as come to their assist-
ance. After this, Elisha did farther entreat
God that he would dim the eyes of their ene-
mies, and cast a mist before them, whereby
they might not discern him. When this was
done, he went into the midst of his enemies,
and asked them who it was that they came to
seek; and w’hen they replied, “The prophet
Elisha,” he promise;! he would deliver him to
them, if they would follow him to the city
where he tvai. So these men were so darkened
by God in their sight and in their mind, that
they followed him very diligently; and when
Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he or-
dered Joram the king to shut the gates, and to
place his own army round about them; and
prayed to God to clear the eyes of these their
enemies, and take the mist from before them.
Accordingly, when they were freed from the
obscurity they had been in. they saw them-
selves in the midst of their enemies; and os
the Syrians were strangely amazed and dis-
tressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so
divine and surprising; and as king JoramANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

252

asked the prophet if he would give him leave
to shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to
do; and said, that “ it is just to kill those
that are taken in battle; but that these men
had done the country no harm, but, without
knowing it, were come thither by the Divine
Power.”—So that his counsel was to treat
them in an hospitable manner at his table, and
then send them away without hurting them.*
Wherefore Joram obeyed the prophet; and
when he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid
and magnificent manner, he let them go to
Benhadad, their king.

4. Now when these men were come back,
and had showed Benhadad how strange an
accident had befallen them, and what an ap-
pearance and power they bad experienced of
the God of Israel, he wondered at it, as also
at that prophet with whom God was so evi-
dently present: so he determined to make no
more secret attempts upon the king of Israel,
out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make
open war with them, as supposing he could
be too bard for his enemies by the multitude
of his army and power. So he made an ex-
pedition with a great army against Joram,
w ho, not thinking himself a match for him,
shut himself up in Samaria, and depended on
the strength of its wulls; but Benhadad sup-
posed he should take the city, if not by his
engines of war, yet that he should overcome
the Samaritans by famine, and the want of
necessaries, and brought his army upon them,
and besieged the city; and the plenty of ne-
cessaries was brought so low with Joram, thai
from the extremity of want, an ass’s head was
sold in Samaria for fourscore pieces of silver;
and the Hebrews bought a sextary of dove’s
dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver.
Now' Joram was in fear lest somebody should
betray the city to the enemy, by reason of the
famine, and went every day round the walls
and the guards, to see whether any such were
concealed among them; nnd by being thus
seen, and taking such care, be deprived them
of the opportunity of contriving any such
thing; and if they had a mind to do it, he by
this means prevented them; but upon a cer-
tain woman’s crying out, “ Have pity on me,
my Lord,” while he thought that she was
about to ask for somewhat to eat, he impre-
cated God’s ci.rse upon her, and said, he had
neither thrashing-floor nor wine-press, whence
he might give her any thing at her petition.
Upon which she said, she did not desire his
aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about
food, but desired that he would do her justice
as to another woman; and when he bade her

• Upon oocasion of this stratagem of Elisha, in Jo-
sephus. we take notice, that although Josephus was one
ol the greatest lovers of truth in the world, yet, in a just
war, he seems to have had no manner of scruple upon
him, !>y all such stiatigems possible, to deceive public
enemies. See this Josephus’s account of Jeremiah’s
imposition on the great uiei> of the Jews in somewhat a
like case, Antiq. b. x. ch. vii. sect, li; i Sam. xvi. 16. ter..

say on, and let him know what she desired,
she said, she bad made an agreement with the
other women, who was her neighbour and her
friend, that because the famine and the want
w’as intolerable, they should kill their children,
each of them having a son of their own, “ and
we will live upon them ourselves for two days,
—the one day upon one son, and the other
day upon the other; and,” said she, ‘‘ I have
killed my son the first day, and we lived upon
my son yesterday; but this other woman will
not do the same thing, but hath broken her
agreement, and bath hid her son.” This story
mightily grieved Joram when be beard it; so
he rent bis garment, and cried out with a loud
voice, and conceived great wrath against Eli-
sha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to
have him slain, because be did not pray to
God to provide them some exit and way ol
escape out of the miseries with which they
were surrounded; and sent one away imme-
diately to cut ofif his bead, who made baste
to kill the prophet; but Elisha was not unac-
quainted with the wrath of the king against
him; for as be sat in bis bouse by bimself,
with none but bis disciples about him, be told
them that Joram,f who was the son of a mur-
derer, bad sent one to take away his head;

but,” said he, “ when he that is commanded
to do this comes, take care that you do not
let him come in, but press the door against
him, and hold him fast there, for the king
himself will follow him, and come to me,
having altered his mind.” Accordingly, they
did as they were bidden, when he that was
sent by the king to kill Elisha came; but Jo-
ram repented of his wrath against the pro-
phet; and for fear be that was commanded to
kill him should have done it before he came,
he made haste to hinder his slaughter, and to
save the prophet: and when he came to him,
he accused him that he did not pray to God
for their deliverance from the miseries they
now lay under, but saw them so sadly destroy,
ed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised,
that the very next day, at the very same nour
in which the king came to him, they should
have great plenty of food, and that two seahs
of barley should be sold in the market for a
shekel, and u seah of fine flour should be sold
for a shekel. This prediction made Joram,
and those that were present, very joyful, for
they did not scruple believing what the pro-
phet said, on account of the experience they
had of the truth of his former predictions;
and the expectation of plenty made the want
they were in that day, with the uneasiness

+ This son of a murderer was Joram, the son of Ahab;
whom Allah slew, nr permitted his xviie Jrzehel to slay,
the Lord’s prophets, and Naboth (I Kings xviii. 4; xxi.
lit); and he is heie called by this name, I suppose, be-
cause he had new also himself sent an officer to murder
him; jet is Josephus’s account of Joram’s coming him-
self at last, as repenting of his intended cruelty, much
more probable than that in our copies S Kings vi. 3J,
which rather implies the contrary.253

CHAP. IV.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

that accompanied it, appear a light thing to
them; but the captain of the third band, who
was a friend of the king, and on whose hand
the king leaned, said, “ Thou talkest of in-
credible things, O prophet 1 for as it i9 im-
possible for God to pour down torrents of
barley, or tine flour, out of heaven, so is it im-
possible that what thou'sayest should come to
pass.” To which the prophet made this re-
ply:— “ Thou shalt see these things come to
pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a par-
taker of them.”

5. Now what Elisha had thus foretold
came to pass in the manner following: —
There was a law at Samaria,* that those that
had the leprosy, and whose bodies were not
cleansed from it, should abide without the
city. And there were four men that on this
account abode before the gates, while nobody
gave them any food, by reason of the extremity
of the famine; and as they were prohibited
from entering into the city by the law, and
they considered that if they were permitted
to enter, they would miserably perish by the
famine; as also, that if they staid where they
were, they should suffer in the same manner,
—they resolved to deliver themselves up to
the enemy, that in case they should spare
them, they should live; but if they should be
killed, that would be an easy death. So when
they had confirmed this their resolution, they
came by night to the enemy’s camp. Now
God had begun to affright and disturb the
Syrians, and to bring the noise of chariots
and armour to their ears, as though an army
were coming upon them, and had made them
suspect that.it was coming nearer and nearer
to them. In short, they were in such a dread
of this army, that they left their tents, and
ran together to Benhadad, and said, that Jo-
ram, the king of Israel, had hired for auxilia-
ries both the king of Egypt and the king of
the Islands, and led them against them; for
they heard the noise of them as they were
coming; and Benhadad believed what they
said (for there came the same noise to his ears
las well as it did to theirs); so they fell into a
mighty disorder and tumult, and left their
horses and beasts in their camp, with immense
riches also, and betook themselves to flight.
And those lepers who had departed from Sa-
maria, and were gone to the camp of the Sy-
rians, of whom we made mention a little be-
fore, when they were in the c^mp, saw nothing
but great quietness and silence; accordingly
they entered into it, and went hastily into one
of their tents; and when they saw nobody
there, they cat and drank, and carried gar-
ments, and a great quantity of gold, and hid
it out of the camp; after which they went
into another tent, and carried off what was in
it, as they did at the former, and this did they

* This law of the Jews for the exclusion of lepers out
of the earup io the wilderness, and out of cities in J udea,
4 a known one, Lev. xiii. 46: Numb. v. 1—4.

for several times, without the least interrup-
tion from any body; so they gathered thereby
that the enemies were departed; whereupon
they reproached themselves that they did not
inform Joram and the citizens of it. So they
came to the walls of Samaria, and called
aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what
state the enemies were, as did these tell the
king’s guards, by whose means Joram came
to know of it; who then sent for his friends,
and the captains of his host, and said to them,
that he suspected that this departure of the
king of Syria was by way of ambush and
treachery; “and that out of despair of ruin-
ing you by famine, when you imagine them
to be fled away, you may come out of the
city to spoil their camp, and he may then fall
upon you on a sudden, and may both kill
you, and take the city without fighting; —
whence it is that J exhort you to guard the
city carefully, and by no means to go out of
it, or proudly to despise your enemies, aa
though they were really gone away.” And
when a certain person said, that he did very
well and wisely to admit such a suspicion, but
that he still advised him to send a couple of
horsemen to search all the country as far as
Jordan, that “ if they were seized by an am-
bush of the enemy, they might be a security
to your army, that they may not go out as if
they suspected nothing, nor undergo the like
misfortune; and,” said he, “those horsemen
may be numbered among those th»t have died
by the famine, supposing they bt caught and
destroyed by the enemy.” So tne king was
pleased with this opinion, and sent such as
might search out the truth, who performed
their journey over a road that was without
any enemies; but found it full of provisions,
and of weapons, that they had therefore
thrown away, and left behind them, in order
to their being light and expeditious in their
flight. When the king heard this, he sent
out the multitude to take the spoils of the
camp; which gains of theirs were not of
things of small value; but they took a great
quantity of gold, and a great quantity of sil-
ver, and flocks of all kinds of cattle. They
also possessed themselves of [so many] ten
thousand measures of wheat and barley, as
they never in the least dreamed of; and were
not only freed from their former miseries, but
had such plenty that two seahs of barley
were bought for a shekel, and a seah of fine
flour for a shekel, according to the prophecy
of Elisha. Now a seah is equal to an Italian
modius and a half. The captain of the third
band was the only man that received no be-
nefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed
by the king to oversee the gate, that he might
prevent the too great crowd of the multitude,
and they might not endanger one another to
perish, by treading on one another in the press,
he suffered himself in that very way, and died
in that very manner, as Elisha had foretold254

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK IX.

this his death, when he alone of them all dis-
believed what he said concerning that plenty
of provisions which they should soon have.

6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of
Syria, had escaped to Damascus, and under-
stood that it was God himself that cast all bis
army into this fear and disorder, and that it
did not arise from the invasion of enemies, he
was mightily cast down at his having God so
greatly for his enemy, and fell into a distem-
per. Now it happened that Elisha the pro-
phet, at that time, was gone out of his own
country to' Damascus, of which Benhadad
was informed; he sent Hazael, the most
faithful of all his servants, to meet him, and
to carry him presents; and bade him inquire
of him about his distemper, and whether he
should escape the danger that it threatened.
So Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels,
that carried the best and most precious fruits
that the country of Damascus afforded, as
well as those which the king’s palace sup-
plied. He saluted him kindly, and said,
that he was sent to him by king Benhadad,
and brought presents with him, in order to
inquire concerning his distemper, whether he
should recover from it or not. Whereupon
the prophet bade him tell the king no melan-
choly news; but still he said he would die.
So the king’s servant was troubled to hear it;
and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran down
plenteously at his foresight of what miseries
bis people would undergo after the death of
Benhadad; and when Hazael asked him what
was the occasion of this confusion he was
in, he said, that he wept out of commisera-
tion for the multitude of the Israelites, and
what terrible miseries they will suffer by
thee; “ for thou wilt slay the strongest of
them, and wilt burn their strongest cities, and
wilt destroy their children, and dash them
against the stones, arid wilt rip up their wo-
men with child.” And when Hazael said,
“ How can it he that I should have power
enough to do such things?” the prophet re-
plied, that God had informed him that he
should be king of Syria. So when Hazael
was come to Benhadad, he told him good
news concerning his distemper;* but on the
next day be spread a wet cloth, in the nature
of a net, over him, and strangled him, and
took his dominion. He was an active man,

this day as gods, by reason of their benefac-
tions, and their building them temples by
which they adorned the city of the Darnas-
ceris. They also every day do with great
pomp, pay their worship to these kings,"f and
value themselves upon their antiquity; nor
do they know that these kings are much later
than they imagine, and that they are not yet
eleven hundred years old. Now when Jo-
ram, the king of Israel, heard that Benhadad
was dead, he recovered out of the terror and
dread he had been in on his account, and was
very glad to live in peace.

CHAPTER V.

CONCERNING THE WICKEDNESS OF JEHORAH,
KING OF JERUSALEM; HIS DEFEAT, AND
DEATH.

§ 1. Now Jehoram, the king of Jerusalem,
for we have said before that he bad the same
name with the king of Israel, as soon as be
had taken the government upon him, betook
himself to the slaughter of his brethren and
his father's friends, who were governors under
him, and thence made a beginning, and a
demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he
at all better than those kings of Israel who at
first transgressed against the law's of their
country, and of the Hebrews, and against
God’s worship: and it was Alhalia, the
daughter of Ahab, whom he had married,
who taught him to be a bad man in other
respects, and also to w'orship foreign gods.
Now God would not quite root out this fa-
mily, because of the promise he bad made to
David. However, Jehoram did not leave off
the introduction of new sorts of customs to
the propagation of impiety, and to the ruin
of the customs of his own country. And
w'hen the Edomites about that time had re-
volted from him, and slain their former king,
who was in subjection to his father, and had
set up one of their own choosing, Jehoram
fell upon the land of Edom, with the horse-
men that were about him, and the chariots,
by night, and destroyed those that lay near
to his own kingdom; but did not proceed
farther. However, this expedition did him

and had the good-will of the Syrians, and of
the people of Damascus, to a great degree;
by whom both Benhadad himself, and Ha-
zael, who ruled after him, are honoured to
• Since Elijah did not live to anoint Hazael king of
Syria himself, as he wa9 empowered to do (I Kings xix.
1-3), it was most probably now done, in his name, by
his servant and successor Elisha; nor does it seem to
me otherwise, but that Ber.hadad immediately recovered
of his disease, as the prophet foretold; and that Hazael,
upon his being anointed to succeed him. though he
ought to have staid till he died by the course of nature,
or some other way of divine'punishment, as did David
for many years in the like case, was too impatient, and
the very next day smothered or strangled him, in order
to come directly to the succession.

+ What M. I.e Clerc pretends here, that it is more
bis son were worshipped by
Jo-

probable thal Hazael an

the Syrians and people of Damascus till the days of
sephus, than Benhadad and Hazael, because under lien-
hadad they had greatly suffered, and because it is almost
incredible, that both a king and that king’s murderer
should be worshipped by the same Syrians, is of little
force against those records, out of whmh Josephus drew
this history, especially when it is likely thal they thought
tlenh.c.dad died of the distemper he laboured under, and
not by Hazael’s treachery- Besides, the reason-that
Josephus gives for this adoration, that these two kings
had been great benefactors to ihe inhabitants of Damas-
cus, and had built theip temples, is loo remote from the
political suspicions of Le Clerc; nor ought such weak
suspicions to be deemed of any force against antbenti*
testimonies of antiquity.CHAP. VI.	ANTIQUITIES

no service, for they all revolted from him,
with those that dwelt inthe country of Lib-
nah. He was indeed so mad as to compel
the people to go up to the high places of the
mountains, and worship foreign, gods. ,

2.	As he was doing this, and had entirely
cast his own country laws out of his mind,
there was brought him an epistle from Eli-
jah the prophet,* which declared, that God
would execute great judgments upon him,
because he had not imitated his own fathers,
but had followed the wicked courses of the
kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe
of Judah and the citizens of Jerusalem to
leave the holy worship of their own God, and
to worship idols, as Ahab had compelled the
Israelites to do, and because he had slain his
brethren, and the men that were good and
righteous. And the prophet gave him notice
in this epistle what punishment he should
undergo for these crimes, namely, the destruc-
tion of his people, with the corruption of the
king’s own wives and children; and that he
should himself die of a distemper in his bow-
els, with long torments, those his bowels fall-
ing out by the violence of the inward rotten-
ness of the parts, insomuch that, though he
see his own misery, he shall not be able at
all to help himself, but shall die in that man-
ner. This it was which Elijah denounced to
him in that epistle.

3.	It was not long after this that an army
of those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia,
and of the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom
of Jehoram, and spoiled the country and the
king’s house; moreover, they slew his sons
and his wives; one only of his sons was left
him, who escaped the enemy; his name was
Ahaziah; after which calamity, he himself
fell into that disease which was foretold by
the prophet, and lasted a great while (for God
indicted this punishment upon him in his
belly, out of his wrath against him), and so he
died miserably, and saw his own bowels fall
out. The people also abused his dead body;
I suppose it was because they thought that
such his death came upon him by the wratk
of God, and that therefore he was not worthy
to partake of such a funeral as became kings.
Accordingly, they neither buried him in the
sepulchres of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him
any honours, but buried him like a private man,
and this when he had lived forty years, and
reigned eight; and the people of Jerusalem
delivered the government to his son Ahaziah.

• This epistle, in some copies of Josephus, is said to
come to Jorarn from Elijah, with this addition, “for he
was yet upon earth;” which could not be true of Elijah,
who, as ail agree, was gone from the earth aboye four
years before, and could only be true of Elisha; nor per-
haps is there any more mystery here, than that the name
of Elijah has very anciently crept into the text instead of
E’islta, by the copiers, there being nothing in any copy
01 that epistle peculiar to Elijah.

OF THE JEWS.	255

CHAPTER VI.

HOW. JEHU WAS ANOINTED KING, AND SLEW
BOTH JORAM AND AHAZIAH; AS ALSO
WHAT HE PID FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF
THE WICKED.

§ 1. Now Joram, tbe king of Israel, after the
death of Benhadad, hoped that he might now
take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the Sy-
rians. Accordingly, he made an expedition
against it, with a great army; but as he was be-
sieging it, an arrow was shot at him by one of
the Syrians, but the wound was not mortal; so
he returned to have his wound healed in Jez-
reel, but left his whole army in Ramoth,—
and Jehu, tbe son of Nimsbi, for their general;
for he bad already taken the city by force;
and he proposed, after he was healed, to make
war with the Syrians; but Elisha the prophet
sent one of his disciples to Ramoth, and gave
him holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell Lim
that God had chosen him to he their king.
He also sent him to say other things to him,
and bade him to take his journey as if he fled,
that when he came away he might escape the
knowledge of all men. So when he was
come to the city, he found Jehu sitting in the
midst of the captains of the army, as Elisha
had foretold he should find him. So he caine
up to him, and said that he desired to speak
with him about certain matters; and when
he was arisen, and had followed him into an
inward chamber, the young man took the oil,
and poured it on his head, and said that God
ordained him to he king, in order to his de-
stroying the house of Ahab, and that he might
revenge the blood of the prophets that were
unjustly slain by Jezebel, that so their house
might utterly perish, as those of Jeroboam
the son of Nebat and of Baasha had perished
for their wickedness, and no seed might re-
main of Ahab’s family. So when he had
said this, he went away hastily out of the
chamber, and endeavoured not to be seen by
any of the army.

2. But Jehu came out, and wertt to the
place where he before sat with the captains;
and when they asked him, and desired him
to tell them wherefore it was that this young
man came to him, and added withal that
he was mad, he replied,—“ You guess right;
for the words he spake were the words of
a madman:”—and when they were eager
about the matter, and desired he would tell
them, he answered, that God had said he had
chosen him to be king over the multitude.
When he ha d said this, every one of them put
off his garment,! and strewed it under him,
and blew with trumpets, and gave notice that

4- Spanheim here notes, that this putting off men’s
garments, and strewing them under a king, was aa
eastern custom, which he had elsewhere explained.256

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the
army together, he was preparing to set out
immediately against Joram, at the city of
Jezreel, in which city, as we said before, he
was healing of the wound which he had re-
ceived in the siege of Ramoth. It happened
also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was now
come to Joram, for he was his sister’s son, as
we have said already, to see how he did after
his wound, and this upon account of their kin-
dred: but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon
Joram and those with him on the sudden, he
desired that none of the soldiers might run
away, and tell to Joram what had happened; for
that this would be an evident demonstration
of their kindness to him, and would show that
their real inclinations were to make him king.

3.	So they were pleased with what he
did, and guarded the roads, lest somebody
should privately tell the thing to those that
were* at Jezreel. Now Jehu took his choice
horsemen, and sat upon his chariot, and
went on for Jezreel; and when he was come
near, the watchman whom Joram had set
there to spy out such as came to the city,
saw Jehu marching on, and told Joram that
he saw a troop of horsemen marching on.
Upon which he immediately gave orders, that
one of his horsemen should be sent out to
meet them, and to know who it was that was
coming. So when the horseman came up to
Jehu, he asked him in what condition the army
was, for that the king wanted to know it; but
Jehu bade him not at all to meddle with such

matters, but to follow him. When the watch-
man saw this, he told Joram that the horse-
man had mingled himself among the com-
pany, and came along with them. And when
the king had sent a second messenger, Jehu
commanded him to do as the former did; and
as soon as the watchman told this also to Jo-
ram, he at last got upon his chariot himself,
together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusa-
lem; lor, as we said before, he was there to
see how Joram did, after he had been wound-
ed, as being his relation. So he went out to
meet Jehu, who marched slowly,* and in good
order; and when Joram met him in the field
of Naboth, he asked him if all things were
well in the camp; but Jehu reproached him
bitterly, and ventured to call his mother a
witch and a harlot. Upon this the king fear-
ing what he intended, and suspecting he had
no good meaning, turned his chariot about as
soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, “ We
are fought against by deceit and treachery.”
* Our copies say that this “driving of the chariots
was like the driving of Jehu, the son of Nimshi; for
he driveth furiously,” 2 Kings ix. 20; whereas Jose-
phus’s copy, as he understood it, was this, that, on the
codtrary, Jehu marched slowly and in good order. Nor
can it be denied, that since there was an interval enough
for king Joram to send out two horsemen, one alter
another, to Jehu, and at length to go out with king
Ahaziah to meet him, and all this after he was come
within sight of the watchman, and before he was coine
to Jezreel, the probability is greatly on the side of Jose-
plius’s copy or interpretation.

But Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the
arrow going through his heart: so Joram fell
down immediately on his knee, and gave up
the ghost. Jehu also gave orders to Bidkar,
the captain of the third part of his army, to
cast the dead body of Joram into the field of
Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy
which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father,
when he had slain Naboth, that both he and
his family should perish in that place; for
that as they sat behind Ahab’s chariot, they
heard the prophet say so, and that it was now
come to pass according to his prophecy. Upon
the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of his
own life, and turned his chariot into another
road, supposing he should not be seen by
Jehu; but he followed after him, and over-
took him at a certain acclivity, and drew his
bow, and wounded him; so he left his chariot,
and got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu
to Megiddo; and though he was .under care,
in a little time he died of that wound, and
was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there,
after he had reigned one year, and had proved
a wicked man, and worse than his father.

4.	Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel,
Jezebel adorned herself and stood upon a
tower, and said, he was a fine servant that
had killed his master 1 And when he looked
up to her, he asked who she was, and com-
manded her to come down to him. At last
he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down
from the tower; and being thrown down,
she besprinkled the wall with her blood, and
was trodden upon by the horses, and so died.
When this was done, Jehu came to the pa-
lace with his friends, and took some refresh-
ment after his journey, both with other things,
and by eating a meai. He also bade his ser-
vants to take up Jezebel and bury her, be-
cause of the nobility of her blood, for she was
descended from kings; but those that were
appointed to bury her found nothing else re-
maining but the extreme parts of her body,
for all the rest were eaten by dogs. When
Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy of
Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish
in this manner at Jezreel.

5.	Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up
in Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the
one to them that brought up the children, the
other to the rulers of Samaria, which said, that
they should set up the most valiant of Ahab’s
sons for king, for that they had abundance of
chariots, and horses, and armour, and a great
army, and fenced cities, and that by so doing
they might avenge the murder of Ahab. This
he wrote to try the intentions of those of Sa-
maria. Now when the rulers, and those that
had brought up the children, had read the
letter, they were afraid; and considering that
they were not at all able to oppose him, who
had already subdued two very great kings,
they returned him this answer: — That they
owned him for their lord, and would do what-CHAP. VII.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	257

soever lie bade them. So be wrote back to
them such a reply as enjoined them to obey
what he gave order for, and to cut off the
heads of Ahab’s sons, and send them to him.
Accordingly the rulers sent for those that
brought up the sons of Ahab, and command-
ed them to slay them, to cut off their heads,
and send them to Jehu. So they did what-
soever they were commanded, without omit-
ting any thing at all, and put them up in
wicker baskets, and sent them to Jezreel.
And when Jehu, as he was at supper with his
friends, was informed that the heads of Ahab’6
sons were brought, he ordered them to make
two heaps of them, one before each of the
gates; and in the morning he went out to take
a view of them, and when he saw them, he
began to say to the people that were present,
that he did himself make an expedition against
his master [Joram], and slew him; but that
it was not he that slew all these: and he de-
sired them to take notice, that as to Ahab’s
family, all things had come to pass according
to God’s prophecy, and his house was perished,
according as Elijah had foretold. And when
he had farther destroyed all the kindred of
Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to
Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he
met the relations of Ahaziah, king of Jeru-
salem, and asked them whither they were
going? they replied, that they came to salute
Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for they
knew’ not that he had slain them both. So
Jehu gave orders that they should catch these
and kill them, being in number forty-two
persons.

6. After these, there met him a good and
a righteous man, whose name was Jehonadab,
and who had been bis friend of old. He sa-
luted Jehu, and began to commend him, be-
cause he bad done every thing according to
the will of God, in extirpating the house of
Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into
his chariot, and make his entry with him into
Samaria, and told him that he w’ould not
spare one wicked man, but would punish the
false prophets and false priests, and those that
deceived the multitude, and persuaded them
to leave the worship of God Almighty, and
to worship foreign gods; and that it was a
most excellent and a most pleasing sight to a
good and a righteous man to see the wicked
punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded by
these arguments, and came up into Jehu’s
chariot, and came to Samaria. And Jehu
sought out for all Ahab’s kindred, and slew
them. And being desirous that none of the
false prophets, nor the priests of Ahab’s god,
might escape punishment, he caught them de-
ceitfully by this wile : for he gathered all the
people together, and said, that he would wor-
ship twice as many gods as Ahab worshipped,
and desired that his priests, and prophets, and
servants, might be present, because be would
offer costly and great sacrifices to Ahab’s god;

and that if any of bis priests were wanting,
they should be punished with death. Now
Ahab’s god wras called Baal; and when he
bad appointed a day on which he would offer
these sacrifices, he sent messengers through
all the country of the Israelites, that they
might bring the priests of Baal to him. So
Jehu commanded to give all the priests vest-
ments; and when they had received them, he
went into the house [of Baal], with bis friend
Jehonadab, and gave orders to make search
whether there were not any foreigner or stran-
ger among them, for he would have no one of
different religion to mix among their sacred
offices. And when they said that there was
no stranger there, and they were beginning
their sacrifices, he set four-score men without,
they being such of his soldiers as he knew
to be most faithful to him, and bade them
slay the prophets, and now vindicate the
laws of their country, which had been a long
time in disesteem. He also threatened, that
if any one of them escaped, their own lives
should go for them. So they slew them all
with the sword; and burnt the house of Baal,
and by that means purged Samaria of foreign
customs [idolatrous worship]. Now this Baal
was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in
order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal,
who was the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a
temple for him in Samaria, and appointed
him prophets, and worshipped him with all
sorts of worship, although, when this god was
demolished, Jehu permitted the Israelites to
worship the golden heifers. However, be-
cause he had done thus, and taken care to
punish the wicked, God foretold by his pro-
phet, that his sons should reign over Israel
for four generations; and in this condition
was Jehu at this time.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW ATHALIAH REIGNED OVER JERUSALEM
FOR FIVE [SIX] YEARS, WHEN JEHOIADA
THE HIGH-PRIEST SLEW HER, AND MADE
JEHOASH, THE SON OF AHAZIAH, KING.

§ 1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of
Ahab, heard of the death of her brother Jo-
ram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal
family, she endeavoured that none of the house
of David might be left alive, but that the
whole family might be exterminated, that no
king might arise out of it afterward; and, as
she thought, she had actually done it; but
one of Ahaziah’s sons was preserved, who
escaped death after the manner following:—
Ahaziah had a sister by the same father,
whose name was Jehosheba, and she was mar-
ried to the high-priest Jehoiada. She went
into the king's palace, and found Jehoash, for
B258

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

that was the little child’s name, who was not
above a year old, among those that were slain,
but concealed with his nurse; so she took him
with her into a secret bed-chamber, and shut
him up there; and she and her husband Je-
hoiada brought him up privately in the temple
six years, during which time Athaliah reigned
over Jerusalem and the two tribes.

2.	Now, on the seventh year, Jehoiada
communicated the matter to certain1 of the
captains of hundreds, five in number, and
persuaded them to be assisting to what at-
tempts he was making against Athaliah, and
to join with him in asserting the kingdom to
the child. He also received such oaths from
them as are proper to secure those that assist
one another from the fear of discovery; and
he was then of good hope that they should
depose Athaliah. Now those men whom Je-
hoiada the priest had taken to be his partners,
went into all the country, and gathered toge-
ther the priests and the Levites, and the heads
of the tribes out of it, and came and brought
them to Jerusalem, to the high-priest. So
he demanded the security of an oath of them,
to keep private whatsoever he should discover
to them, which required both their silence and
their assistance. So when they had taken the
oath, and had thereby made it safe for him to
speak, he produced the child that he had
brought up, of the family of David, and said
to them, “ This is your king, of that house
which you know God hath foretold should
reign over you for all time to come: I exhort
you, therefore, that one third part of you guard
him in the temple, and that a fourth part
keep watch at all the gates of the temple, and
that the next part of you keep guard at the
gate which opens and leads to the king’s pa-
lace, and let the rest of the multitude be un-
armed in the temple, and let no armed person
go into the temple, but the priest only." He
also gave them this order besides, “ That a
part of the priests and the Levites should be
about the king himself, and be a guard to him,
with their drawn swords, and to kill that man
immediately, whoever he be, that should be
so bold as to enter armed into the temple;
and bade them be afraid of nobody, but per-
severe in guarding the king.” So these men
obeyed what the high-priest advised them to,
and declared the reality of their resolution by
their actions. Jehoiada also opened that ar-
moury which David had made in the temple,
and distributed to the captains of hundreds,
as also to the priests and Levites, all the
spears and quivers, and what kind of weapons
soever it contained, and set them armed in a
circle round about the temple so as to touch
one another’s hands, and by that means ex-
cluding those from entering that ought not to
enter. So they brought the child into the
midst of them and put on him the royal
crown, and Jehoiada anointed him with the
oil, and made him king; and the multitude

rejoiced, and made a noise, and cried, “ God
save the kingl ”

3.	When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the
tumult and the acclamations, she was greatly
disturbed in her mind, and suddenly issued
out of the royal palace with her own army:
and when she was come to the temple, the
priests received her, but as for those that stood
round about the temple, as they Were ordered
by the high-priest to do, they hindered the
armed men that followed her from going in.
Hut when Athaliah saw the child standing
upon a pillar, with the royal crown upon bis
head, she rent her clothes, and cried out vehe-
mently, and commanded [her guards] to kill
him that had laid snares for her, and en-
deavoured to deprive her of the government:
but Jehoiada called for the captains of hun-
dreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah
to the valley of Cedron, and slay her there,
for he would not have the temple defiled with
the punishments of this pernicious woman;
and he gave order, that if any one came near
to help her, he should be slain also; wherefore
those that had the charge of her slaughter took
hold of her, and led her to the gate of the
king’s mules, and slew her there.

4.	Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah
was, by this stratagem, after this manner, dis-
patched, Jehoiada called together the people
and the armed men into the temple, and made
them take an oath that they would he obedient
to the king, and take care of his safety, and
of the safety of his government; after which
he obliged the king to give security [upon
oath] that he would worship God, and not
transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran
to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and her
husband Jehoram had built to the dishonour of
the God of their fathers, and to the honour
of Ahab, and demolished it, and slew Mattan,
that had his priesthood. But Jehoiada in-
trusted the care and custody of the temple to
the priests and Levites, according to the ap-
pointment of king David, and enjoined them
to bring tbeir regular burnt-offerings twice
a day, and to offer incense according to the law.
He also ordained some of the Levites, with
the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that
no one that was defiled might come there.

5.	And when Jehoiada had set these things
in order, he, with the captains of hundreds,
and the rulers, and all the people, took
Jehoash out of the temple into the king’s
palace, and when he had set him upon the
king’s throne, the people shouted for jcy, and
betook themselves to feasting, and kept a fes-
tival for many days; but the city was quiet
upon the death of Athaliah. Now Jehoash
was seven years old when he took the kingdom;
his mother’s name wras Zibiah, of the city
Beersheba. And all the time that Jehoiada
lived, Jehoash was careful that the laws should
be kept, and very zealous in the worship of
God; and when he was of age, he marriedCHAP. VIII.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	259

two wives, who were given to him by the
high-priest, by whom were born to him both
sons ar.d daughters. And thus much shall
suffice to have related concerning king Jeho-
asb, Low he escaped the treachery of Athaliah,
ami how he received the kingdom.

CHAPTER VIII.

HAZAEL MAKES AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE
PEOPLE OF ISRAEL AND THE INHABITANTS
OF JERUSALEM. JEHU DIES, AND JEHOA-
HAZ SUCCEEDS IN THE GOVERNMENT. JE-
HOASH, THE KING OF JERUSALEM, AT FIRST
IS CAREFUL ABOUT THE WORSHIP OF GOD,
BUT AFTERWARDS BECOMES IMPIOUS, AND
COMMANDS ZECHARIAH TO BE STONED.
WHEN JEHOASI1 [KING OF JUDAH] WAS
DEAD, AMAZIAU SUCCEEDS HIM IN THE
KINGDOM.

§ 1. Now Hazael, king of Syria, fought
against the Israelites and their king Jehu,
and spoiled the eastern parts of the country
beyond Jordan, which belonged to the Reu-
benites and Gadites, and to [the half tribe of]
Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan, burn-
ing and spoiling, and offering violence to all
that he laid his hands on, and this without
impeachment from Jehu, who made no haste
to defend the country when it was under this
distress: nay, he was become a contemner of
religion, and a despiser of holiness, and of
the law's, and died w'hen he had reigned over
the Israelites twenty-seven years. He was
buried in Samaria, and left Jehoahaz his son
his successor in the government.

2.	Now Jehoash, King of Jerusalem, had
an inclination to repair the temple of God;
so he called Jehoiada, and bade him send the
Levites and priests through all the country, to
require half a shekel of silver for every head,
towards the rebuilding and repairing of the
temple, which was brought to decay by Jeho-
ram, and Athaliub and her sons. But the
high-priest did not do this, as concluding that
no one would willingly pay that money; but
in the twenty-third year of Jehoash’s reign,
when the king sent for him and the Levites,
and complained that they had not obeyed
what he enjoined them, and still commanded
them to take care of the rebuilding the tem-
ple, he used this stratagem for collecting the
money, with which the multitude was pleased.
He made a wooden chest, and closed it up
fast on ail sides, but opened one hole in it;
he then set it in the temple, beside the altar,
and desired every one to cast into it, through
toe hole, what he pleased, for the repair of
trie temple. This contrivance was acceptable
io riie people; and they strove one with an-
other, and brought in jointly large quantities
ot sliver and gold: and when the scribe and

the pnest that were over the treasuries had
emptied the chest, and counted the money in
the king’s presence, they then set it in its for-
mer place, and thus did they every day. But
when the multitude appeared to have cast in
as much as wras wanted, the high-priest Je-
hoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons
and carpenters, and to buy large pieces of
timber, and of the most curious sort; and
when they had repaired the temple, they made
use of the remaining gold and silver, which
was not a little, for bowls, and basons, and
cups, and other vessels, and they went on to
make the altar every day fat with sacrifices of
great value. And these things were taken
suitable care of as long as Jehoiada lived.

3.	But as soon as he was dead (which was
when he had lived one hundred and thirty
years, having been a righteous, and in every
respect a very good man, and was buried in
the kings’ sepulchres at Jerusalem, because
he had recovered the kingdom to the family
of David), king Jehoash betrayed his [want
of] care about God. The principal men of
the people were corrupted also together with
him, and offended against their duty, and
what their constitution determined to be most
for their good. Hereupon God was displeased
with the change that was made on the
king, and on the rest of the people, and sent
prophets to testify to them what their actions
were, and to bring them to leave off their
wickedness: but they had gotten such a strong
affection, and so violent an inclination to it,
that neither could the examples of those that
had offered affronts to the laws, and had been
so severely punished, they and their entire
families; nor could the feax of what the pro-
phets now foretold bring them to repentance,
and turn them back from their course of
transgression to their former duty. But the
king commanded that Zechariah, the son of
the high-priest Jehoiada, should be stoned to
death in the temple, and forgot the kindnesses
he had received from his father; for vvhen
God had appointed him to prophesy, he stood
in the midst of the multitude, and gave this
counsel to them arid to the king: That they
should act righteously; and foretold to them,
that if they would not hearken to his admo-
nitions, they should suffer a heavy punish-
ment: but a9 Zechariah was ready to die, he
appealed to God as a witness of what he suf-
fered for the good counsel he had given them,
and how he perished, after a most severe and
violent manner, for the good deeds his father
had done to Jehoash.

4.	However, it was not long before the king
suffered punishment for his transgressions;
for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an
irruption into his country, and when he had
overthrown Gath, and spoiled it, he made an
expedition against Jerusalem; upon which
Jehoash wa9 afraid, and emptied all the trea-
sures of God, and of the kiiigs [before himj.260

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

and took down the gifts that had been dedi-
cated [in the temple], and sent them to the
king of Syria, and procured so much by them,
that he was not besieged, nor his kingdom
quite endangered; but Hazael was induced,
by the greatness of the sum of money, not
to bring his army against Jerusalem; yet Je-
hoash fell into a severe distemper, and was
set upon by his friends, in order to revenge
the death of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada.
These laid snares for the king, and slew him.
He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not
in the royal sepulchres of his forefathers, be-
cause of his impiety.' He lived forty-seven
years; and Amaziah his son succeeded him
in the kingdom.

5.	In the one and twentieth year of the
reign of Jehoash, Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu,
took the government of the Israelites in Sa-
maria, and held it seventeen years. He did
not [properly] imitate his father, but was
guilty of as .wicked practices as those that
first had God in contempt. But the king of
Syria brought him low, and, by expeditions
against him, did so greatly reduce his forces,
that there remained no more of so great an
army than ten thousand armed men, and
fifty horsemen. He also took away from
him his great cities, and many of them also,
and destroyed his army. And these were the
things that, the people of Israel suffered, ac-
cording to the prophecy of Elisha, when he
foretold that Hazael should kill his master,
and reign over the Syrians and Damascens.
But when Jehoahaz was under such unavoid-
able miseries., he had recourse to prayer and
supplication to God, and besought him to
deliver him out of the hands of Hazael, and
not overlook him, and give him up into his
hands. Accordingly, God accepted of his
repentance instead of virtue; and, being de-
sirous rather to admonish those that might
repent, and not to determine that they should
be utterly destroyed, he granted him deliver-
ance from war and daggers. So the country
having obtained peace, returned again to its
former condition, and flourished as before.

6.	Now after the death of Jehoahaz, his
son Joash took the kingdom, in the thirty-
seventh year of Jehoash, the king of the tribe
of Judab. This Joash then took the king-
dom of Israel in Samaria, for he had the same
name with the king of Jerusalem, and he
retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was
a good man,* and in his disposition was not

* This character of Joash, the Bon of Jehoahaz, that
“ he was a good man, and in bis disposition not at all
like to his father,” seems a direct contradiction to out
ordinary copies, which say (2 Kings xiii. II), that “he
did evil iu the sight of the Lord; and that he departed
not from all the sins of Jeroboam, the son of ISebat,
who made Israel to bid: be walked therein.” Which
cot ies are here the truest, it is hardly pusslble to deter-
mine. If Josephus’s be true, this Joash is the single
instance of a good king over the ten tribes; if the other
be true, we have m* one such example. The account
that follows, in all copies, of Elisha the prophet’s con-
ci io lor him, aBrf kis concern lor El'sha, greatly favours

at all like bis father. Now at this time it
was that when Elisha the prophet, who was
already very old, and was now fallen into a
disease, the king of Israel came to visit him ,
and when he found him very near death, he
began to weep in his sight, and lament, to
call him his father, and his weapons, because
it was by his means that he never made use
of his weapons against his enemies, hut that
lie overcame his own adversaries by his pro-
phecies, without fighting; and that he was
now departing this life, and leaving him to
the Syrians, that were already armed, and to
other enemies of his that were under their
power; so he said it was not safe for him to
live any longer, but that it would he well for
him to hasten to his end, and depart out of
this life with him. As the king was thus
bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him,
and bade the king bend a bow that was
brought him; and when the king had fitted
the bow for shooting, Elisha took hold of his
hands and bade him shoot; and when he had
shot three arrows, and then left off, Elisha
said, “ If thou hadst shot more arrows, tliou
hadst cut the kingdom of Syria up by the
roots; hut since thou hast been satisfied with
shooting three times only, thou shalt fight
and beat*the Syrians no more times than three,
that thou mayest recover that country which
they cut off from thy kingdom in the reign of
thy father.” So when the king had heard that,
he departed; and a little while after the pro-
phet died. He was a man celebrated for
righteousness, and in eminent favour with
God. He also performed wonderful and
surprising works by prophecy, and such as
were gloriously preserved in memory by the
Hebrews. He also obtained a magnificent
funeral, such a one indeed as it was fit a per-
son so beloved of God should have. It also
happened, that fit that time certain robbers
cast a man, whom they had slain, into Elisha’s
grave, and upon his dead body coming close
to Elisha’s body, it revived again. And thus
far have we enlarged about the actions of
Elisha the prophet; both sOch as he did while
he was alive, and how he had a divine power
after his death also.

7.	Now upon the death of Hazael, the
king of Syria, that kingdom came to Adad,
his son, with whom Joash, king of Israel, made
war; and when he had beaten him in three
battles, he took from him all that country,
and all those cities and villages which his

then

good man, and no

Josephus’s copies, and suppose this king to have been
idolater, with i

prophets used not to be so familiar. Upon the whole,
,rs, even by Josephus’s own account, that

God’s

a go
.	. ie*» t

siDce it appears, even by Josephus’s own account, that
Amaziah, the good king of Judah, while he was a good
king, was forbidden to make use of the 100.(100 auxilia-
ries he had hired of this Joash, the king of Israel, as if he
and they were then idolaters (2 Cbron. xxv. 6—9), it is
most likely that these diflerent characters of Joash suited
the different parts of his reign, and that, according to our
common copies, he was at firs: a wicked king, and after-
wards was reclaimed, and became a guod one, according
to Josephus.CHAP. IX.,	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	2$J

fithv-T Hozael had taken from the kingdom of
Israel, which caine to pass, however, accord-
ing to the prophecy of Elisha. Hut when
Joash happened to die, he was buried in Sa-
maria; and the government devolved on his
son Jeroboam.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW AMAZIAH MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
THE EDOMITES AND AMALEKITES, AND CON-
QUERED THEM; BUT WHEN HE AFTERWARDS
MADE WAR AQAINST JOASH, HE WASBEATEN,
AND NOT LONG AFTER WAS SLAIN; AND UZ-
ZIAH SUCCEEDED IN THE GOVERNMENT.

§ 1. Now in the second .year of the reign of
Joash over Israel, AtnHziah reigned over the
tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother’s
name was Jehoaddan, who was horn at Jeru-
salem. He was exceeding careful of doing
what wras. right, and this when he was very
young; but when he came to the manage-
ment of affairs, and to the government, he
resolved that he ought first of all to avenge
his father Jehi ash, and to puni.-h those his
friends that had laid violent hands upon him;
so he seized upon them all, and put them to
death; _\et did he execute no severity on their
children, but acted therein according to the
laws of Moses, who did not think it just to
punish children for .the sins of their fathers.
After this he chose him an army out of the
tribe of Judah and Benjamin of such as were
in the flower of their age, and about twenty
years old; and when be bud collected about
three hundred thousand of them together, he
set cSpta'ns of hundreds over them. He also
sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hun-
dred thousand of his soldiers for a hundred
talents of silver, for he had resolved to make
an expedition against the nations of the Ama-
lekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites : but as
lie was preparing for hisexpedition,aud ready
to go out to the war, a prophet, gave him
counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites,
because they were bad men, and because God
foretold that he should be beaten if he made
use of them as.auxiliaries; but that he should
overcome his enemies, though he had but a few
soldiers, when it so pleased God. And when
the king grudged at his having already pait^he
hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him
to do what God would have him, because he
should thereby obtain much wealth from God.
So be dismissed them, and said, that he still
freely gave them their pay, and went himself
with his own army, and made war wit£ the
nations before mentioned; and when he had
beaten them in buttle, he slew of them ten
thousand, and took us many prisoners alive,
whom he brought to the great rock which is
in Arabia, and threw them down frmn it
headlong. He also brought away a great

deal of prey and vast riches from those na-
tions ; hut while A muriali was' engaged in
this expedition, those Israelites whom he had
hired and then dismissed, wefe verjr'uneasy
at it, mid taking their dismission for an af-
front (as supposing that this would not have
been done to them but out of contempt), they
fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded'to spoil
the country as far as Deth-hoion, and took
much cattle, and slew three thousand men.

t_2. Now upon the victory which Amaziab
had gotten, and the great acts be bad done,
he was puffed up, and began to overlook
God, who had given him the victory, and
proceeded to worship the gods he had brought
out of the country of the Amalekites. So a
prophet came to him, and said/ that he won-
dered how he could esteem these to be gods,
who had been of no advantage to their own
people who paid them honours, nor had .de-
livered them fiom his hands, but hud over-
looked the destruction of many of them, and
had suffered themselves to he carried captive,
for that they 1 ad been carried to Jerusalem in
the same manner as any one might have taken
some of the enemy alive, and led them thither.
1'his reproof provoked the king to anger, and
he ctmmanded the prophet to hold his peace,
and threatened to punish him if be meddled
with his conduct. So he replied, that he
should indeed hold his peace; but foretold
withal, that God would not overlook his at-
tempts for innovation ; but Amaziah was not
able to contain biinself under that prosperity
which God had given him, although he had
affronted God thereupon; but in a vein of
insolence he wrote to Joash, the king of Is-
rael, and commanded- that he and all his
people should he obedient to him, as they had
formerly been obedient to his progenitors,
David and Solomon; and he let him know,
that if he would not be so wise as to do what
be commanded him, he must tight for bis do-
minion. . To which message Joash returned
this answ'er in writing:—“King Joash to
king Amaziab. There was a vastly tall cy-
press-tree in mount Lebanon, as also a this-
tle ; this thistle sent to the cypress-tree to
give the cypress-tree’s daughter in marriage
to the thistle’s son; but as the thistle was
saving this, there came a wild beast, and
trode down the thistle; and this may be a
lesson to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to
have a care, lest upon thy good success id the
fight against the Amalekites, thou groWest so
proud, as to bring dangers ujjon thyself, and
upon thy kingdom.”

3. When Amaziah had read this letter, he
w'fls more eager upon fits expedition; which,
f suppose, was by impulse pf God, that
he might be- punished for bis offence against
him. But. as soon as he led out his army
against Joash, and they were going to join
Imtjle'with him, there came such a fear and
consternation upon the army of Amaziab. as262

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

God. when he is displeased, sends upon men,
a id discomfited them, even before they came
to a dose fight. Now it happened, that as
they were scattered about by the terror that
was upon them, Amaziah was left alone, and
was taken prisoner by the enemy: where-
upon Juasli threatened to kill him, unless he
would persuade the people of Jerusalem to
open their gates to him, and receive him and
his army into the city. Accordingly Ama-
ziah was so distressed, and in such fear Of
his life, that he made his enemy to be received
into the city. So Joash overthrew a part
of the wall, of the length of four hundred
cubits, and drove his chariot through the
breach into Jerusalem,' and led Amaziah cap-
tive along with him; hy which means he be-
came master of Jerusalem, and took away the
treasures of God, and carried off all the gold
and silver that was in the king’s palace, and
then freed the king from captivity, and
returned to Samaria. Now these-things
happened to the people of Jerusalem in the
fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who
after this had a conspiracy made against him
liy his friends, and fled to the city Lachisb, aiid
was there slain by the conspirators, who sent
men thither to kill him. So they took up
his dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem,
and made a royal funeral for him. This was
the end of the life of Amaziah,because of his
innovations in religion, and his contempt of
God, when h£ had lived fifty-four years, and
bad, reigned twenty-nine. He was succeeded
by his son, whose name was Uzziah.

CHAPTER X.

CONCERNING JEROBOAM, KING OF ISRAEL, AND
JONAH, THE PROPHET; AND HOW, AFTER
THE DEATH OF JEROBOAM, HIS SON ZECHA-
RIAH TOOK THE GOVERNMENT. HOW UZ-
ZIAH, KING OF JERUSALEM, SUBDUED THE
NATIONS THAT WERE ROUND ABOUT HIM;
AND WHAT BEFEL HIM WHEN HE ATTEMPT-
ED TO OFFER INCENSE TO GOD.

§ 1. In the fifteenth year of the reign of
Ainazuth, Jeroboam the son of Joash reigned
over Israel in Samaria forty year9. This king
was guilty of contumely against God,* and
became very wicked in worshipping of idols,
and in many undertakings that were absurd

*. What I have ahnve noted concerning Jehoash.
terms to me to ,h;iVt* been true also concerning his son
Jeroboam II. viz that although he began wickedly, ns
Josephus agrees with out oilier copies, and as he adds.

was the cause of a vast number of misfortunes to the
Israelites” in those his first years (the particulars of
winch are unhappily wanting both in Josephus and in
all our copies); so dors it seem to mo that he was after-

wards reclaimed, and became a good king, a
encouraged by the prophet Jonah, and had-great suc-
cesses aiterwards. when '■ God had saved the Israelites
b> the hand of Jeroboam, the son of Joash,” st Kings
tjiv. v7; w hich encouragement by Jonah, and great suc-
cesses, are equally observable in Josephus, and in tbe
other copies

and. foreign. He was also the cause of ten
thousand misfortunes to the people of Israel.
Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him
that he should make war with the Syrians,
and conquer their army, and enlarge the
bounds of his kingdom on the northern parts,
to the city Hamath, ami on the southern, to
the lake Aspbaltitis; for the bounds of the
Canaanites originally were these, as Joshua
their general had determined them. So Jero-
boam made an expedition against the Syrians,
and over-ran all their country, as Jonah had
foretold.

2. Now I cannot but think it necessary'
for me, who have promised to give an ac-
curate account of our affairs, to describe the
actions of this prophet, so far as I have found
them written down in the Hebrew books.
Jonah hud been commanded hy God to go to
the kingdom of Nineveh; and, when he was
there, to publish it in that city, how it should
lose the dominion it had over the nations.
But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran
away from God to the city of Joppa, and
finding a ship there, he went into it, and sailed
to Tarsus, to Cilicia ;f and upon the rise
of a most terrible storm, which was so great
that the ship was in danger of sinking, the
mariners, the master, and the pilot himself,
made prayers and vows, in case they escaped
the sea. But Jonah lay still and covered [in
tbe ship], without imitating any thing that the
others did; but as the waves grew greater,
and the sea became more violent by the winds,
they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that
some one of tbe persons that sailed with them
was the occasion of this storm, and agreed
to discover by lot which of them it Avas.
When they had cast lots, J the lot fell upon
the prophet; and when they asked him whence
be came, and what he had done? he replied,
that he was an Hebrew by nation, and a pro-
phet of Almighty God; and he persuaded
them to cast him into the sea, if they would

+ When Jonah ii said in our Bibles to have gone to
Tarshisli (Jonah i. 3). Josephus understood it, that he
went to Tarsug in Cilicia, or to the Mediterranean Sea,
upon which Tarsus lay;- so that lie does not appear to
have read the text, I Kings xxii. 48, as our copies do,
that ships of Tarsliish could He at Ezion Geher, upon

that ships ol xarslush could lie at Ezion Geher, upon
the lied Sea: but as to Josephus’s assertion, that Jonah’s
lish was carried by the strength of the current, upon
a storm, as far as the Kuxine Sea. it is no way impossi-
ble ; jand since the storm might have driven the ship,
while Jonah was in it, near to that Euxine Sea. and
since in three more days, while lie was in the fish’s

belly, that current might bring him to the Assyrian
coast, and since withal that coast could bring him nearer
to Nineveh than could any coast of the Mediterranean, it
is hy no means an ini probable determination in Josephus.

I This ancient piece of religion, of supposing Ih
was great sin where there was great misery, and of ca
ing lo.ls to discover great sini

icry, i

discover great sinners, not only among the
Israelites, but among these liralhen mariners, seems a
remarkable remain of the ancient tradition which pre-

idem

vailed of old over all mankind, thal I'ri
to interpose visibly in all human a (fairs,
bring, or at least not long to continue, m

I'rovideiifo used
and never to

ig to continue, noto.'.ous judg-
i sins, which the most acch-rc
book of Job shows to have been the state of mantiml

meins bp! for notorious :

lor about the former three thousand years of llw world,
till the days ol lob and Mueea.CHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

263

escape the danger they were in, for that he
was the occasion of the storm which was upon
them. Now at the first they durst not do
so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a
man, who was a stranger, and who had com-
mitted his life to them, into sue#'manifest
perdition; hut at last, when their misfortunes
overbore them, and the ship was just going
to be drowned, and when they were animated
to do it by the prophet himself, and by the
fear concerning their own safety, they cast him
into the sea; upon which the sea became calm.
It is also related that Jonah was swallowed
down by a whale, and that when he had been
there three days, and as many nights, he was
vomited out upon the Euxine Sea, and this
alive, and without any hurt upon his body;
and there, on-his prayer to God, he obtained
pardon for his sins, and went to the city Ni-
neveh, where he stood so as to he heard; and
preached, that in a very little time they should
lose the dominion of Asia; and when he had
published this, he returned. Now I have
given this" account about him, as I found it
written [in our books].

3. When Jeroboam the king had passed
his life in great happiness, and had ruled forty
years, he died, and was buried in Samaria,
and his son Zechariah took the kingdom.
After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of
Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes
in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the
reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jeco-
liah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jeru-
salem. He was a good man, and by nature
righteous and magnanimous, and very labo-
rious in taking care of the affairs of his king-
dom. He made an expedition also against
the Philistines, and overcame them in battle,
and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and
brake down their walls; after which expedi

all sorts of seeds. He had also about him
an army composed of chosen men, in number
three hundred and seventy thousand, who
were governed by general officers and cap-
tains of thousands, who were men of valour
and of unconquerable strength, in number two
thousand. He also divided his whole army
into bands, and armed them, giving every one
a sword, with brazen bucklers and breast-
plates, with bows and slings; and besides
these, he made for them many engines of
war for besieging of cities, such as cast stones
and darts, with grapplers, and other instru-
ments of that sort.

4. While Uzziah was in this state, and
making preparations [for futurity], he was
corrupted iff his mind by pride, and became
insolent, and this on account of that abun-
dance which he had of things that will soon
perish, and despised that power which is of eter-
nal duration (which consisted in piety towards
God, and in the observation of his laws); so
he fell by occasion of the good success of his
affairs, and was carried headlong into those
sins of his father, which the splendour of
that prosperity he enjoyed, and the glorious
actions he had done, led him into, while ht
was not able to govern himself well about
them. Accordingly, when a remarkable day
was come, and a general festival was to be
celebrated, he put on the holy garment, and
went into the temple to offer incense to God
upon the golden altar, which he was prohi-
bited to do by Azariah the high-priest, who
had fourscore priests with him, and who told
him that it was not lawful for him to offer
sacrifice, and that “ none besides the poste-
rity of Aaron were permitted so to do.”
And when they cried out, that he must go
out of the temple, and not transgress against
God, he was wroth at them, and threatened

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tion, he assaulted those Arabs that adjoined to kill them, unless they would hold their

4 rt U /. itnl	TT-v nln/v Vvnil4 n <11^11 iin/\n	1? n/1 * nan AO Tn +Iia m Ann 41 m A n nnnn4 AnMAlt/iunlrA

to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Red
Sea, and put a garrison into it. He after this
overthrew the Ammonites, and appointed that
they should pay tribute. He also overcame
all the countries as far as the bounds of Egypt,
and then began to take care of Jerusalem it-
self for the rest of his life; for he rebuilt and
repaired all those parts of the wall which had
either fallen down by length of time, or by
the carelessness of the kings his predecessors,
as well as all that part which had been thrown
down by the king of Israel, when he took his
father Amazi&h prisoner, and entered with him
into the city. Moreover, he built a great many
towers, of one hundred and fifty cubits high,
and built walled towns in desert places, and
put garrisons into themf, and dug many chan-
nels for conveyance of water. He had .also
manv beasts for labour, and an immense num-
ber of Cattle; for his country was fit for pas-
tuiugi. He was also given to husbandry, and
t«v>ic care to cultivate the ground, and planted
t with all sorts of plants, jtnd sowed it with

peace. In the mean time, a great earthquake
shook the ground,* and a rent was made in
the temple, and the bright rays of the sun
shone through it, and fell upon-the king's
face, insomuch that the leprosy seized upon
him immediately; and before the city, at a
place called Eroge, half the mountain broke
off fi-om the rest on the west, and rolled itself
four furlongs, and stood still at the east moun-
tain, till the roads, as well as the king’s gar-
dens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now,
as soon as the priests saw that the king’s facie
was infected with the leprosy, they told him
of the calamity he was under, and commanded

to the sanctuary to bum ijpeense, and of I
consequences of the earthquake, fs.^ntirely wanting in
our other-copies, though it be exceeding like to-a pro-
phecy of Jeremiah, now iu Zech. xiv..4, 5; -ip which
prophecy mention is made of " fleeing from that earth-
quake^ as they fled from this earthquake, in the days of
Uzziah; king of Judalfi”‘ so that there seems to have
ht-on x■ *>:,e considerable resemblance between these nia-
toricvl and pr.uphejtKuiJ eurti quai.es.264

' ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX,

that he should go out of the city as a pol-
luted person. Hereupon he was' so con-
founded at the sad distemper, and sensible
that he was not at liberty to contradict, that
he did as he was commanded, and underwent
this miserable and terrible punishment for an
intention beyond what befitted a man to have,
and for that impiety against God which was
implied therein. So he abode out of the city
for some time, and lived a private life, while
his son Jotham took the government; after
which he died with grief and anxiety at what
had. happened to him, when he had lived
sixty-eight years, and reigned of them fifty-
two; and was buried by himself in his own
gardens.

CHAPTER XI.

HOW ZECHARIAH, SHALLUM, MENAHEM, PE-
KAHIAH, AND PEKAH, TOOK TIIE GOVERN-
MENT OVER THE ISRAELITES; AND HOW
PUL AND TIGLATH-PILESER MADE AN EX-
PEDITION AGAINST THE ISRAELITES. HOW
JOTI-IAM, THE SON OF UZZIAH, REIGNED
OVER THE TRIBE OF JUDAH; AND WHAT
THINGS NAHUM PROPHESIED AGAINST THE
ASSYRIANS.

§-l. Now when Zechariah, the son of Jero-
boam, had reigned six months over Israel, he
was slain by the treachery of a certain friend
of his, whose name was Shallum, the son of
Jabesh, who took the kingdom afterward, but
kept it no longer than thirty days; for Ivlena-
hem, the general of his army, who was at that
time in the city Tirzuh, and heard of what
had befallen Zechariah, removed thereupon
with all his forces to Samaria, and, joining
battle with Shallum, slew him; and when he
had made himself king, he went thence, and
came to the city Tiphsah ; but the citizens
that were in it shut their gates, and barred
them against the king, and would not admit
him; but, in order to be avenged on them,
he burnt the country round about it, and took
the city by force upon a siege; and being
very much displeased at what the inhabitants
of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, and
spared not so much as the infants, without
omitting the Utmost instances of cruelty and
barbarity; for he used such severity upon
his own countrymen, as would not be par-
donable with regard to strangers who had
been conquered by him. And after this
manner it was that this Menahem continued
to reign with cruelty and barbarity for ten
years: but when Pul, king of Assyria, had
made an expedition against him, he did not
think meet to fight or engage in battle with the
Assyrians, but he persuaded him to accept of
a thousand talents of silver, and to go away,
and so put an end to the war. This sum the
multitude collected for Menahem, by exact-

1 ing fifty drachma! as poll-money for every
head;* after which he died, and was buried
in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his suc-
cessor in the kingdom, who followed the bar-
barity of his father, and so ruled but two years
only, after which he was slain with his friends
at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the
general of his horse, and the son of ltemaliah,
who had laid snares for him. Now this Pe-
kah held the government twenty years, and
proved a wicked man and a transgressor.
But the king of Assyria, whose name was
Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expe-
dition against the Israelites, and had overrun
all the land of Gilead, and the region beyond
Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is
called Galilee, and Kadesh, and Hazor, he
made the inhabitants prisoners, and trans-
planted them into his own kingdom. And so
much shall suffice to have related here con-
cerning the king of Assyria.

2. Now Jotham, the son of Uzziah, reigned
over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a
citizen thereof by his mother, whose name was
Jerusha. This king was not defective in any
virtue, but was religious towards God, and
righteous towards men, and careful of the good
of the city (for what part soever wanted to be
repaired or adorned, he magnificently repaired
and adorned them). He also took care of
the foundations of the cloisters in the temple,
and repaired the walls that were fallen down,
and built very great towers, and such as were
almost impregnable; and if any thing else in
his kingdom had been neglected, he took great-
care of it. He also made an expedition
against the Ammonites, and overcame them in
battle, and ordered them to pay tribute, a hun-
dred talents, and ten thousand cori of wheat,

and as many of barle'y, every year, and so aug-
mented his kingdom that his enemies could not
despise it; and his own people lived happily.

3. Now there was at that time a prophet,
whose name was Nahum, who spake after this
manner concerning the overthrow of the As-
syrians and of Nineveh: — “ Nineveh shall be
a pool of water in motion ;f so shall all her

* Dr. Wall, in his Critical Notes on 2 Kings it 20,
observes, “that when this Menahem is said to have
exacted the money of Israel of all the mighty men of
wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give Pul,
the king of Assyria, a thousand talents, this is the first
public money raised by any [Israelite] king by a tax on
the people; that they used befote to raise it out of the
treasures of the house of the Lord,or of their own hou>e;
that it was a poll-money on the rich men [and litem
only], to raise £’353.000. or, as others count a talent,
£'400,000, at the rale of £’6 or £7 per head; and that God
commanded, by Ezekiel (ch. xlv. 8, and xlvi. 18). that
no such thing should be done [at the Jews’ restoration],-
but the king should have laod of his own.’’

+ This passage is taken out of the prophet Nahum,
nil. ii. 8—13, and is the principal, or rather the only-one
that is given us almost verbatim, but a little abridged,
in all Josephus’s known writings; by which quotation
we learn what he himself always assert., viz. that he
made use of the Hebrew original, [and not of the Greek
version]; as also we learn, that I,is Hebrew copy con-
siderably differed from ours. See all these texts parti-
cularly set down, and compared together in the Essay on
the Old Testament, page 87.CHAP. XII.

ANTIQUITIES

people be troubled, and tossed, and go away
by flight, while they say one to another, Stand
stand still, seize their gold and silver, for there
shall be no one to wish them well, for they
will rather save their lives than their money;
for a terrible contention shall possess them
one with another, and lamentation, and loosing
of the members, and their countenances shall
be perfectly black with fear. And there will
be the den of the lions, and the mother of the
young lions! God says to thee, Nineveh,
that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall
no longer go out from thee to give laws to
the world.” And indeed this prophet pro-
phesied many other things besides these con-
cerning Nineveh, which I do not think ne-
cessary to repeat, and I here omit them, that
I may not appear troublesome to my readers;
all which things happened about Nineveh a
hundred and fifteen years afterward:— so this
may suffice to have spoken of these matters.

CHAPTER XII.

HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF JOTHAM, AHAZ
REIGNED IN HIS STEAD; AGAINST WHOM
UEZIN, KING OF SYRIA, AND PEKAH, KING
OF ISRAEL, MADE WAR; AND HOW TIG-
LATH-PILESER, KING OF ASSYRIA, CAME TO
THE ASSISTANCE OF AHAZ, AND LAID SYRIA
WASTE, AND REMOVING THE DAMASCENS
INTO MEDIA, PLACED OTHER NATIONS IN
THEIR ROOM.

§ 1. Now Jothan died when lie had lived
forty-one years, and of them reigned sixteen,
and was buried in the sepulchres of the kings;
and the kingdom came to his son Ahaz, who
proved most impious towards God, and a
transgressor of the laws of his country. He
imitated the kings of Israel, and reared altars
in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon them
to idols; to which also he offered his own son
as a burnt-offering, according to the practices
of the Canaanites. His other actions were
also of the same sort. Now as he was going
on in this mad course, Rezin, the king of Sy-
ria and Damascus, and Pekah, the king of
Israel, who were now at amity one with an-
other, made war with him; and when they had
driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged that
city a long while, making but a small pro-
gress, on account of the strength of its walls;
and when the king of Syria had taken the city
Elath, upon the Red Sea, and had slain
the inhabitants, he peopled it with Syrians;
and when he had slain those in the [other]
garrisons, and the Jews in their neighbour-
hood, and had driven away much prey, he re-
turned with his army back to Damascus. Now
when the king of Jerusalem knew that the
Syrians were returned home, he, supposing

9.F THE JEWS.	265

himself a match for the king of Israel, drew
out his army against him, and joining battle
with him was beaten; and this happened be-
cause God was angry with him, on account
of his many and great enormities. Accord-
ingly, there were slain by the Israelites one
hundred and twenty thousand of his men that
day, whose general, Amaziah by name, slew
Zechariah the king’s son in his conflict with
Ahaz, as well as the governor of the kingdom,
whose name was Azricam. He also carried
Elkanah, the general of the troops of the tribe
of Judah, into captivity. They also carried
the women and children of the trihe of Ben-
jamin captives; and when they had gotten
a great deal of prey, they returned to Sa-
maria.

2.	Now there was one Obed, who was a
prophet at that time in Samaria; he met the
army before the city walls, and with a lopd
voice told them that they had gotten the vic-
tory not by their own strength, but by reason
of the anger God had against king Ahaz.
And he complained that they were not satis-
fied with the good success they had had against
him, but were so bold as to make captives
out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin. He also gave them counsel to
let them go home without doing them any
harm, for that if they did not obey God herein,
they should be punished. So the people of
Israel came together to the assembly, and
considered of these matters, when a man
whose name was Berechiah, and who was one
of chief reputation in the government, stood
up, and three others with him, and said,—
“ We will not suffer the citizens to bring these
prisoners into the citv, lest we be all destroyed
by God: we have sins enough or our own
that we have committed against him, as the
prophets assure us; nor ougnt we tnereiore
to introduce the practice of new crimes.”
When the soldiers heard that, they permitted
them to do what they thought best. So the
forenamed men took the captives and let them
go, and took care of them, and gave them
provisions, and sent them to their own coun-
try, without doing them any harm. How-
ever, these four went along with them, and
conducted them as far as Jericho, which is
not far from Jerusalem, and returned to Sa-
maria.

3.	Hereupon king Ahaz, having been so
thoroughly beaten by the Israelites, sent to
Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and
sued for assistance from him in his war
against the Israelites, and Syrians, and Da-
mascens, with a promise to spnd him much
money; he sent him also great presents at the
same time. Now this king, upon the recep-
tion of those ambassadors, came to assist
Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and
laid their country waste, and took Damascus
by force, and slew Rezin their king, and
transpalnted the people of Damascus into the263

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK 1X,

made God to be their enemy, while Jeroboam
underwent that punishment which iustly
deserved.

2. "And now the king of Assyria invaded
all Syria and Phoenicia 1a a hostile manner.
The name of this king is also set down in the
archives of Tyre, for he made an expedition
against Tyre in the reign of Eluleus; and
Menandef attests to it, who, when he wrote
his Chronology, and translated the archives of
Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the
following history: — “One whose name was
Eluleus, reigned thirty-six years: this king,
upon the revolt of the Citteans, sailed to
them, and reduced them again to a.submis-
sion. Against these'did the king of Assyria
send an army, and in a hostile manner over-
run all Phoenicia, but soon made peace with
them all, and returned back; but Sidon, and
Ace, and Palaetyru9, revolted; and many
other cities there vtere which delivered them-
selves up to the kiiig of Assyria. Accord-
ingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to
him, the king returned, and fell upon them
again, while the Phoenicians had furnished
him with threescore ships, and eight hundred
men to row them; and when the Tyrians had
come upon them in twelve ships, and the ene-
my’s ships were dispersed, they took five
hundred men prisoners; and the reputation
of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby in-
creased; but the king of Assyria returned,
and placed guards at their rivers and aque-
ducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from
drawing water. This continued for five years;
and still the 'Tynans Dore the siege, and drank
of the water they had j>ut of the welis they
dug.” Ana tins is wnat is "written in the
Tyrian archives concerning fenalmaneser, the
long of'Assyria.

9 ™ut now the Cubans, who removed
inl3 .aumria (for that i. .he name they have
been calL ’ by to this time, because the) were
brought out of the country called Cutbah.
which is a jountry of Persia, and there is a
river of the Su.ne name in it), each of them,
according to their nations, which were in
number five, brought their own gods into Sa-
maria, and by worshipping them, as was the
custom of their own countries, they provoked
Almighty God to be angry and displeased
at them, for a plague seized upon them, by
which they were destroyed; and when they
found no cure for their miseries, they learned
by the oracle that they ought to worship Al-
mighty God, as the method for their deliver-
ance. So they sent ambassadors to the king
of Assyria, and desired him to send them
some of those priests of the Israelites whom
he had taken captive. And when he there-
upon sent them, and the people were by them
taught the laws, and the holy worship of God,
they worshipped him in a respectful manner,
and the plague ceased immediately; and in-
deed they continue to make use of the very
same customs to this very time, and are called
in the IL-b.. w tongue Cutkeans; but in the
Greek . itans. And when they see the
Jews in prosperity, they pretend that' they
are changed, and allied to them, and call
them kinsmen, as though they were derived
from Joseph, and had by that means an ori-
ginal alliance with them: but when they see
them falling into a low condition, they say
they are no way related to them, and tlmt the
Jews have no right to expect any kindness or
marks of kindred from them, but they declurc-
tlirtC they are sojourners, that come from ol her
counti'.os. Tut of teese we shall have u ir.cie
seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter.260

BOOK X.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND BIQHTY-TWO YEARS AND A HALT.

FROM THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST OF

CYRUS.

CHAPTER L

HOW SENNACHERIB MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST HEZEKIAH; WHAT THREATENINGS
RABSHAKEH MADE TO HEZEKIAH WHEN
SENNACHERIB WAS GONE AGAINST THE
EGYPTIANS; HOW ISAIAH THE PROPHET
ENCOURAGED HIM; HOW SENNACHERIB,
HAVING FAILED OF SUCCESS IN EGYPT, RE-
TURNED THENCE TO JERUSALEM; AND
HOW, UPON HIS FINDING HIS ARMY DE-
STROYED, HE RETURNED HOME; AND WHAT
BEFELL HIM A LITTLE AFTERWARD.

§ 1. It was now the fourteenth year of the
government of Hezekiah, king of the two
tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name
was Sennacherib, mode an expt dition against
him with a great army, and took all the cities
of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by force;
and when he was ready to bring his army
against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassa-
dors to him beforehand, and promised to sub-
mit, and pay what tribute he should appoint.
Hereupon Sennacherib, when he heard of
what offers the ambassadors made, resolved
not to proceed in the war, but to accept of
the proposals that were made him: and if he
might receive three hundred talents of silver,
and thirty talents of gold, he promised that
he would depart in a friendly manner; and
he gave security upon oath to the ambassa-
dors that he would then do him no harm, but
go *away as he came. So Hezekiah submit-
ted, and emptied his treasures, and sent the
money, as supposing he should be freed from
his enemy, and from any farther distress
about his kingdom. Accordingly, the As-
syrian king took it, and yet had no regard
to what he had promised; but while he him-
self went to the war against the Egyptians
and Ethiopians, he left his general Rabshakeh,
and two other of his principal commanders,
with great forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The
name? of the two other commanders were
1 niton and Rabsaris.

2. Now as soon as they were come before
the walls, they pitched their camp, and sent
messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that
they might speak with him; but he did not
himself come out to them for fear, but he
sent three of his most intimate friends; the
name of the one wras Eliakiin, who whs over
the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the re-
corder. So these men came out, and stood
over against the commanders of the Assyrian
army; and when Rabshakeh saw them, he
bade them go and speak to Hezekiah in the
manner following: — That Sennacherib, the
great king,* desires to know of him, on whom
it is that he relies and depends, in flying from
his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit
his army into the city? Is it on account of
the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army
would be beaten by them? Whereupon he
lets him know, that if this be what he expects,
he is a foolish man, and like one who leans
on a broken reed; while such a one will not
only fall down, but will have his hand pierced
and hurt by it. That he ought to know he
makes this expedition against him by the will
of God, who hath granted this favour to him,
that he shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel,
and that in the very same manner he shall
destroy those that are his subjects also. When
Rabshakeh had made this speech in the He-
brew tongue, for he was skilful in that lan-
guage, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude
that heard him should be disturbed; so he
desired him to speak in the Syrian tongue.
But the general understanding what he meant,
and perceiving the fear that he was in, he
made his answer with a greater and a louder
voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said,
that “since they all heard what were the
king’s commands, they would consult their
own advantage in delivering up themselves
to us; for it is plain that both you and your

* This title of Great King, both in our Bibles (2 Kings
xviif. 19; Isa. sxwi 4). and here in Josephus, is the
very same that Herodotus gives this Sennacherib; as
| Spanbeim takes notice on this place.270

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X.

king dissuaded the people from submitting by
vain hopes, and so induce them to resist; but
If you be courageous, and think to drive our
forces away, I ain ready to deliver to you two
thousand of these horses that are with me for
your use, if you can set as many horsemen
on their backs, and show your strength; but
what you have not, you cannot produce, out success on the following
Why, therefore, do you delay to deliver up | spent along time in the siej
yourselves to a superior force, who can take
you without your consent? although it will
be safer for you to deliver yourselves up vo-
luntarily, while a forcible capture, when you
are beaten, must appear more dangerous, and
will bring farther calamities upon you.”

3.	When the people, as well as the ambas-
sadors, heard what the Assyrian commander
said, they related it to Hezekiah, who there-
upon put off his royal apparel, and clothed
himself with sackcloth, and took the habit of
a mourner, and, after the manner of his coun-
try, he fell upon his face, and besought God,
and entreated- him to assist them, now they
had no other hope of relief. He also sent
some of his friends, and some of the priests,
to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he
would pray to God, and offer sacrifices for
their common deliverance, and so put up
supplications to him, that he would have in-
dignation at the expectations of their enemies,
and have mercy upon his people, ^nd when
the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle
came from God to him, and encouraged the
king and his friends that were about him;
and foretold, that their enemies should be
beaten without fighting, and should go away
in an ignominious manner, and not with that
insolence which they now show, for that God
would take care that they should be de-
stroyed. He also foretold that Sennacherib,
the king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose
against Egypt, and that when he came home,
he should perish by the sword.

4.	About the same time also the king of
Assyria wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in
which he said he was a foolish man in sup-
posing that he should escape from being his
servant, since he had already brought under
many and great nations; and he threatened,
that, when he took him, he would utterly
destroy him, unless he now opened the gates,
and willingly received bis army into Jerusa-
lem. When he had read this epistle, he de-
spised it, on account of the trust that he had
in God; but he rolled up the epistle, and laid
it up within the temple; and as he made his
farther prayers to God for the city, and for
the preservation of all the people, the pro-
Dhet Isaiah said, that God had heard his
prayer, and that he should not at this time
be besieged by the king of Assyria;* that,

* What Josephus says here, how Isaiah the prophet
assi’ved Hezekiah, that “ at this time he should not be
te*i“ged by the king of Assyria; that for the future he
might be secure of not being at all disturbed by him;
and that [afterward] the people might go ou peaceably,

for the future; he might be secure of not
being at all disturbed by him; and that the
people might go on peaceably, and without
fear, with their husbandry and other affairs;
but after a little while, the king of Assyria,
when he had failed of his treacherous designs
against the Egyptians, returned home with-
occasion: —He
siege of Pelusium;
and when the banks that he had raised over
against the walls were of a great height, and
when he was ready to make an immediate as-
sault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king
of the Ethiopians, was coming, and bringing
great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was
resolved to march through the desert, and so
to fall directly upon the Assyrians, this king
Sennacherib was disturbed at the news; and,
as 1 said before, left Pelusium, and returned
back without success. Now concerning this
Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in the se-
cond book of his histories, how “this king
came against the Egyptian king, who was the
priest of Vulcan; and that as he was besieg-
ing Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the
following occasion:—This Egyptian priest
prayed to God, and God heard his prayer,
and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king.”
But in this Herodotus was mistaken when
he called this king not king of the Assyrians,
but of the Arabians; for he saith, that “a
multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one
night both the bows and the rest of the ar-
mour of the Assyrians; and that it was on
that account that the king, when he had no
bows left, drew off his army from Pelusium.”
And Herodotus does indeed give us this his-
tory; nay, and Berosus, who wrote of the
affairs of Chaldea, makes mention of this king
Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assy-
rians, and that he made an expedition against
all Asia and Egypt; and says thus if

5. “Now when Sennacherib was return-
ing from his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he
found his army under Rahshakeh his general
in danger [by a plague], for God had sent a
pestilential distem pet upon Ids army; and on
the very first night of the siege, a hundred
fourscore and five thousand, with their cap-
tains and generals, were destroyed. So the
king was in a great dread, and in a terrible
agony at this calamity; and being in great

and without feai
is more distin
of Isa

:ar, with their husbandry, and other affairs,”
ict in our other copies, both of the kings and
oi isaiah, and deserves very great consideration. The
words are these:—“This shall boa sign unto thee: Ye
shall eat this year such as growetb of itself,- and the se-

■ such as growetb ol __________

cond year that which springetb of the same; and ii
third year sow ye. and reap, and plant vineyards, an
the fruit thereof’' (2 Kings xix. Ztt* Isa. xxxvii.

seem to me plainly to design
I jubilee next after it, and the si

nd in the
nd eat
30) t

Sabbatic year, a
seeding usual la-

which

year ol jubilee next after it, and the succeeding i
hours and fruits of them on the third and follow!

+ That this terrible calamity of the slaughter of the
185,000 Assyrians is here delivered in the words of Be-
rosus the Chaldean; and that it was certainly and fre-
tly foretold by the Jewish prophets;
inly and undenia' "

Rec. Part. ii. page 858.

third and following years.

er of the
ii

rosus the unaldean; and that it was certainly a
quently foretold by the Jewish prophets; and that it was
certainly and undeniably accomplished,

see Anthent.CHAP; II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

271

fear for Ms Wh ole army, he fled with the rest under at his Supposed dfeitfc #bS hot because

ol' his forces to his' own kingdom, and to his
city^ Nineveh; and when he had abode there
a little while, he was treacherously assaulted,
and died by the hands of his elder sons,*
Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in
bis own temple, which was called Araske.
Now these sons of his were driven away, on
account of the murder of their father, by the
citizens, and went into Armenia, whfre As-
sarachoddas took the kingdom of Sennache-
rib.” And this proved to be the conclusion
of this Assyrian expedition against the peo-
ple of Jerusalem.

CHAPTER IL

HOW HEZEKIAH WAS SICK, AND READY TO
DIE, AND HOW GOD BESTOWED UPON HIM
FIFTEEN- YEARS LONGER LIFE [AND SE-
CURED THAT PROMISE], BY THE GOING
BACK OF THE SHADOW TEN DEGREES.

§ 1. Now Hezekiah' being thus delivered, af-
ter a surprising manner, from the dread he
was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with
all his people; because nothing else had de-
stroyed some of their enemids, and made the
rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate,
that they departed from Jerusalem, but that
divine assistance: yet* while he was very zea-
lous and diligent about the worship of God,
did he soon afterwards fall into a severe dis-
temper insomuch, that the physicians de-
spaired of him, and expected no good issue
of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and
besides the distemper itself* there was a very
melauqholy circumstance that disordered the
king, which was the consideration that he was
childless, and was going to die, and leave his
house and his government without a successor
of his own body: so he was troubled at the
thoughts of this his condition, and lamented
himself, and entreated of Goa that he would
prolong his life for a little while till he had
some children, and not suffer him to depart
this life before he was become a father. Here-
upon God had mercy upon him, and accepted
of his supplication, because the trouble he was

• We are here to take notice, that these two sons of
Sannacherib that ran away into Armenia, became the
heads of
Genunii.

Cboranensts, p. 60.

losephus, and all onr copies, place the sickness of
Hezekiah after the destruction of Sennacherib's army, be-
came it appears to have
was going into A
conquests

r altogether

acbenb that ran away into Armenia, became the
i of two famous families there, the Arzerunii and the
mii; of which see the particular histories in Moses
Cborenensia, p. 60.

. + J osephus, and all
Hezekiah after the des

he destruction of Sennacherib’s army, be-
: been after his first assault, ns lie
irabia and Egypt, where he pushed his
conquests as far as they would go, and in ppdrr.tp dispatch
bis story altogether; let does nocopybutthisof Josephus

ory altogether; L*'
r It wa4 after that destrncrio

say it was alter tbai aesrrnci
in those days, or about that
will the fifteen years' prolongation of.bis life after his sick-
ness, allow that sickness to have been later than the for-
mer part of the fifteenth year of his reign, since chronology
does nut allow him In all above twenty-nine years and a
few months; whereas 'he first assoult nf Sennacherib was
in the fourteenth year nf Hezekiah; but the destruction
of Sennacherib’* army was not-till his eighteenth year.

he was soon to leave the advantages he en-
joyed in the kingdom; nor did he on that ac-
count pray that he might have a longer life
afforded him, but in order to have sous, that
might receive the government after him. And
God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded
him to inform Hezekiah, that within threii
days’ time he should get clear of his distein
per, and should survive it fifteen years, and
that he should have children also. Now tip-
on the prophet’s saying this, bs God had com-
manded him, he could hardly believe it, both
on account of the distemper he wOs under,
which was very sore, and by reason of this
surprising nature of what was told him; so
he desired that Isaiah would give him some
sign or wonder, that he might believe him in
What he had said, and be sensible that he came
from God: for things that are beyond expec-
tation* and greater than our hopes, are made
credible by actions of the like Dature. And
when Isaiah had asked him what sign he de-
sired to be exhibited, he desired that he would
make the shadow of the Sun, which he had
already made to go down ten steps [or de-
grees] in his house, to return again to the
same place,]; anil to make it at it Was .before.
And when the prophet prayed to God to ex-
hibit this sign to the king, he saw what he
desired to see, and was freed from his distem-
per, and went up to the temple, where he wor-
shipped God and made vows to hinj.

2. At this time it was that the dominion of
the Assyrians Was overthrown by the Medes ;§
but of these things I shall treat elsewhere.
But the king of Babylon, whose name was
Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah with
presents, and desired he would be his ally and
his friend. So he received the ambassadors

Mill-

ether
revolution

t As to this regress of the shadow, either npon a
dial, or the Bteps of the royal palace built by A baz.whi
it were physically done by the real miraculous revolution
of the earth in its diurnal motion backwards from east to
west for a while, and its return again to its old natural
revolution from west to east; or whether it were not ap-
parent only, and performed by an aerial phosphorus,
which imitated the suu’s motion backwards,.while s
cloud bid the real sun, cannot now he determined. Phi-
losophers and astronomers will naturally Incline to the
latter hypothesis. However, it must be noted, that Jose-

phus seems to have understc
nrrallv do; that the shadow
first forward as it was made

T, It
ood i

it otherwise .than w\e ge-
was accelerated an milch at
to go backward afterwards,
longer nor shorter than usual;

and so the day was neitner longer nor shorter than usual;
which, it must be confessed, agrees best of all to astro-
nomy, whose eclipses, older than that time, were ob-
served at the same times of the day as if this miracle had
never happened. After all, this wonderful signal was
not, it seems, peculiar to Judea, but either seen, or at
foist heard of. at Babylon also, as appears by 2 Citron,
xxxii. 31; where-wo learn that the Babylonian ambas-
uadors were sent to Hezekiah,.among other things, to
inquire of the wonder that was done in the land.

f This expression of Josejthns, that the Medes, upon
this destruction of the Assyrian army, “ overthrew ” the
Assyrian empire, seems to be too strong! for although
they immediately cast off the Assyrian yoke, and set up
Deioces, a king of their own, yet it was’some time be-
fore the Medes . and Babylonians .overthrew , INlneveh i
and some generations before the, JMfades and Persians*,
under Cyaxares and Cyras, overthrew the Assyrian W
I Babylonian empire, and took BattyloB.272	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK X.

gladly, and made them a feast, and showed
them his treasures, and his armoury, aim the
other wealth he was possessed of, in precious
stones, and in gold, and gave them presents
to be carried to Baladan, and sent them back
to him. lTpon whicn the prophet Isaiah came
to him, and inquired of him whence those
ambassadors came: to which he replied, that
they cu.ne from Babylon, from the king; and
that he had showed them all he had, that by
the Bight of his riches and forces he might
thereby guess at {the plenty he was in], and
be able to iufunii the king of it. But the
prophet rtj.'.i.'iud, uid said, — “ Know thou,
that, after a little while, these riches of thine
shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy
posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and.
lose their manhood, and be servants to the
king of Babylon; for that God foretold such
things would come to pass.” Upon which
words Hezekiah was troubled, and said, that
he was himself unwilling that his nation
should fall into such calamities; yet, since it
is not possible to alter what God had deter-

e liven, lierosus also makes mention
of this Baladan, king of Babylon. Now as
to this (irophet [Isaiah], he was, by the con*
fession of all, a divine and wonderful man in
speaking truth; and out of the assurance that
he had never written what was false, he wrote
down all his prophecies, and left them behind
him in books, that their accomplishment might
be judged of from the events by posterity.
Nor did this prophet do so alone; but the
others, which were twelve in number, did the
same. And whatsoever is done among us,
whether it be good, or whether it be bad,
comes to pass according to their prophecies;
but of every one of these \ve shall speak here-
after.

mined,
while h

he prayed that there might be peace

CHAPTER III.

HOW MANASSEH REIGNED AFTER HEZEKIAH;
AND HOW, WHEN HE\VAS IN CAPTIVITY, HE
RETURNED TO GOD, AND WAS RESTORED TO
HIS KINGDOM, AND I.EFT IT TO [HIS SON]
AMON.

§ 1. When king Hezekiah had survived the
interval of time already mentioned, and had
dwelt all that time in peace, be died, having
completed fifty-four years of his life, and
reigned twenty-nine. But when his son Ma-
nasseh, whose mother's name was Hephzibah,
of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he de-
parted from the conduct of his father, and
fell into a course of life quite contrary there-
to, and showed himself in his manners most
wic.ked in all respects, and omitted no sort of
impiety, hut imitated those transgressions of
UM> Israelites, by the commission of which

against God. they had been destroyed; for he
was so hardy as to defile the temple of God,
and the city, and the whole country; for, by
setting out from a contempt of God, he bar-
barously slew all the righteous men that were
among the Hebrews; nor would he spare the
prophets, for he every day slew some of them,
till Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So
God was angry at these proceedings, and sent
prophete to the king, and’to the multitude, by
whom he threatened the '«*ry same calamities
to them which their brethren the Israelites,
upon the like affronts offered to God, were
now.under. But these men would not be-
lieve their words, by which belief they might
have reaped the advantage of escaping all
those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn
that what the prophets had told them was
true.

2. And when they persevered in the same
course of life, God raised up war against them
from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who
sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the
country; and caught king Manasseh by trea-
chery, and ordered him to be brought to him,
and had him under his power to inflict what
punishment he pleased upon him. But then
it was that Manasseh perceived what a mise-
rable condition he was in, and esteeming him-
self the cause of all, he besought God to ren-
der his enemy humane and merciful to him.
Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and
granted him what he praye'd for. So Manasseh
was released by the king of Babylon, and
escaped the danger he was in; and when he
was come to Jerusalem, he endeavoured, if it
were possible, to cast out of his memory those
his former sins against God., of which ho now
repented, and to apply himself to a very reli-
gious life. He sanctified the temple, and
purged the city, and for the remainder of his
days he was intent on nothing but to return
his thanks to God for his deliverance, and to
preserve him propitious to him all his life
long. He also instructed the multitude to do
the same, as having very nearly experienced
what a calamity he was fallen into by a con-
trary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and
offered the legal sacrifices, as Moses com-
manded; and when he had re-established
what concerned the divine worship, as it ought
to be, he took care of the security of Jerusa-
lem: he did not only repair the old walls
with great diligence, but added another wall
to the former. He also built very lofty towers,
and the garrisoned places before the city he
strengthened not only in other respects, but
with provisions of all sorts that they wanted;
and indeed, when he had changed Lis former
course, be 60 led his life for the time to come,
that from the time of his return to piety to
wards God, he was deemed a happy man, and
a pattern for imitation. When therefore be
haid lived sixty-seven years, he departed this
life, having reigned fifty-five yearn, and wasCHAP; II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

271

fear for Ms Wh ole army, he fled with the rest under at his Supposed dfeitfc #bS hot because

ol' his forces to his' own kingdom, and to his
city^ Nineveh; and when he had abode there
a little while, he was treacherously assaulted,
and died by the hands of his elder sons,*
Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in
bis own temple, which was called Araske.
Now these sons of his were driven away, on
account of the murder of their father, by the
citizens, and went into Armenia, whfre As-
sarachoddas took the kingdom of Sennache-
rib.” And this proved to be the conclusion
of this Assyrian expedition against the peo-
ple of Jerusalem.

CHAPTER IL

HOW HEZEKIAH WAS SICK, AND READY TO
DIE, AND HOW GOD BESTOWED UPON HIM
FIFTEEN- YEARS LONGER LIFE [AND SE-
CURED THAT PROMISE], BY THE GOING
BACK OF THE SHADOW TEN DEGREES.

§ 1. Now Hezekiah' being thus delivered, af-
ter a surprising manner, from the dread he
was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with
all his people; because nothing else had de-
stroyed some of their enemids, and made the
rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate,
that they departed from Jerusalem, but that
divine assistance: yet* while he was very zea-
lous and diligent about the worship of God,
did he soon afterwards fall into a severe dis-
temper insomuch, that the physicians de-
spaired of him, and expected no good issue
of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and
besides the distemper itself* there was a very
melauqholy circumstance that disordered the
king, which was the consideration that he was
childless, and was going to die, and leave his
house and his government without a successor
of his own body: so he was troubled at the
thoughts of this his condition, and lamented
himself, and entreated of Goa that he would
prolong his life for a little while till he had
some children, and not suffer him to depart
this life before he was become a father. Here-
upon God had mercy upon him, and accepted
of his supplication, because the trouble he was

• We are here to take notice, that these two sons of
Sannacherib that ran away into Armenia, became the
heads of
Genunii.

Cboranensts, p. 60.

losephus, and all onr copies, place the sickness of
Hezekiah after the destruction of Sennacherib's army, be-
came it appears to have
was going into A
conquests

r altogether

acbenb that ran away into Armenia, became the
i of two famous families there, the Arzerunii and the
mii; of which see the particular histories in Moses
Cborenensia, p. 60.

. + J osephus, and all
Hezekiah after the des

he destruction of Sennacherib’s army, be-
: been after his first assault, ns lie
irabia and Egypt, where he pushed his
conquests as far as they would go, and in ppdrr.tp dispatch
bis story altogether; let does nocopybutthisof Josephus

ory altogether; L*'
r It wa4 after that destrncrio

say it was alter tbai aesrrnci
in those days, or about that
will the fifteen years' prolongation of.bis life after his sick-
ness, allow that sickness to have been later than the for-
mer part of the fifteenth year of his reign, since chronology
does nut allow him In all above twenty-nine years and a
few months; whereas 'he first assoult nf Sennacherib was
in the fourteenth year nf Hezekiah; but the destruction
of Sennacherib’* army was not-till his eighteenth year.

he was soon to leave the advantages he en-
joyed in the kingdom; nor did he on that ac-
count pray that he might have a longer life
afforded him, but in order to have sous, that
might receive the government after him. And
God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded
him to inform Hezekiah, that within threii
days’ time he should get clear of his distein
per, and should survive it fifteen years, and
that he should have children also. Now tip-
on the prophet’s saying this, bs God had com-
manded him, he could hardly believe it, both
on account of the distemper he wOs under,
which was very sore, and by reason of this
surprising nature of what was told him; so
he desired that Isaiah would give him some
sign or wonder, that he might believe him in
What he had said, and be sensible that he came
from God: for things that are beyond expec-
tation* and greater than our hopes, are made
credible by actions of the like Dature. And
when Isaiah had asked him what sign he de-
sired to be exhibited, he desired that he would
make the shadow of the Sun, which he had
already made to go down ten steps [or de-
grees] in his house, to return again to the
same place,]; anil to make it at it Was .before.
And when the prophet prayed to God to ex-
hibit this sign to the king, he saw what he
desired to see, and was freed from his distem-
per, and went up to the temple, where he wor-
shipped God and made vows to hinj.

2. At this time it was that the dominion of
the Assyrians Was overthrown by the Medes ;§
but of these things I shall treat elsewhere.
But the king of Babylon, whose name was
Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah with
presents, and desired he would be his ally and
his friend. So he received the ambassadors

Mill-

ether
revolution

t As to this regress of the shadow, either npon a
dial, or the Bteps of the royal palace built by A baz.whi
it were physically done by the real miraculous revolution
of the earth in its diurnal motion backwards from east to
west for a while, and its return again to its old natural
revolution from west to east; or whether it were not ap-
parent only, and performed by an aerial phosphorus,
which imitated the suu’s motion backwards,.while s
cloud bid the real sun, cannot now he determined. Phi-
losophers and astronomers will naturally Incline to the
latter hypothesis. However, it must be noted, that Jose-

phus seems to have understc
nrrallv do; that the shadow
first forward as it was made

T, It
ood i

it otherwise .than w\e ge-
was accelerated an milch at
to go backward afterwards,
longer nor shorter than usual;

and so the day was neitner longer nor shorter than usual;
which, it must be confessed, agrees best of all to astro-
nomy, whose eclipses, older than that time, were ob-
served at the same times of the day as if this miracle had
never happened. After all, this wonderful signal was
not, it seems, peculiar to Judea, but either seen, or at
foist heard of. at Babylon also, as appears by 2 Citron,
xxxii. 31; where-wo learn that the Babylonian ambas-
uadors were sent to Hezekiah,.among other things, to
inquire of the wonder that was done in the land.

f This expression of Josejthns, that the Medes, upon
this destruction of the Assyrian army, “ overthrew ” the
Assyrian empire, seems to be too strong! for although
they immediately cast off the Assyrian yoke, and set up
Deioces, a king of their own, yet it was’some time be-
fore the Medes . and Babylonians .overthrew , INlneveh i
and some generations before the, JMfades and Persians*,
under Cyaxares and Cyras, overthrew the Assyrian W
I Babylonian empire, and took BattyloB.274	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JETVSi	BOOK X.

yet, because Josiab was a righteous man, he!
would at present delay those calamities, but
tliat, after his death, he would send on the
multitude what miseries he had determined
for them.

3.	So these messengers, upon this prophecy
of the woman, came and told it to the king;
whereupon he sent to the people everywhere,,
and ordered that the priests and the Levites
should come together to Jerusalem; and
commanded that those of every age should be
present also; and when they were gathered
together, he first read to them the holy books;
after which he stood upon a pulpit, in the
midst of the multitude, and obliged them to
make a covenant, with an oath, that they
would worship God, and keep the laws of
Moses. Accordingly, they gave their assent
willingly, and undertook to do what the king
had recommended to them. So they imme-
diately offered sacrifices, and that after an ac-
ceptable manner, and besought God to be
gracious and merciful to them. He also en-
joined the high-priest, that if there remained
in the temple any vessel that was dedicated
to idols, or to foreign gods, they should cast
it out; so when a great number of such ves-
sels were got together, he burnt them, and
scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the
priests of the idols that were not of the family
of Aaron.

4.	And when he had done thus in Jerusa-
lem, he came into the country, and utterly
destroyed what buildings had been made
therein by king Jeroboam, in honour of
strange gods; and he burnt the bones of the
false prophets upon that altar which Jero-
boam first built; and as the prophet, [Jadon],
who came to Jeroboam, when he was offering
sacrifice, and when all the people heard him,
foretold what would come to pass, viz. that
a certain man of the house of David, Josiah
by name, should do what is here mentioned.
And it happened that those predictions took
effect after three hundred and sixty one years.

5.	After these things, Josiah went also to
such other Israelites as had escaped captivity
and slavery under the Assyrians, and per-
suaded them to desist from their impious
practices, and to leave off the honours they
paid to strange gods, but to worship rightly
their own Almighty God, and adhere to him.
He also searched the houses, and the villages,
and the cities, out of a suspicion that some-
body might have one idol or other in private;
nay, indeed, he took away the chariots [of
the Sun] that were set up in his royal pa-
lace,* which his predecessors had framed,

• It Is bard to reconcile the account In the second
book of Kings (ch. xxiii. II) with this account in Jo:
ptauB, and to translate this passage truly in Josepl
whose copies are supposed to be here imperfect H
ever, the general sense of both seems to be this: —That
i chariots, with their horses, dedicated
Sun, or to Moloch. which idol might
worshipped by the

ever, the genei
there were certain
to .the idol of the
he carried about in procession, and worsbipped by

ise-

bus,

ow-

That

and what thing soever there was besides
which they worshipped as a god. And wh<m
he had thus purged all the country, he called
the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated
the feast of unleavened bread, and that called
the Passover. He also gave the people for
paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats,
and lambs, thirty thousand, and three thou-
sand oxen for burnt-offerings, The princi-
pal of the priests also gave to the priests
against the passover two thousand and six
hundred lambs; the principal of the Levitgs
also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs,
and five hundred oxen, by which means there
was great plenty of sacrifices; and they of-
fered these sacrifices according to the laws of
Moses, while every priest explained the mat-
ter, and ministered to the multitude. And
indeed there had been no other festival thus
celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of
Samuel the prophet; and the plenty of sacri-
fices now was the occasion that all things
were performed according to the laws, and
according to the custom of their forefathers.
So -when Josiah had after this lived in pepcc,
nay, in riches and reputation also, among all
men, he ended his life in the manner following.

CHAPTER V.

HOW JOSIAH FOUGHT WITH NECO [KINO OF
egypt], and was wounded and died in

a LITTLE TIME AFTERWARDS: AS ALSO
HOW NECO CARRIED JF.IIOAHA2. WHO HAD
BEEN MADE KING, INTO EGYPT. AND DE~
LIVERED THE KINGDOM TO JF.HOIAKIW:
AND [LASTLY], CONCERNING JEREMIAH
AND EZEKIEL.

§ 1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an
army, and marched to the river Euphrates,
in order to fight with the Medes and riaby-
lonians, who had overthrown ttte dominion of
the Assyrians,f for he had a desire to reign
over Asia. Now when he was come to the
city Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom
of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him
from passing through his own country, in his
expedition against the Medes. Now Neco
sent a herald to Josiah, and told him. that he
had not made this expedition against him,
but was making haste to Euphrates; and de-
sired that he would not provoke him to fight
against him, because he obstructed his march

people; which chariots Were now “ taken away,” as Jo-
sephus says, or, as the book of Kings says, “ burnt with
fire, by Josiab.”	.

+ This is a remarkable passage of chronology in Jobe*
phus, that about the latter end of the reign of Josiab,
the Medes and Babylonians overthrew the empire of

nd Babylonians overthrew the empire ol
i or, in the words of Tobit's eontfnnatcr,
Tobias died, he heard of the detraction
of Nineveh, which was taken by
Babylonian, and Assuerus the Med
Dean Prideanx’s Connexion, ut.th

Medes
the Assyrians;
that “ before

Nebucbodonosor thn
lede ” Tob. xiv. lfi. Sea
if M2

, ut the ) ear M2.CHAJP, V$.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE

m

a tribute upon the landof hundred talents
,pf silver, and a talent of gold; and this sum
of money Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute;
but Neco carried away Jehoahaz into Egypt,
where he died, when he had reigned three
months and ten days. Now Jehoiakiin’s
mother was called Zebudah, of the city Ru-
mah. He was of a wicked disposition, and
ready to do mischief: nor was he either reli-
gious towards God, or good-natured towards
men.

to the place whither he bad resolved to go.

But Joeiah did not admit of this advice of
Neco, but put himself into a posture to hin-
der him from his intended march. I sup-
pose it was fate that pushed him on to this
conduct, that it might take an occasion against
him; for as fie was setting his army in array,*
and rode about in his chariot, from one wing
of his army to another, one of the Egyptians
shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his
eagerness for fighting; for, being sorely
wounded, he commanded a retreat to be1
sounded for his army, and returned to Jeru-
salem, and died of that wound; and was
magnificently buried in the sepulchre of his
fathers, when he had lived thirty-nine years,
and of them had reigned .thirty-one. But all
the people mourned greatly for him, lament-
ing and grieving on his account many days;
and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy
to lament him.f which is extant till this time
also. Moreover, this prophet denounced be-
forehand the sad calamities that were coming
upon the city. He also left behind him in
writing, a description of that destruction of
our nation which has lately happened in our
days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he
the only prophet who delivered such predic-
tions beforehand to the multitude; but so
did Ezekiel also, who was the first person
that wrote, and lelt behind him in writing
two books concerning these events. Now
these two propnets were priests by birth, but
or tnem Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from
tne tnirteentn year of the reign of Josiah, un-
til tne city and temple were utterly destroyed.

However, as to what befell this prophet, we
wiii relate it in its proper place.

it. Upon the deala of Josiah, which we
have already mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz [ Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea,
by name, took the kingdom, being about But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reign-
twenty-three years old. He reigned in Je- ed four years, which was the eighth of Jehoi-
rusalera; and his mother was Hamutal, of akim’s goverment over the Hebrews, the king
the city Lihnah. He was an impious man, of Babylon made an expedition with mighty
and impure in his course of life; but a9 the forces against the Jews, and required tribute
king of Egypt returned from the battle, be sent of Jehoiakim, and threatened, on his refusal,
for Jehoahaz to come to him to the city called to make war against him. He was affrighted
Hamath, J which belongs to Syria; and when at his threatening, and bought his peace with
he was come, he put him in bonds, and de- money, and brought the tribute he was
livered the Icingdom to a brother of bis by ordered to bring for three years,
tbe father’s side, whQse name was Eliakim, 2. But on the third year, upon hearing
and changed his name to Jehoiakim, and laid that the king of the Babylonians made an ex-

. This battle ie Justly esteemed the very same that1	^\the Egyptians, he did not pay

Herodotus (book ii. sect. 1561 mentions, when he says, bls tribute; yet was he disappointed Of his
that “Nccao joined battle with tbe Syrians [or Jews] hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this
sffi^here ol>serveaegldd0''a°d *’**'* ll,ein’” M °r’ Hud*| time. And indeed the prophet Jeremiah fgre-
Whethei

CHAPTER VI.

HOW NEBUCHADNEZZAR, WHEN HE HAD
CONQUERED THE KING OF EGYPT, MADE AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JEWS, AND
SLEW-JEHOIAKIM, AND MADE JEHOIACHIN,
HIS SON, KING.

§ 1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of
Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchad-
nezzar took the government over the Babylo-
nians, who at the same time went up with a
great army to the city Carchemish, which was
at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken
to fight with Neco, king of Egypt, under
whom all Syria then was. And when Neco
understood the intention of the king of Baby-
l'on, and that this expedition was made against
him, he did not despise his attempt, but made
haste with a great band of men to Euphra-
tes to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar;
and when they had joined battle, he was
beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his
soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Ba-
bylon passed over Euphrates, and took all

+

means

extant,

iMalem

nether Josephns, from 2 Chron. xxxy. 25. here' told every day how vainly they relied oh their
^Bhic^ch°fflthth18a* dere,^iah»(,8Jil1 hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be

iefly belongs

a under Nebuchadnezzar, or to any other like
melancholy poem now lost, bat extant in tbe days of
Josephus, belonging peculiarly to Joslab, cannot now be
determined.

♦ This ancient oity Hamath, which is joined with Ar-
pad, or Aradns, and with Damascus (2 Kings xviii. 34;
lsa. xxzvL 19; Jer. xlix. 2U), cities of Syria and Phceni-
CU, near the borders of Judea, was also itself evidently
near tbe same borders, though long ago utterly destroyed.

overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Je-
hoiakim the king would be subdued by him.
But what he thus spake proved to be of no-
advantage to them, because there were none
that should escape; for both the multitude,
and tbe rulers, when they heard him, had no
concern' about what they heard; but being270

ANTIQ.TTITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X.

displeased at what was said, as if the prophet
were a diviner against the king, they accused
Jeremiah; and bringing him before the court,
they required that a sentence and a punish-
ment might be given against him. Nqw till
the rest gave their votes for his condemnation,
but the elders refused, who prudently sent
away the prophet from the court [of the pri-
son], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah
no harm; for they said that he was not the
only person who foretold what would come
to the city, but that Micah signified the same
before him, as well as many others, none of
whom suffered any thing of the kings that
then reigned, but were honoured as th.e pro-
phets of God. So they mollified the multi-
tude with these words, and delivered Jeremiah
from the punishment to which he was con-
demned. Now when this prophet had written
all his prophecies, and the people were fast-
ing, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth
month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read
the book he had composed of bis predictions
of what was to befall the city, and the temple,
and the multitude; and when the rulers heard
of it, they took the book from him, and bade
him and Baruch the scribe to go'tbeir ways,
lest they should be discovered by one or other;
but they carried the book, and gave it to the
king; so he gave order in the presence of his
friends, that his scribe should take it and read
it. When the king heard what it contained,
he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the
fite* where it was consumed. He also com-
manded that they should Seek for Jeremiah
and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him,
that they might be punished. However, they
escaped his anger.

3. Now, a little time afterwards, the king
of Babylon made an expedition against Je-
hoiakim, whom he received [into the city],
and this out of fear of the foregoing predic-
tions of this prophet, as supposing. that he
should suffer nothing that was terrible, be-
cause he neither shut the gates, nor fought
ligainst him; yet when he was come into the
city, he did not observe the covenants he had
made; but he slew such as were in the flower
of their age, and such as were of the greatest
dignity, together with their king Jehoiakim,
whom he commanded to be thrown before the
walls, without any burial; and made his son
Jehoiachin king of the country and of the
city: he also took the principal persons in
dignity for captives, three thousand in num-
ber, and led them away to Babylon; among
whom was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then
but young. And this was the end of king
Jehoiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years,
and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin
succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mo-
ther’s name was Nehushta; she was a citizen
of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and
ten days.

CHAPTER VII.

THAT THE KING OF BABYLON REPENTED OF
MAKING JEHOIACHIN KING, AND TOOK HIM
AWAY TO BABYLON, AND DELIVERED THE
KINGDOM TO ZEDEKIAH. THIS KING WOULD
NOT BELIEVE WHAT WAS PREDICTED
JEREMIAH AND EZEKIEL; BUT JOINED HIM-
SELF TO THE EGYPTIANS; WHO, WHEN
’ THEY CAME INTO JUDEA, WERE VANQUISH-
ED BY THE KING OF BABYLON; AS ALSO
WHAT BEFELL JEREMIAH.

§ 1. But a terror seized on the'king of Ba-
bylon, who had given the. kingdom to Jehoia-
chin, and that immediately; he was afraid
that he should bear him a grudge, because of
his killing his father, and thereupon should
make the country revolt from him; where-
fore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin
in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle
and just disposition, he did not desire to see
the city endangered on his account, but he
.took his mother and kindred, and delivered
them to the commanders sent by the king
of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that
neither should they suffer any harm, nor the
city; which agreement they did not observe
for a single year, for the king of Babylon did
not keep it,' but gave orders to his generals
to take all that Were in the city captives, both
the youth and the handicraftsmen, and bring
them bound to him: their number was ten
thousand eight hundred and thirty-two; as
also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends;
and when these were brought to him, he kept
them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin’s
uncle, Zedekiah, to be king: and made him
take an oath, that he would certainly keep the
kingdom for him, and make no innovation,
nor have any league of friendship with the
Egyptians.

2. Now Zedekiah was twenty and one years
old when he took the government; and had
the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim,
but was a despiser of justice and of his duty;
for truly those of the same age with him were
wicked about him, and the whole multitude
did what unjust and insolent things they
pleased; for which reason the prophet Jere-
miah came often to him, and protested to him,
and insisted, that he must leave off his im-
pieties and transgressions, and take care of
what was right, and neither give ear to the
rulers (among whom were wicked men) nor
give credit to their false prophets who deluded
them, as if the king of Babylon would make
no more war against him, and as if the Egyp-
tians would make war against him, and conquer
hi in, since what tbeysaid was not true; and the
events would not prove such [as they expect-
ed]. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he
beard the prophet speak, be believed him, andchaK'Vii.

antiquities op the jeTws,

277

agreed to every thing as true, and supposed
it was for his advantage; but then his friends
perverted him, and dissuaded him from what
the prophet advised, and obliged hjin to do
what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in
Babylon what calamities were coming upon
the people, which when he heard, he sent ac-
counts of them unto Jerusalem; but Zede-
kiah did not believe their prophecies, for the
reason following:—It happened that the two
prophets agreed with one another in what they
said as in all other things, that the city should
be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken
captive; but Ezekiel disagreed'with him, and
said, that Zedekiah should not see Babylon;

terly overthrow the city, and that they should
serve him and his posterity seventy years;
and then the Persians and the Medes should
put an end to their servitude, and overthrow
the Babylonians; “and that we shall be dis-
missed, and return to this land, and rebuild
the temple, and restore Jerusalem,"*—When
Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed
him; but the rulers, and those that were'
wicked, despised him, as one disordered in
his senses. Now he had resolved to go else-
where, to his own country, which was called
Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant
from Jerusalem; and as he was going, one of
the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and

while Jeremiah said to him, that the king of accused him falsely, as though he were going

Babylon should carry him away thither in
bonds; and because they did not both 6ay
the same thing as to this circumstance, he
disbelieved what they both appeared to agree
in, and condemned them as not speaking
truth therein, although all the things foretold
him did come to pass according to their pro-
phecies, as we shall show, upon a litter oppor-
tunity.

3. Now when Zedekiah had preserved the
league of mutual assistance be had made with
the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it,
and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by
their assistance, of overcoming the Babylo-
nians. When the king of Babylon knew
this, he made war against him: he laid his
country waste, and took his fortified towns,
and came to the city Jerusalem itself to be-
siege it; but when the Jpng of Egypt heard
what circumstances Zedekiah his ally was
in, he took a great army yvith him, and came
into Judea, as if he would raise the siege;
upon which the king of Babylon departed
from Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and
joined battle with them and beat them;
and when he had put them to flight, he
pursued them, and .drove them out of all
Syria. Now as soon as the king of Baby-
lon was departed from Jerusalem, the false
prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said that
the king of Babylon would not any more
make war against him or his people, nor re-
move them out of their own country into
Babylon; and that those then in captivity
would retiirn, with all those vessels of the
temple, of which the king of Babylon had
despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came
among them, and prophesied w’hat contra-
dicted those predictions, and what proved to
be true, that they did ill, and deluded the
king; that the Egyptians would be of no ad-
vantage to them, but that the king of Baby-
lon would renew the war against Jerusalem,
and besiege it again, and would destroy the
people by famine, and carry away those that
remained into captivity, and would take away
what they had as spoils, and would carry
off those riches that were in the temple; nay,
that, be&idM ibis, he would burn it, and ut-

as a deserter to the Babylonians; but Jere-
miah said that he accused him falsely, and
added, that he was only going to bis own
country; but the other would not believe him,
but seized upon him, and led him away to
the rulers, and laid an accusation against
him, under whom he endured all sorts of
torment#1 and tortures, and was reserved to
be punished; and this was the condition he
was in for some time, while he suffered what
I have already described unjustly.

4. Now, in the ninth year of the reign of
Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month,
the king of Babylon made a second expedition
against Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen
months, and besieged it with the utmost ap-
plication. There came upon'them also two
of the greatest calamities, at the same time
that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a
pestilential distemper, and made great havoc
of them: and though the prophet Jeremiah
was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out,
and proclaimed aloud, and exhorted the mul-
titude to open their gates, and admit the
king of Babylon, for that, if they did so, they
should be preserved, and their whole families;
but if they did not so, they should be de-
stroyed ; and be foretold, that if any one staid
in the city, he should certainly perish by one
of these ways,—either be consumed by the
famine, or slain by the enemy's sword; but
that if he would fly to the enemy he should
escape death: yet did not these rulers who
heard believe him, even' when they were in
the midst of^their sore calamities; but they
came to the king, and, in their anger, informed
him what Jeremiah said, and accused him,
and complained of the prophet as of a roadman,
and one that disheartened their minds, and,
by the denunciation of miseries, weakened
the alacrity of the multitude, who were other-
wise ready to expose themselves to dangers
for him, and for their country, while he, in a

• JoBepbus says here, that Jeremiah prophesied not
only of the return of the Jews from the Rabylonian cap-
tivity, and this under the Persians and AJedes, as in our
oilier copies: but of their rebuilding the temple, and
even the city Jerusalem, which does not appear in ont
copies under his name. See the note on Antty. b. ad.
cb. 1, sect &278	.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEMS. .	BOOK X.

wny of threatening, warned them to fly to the
enemy, and told them that the city should
certainly he taken, and be utterly destroyed.

5. But for the king himself, he was not at
all irritated against Jeremiah, such was bis
gentle and righteous disposition; yet, that he
might not be engaged in a quarrel with those
rulers at such a time, by opposing what they
intended, he let them do with the prophet
whatsoever they would:	whereupon, wbdn

the king had granted them such a permission,
they presently came into the prison and took
him, and let him down with a cord into a pit
full of mire, that he might be suffocated, and
die of himself. So he stood up to the neck
in the mire, which was all about him, and so
continued: but there was one of the king’s
servants, who was in esteem with him, an
Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what
a state the prophet was in, and said, that his
friends and his rulers had done evil in put-
ting the prophet into the mire, and by that
means contriving against him that he should
suffer a death mbre bitter than tjjat by bis
bonds only. When the king heard this, he
repented of his having delivered up the pro-
phet to the rulers, and bade the Ethiopian
take thirty men of the king’s guards, and
cords with them, and whatsoever else they
understood to be necessary for the prophet’s
preservation, and to draw him up imme-
diately. So the Ethiopian took the men that
he was ordered to take, and drew up the pro-
phet out of the mire, and left him at liberty
in the prison.

6 But when the king had sent to call him
privately, and inquired what he could say to
him from God, which might be suitable to bis
present circumstances, and desired him to in-
form him- of it, Jeremiah replied, that he
had somewhat to say; but he said withal, he
should not be believed, nor, if he admonished
them, should be hearkened to; “ for,” said he,
“thy friends have determined to destroy me,
as though I had been guilty of some wicked-
ness: and where are now those men who de-
ceived us,' and said that the king ot Babylon
would not come and fight against us any
more? but I am afraid now to speak the
truth, lest thou shouldest condemn me to
die.” And when the king had assured him
upon oath that he would neither himself put
him to death, nor deliver him up to thetulers,
he became bold upon that assurance that was
given him, and gave him this advice;—That
he should deliver the city up to the Baby-
lonians; and he said, that it was God who
prophesied this by him, that [he must do so]
if he would be preserved and escape out of
the danger he was in, and that then neither
should the city fall to the ground, nor should
the temple be burned; but that [if he dis-
obeyed], he would be tbe cause of these mi-
series coming upon the citizens, and of the
calamity that would befall his whole house.

When tbe king heard this, he said, that he
would willingly do what be persuaded him to,
and what he declared would be to his advan-
tage, but that he was afraid of those of his
own country that had fallen away to the Ba-
bylonians, lest he should be accused by them
to the king of Babylon, and be punished.
But the prophet encouraged him, and said he
had no cause to fear such punishment, for
that he should not have the experience of any

misfortune, if be would deliver all up to the
Babylonians; neither himself, nor bis children,
nor his wives, and that the temple should
th'en continue unhurt. So when Jeremiah had
said this, the king let him go, and charged
him to betray what they had resolved on to
none of the citizens, nor to tell any of these
matters to any of the rulers, if they should
have learned that be had been sent for, and
should inquire of him what it was that he was
sent for, and what he had said to him; but to
pretend to them that he besought him that he
might not be kept in bonds and in prison.
And indeed he said so to them, for they came
to the prophet, and asked him what advice it
was that he came to.give the king relating to
them: and thus I-have finished what con-
cerns this matter.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW THE KING OF BABYLON TOOK JERUSALEM
AND BURNT THE TF.MfLF., AND REMOVED
THE PEOPLE OF JERUSALEM AND ZKDE-
KIAH TO BABYLON. AS ALSO, WHO THEY
WERE THAT HAD SUCCEEDED IN THE HIGH-
PRIESTHOOD UNDER THE KINGS.

§ 1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent
and earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem; and
he erected towers upon great banks of earth,
and from them repelled those that stood upon
the walls: he also made a great number of
such banks round about the whole city,
the height of which was equal to those walls.
However, those that were within bore the
siege with couragte and alacrity, for they were
not discouraged, either by the famine or by
the pestilential distemper, but were of cheer-
ful minds in the prosecution of the war, al-
though those miseries within oppressed them
also; and they-did not suffer themselves to
be terrified, either by the contrivances of the
enemy, or by their engines of war, but con-
trived still different engines to oppose all the
other withal, till indeed there seemed to be
an entire struggle between the Babylonians
and tbe people of Jerusalem, who had the
greater sagacity and skill; the former- party
supposing they should be thereby too bard
for the other, for the destruction of the city;
the latter placing their hopes of deliverance
in nothing else but in persevering in 6uch in-CHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

279

ventions, in opposition to the other, as might
dcrnr/iistrate the enemy’s engines were use-
less to them; and this siege they endured
for eighteen months, until they were destroyed
by .the famine, and by the darts which the
enemy threw at them from the towers.

2.«Now the city was taken on the ninth
day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year
of the reign of Zedekiah. They were in-
deed only generals of the king of Babylon,
to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care
of the siege, for he abode himself in the city
of Ribiah. The names of these generals who
ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one
desired to know them, were these: Nergal
Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sarse-
chim, and Rabmag; and when the city was
taken about midnight, and the enemy’s gene-
rals were entered into the temple, and when
Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his
wives and his children, and his captains and
friends, and' with them fled out of the city,
through the fortified ditch, and through the
desert; and when certain of the deserters had
informed the Babylonians of this, at break of
day they made haste to. pursue after Zede-
kiah, and overlook him not far from Jericho,
and encompassed him about. But for those
friends and qaptains of Zedekiah who had
fled out of the city with him, when they saw
their enemies near them, they left him, and
dispersed themselves, some one way aftd some
another, and every one resolved to save him-
self; so the enemy took Zedekiah alive, when
he was deserted by ali but a lew, with his chil-
dren and his wives, and brought hiaa to the
king. . When he was come, Nebuchadnezzar
began to call him a wicked wretch, and a
covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten
his former words, when he promised to keep
the country for him. He also reproached him
for his ingratitude, that when he had received
the kingdom, from him, who had taken it from
Jehoiachin, and given it him, he had made
ute of the power he gave him against him
that gave it: “ but,” said he, “ God is great,
who hateth that conduct of thine, and hath
brought thee under us.” And when he had
used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded
his sons and his friends to be slain, w'hile Ze-
dekiah and the rest of the captains looked on;
after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah,
and bound him, and carried him to Babylon.
And these things happened to him,* as Jere-
miah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that
he should be caught, and brought before the
king of Babylon, and should speak to him
face to face, and should see his eyes with his

• This observation of Josephur about the seemin?

sagreement of Jeremiah (ch. xxxii 4, and xxxiv. 3;

isagreement ol Jeremiah let). xxxii 4, and :
ud Exek. xii.13), but real agreement at last.

HUU	an. iv/i uni icai af.ivvuicuv wt lasi^ uuiiouir

ine the Cite of Zedekiah, is very true and very remark-
able. See ch. vii. sect. 2. Nor is it at all unlikely that
the courtiers and false prophets might make use ol this
seeming oontradicUon to dissuade Zedekiah from believ-
ing either of those prophets, as Josephus here intimates
be was dissuaded thereby.

own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah pro
phesy. But he was also made blind, and
brought to Babylon, but did not see it, ac-
cording to the prediction of Ezekiel.

3.	We have said thus much, because it was
sufficient to show the nature of God to such
as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and
acts many different ways, and that all events
happen after a regular manner, in their pro-
per season, and that it foretells what must
come to pass. It is also sufficient to show
the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby
they are not permitted to foresee any thing
that is future, and are, without any guard,
exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible
for them to avoid"the experience of those ca-
lamities.

4.	And after this manner have the kings of
David’s race ended their lives, being in num-
ber twenty-one, until the last king, who all
together reigned five hundred and fourteen
years, and six months, and.ten days: of whom
Saul, who was their first king, retained the
government twenty years, though he was not
of the same tribe with the rest.

5.	And now it was that the king of Ba-
bylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his
army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple;
who had it also in command to burn it and
the royal palace, and to lay the city even with
the ground, and to transplant the people into
Babylon. Accordingly he came to Jerusalem,
in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and
pillaged the temple, and carried out the ves-
sels of God, both gold and silver, and parti-
cularly that large laver which Solomon dedi-
cated, as also the pillars of brass, and their
chapiters, with the golden tables and the can-
dlesticks: and when he had carried these off,
he -set fire to the temple in the fifth month,
the first day of the month, in the eleventh
year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in the
eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar; he also
burnt the palace, and overthrew the city. Now
the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy
years, six months, and ten days, after it was
built. It was then one thousand and sixty-
two years, six months, and ten days, from tjjje
departure out of Egypt; and from the De-
luge to the destruction of the temple, the
whole interval was one thousand nine hundred
and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten
days; but from the generation of Adam,
until this befell the temple, there were three
thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six
months, and ten days: so great was the num-
ber of years hereto belonging; and what ac-
tions were done during these years, we have
particularly related. But the general of the
Babylonian king now overthrew the city to
the very foundations, and removed all the
people, and took for prisoners the higb-priest
Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that was
next to him, and the rulers that guarded the
temple, who were three in number, and the280

ANTIQUITIES OK THE JEWS.

BOOK X,

eunuch who was over the armed men, and
seven friends of Zedekiab, and his scribe, and
sixty other rulers; all whom, together with
the vessels they had pillaged, he carried to the
king of Babylon to Riblah, a city of Syria.
So the king commanded the" heads of the
high-priest and of the rulers to be cut off
there; but he himself led all the captives and
-Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek
the high-priest away bound. He was the son
of Seraiah the high-priest, whom the king of
Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria,
as we just now related.

6.	And now, because we have enumerated
the succession of the kings, and who they
were, and how long they reigned, I think it
necessary to set down the names of the high-
priests, and who they were that succeeded one
another in the high-priesthood under the kings.
The first high-priest then at the temple which
Solomon built was Zadok; after him his son
Achimas received that dignity; after Achimas
was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Jorain’s
son '^as Isus: after him was Axioramus; his
son was Phideas, and Phideas’s son was Su-
deas, and Sudeas’s son was Juelus, and Jue-
lus’s son was Jotham, and Jotham’s son was
Urias, and Urias’s son was Nerias, and Ne-
rias’s son was Odeas, and his son was Sallu-
mus, and Sallumus’s son was Elcias, and his
son [was Azarias, and his sonj was Sareas,*
and his son was Josedec, who was carried
captive to Babylon. All these received the
high-priesthood by succession, the sons from
their father.

7.	When the king was come to Babylon,
he kept Zedekiah in prison until he died, and
buried him magnificently, and dedicated the
vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of
Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the
people in. the country of Babylon, but freed
the high-priest from his bonds.

CHAPTER IX.

flow NEBUZARADAN SET GEDALIAH OVER
THE JEWS THAT WERE LEFT IN JUDEA,
WHICH GEDALIAH WAS, A LITTLE AFTER-
WARD, SLAIN BY ISHMAEL; AND HOW JO-
HANAN, AFTER ISHMAEL WAS DRIVEN
AWAY, WENT DOWN INTO EGYPT WITH'THE
PEOPLE; WHICH PEOPLE NEBUCHADNEZ-
ZAR, WHEN HE MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST THE EGYPTIANS, TOOK CAPTIVE,
AND BROUGHT THEM AWAY TO BABYLON.

§ 1. Now the general of the army, Nebuza-
radan, when he had carried the people of the

* I have here inserted in brackets this high-priest
Azarias. though he be omitted in all Josephus’s copies,
out of the Jewish chronicle, Seder Olain, of bow little
anthority soever I generally esteem such late Habbinical
nitMian*, because we know from Josephus himself, that

Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those
that had deserted, in the country; and made
one, whose iiame was Gedaliah, the sou of
Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their
governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle
and righteous disposition. He also com-
manded them that they should cultivate the
ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the
king. He also took Jeremiah the prophet
out of prison, and would have persuaded him
to go along with him to Babylon, for that he
had been enjoined by tbe king to supply him
with whatsoever he wanted;- and if he did
not like to do so, he desired him to inform
him where he resolved to dwell, that he miglit
signify the same to the king. But the pro-
phet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell
anywhere else, but would gladly live in the
ruins of his country, and in the miserable re-
mains of it. When the general understood
what bis purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah,
whom'he left behind, to take all possible care
of him, and to supply him with whatsoever
he wanted; so when he had given him rich
presents, he dismissed him. Accordingly,
Jeremiah abode in a city of that country,
which was called Mispah; and desired of
Nebuzaradan that he would set at liberty his
disciple Baruch,f the son of Neriab, one of a
very eminent family, and exceeding skilful in
the language of his country.

2. When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he
made haste to Babylon; but as to those that
fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and
had been scattered over the country, when
they heard that the Babylomans were gone
away, and had left a remnant in the land of
Jerusalem, and those such as were to culti-
vate the same, they came together from all
parts to Gedaliah to Mispah. Now the rulers
that Were over them were Johanan, the son of
Kareah, and Jezamah, and. Seraiah, and others
beside them. Now there was of the royal
family, one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very
crafty, who, during the siege of Jerusalem,
fled to Baalis, king of the Ammonites, and
abode with him during that time; and Geda-
liah persuaded them, now they were there,
to stay with him, and to have no fear of the
Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate
the country, they should suffer no harm.
This he assured them of by oath; and said
that they should have him for their patron,
and that if any disturbance should arise, they
should find him ready to defend them. He
also advised them to dwell in any city, as
every one of them pleased; and that they
would send men along with his own servants,

the number of the high-priests belonging to this interval
was eighteen (Antiq b. xx. ch. x), whereas bis copies
have here but seventeen.

+ Of this character of Baruch, tbe son of Neriah, an4
the genuineness of his book, that stands now in our
Apocrypha, and that it is really a canonical book. Lad
an Appendix to Jereqriah, see Anthent. Rec. part L
page 1—11.CHAP. IX.

nnd rebuild their houses ugon the old foun-
dations, and dwell there; and he admonished
them beforehand, that they should make pre-
paration, while the season lasted, of corn, and
wine, and oil, that they might have whereon
to feed during the winter. When he had
thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them,
that every one might dwell in what part of
the country he pleased.

3.	Now when this report was spread abroad
as far as the nations that bordered on Judea,
that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that
came to him, after they had fled away, upon
this [only] condition, that they should pay
tribute to the king of Babylon, they also
came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the
country. And when Johanan, and the rulers
that were with him, observed the country, and
the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceed-
ingly in love with him, and told him that
Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, had sent
Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and secret;
ly, that he might have the dominion over the
Israelites, as being of the royal family; and
they said, that he might deliver himself from
this treacherous design, if he would give them
leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should
know it, for they told him they were afraid
that when he was killed by the other, the
entire ruin of the remaining strength of the
Israelites would ensue. But he professed
that he did not believe what they said, when
they told him of such a treacherous design,
in a man that had been well treated by him;
because it was not probable that one who,
under such a want of all things, had failed
of nothing that was necessary for him, should
be found so wicked and ungrateful towards
his benefactor, that when it would be an iri^
stance of wickedness in him not to save him,
had he been«treucherously assaulted by others,
to endeavour, and that earnestly, to kill him
with his own hand: that, however, if he
ought to suppose this information to be true,
it \vas better for himself to be slain by the
other,, than destroy a man who fled to him
for refuge, and entrusted his own safety to
him, and committed himself'to his disposal.

4.	So Johanan, and the rulers that were
with him, not being able to persuade Gedaliah,
went away: but after the interval of thirty
days was over, Ishmael. came again to Geda-
liah, to the city Mispah, and ten men with him:
and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those
that were with him, in a splendid manner at
his table, and had given them presents, he
became disordered in drink, while he endea-
voured to be very merry with them: and when
Ishmael sinf him in that case, and that he was
drowned in his cups to the degree of insensi-
bility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sud-
den, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah
and those that were with him at the feast; and
when he had slain them, he went out by night,
and slew all the Jews that were in the city,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

281

and those soldiers also which were left therein
by the Babylonians; but the next day four-
score men came out of the country with pre-
sents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what
bad befallen him; when Ishmael saw them,
he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when they
were come in, he shut up the court, and slew
them, and cast their dead bodies down into a
certain deep pit, that they might not be seen;
but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared
those that entreated him not to kill them, till
they had delivered up to him what riches they
had concealed in the fields, consisting of their
furniture, and garments, and corn: but he
took captive the people that were in Mispah,
with their wives and children; among whom
were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom
Nebuzaradan, the general of the army of
Babylon, had left with Gedaliah; and when
he had done this, he came to the king of the
Ammonites.

5.	But when Johanan and the rulers with
him heard of what was done -at Mispah by
Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they
had indignation at it, and every one of them
took his own armed men, and came suddenly
to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at
the fountain in Hebron: and when those that
were carried away captives by Ishmael, saw
Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad,
and looked upon them as coming to their as-
sistance; so they left him that had carried
them captives, and came over to Johanan:
then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king
of the Ammonites; but Johanan took those
whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ish-
mael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and
children, and came to a certain place called
Mandara, and there they abode that day; for
they had determined to remove from thence
and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Baby-
lonians should slay them, in case they con-
tinued in the country, and that out of anger
at the slaughter of Gedaliah; who had been by
them set over it for governor.

6.	" Now while they were under this delibe-
ration, Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the
rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah
the prophet, and desired that he would pray
to God, that because they, were at an u^ter
loss about what they ought to do, he would
discover it to them, and they sware that they
would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to
them: and when the prophet said that he would
be their intercessor with God, it came to pass,
that after ten days God appeared to him, and
said, that he should inform Johanan and the
other rulers and all the people, that he would
be with them while they continued in that
country, and take care of them, and keep
them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of
whom they were afraid; but that he would
desert them if they went into Egypt; and,
out of his wrath against them, would inflict
the same punishments uoon them which thty282

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X.

knew their brethren had already endured.
So when the prophet had informed Johanan
and the people that God had foretold these
things, he was not believed, when he said that
God commanded them to continue in that
country; but they imagined that be said so
to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and be-
lied God, and that he persuaded-tbem to stay
there, that they might be destroyed by the
Babylonians. Accordingly, both the peopie
and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of God,
which he gave them by the prophet, and re-
moved into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and
Baruch along with them.

7. And when they were there, God signi-
fied to the prophet that* the king of Babylon
was about making -an expedition against the
Egyptians, and commanded him to foretell
to the people that Egypt should be taken,
and the king of Babylon should slay some of
them, and should take others captives, and
bring them to Babylon; which things came
to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year
after the destruction of Jerusalem, which was
the twenty-third of the reign of Nebuchad-
nezzar, he made an expedition against Cele-
syria; and when he had possessed himself of
it, he made war against the Ammonites and
Moabites; and when he had brought all
those nations under subjection, he fell upon
Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and be slew
the king that then reigned,* and set up ano-
ther: and he took those Jews that were there
captives, and led them away to Babylon;
and such was the end of the nation of the
Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to
us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates;
for the people of the ten tribes were carried
out of Samaria by the Assyrians in the days of
king Hoshea; after which the people of the two
tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken
[were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the
king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to
Shalinanezer, he removed the Israelites out of
their country, and placed therein the nation
of the Cutheaus, who had'formerly belonged
to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but
were then called Samaritans, by taking the
name of the country to which they were re-
moved; but the king of Babylon, who brought
out the two tribes,t placed no other nation
In their country, by which means all Judea
and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to

* Herodotus says, this king of Egypt (Pharoah Hophra,
or Apries) was slain by the Egyptians, as Jeretniah fore-
told his slaughter by his enemies (Jer. xliv. z9, 30); and
that as a sign of the destruction of Egypt by Nebuchad-
nezzar. Josephus says, this king was slain by Nebu-
chadnezzar himself.

T We see here that Judea was left in a manner deso-
lat- after the captivity of the two tribes, and was not re-
peorled with foreivn colonies, perhaps as an indication

peopled with forergn colonies, perhaps as an indication
of Providence, that the Jews were to reprople it without
opposition themselves. 1 also esteem the latter and pre-
sent desolate condition of the same country, withuol
being repeopled by foreign colonies, to be a like indica-
tion, that the same Jews are hereafter to repeople it
■gain themselves, at their so long-expected restoration:

be a desert for seventy years; but the entire
interval of time which passed from the oaou-
vity of the Israelites, to the carrying away of
the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and
thirty years six months, and ten days.

CHAPTER X.

CONCERNING DANIEL, AND WHAT BEFELL niM
AT BABYLON.

§ 1. But now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Ba-
bylon, took some of the most noble of the
Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of
Zedekiak their king, such as were remarkable
for the beauty of their bodies and the comeli-
ness of their countenances, and delivered them
into the hands of tutors, and to the improve-
ment to be made by them. He also made
some of them to be eunuchs; which course
he took also with those of other nations whom
he had taken in the flower of their age, and
afforded them their diet from his own table,
and had them instructed in the institutes of
the country, and taught the learning of the
Chaldeans; and they had now exercised them-
selves sufficiently in that wisdom which he
had ordered they should apply themselves to.
Now among these there were four of the family
of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions;
the one of whom was called Daniel, another
was called Ananias, another Misacl, and the
fourth Azarias:	and the king of Babylon

changed their names, and commanded' that
they should make use of other names. Daniel
he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Mi-
S»el, Mesbach; and Azarias, Abednego.
These the king had in esteem, and continued
to love, because of the very excellent temper
they were .of, and because of their application
to learning, and the progress they had made
in wisdom.

2. Now Daniel and his kinsman had re-
solved to use a severe diet, and to abstain from
those kinds of food which caine from the king’s
table, and entirely, to forbear to eat of all liv-
ing creatures: so he came to Asbpenaz, who
was that eunuch to whom the care of them
was committed,* and desired him to take and
spend what was brought for them from the
king; but to give them pulse and dates for
their food, and any thing else, besides the
flesh of Living creatures, that he pleased, for
that their inclinations were to that sort of
food, and that they despised the other. He
replied, that he was ready to serve them in
what they desired, but lie suspected that they

$ That Daniel was made one of these eunuchs of
which Isaiah prophesied (Isa. xxxix. 7), nud the three
children his companions also, seems to me plain, hath
here io Josephus, and in our copies of Daniel (Dan. 1. S,
6. 7, II, 18); although, it must he grunted, (hut jome
married persons, that had children, were sometimes cr>Ut«1
eunuchs, in a general acceptation lor courtiers, on a<w

ms. in

Hint

count that so many ol the unc*«%M courtier* were real
eumK'hK. See, Geu.	*CHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

283

from their he

would be discovered by the king,
meagre bodies, and the alteration of their
countenances; because it could not be avoided
li t*, their bodies and colours must be changed
with their diet, especially while they would
be clearly discovered by the. finer appearance
of the other children, who would fare better,
and thus they should bring him into danger,
and occasion him to be punished: yet did
they persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful
to give them what food they desired for ten
days, by way of trial; and in case the habit
of their bodies were not altered, to go on in
the same way, as expecting that they should
not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if he
saw them look meagre, and worse than the
rest, he should reduce them to their former
diet. Now when it appeared that they were
so far from becoming worse by the use of this
food, that they grew plumper and fuller in
body than the rest, insomuch, that he thought
those who fed on what came from the king’s
table seemed less plump and full, while those
that were with Daniel looked as if they bad
lived in plenty, and in all sorts of luxury,
Arioch, from that time, securely took himself
what the king sent every day from his supper,
according to custom, to the children, but gave
them the fore-mentioned diet, while they had
their souls in some measure more pure, and
less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and
had their bodies in better tune for hard labour;
for they neither had the former oppressed
and heavy with variety of me&ts, nor were
the-, other effeminate on the same account; so
they readily, understood all the learning that
was among the Hebrews, and among the
Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who, be-
ing already sufficiently skilled in wisdom, was
very busy about the interpretation of dreams:
and God manifested himself to him.

3. Now two years after the destruction of
Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful
dream, the accomplishment of which God
showed him in his sleep; but when he arose
out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment:
so be sent for the Chaldeans and magicians,
and the prophets, and told them that he had
seen a dream, and informed them that he had
forgotten the accomplishment of what he had
seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both
what the dream was, and what was its signi-
fication; and they said that this was a thing
impossible to be discovered by men; but they
promised him, that if he would explain to them
what dream he had seen, they would tell him
its signification. Hereupon he threatened to
put them to death, unless. they told him his
dream: tfnd he gave command to have them
all put to deuth, since they confessed they
could not do what they were commanded to
do Now when Daniel heard that the king
had given a command that all the wise men
should he put to death, and that among them
himself and his three kinsmen were in danger.

went to Arioch, who was captain of the
king’s guards, and desired to know of him
what wag the reason why the king had given
command that all the wise men, and Chal-
deans, and magicians, should be slain. So
when he had learned that the king had had a
dream, and had forgotten it, and that when
they were enjoined to inform the king of it,
they had said they could not do it, and had
thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of
Arioch that he would go in to the king, and
desire respite for the magicians for one night,
and to put off their slaughter so long, for that
he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer
to God, the knowledge of the dream. Ac-
cordingly, Arioch informed the king of what
Daniel desired: so the king bade them delay
the slaughter of the magicians till he knew
what Daniel’s promise would come to; but
the young man retired to his own house, with
his kinsmen, and besought God that whole
night to discover the dream, and thereby de-
liver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom
they were themselves to perish, from the king’s
anger, by enabling him to declare his vision,
and to make manifest what the king had seen
the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten
it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that
were in danger, and out of regard to the wis-
dom of Daniel, made known to him the dream
and its interpretation, that so the king might
understand by him itg signification also.
When Daniel had obtained this knowledge
from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his
brethren, and made them glad, and to hope
well that they should now preserve their lives,
of which they despaired before, and had their
minds full of nothing but the thoughts of
dying. So when he had with them returned
thanks to God, who had commiserated their
youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and
dtesired him to bring him to the king, because
he would discover to him that dream which
he had seen the night before.

4. When Daniel was come in to the king,
he excused himself first, that he did not pre-
tend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and
magicians, when, upon their entire inability
to discover his dream, he was undertaking to
inform him of it; for this was not by his own
skill, or on account of his having better cul-
tivated his understanding than the rest; but
he said, “ God hath had pity upon us, when
we were in danger of death, and when I
prayed for the life of myself, and of those of
my cfwn nation, hath made manifest to me
both the dream arid the interpretation there-
of; for I was not less concerned for thy glory
than for the sorrow that we were by thee con-
demned to die, While thou didst so unjustly
command men, both good and excellent iu
Jhemselves, to be put to death, when thou
enjomedst them to do what was entirely above
the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst
of then what Was only the work of God.234

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep, wast solici-
tous concerning those that^hould succeed thee'
in the government of the whole world, God
was desirous to show thee all those that should
reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to
thee the following dream: — Thou seemedst
to see a great image standing before thee, the
head of which proved to be of gold, the
shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly
and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the
feet of iron; after which thou sawest a stone
broken off from a mountain, which fell upon
the image and threw it down, and brake it to
pieces, and did not permit any part of it to
remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the
brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal,
which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was
by force carried - away, and scattered abroad;
but the stone did increase to such a degree,
that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be
filled therewith. This is the dream which thou
sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: —
The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings
of Babylon that have been before thee; but
the two hands and arms signify this, that your
government shall be dissolved by two kings;
but another king that shall come from the
west, armed with brass, shall destroy that go-
vernment; and another government, that shall
be likg unto iron, shall put an end to the
power of the former, and shall have dominion
over all the earth, on account of the nature of
iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of
silver, and of brass.” Daniel did also de-
clare the meaning of the stone to the king;*
but I do not thing proper to relate it, since I
have only undertaken to describe things past
or things present, but not things that are fu-
ture; yet if any one be so very desirous of
knowing truth, as not to wave such points of
curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for
understanding the uncertainties of futurity,
and whether they will happen or not, let him be
diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which
he will find among the sacred Writings.

5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and
recollected his dream, he was astonished at
the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his face,
and saluted Daniel in the manner that men
worship God, and gave command that he
should be sacrificed to as a god. And this
was not all, for he also imposed the name of
his own god upon him [Baltasar], and made
him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole king-
dom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall
into great danger by the envy and malice [of

• Of the most remarkable passage in Josephus con-
cerning the ** stone cut out of the mountain, and destroy-
ing the image,” which he would note&pl&in, butiotimated
to be a prophecy of futurity, and probably not safe for
him to explain, as belonging to the destruction of the
Homan empire by Jesus Christ, the true Messiah of the
Jews, take the words of Havercamp (ch. x. sect. 4).

** Nor is this to be wondered at, that he would nut now
meddle with things future, for he had no mind to provoke
the Romans, by speaking of the destruction of that city
Vigil they called the Eternal City.”

BOOK X.

their enemies]; -for they.offended the king
upon the occasion'following: — He made an
image of gold, the height of which was sixty
cubits, and its bi'eadth six cubits, and set it in
the great plain of Babylon; and when he was
going to dedicate the image, he invited the
principal men out of all the earth that were
under his dominions, and commanded them,
in the first place, that when they should hear
the sound of the trumpet, they should then
fall down and worship the image; and he
threatened, that those who did not do so should
be cast into a fiery furnace. When, therefore,
all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of
the trumpet, worshipped the image, they re-
late that Daniel’s kinsmen did not do it, be-
cause they would not transgress the laws of
their country: so these men were convicted,
and cast, immediately into the fire, but were
saved by Divine Providence, and after a sur-
prising manner escaped death; for the fire did
not touch them: and I suppose that it touched
them not, as if it reasoned with itself, that
they were cast into it without any fault of
theirs, and that, therefore, it was too weak to
burn the young men when they were in it.
This was done by the power of God, who
made their bodies so far superior to the fire,
that it could not consume them. This it was
which recommended them to the king as
righteous men, and men beloved of Gqd;
on which account they continued in great
esteem with'him.

6. A little after this the king saw in his
sleep again another vision; how he should
fall from his dominion, and feed among the
wild beasts; and that, when he bad lived in
this manner in the desert for seven years,f he
should recover his dominion 'again. When
he had seen this dream, he called the magi-
cians together again, and inquired, of them
about it, and desired them to tell him what it

+ Since Josephus here explains the seven prophetic
times which were to pass over Nebuchadnezzar (DJn.
iv. lb) to be seven years, we thence learn huw he most
probably must have understood those other parallel
phrases, of "a time, times, and a half” (Anti^. b. viL
ch. xxv), of so many prophetic years also, though lie
withal lets us know, by bis bint at the interpretation of
the seventy weeks, as belonging to l(ie fourth monarchy,
and the destruction of Jerusalem by the-Homans in the
days of Josephus (ch. ii. sect 7), that he did not think
those years to be bare years, but rather days for yearst
by which reckoning, and by which alone, could seventy'
weeks, or lour hundred aud ninety days, reach to the
age of Josephus. But as to the truth of those seven
years’ banishment of Nebuchadnezzar from men, and
his living so long among the beasts, the very small re-
mains we have anywhere else of this Nebuchadnezzar,
prevent our expectation of any other full account of it.
So far we know by Ptolemy’s canon, d contemporary
record, as well as by Josephus presently, that lie reigned
in all forty-three years, that is, eight years after we meet
with any account of his actions,- one of the last of which
was the thirteen years’ siege of Tyre (Antiy b. xi ch.
xi); where yet the Old Latiu bus but three year- and ten
mouths: yet weie his actions bclure so remarkable,
both in sacred and profane authors, that such a vacuity
of eight yeurs at the least, at the latter end of his reign,
must be allowed to a tree very well with Daniel’s ac-
counts, that after a seven years’ brutal lile. he niigkf
return to his reason, aud to the exercise of his royal
authority, lev ona whole year at least before his death.CHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

signified; but when none of them could find
out the meaning of the dream, nor discover
it to the king, Daniel was the only person
that explained it; and as he foretold, so it
came to pass; for after he had continued in
the wilderness the forementioned interval of
time, while no one durst attempt to seize his
kingdom during those seven years, he prayed
to God that he might recover his kingdom,
and he returned to it. But let no one blame
me for. writing down every thing of this na-
ture, as I find it in our ancient books; for as
to that matter, I have plainly assured those
that think me defective in any such point, or
complain of my management, and have told
them in the beginning of this history, that I
intended to do no more than translate the
Hebrew books into the Greek language, and
promised them to explain those facts, without
adding any thing to them of my own, or tak-
ing any thing away from them.

CHAPTER XI.

CONCERNING NEBUCHADNEZZAR AND HIS SUC-
CESSORS, AND HOW THEIR GOVERNMENT WAS
DISSOLVED BY THE PERSIANS; AND WHAT
THINGS BEFELL DANIEL IN MEDIA; AND
WHAT PROPHECIES HE DELIVERED THERE.

§ I. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had
reigned forty-three years,* he ended his life.
He was an active man, and more fortunate
than the kings that were before him. Now
Berosus makes mention of his actions in the
third book of his Chaldaic History, where he
says thus:—“When his father Nebuchodo

when he was made sensible, aa he was In a
little time, that his father, Nebuehodonosor
[Naboppllassar], was dead, and having set-
tled the affairs of Egypt, and the other coun-
tries, as also those that concerned the captive
Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those
of the Egyptian nations, and having com-
mitted the conveyance of them to Babylon to
certain of his friends, together with the gross
of his army, and the rest of their ammunition
and provisions, he went himself hastily, ac-
companied with a few others, over the desert,
and came to Babylon. So he took upon him
the management of public affairs, and of the
-kingdom which had been kept for him byt
one that was the principal of the Chaldeans,
and he received the entire dominions of his
father, and appointed, that when the captives
came, they should be placed as colonies, in
the most proper places of Babylonia; but
then he adorned the temple of Belus, and the
rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner,
with the spoils he had taken in the war. He
also added another city to that which was
there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would
besiege it hereafter might no more turn the
course of the river, and thereby attack the
city itself: he therefore built three^ walls
round about the inner city, and three others
about that which was the outer, and this he
did with burnt brick. And after he had,
after a becoming manner, walled the city,
and adorned its gates gloriously, he built
another palace before his father’s palace, but
so that they joined to it; to describe the vast
height and immense riches of which, it would
perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet,
as large and lofty as they were, they were
completed in fifteen days.J He also erected

nosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the gover. I elevated places for walking, of stone, and

nor whom he had set over Egypt, and the
places about Celesyria and Phcenicia, had re-
volted from him, while he was not himself
able any longer to undergo the hardships [of
war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnez-
zar, who was still but a youth, some parts of
his army, and sent them against him. So
when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and
fought with the rebel, he beat him, and re-
duced the country from under his subjection,
and,made it a branch of his own kingdom;
but about that time it happened that his fa-
ther Nebuehodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill,
and ended his life in the city of Babylon,
when he had reigned twenty-one years ;f ana

* These forty-three years for the duration of the reign
of Nebuchadnezzar are, as I have just now observed, the
very same number in Ptolemy’s canon. Moses Chore-
nensis does also confirm this captivity of the Jews under
Nebuchadnezzar ; and adds, what is very remarkable,
that one of those Jews that were carried by him into
captivity, got away into Armenia, and raised the great
family of the Bagratides there.

+ These twenty-one years here ascribed to one Na-
boulassar, in the first book against Apion, or to Nabo-
pollassar, the father of the great Nebuchadnezzar, are
also the very same with those given him in Ptolemy’s
oanon. And note here, that what Dr. Prideaux says,

made it resemble mountains, and built it so
that it might be planted with all sorts of trees.
He also erected what was called a pensile pa-
radise, because his wife was desirous to have
things like her own country, she having been
bred up in the palaces of Media.” Megas-
thenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts
of India, makes mention of these things, and
thereby endeavours to show that this king
[Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Herculus in for-
titude, and in the greatness of his actions;

in the year 612, that Nebuchadnezzar must have been
a common name of other kioga of Babylon, besides tho
great Nebuchadnezzar himself, is a groundless mistake
of some modern chronologers only, and destitute of all
proper original authority.

t These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings
at Babylon, in Josephus’s copy of Berosus, would seen
too absurd to be supposed to be the true number, were
it not for the same testimony extant also in the first book
against Apion (sect. 191, with the same number. It
thence indeed appears; that Josephus’s copy of Berosus
had this small number; but that it is the true number J
still doubt J osephus assures us. that the walls of so much
a smaller city as Jerusalem were two years and four
months in building by Nehemiah, who yet hastened tho
work all that he could, Anliq. b.xi.c.v. spet. 8. I should
think one hundred and fifteen days, or a year and fifteen
days, much more proportionable to so groat a work.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X

286

for he saith, that he conquered a great part
of Libya and. Iberia. Diodes also, in the
second book of his Accounts of Persia, men-
tions this king; as does Pbilostratus,* in his
Accounts both of India and Phoenicia, say,
that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years,
while af the same time Ethbaal reigned at
Tyre. These are all the histories that I have
met with concerning this king.

2. But now, after the death of Nebuchad-
nezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in
the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah
at liberty, and esteemed him amongst his
most intimate friends. He also gave him
many presents, and made him. honourable
above the rest of the kings that were in Ba-
bylon ; for his father had not kept his faith
with Jeconiah, whep he voluntarily delivered
up himself to him, with his wives" and chil-
dren, and his .whole kindred, for the sake of
his country, that it might not be taken by
siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said be-
fore. When Evil-Merodach was dead, after
a reign of eighteen years, Neglissar his son
took the government, and retained it forty
years, and then ended his life; and after him
the succession in the kingdom came to his
son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all
but nine months; and when he was dead, it
came to Baltasar,* who by the Babylonians
was called Naboandelus: against him did
Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the
king of Media, make war; and when he was
besieged in Babylon, there happened a won-
derful and prodigious vision. He was sat
down at supper in a large room, and there
were a great many vessels of silver, such as
were made for royal entertainments, and he
had with him his concubines and his friends;
whereupon he came to a resolution, and
commanded that those vessels of God which
Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jeru-
salem, and had not made use of, but had put
them into, his own temple, should be brought
out of that temple. He also grew so haughty
as to proceed to use them in the midst of his
cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming

• It is here remarkable that Josephus, -without the
knowledge of Ptolemy’s canon, should call the Bame
king whom he himself here (Bah i. ll,ao"d Dan. v. 1,
2. 0, 12. 22, 29,30) styles Beltazar or.Belshazzar, from
the Babylonian god- Bel, Neboandelus also; and in
the first book against Apion (sect. 19. vol. iii), from the
same citation out of Berosas, NabonnedOn, from the
Babylonian god Nubo, or Nebo. This last is not re-
route from the original pronunciation itselt in Ptolemy’s
canon, Nabonadius; for both tbe place of this king in
that canon, as the last of the Assyrian or Babylonian
kiDgs. and the number of years of his reign, seventeen,
the same in both demonstrate that it is one and tbe
fame Ling that is meant' by them all. It is also worth
noting, that Josephus knew that Darius, the partner of
Cyrus; was the son of Astyages, and was called by ano-
ther name among tbe Greeks, though it does not appear
he knew what that name was,' as 'having never seen the
best history of this period, which is Xenophon’s: but
then what Josephus’s present copies say presently (sect.
4), that it was only within no long time after the hand-
writing on the wall that Baltasar was slain, does not so
well agree with our copies of Daniel, which say it was
fto «un» sight* Dan. ▼. 2UL

against God. In the mean time, he saw a
hand proceed out of the wall, and writing
upon the wall certain syllables; ar. which
sight, being disturbed, he cailcn the main-
cians and Chaldeans together, and a.1 mat
sort of men that are among‘these Damn nans,
and were able to interpret signs and dreams,
that they might explain the writing to him.
But when the magicians said they could dis-
cover nothing, nor did understand it, the
king was in great disorder of mind, and un-
der great trouble, at this surprising accident;
so he'caused it to be proclaimed through all
tbe country, and promised, that to him who
could explain the writing, and give the signi-
fication couched therein, he would give him a
golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear
a purple garment, as did the kings of Chal-
dea, and would bestow on him the third part
of his own dominions. When this proclama-
tion was made, the magicians ran together
more earnestly, tfnd were very ambitious to
find out the importance of the writing; but
still hesitated about it as much as before.
Now when the king’s grandmother saw him
cast down at this accident,! she began to en-
courage him, and to say, that there was a
certain captive who came from JuSea, a Jew
by birth, but brought away thence by Nebu-
chadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusa-
lem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man,
and one of great sagacity in finding out what
was impossible for others to discover, and
what was known to God aione; who brought
to light and answered such questions to Ne-
buchadnezzar as no one else was able to an-
swer when they were consulted. She there-
fore desired that he would send for him, and
inquire of him concerning the writing, and
to condemn the unskiiiubiess of those that
could not find their meaning, and this, al-
though what* God signified thereby should be
of a melancholy nature.

3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for
Daniel: and when he had. discoursed to him
what he had learned concerning him and his
wisdom, and how a divine spirit was with him,
and that he alone was fully capable of finding
out what others would never have thought of^
he desired him to declare to him what this
writing meant: that if he did so, he would
give him leave to wear purple, and to put a
chain of gold about his neck, and would be-
stow on him the third part of his dominion,
as an honorary reward for his wisdom, that
thereby he might become illustrious to those
who saw him, and who inquired upon wbat
occasion he obtained 6Uch honours. But
Daniel desired that he would keep his gifts

+ Thii grandmother, or s mother of Baltasar, tbe
queen-dowager of ' Babylon ' (for »he is distinguished
Irom his queen (Dan. v. 10, 23), seems to have been
the famous Nitocris, who fortified Babylon against the
Medes and Persians, and in all probability governed un-
der Baltasar, who seems to be a weak and efTeminatB
prince.CHAP. XT.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

287

to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom
and of divine revelation admits of no gifts,
and bestmvs its advantages on petitioners
freeiy out that still he would explain the
writing to him; which denoted that he should
soon me, and this because he had not learnt
to honour God, and not to admit things
above human nature, by what punishments his
progenitor had undergone for the injuries he
had offered to God; and because he had
quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was re-
moved to feed among wild beasts for his im-
pieties, and did not recover his former life
among men and his kingdom, but upon God’s
mercy to him, after many. supplications and
prayers; who did thereupon praise God all
the days of his life, as one of almighty power,
and who tgkes care of mankind. [He also
put him in mind] how he had greatly blas-
phemed against God, and had made use of
his vessels amongst his concubines: that there-
fore God saw this, and was angry with him,
and declared by this writing beforehand what
a sad conclusion of his life he should come to.
And he explained the writing thus: — “Ma-
neh. This, if it be expounded in the Greek
language, may signify a Number, because
God hath numbered so long a time for thy
life, and for thy government, and that there
remains but a small portion.—Thekel. This
signifies a Weight, and means that God hath
weighed thj£ kingdom in a balance, and finds
it going down already.—Phares. This also,
in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment;
God will therefore break thy kingdom in
pieces, and divide it among the Medes and
Persians."

4.	When Daniel had told the king that
the writing upon the wail signified these
events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and afflic-
tion, as was to be expected, when the inter-
pretation was so heavy upon him. However,
he did not -refuse what he had promised Da-
niel, although he were became a foreteller of
misfortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon
him: as reasoning thus, that what he was to
reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate,
and did not belong to the prophet, but that
it was the part of a good and a just man to
give what he had promised, although the
events were of a melancholy nature. Accord-
ingly, the king determined so to do. Now,
after a little while, both himself and the city
were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who
fought against him; ifor it was Baltasar, un-
der whom Babylon was taken, when he had
reigned seventeen years. And this is the end
of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as
history informs us; but when Babylon was
taken by Darius, and when he, with his kins-
man Cyru3, had put an end to the dominion
of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years
old. He was the son of Astyages, and had
another name among the Greeks. Moreover,
ne to k Daniel the prophet, and carried him

with him into Media, and honoured him very
greatly, and kept him with him; for he was
one of the three presidents whom he set over
his three hundered and sixty provinces; for
into so many did Darius part them.

5.	However, while Daniel was in so great
dignity, and in so great favour with Darius, and
was alone entrusted with every thing by him.
as having somewhat divine in him, he was en-
vied by the rest: for those that see others in
greater honour than themselves with kings,
envy them: and when those that were grieved
at the great favour Daniel was in with Darius,
sought for an occasion against him, he afforded
them no .occasion at all, for he was above
all the temptations of money, and despised
bribery, and esteemed it a very base thing to
takf any thing by way of reward, even when
it might be justly given him, he afforded those
that envied him not the least handle for an
accusation. So when they could find nothing
for which they might calumniate him to the
king, nothing that was shameful or reproach-
ful, and thereby deprive him of the honour
he was in with him, they sought for some
other method whereby they v might destroy
him. When therefore they saw that Daniel
prayed to God three times a day, they thought
they had gotten an occasion by which they
might ruin him; so they came to Darius, and
told him, that “ the princes and governors
had thought proper to allow the multitude a
relaxation for thirty days, that no one might
offer a petition or prayer either to-himself, or
to the gods, but that he who shall transgress
this decree shall be cast into a den of ljpns,
and there perish.”

6.	Whereupon the king, not being acquaint-
ed with their wicked design, nor suspecting that
it was a contrivance of theirs, against Daniel,
said he was pleased with this decree of theirs,
and he promised to confirm what they desired;
he also published an edict to promulgate to
the people that decree which the princes had
made. Accordingly, all the rest took care
not to transgress those injunctions, and rested
in quiet; but Daniel had no regard to them,
but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to
God in.the sight of them all: but the princes
having met with the occasion they so earnestly
sought to find against Daniel, came presently
to the king, and accused him, that Daniel
was the only person that transgressed the de-
cree, while not one of the rest durst pray to
their gods. This discovery they made, not
because of his impiety, but because they had
watched him, and observed him out of envy;
for supposing that Darius did thus out of a
greater kindness to him than they expected,
and that he was ready to grant him a pardon
for this contempt of lus injunctions, and envy-
ing this very pardon to Daniel, they did not
become more favourable to him, but desired he
might be cast into the den of lions, according
to the law. So Darius, hoping that God288

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X,

would deliver him, and that he would under-
go nothing that was terrible by the wild beasts,
bade him bear this accident cheerfully; and
when he was cast into the den, he put his seal
to the stone that lay upon the mouth of the den,
and went his way; bat he passed all the night
without food and without sleep, being in great
distress for Daniel; but when it was day, he
got up, and came to the den, and found the
seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed
withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out,
and called to Daniel, and asked him if he
were alive; and as soon as he heard the king’s
voice, and said that he had suffered no harm,
the king gave order that he should 4>e drawn
up out of the den. Now when his enemies
saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which
was terrible, they would not own that he *vas
preserved by God, and by his providence; but
they said, that the lions had been tilled full with
food, and on that account it was, as they sup-
posed, that the lions would not touch Daniel,
nor come to him; and this they alleged to
the king; but the king, out of an abhorrence
of their wickedness, gave order that they
should throw in a great deal of flesh to the
lions; and when they had tilled themselves,
he gave farther order that Daniel’s enemies
should be cast into the den, that he might
learn whether the lions, now they were fullj
would touch them or not; and it appeared
plain to Darius, after the princes had been
cast to the wild beasts, that it was God who
preserved Daniel,* for the lions spared none
of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they
had Jieen very hungry, and \yanted food. I
suppose, therefore, it was not their hunger,
which had been a little before satisfied with

still remaining, and preserved to this day,
and to such as see it, it appears to have been
lately built, and to have been no older than
that very day when any one looks upon it, it
is so fresh,f flourishing, and beautiful, and no
way grown old in so long time; for buildings
suffer the same as men do; they grow old as
well as they, and by numbers of years their
strength is dissolved, and their beauty wi-
thered. Now they bury the kings of Media, of
Persia, and Parthia, in this tower, to this day;
and he who was intrusted with the care of it,
was a Jewish priest; which thing is also ob-
served to this day. But it is fit to give an
account of what this man did, which is most
admirable to hear; for he was so nappy as to
have strange revelations made to him, and
those as to one of the greatest of the prophets,
insomuch, that while he was alive he had the
esteem and applause both of the kings and
of the multitude; and now he is dead, he re-
tains a remembrance that will never fail, for
the several books that he wrote and left be-
hind him are still read by us till this time;
and from them we believe that Daniel con-
versed with God; for he did not only prophecy
of future events as did the other prophets,
but he also determined the time of their ac-
complishment; and while the prophets used to
foretell misfortunes, and on that account were
disagreeable both to the kings and to the mul-
titude, Daniel was to them a prophet 8f good
things, and this to such a degree, that, by the
agreeable nature of his predictions, he pro-
cured the good-will of ail men; and by the
accomplishment of them, he procured the be-
lief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort
of] divinity for himself, among the multi-
abundance of flesh, but the wickedness of these I tude. He also wrote and left behind him what
men, that provoked them [to destroy the i made manifest the accuracy and undeniable
princes]; for if it so please God, that wicked- I veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that
ness might, by even those irrational creatures, I when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Per-
be esteemed a plain foundation for their pun- j sia, and went out into the field with his com-
ishment.	I panions, there was, on the sudden, a motion,

7. When, therefore, those that had intended
thus to destroy Daniel by treachery were
themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [let-
ters] over all the country, and praised that
God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that
he was the only true God, and had all power.
He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and
made him the principal of his friends. Now
when Daniel was become so illustrious and
famous, on account of the opinion men had
that he was beloved of God, he built a tower
at Ecbatana, in Media: it was a most elegant
building, and wonderfully made; and it is

* It is no way improbable that Daniel’s enemies might
suggest this reason to the king, why the Hons did not
meddle with him, and that they might suspect the king’s
kinaness to Daniel had procured these lions to be so filled
Deforehand, and that thence it was that he encouraged
Daniel to submit to this experiment, in hopes of coming
off safe; and that this was the true reason of making
so terrible an experiment upon those his enemies, and
all their families (Dan. vi. 24), though our other oopies
do not directly take notice of it.

and concussion of the earth, and that be was
left alone by himself; his friends flying away
from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell
on his face, and on his two hands, and that a
certain person touched him, and, at the same
time, bade him rise, and see what would befall
his countrymen after many generations. He
also related, that when he stood up, he was
shown a great ram, with many horns growing
out of his head, and that the last was higher
than the rest * that after this he looked to the
west, ahd saw a he-goat carried through the

+ What Josephus here says, that the stones of the
sepulchres of the kiDgs of Persia at this tower, or those
perhaps of the same sort that are now commonly called
the Ruins of Persepolis, continued so entire and unal-
tered in his days, as if they were lately put there, “ I
(says lteland) here can show to be,true, as to those stones
of the Persian kings’ mausoleum, which Com. Brunius
brake off and gave me.” He ascribed this to^ the hard-
ness of the stones, which scarcely yields to iron tools,
and proves frequently too bard for cutting by the chisel,
but oftentimes breaks it to pieces.CHAP. XI.	ANTIQUITIES <

air from that quarter; that he rushed upon
the ram with violence, and smote him twice
with his horns, and overthrew him to the
ground, and trampled upon him: that after-
wards he saw a very great horn growing out
of the head of the he-goat; and that when it
was broken off, four horns grew up that were
exposed to each of the four winds, and he
wrote, that out of them arose another lesser
horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and
that God showed to him, that it should fight
against his nation, and take their city by force,
and bring the temple-worship to confusion,
and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one
thousand two hundred and ninety-six days.
Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the
plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that
God interpreted the appearance of this vision
after thefollowing manner:—"He said that the
ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and
Persians, and the horns those kings that were
to reign in them; and that the last horn sig-
nified the last king, and that he should ex-
ceed all the kings in riches and glory; that
the he-goat signified that one should come and
reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight
with the Persian, and overcome him in bat-
tle, and should receive his entire dominion;
that by the great horn which sprang out of
the forehead of the he-goat was meant the
first king; and that the springing up of four
horns upon its falling off, and the conversion
of every one of them to the four quarters of
the earth, signified the successors that should
arise after the death of the first king, and the
partition of the kingdom among them, and
that they should be neither his children nor
of his kindred that should reign over the ha-
bitable earth for many years; and that from
among them there should arise a certain king
that should overcome our nation and their
laws, and should take away our political go-
vernment. and .should spoil the temple, and j

OP THE JEWS.	289

forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three
years’ time.” And indeed it so came to pass,
that our nation suffered these things under
Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s
vision, and what he wrote many years before
they came to pass. In the very same manner
Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman go-
vernment, and that.our country should be
made desolate by them. All these things did
this man leave in writing, as God had showed
them to him, insomuch, that such as read his
prophecies, and see how they have been ful-
filled, would wonder at the honour where-
with God honoured Daniel; and may thence
discover how the Epicureans are in an error,
who cast providence out of human life, and
do not believe that God takes care of the
affairs of the world, nor that the universe is
governed and continued in being by that
blessed and immortal nature, but say that the
world is carried along of its own accord,
without a ruler and a curator; which, were
it destitute of a guide to conduct, as they
imagine, it would be like ships without pilots,
which we see drowned by the winds, or like
chariots without drivers, which are overturn-
ed; so would the world be dashed to pieces
by its being carried without a Providence, and
so perish, and come to nought. So that, by
the fore-mentioned predictions of Daniel, those
men seem to me very much to err from the
truth, who determine that God exercises no
providence over human affairs; for if that
were the case, that the world went on by me-
chanical necessity, we should not see that all
■things would come to pass according to his
prophecy. Now, as to myself, I have so de-
scribed these matters as I have found them
and read them; but if any one is inclined to
another opinion about them, let him enjoy his
different sentiments without any blame from
me.290

BOOK XI.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY-THREE TEARS FIVBJfOKTHS.

FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE DEATH OF. ALEXANDER

THE GREAT.

CHAPTER I.

HOW CYRUS, KING OF THB PERSIANS, DELI-
VERED THE JEWS OUT OF BABYLON, AND SUF-
FERED THEM TO RETURN TO THEIR OWN
COUNTRY, AND TO BUILD THEIR TEMPLE;
FOR WHICH WORK HE GAVE THEM MONEY.

§ 1. In the first year of the reign of Cyrus,
which was the seventieth from the day that our
people were removed out of their own land
into Babylon, God commiserated the capti-
vity and calamity of these poor people, accord-
ing as he had foretold to them by Jeremiah
the prophet, before the destruction of the
city, that after they had served Nebuchadnez-
zar and his posterity, and after they had un-
dergone that servitude seventy years, he would
restore them again to the land of their fathers,
and they should build their temple, and enjoy
their ancient prosperity; and these things God
did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of.
Cyrus, and made him write this throughout
all Asia: — “ Thus saith Cyrus the king: —

Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be
king of the habitable earth, I believe that he
is that God which the nation of the Israelites
worship; for indeed he foretold my name by
the prophets, and that I should build him a
house at.Jerusalem, in the country of Judea.”
2. This was known to Cyrus by his read-
ing the book which Isaiah left behind him of
his prophecies; for this prophet said that God
had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: —
“My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have ap-
pointed to be king over many end great na-
tions, send back my people to their own land,
and build my temple.” This was foretold by
Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the
temple was demolished. Accordingly, when
Cyrus read this, and admired the divine

* This Gyros is called God’s Shepherd by Xenophon,
as well as by Isaiah (Isa. xliv 28;; as also it is said of
him by the same prophet, that “1 will maka a man
more precious than fine gold, even a man than the golden
wedge of Ophir” (Is'j. xiii. 12;, whi
Xenophon’s moot excellent histu'V ol

ich character routes
of bin. vti) credible.

power, an earnest desire and ambition seized
upon him to fulfil what was so written; so he
called for the most eminent Jews that were in
Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them
leave to go back to their own country, and to
rebuild their city Jerusalem, j- and the temple
of God, for that he would be their assistant,
and that he would write to the rulers and go-
vernors that were in the neighbourhood of
their country of Judea, that they shftuld con-
tribute to them gold and silver for the building
of the temple, and, besides that, beasts for
their sacrifices.

3. When Cyrus had said this to the Is-
raelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judah
and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests,
went in haste to Jerusalem, yet did many of
them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave
their possessions; and when they were come
thither, all the king’s friends assisted them,
and brought in, for the building of the tem-
ple, some gold, and some silver, and some a
great many cattle and horses. So they per-
formed their vows to God, and offered the
sacrifices that had been accustomed of old
time; I mean this upon the. rebuilding of
their city, and the revival of the ancient prac-
tices relating to their worship. Cyrus also
sent back to them the vessels of God which
king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the
temple, and carried to Babylon. So he com-
mitted these things to Mithridates, the trea-
surer, to be sent away, with an order to give
them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them

+ This leave to build Jerusalem (sect 2, 3), and this
epistle of Cyrus to Sisinnes. and Sathrabuzanes, to the
same purpose, are most unfortunately omitted in all our
copies, but this best and completest copy of Josephus;
and by such omission the tamons prophecy of Isaiah
(Isa. xliv. 28), where we are informed that God said of
is, “ He is i

or to Cyrus, “ He is my shepherd, and shall perform all
my pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem, thou sbalt be
built; and to the temple, thy foundation shall be laid,”
cou.d not hitherto be demonstrated from the sacred
history to have been completely fulfilled, I mean as to
that part of it which concerned his giving leave or com-
mission for rebuilding the city Jerusalem as distinct
from the temple, the rebuilding of which is alone pcr-
mi’THrl or dir-eted m the decree of Cyrus, in all out
copirs.CHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

291

till the temple was built; and when it was
finished, he might deliver them to the priests
tuid rulers of the multitude, in order to their
being restored to the temple. Cyrus also
sent an epistle to the governors that were in
Syria, the contents whereof here follow:—

“KING CYRUS TO SISINNES AND SATHRABUZA-
NES, SENDETH GREETING.”

“ F have given leave to as many of the
Jews that dwell in my country as please to
return to their own country, and to rebuild
their city, and to build the temple of God at
Jerusalem, on the same place where it was
before. I have also sent my treasurer, Mith-
ridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the
Jews, that they may lay the foundations of
the temple, and may-build it sixty cubits high,
and of ihe same latitude, making three edi-
fices of polished stones, and one of the wood
of the country, and the same order extends to
the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God.
T require also, that the expenses for these
things may be given out of my revenues.
Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which
king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the
temple, and have given them to Mithridates
the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor
of the Jews, that they may have them carried
to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the
temple of God. Now their number is as fol-
lows:*— Fifty chargers of gold and five hun-
dred of silver; forty Thericlean cups of gold,
and five hundred of silver; fifty basons^of gold,
and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for
pouring [the drink-offerings], and three hun-
dred of silver, thirty vials of gold, and two
thousand four hundred of silver; with a thou-
sand other large vessels. 1 permit them to
have the same honour which they were used
to have from their forefathers, as also for their
small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hun-
dred and five thousand and five hundred
drachmae; and for wheat-flour, twenty thou-
sand and five hundred artabae: and I give
order that these expenses shall be given them
out of the tributes due from Samaria. The
priests shall also offer these sacrifices accord-
ing to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem; and
when they offer them they shall pray to God
for the preservation of the king and of his fa-
mily, that the kingdom of Persia may conti-
nue. But my will is, that those who disobey
these injunctions, and make them void, shall
be hung upon a cross, and their substance
brought into the king’s treasury.” And such
was the import of this epistle. Now the
number of those that came out of captivity to
Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hun-
dred and sixty-two.

• Of the true number of golden and silver vessels here
and elsewhere belonging to the temple of Solomon, see
the description of the temple, chap. ziii.

CHAPTER IL *

HOW, UPON THE DEATH OP CYRUS, THE JEWS
WERE HINDERED IN BUILDING OF THE
TEMPLE BY THE CUTHEABM, AND THE
NEIGHBOURING GOVERNOR™ AND HOW
CAMBYSES ENTIRELY FORBADE THE JEWS
TO DO ANY SUCH THING.

§ 1. When the foundations of the temple
were laying, and when the Jews were very
zealous about building it, the neighbouring
nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom
Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought
out of Persia and Media, and had planted in
Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel
captive, besought the governors, and those
that had, the care of such affairs, that they
would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuild-
ing of their city, and in the building of their
temple. Now as these men were corrupted
by them with money, they sold the Cutheuns
their interest for rendering this building a
slow and a careless woik, for Cyrus, who was
busy about other wars, knew nothing of all
this; and it so happened, that when he hud
led his army against the Massagetae, he ended
his life.f But when Cambyses, the son, of
Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors
in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries
of Ammon, and Moab, and Samaria, wrote
an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were
as follow:—“ To our Lord Cambyses. We
thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer,
and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are
thy judges in Syria and PbcBiiicia, send greet-
ing: It is fit, O king, that thou shouldest
know that those Jews who were carried to
Babylon, are come into our country, and are
building that rebellious and wicked city, and
its market-places, and setting up its walls,
and raising up the temple: know, therefore,
that when these things are finished, they will
not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they
submit to thy commands, but will resist kings,
and will choose rather to rule over others,
than be ruled over themselves. We there-
fore thought it proper to write to thee, O

+ Josephus here follows Herodotus, and those that
related how Cyrus made war with the Scy'hiao* end
Massagetes. near the Caspian Sea, and perished in It,
while Xenophon’s account, which appears never to liava
been seen by Josephus, that Cyrus died in peace in Ilia
own country of Persia, is attested to by the writers of
the affairs of Alexander (lie Great, whep they agree
that he found Cyrus’s sepulchre at Pasargadie, near Pcr-
sepolis. This account of Xenophon is also confirmed
by the circumstances of Cambyses, upon his succession
to Cyrus, who, instead of a war to avenge bis father's
death upon the Scythians and Msssagetes, and to pre-
vent those nations from overrunning his northern pro-
vinces, which would have Keen the natural consequence
of his lather’s ill success and death there, went immedi-
ately to an Egyptian war, long ago begun by Cyrus,
according to Xenophon, page U44, and conquered that
kingdom; nor is there, tiiat I ever heard of, the least
mention in the reign of Canibyses of any war against the
Scythians and Mas sage tes that be was ever engaged in.
in all his lib293

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XI

Icing’, while the works about .the temple are
going on so fast, and not to overlook this
matter, that fhcu mayest search into the books
of thy fathers; for thou wilt find in them that
the Jews have been rebels, and enemies to
kings, as hath their city been also, which, for
that reason, hath been till now laid waste.
We thought proper also to inform thee of this
matter, because thou mayest otherwise per-
haps be ignorant of it, that if this city be
once inhabited, and be entirely encompassed
with walls, thou wilt be excluded from the
passage to Celesyria and Phoenicia.”

2, When Cambyses had read the epistle,
being naturally wicked, he was irritated at
what they told him; and wrote back to them
as follows: “ Cambyses, the king, to Rathu-
mus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to
Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are in
commission, and dwelling in Samaria and
Phoenicia, after this manner: I have read the
epistle that was sent from you; and I gave
order that the books of my forefathers should
be searched into; and it is there found, that
this city hath always been an enemy to kings,
and its inhabitants have raised seditions and
wars. We also are sensible that their kings
have been powerful and tyrannical, and have
exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phoenicia:
wherefore I give order that the Jews shall
not be permitted to build that city, lest such
mischief as they used to bring upon kings be
greatly augmented.” When this epistle was
read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe,
and their associates, got suddenly on horse-
back, and made haste to Jerusalem; they also
brought a great company with them, and
forbade the Jews to build the city and the
temple. Accordingly, these works were hin-
dered. from going on till the second year of
the reign of Darius, for nine years more; for
Cambyses reigned six years, and within that
time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come
back, he died at Damascus.

CHAPTER m.

HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES, AND
THE SLAUGHTER OF THE MAGI, BUT UNDER
THE REIGN OF DARIUS, ZOROBABEL WAS
SUPERIOR TO THE REST IN THE SOLUTION
OF PROBLEMS, AND THEREBY OBTAINED
THIS FAVOUR OF THE KING, TH4.T THE
, TEMPLE SHOULD BE BUILT.

§ 1. After the slaughter of the magi, who,
upon the death of Cambyses, attained the
government of the Persians for a year, those
families who were called the seven families of
the Persians, appointed Datius, the son of
Hystaspes, to be their king. Now he, while
he was a private man, had made a vow to God,
that if he came to be king, be would send all

the vessels of God that were in Babylon to
the temple at Jerusaleiq. Now it so fell out,
that about this time Zorobabel, who had been
made governor of the Jews that had been in
captivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem: for
there had been an old friendship between him
and the king. He was also, with two others,
thought worthy to be guard of the'king’s
body; and obtained that honour which he
hoped for.

2.	Now, in the first year of the king’s reign,
Darius feasted those that were about him, and
those born in his house, with the rulers of the
Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the
toparchs of India and Ethiopia, and the gene-
rals of the armies of his hundred and twenty-
seven provinces; but when they had eaten and
drunken to satiety and abundantly, they every
one departed to go to bed at their own houses,
and Darius the king went to bed; but after
he had rested a little part of the night, he
awaked, and not being able to sleep any more,
he fell into conversation with the three guards
of his body, and promised that to him who
should make an oration about points that he
should inquire of, such as should be most
agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wis-
dom, he would grant it as a reward of his vic-
tory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink
in cups of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and
to have a chario$with bridles of gold, and a
head-tire of fine linen, and a chain of gold
about his neck, and to sit next to himself, on
account of his wisdom:—“And,” says he,
“ he shall be called my cousin.” Now when
he had promised to give them these gifts, he
asked the first of them, “ Whether wine was
not the strongest1?”—the second, “ Whether
kings were not such?”—and the third, “ Whe-
ther women were not such? or whether truth
was not the strongest of all?” When he had
proposed that they should make their inquiries
about these problems, be went to rest; but
in the morning he sent for his great men, his
princes, and toparchs of Persia and Media,
and set himself down in the place where he
used to give audience, and bid each of the
guards of his body to declare what they thought
proper concerning the proposed questions, in
the hearing of them all.

3.	Accordingly, the first of them began to
speak of the strength of wine; and demon-
strated it thus: “ When,” said he, “ I am to
give my opinion of wine, O you men, I find
that it exceeds every thing, by the following
indications: it deceives the mind of those
that drink it, and reduces that of the king to
the same state wjth that of the orphan, and
he who stands in need of a tutor; and erects
that of the slave to the boldness of him that
is free; and that of the needy becomes like
that of the rich man, for it changes and re
news the souls of men when it gets into them-
and it quenches the sorrow of those that ar«
under calamities, and makes men forget thiCHAP. Ill,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

293

debts tliey owe to others, and. makes them
thinlr themselves to be of all men the richest;
it makes them talk of no small things, but of
talents, and’ such other things as become
wealthy men only; nay more, it makes them
insensible of their commanders and of their
kings, and takes away the remembrance of
their,friends and companions, for it arms men
even against those that are dearest to them,
and makes them appear the greatest strangers
to them; and when they are become sober, and
they have slept out their wine in the night, they
arise without knowing any thing they have
done in their cups. I take these for signs of
power,.and by them discover that wine is the
strongest and most insuperable of all things.”

4.	As soon as the first had given the fore-
mentioned demonstrations of the strength of
wine, he left off; and the next to him began
to speak about the strength of a king, and
demonstrated that it was the strongest of all,
and more powerful than any thing else that
appears to havq any force or wisdom.. He
began his demonstration after the following
manner, and 6aid, “ They are men who go-
vern all things: they force the earth and the
sea to become profitable to them in what they
desire, and over these men do kings rule, and
over them they have authority. Now those
who rule over that animal which is of all the
strongest and most powerful, must needs de-
serve to be esteemed insuperable in power
and force. For example, when these kings
command their subjects to make wars, and
undergo dangers, they are hearkened to; and
when they send them against their enemies,
their power is so great that they are obeyed.
They command men to level mountains, and
to pull down walls and towers; hay, when
they are commanded to be killed and to kill,
they submit to it, that they may not appear to
transgress the king’s commands; and when
they have conquered, they bring what they
have gained in the war to the king. Those
also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the
ground, and plough it, after they have en-
dured the labour, and all the inconveniences
of such works of husbandry, when they have
reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring
tributes to the king; and whatsoever it is
which the king says or commands, it is done
of necessity, and that ^vithout any delay, while
he in the meantime is satiated with all sorts
of food and pleasures, and sleeps in quiet.
He is guarded by such as watch, and such as
are, as it were, fixed down to the place through
fear; for no one dares leave him, even when
he is asleep, nor does any one go away and
take care of his own affairs, but he esteems
this one thing the only work of necessity, to
guard the king; and, accordingly, to this he
wholly addicts himself. How then can it be
otherwise, but that it must appear that the
king exceeds all in strength, while so great a
multitude obeys his injunctions?”

5.	Now when this man had held his peace,
the third of them, who was Zorobabel, began
to instruct them about women, and about
truth, who said thus: “ Wine is strong, as is
the king also, whom all men obey, but women
a*a superior to them in power; for it was
a woman that brought the king into the
world; and fof those that plant the vines and
make the wine, they are women who bear
them, and bring them up; nor indeed is there
any thing which we do not receive from
them; for these women weave garments for
us, and our household affairs are by their
means taken care of, and preserved in safety;
nor can we live separate from women; and
when* we have gotten a great deal of gold,
and silver, and any other thing that is of
great value, and deserving regard, and see a
beautiful woman, we leave all these things,
and with open mouth fix our eyes upon her
countenance, and are willing to forsake what
we have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and
procure it to ourselves. We also leave fa-
ther, and mother, and the earth that nourishes
us, and frequently forget our dearest friends,
for the sake of women; nay, we are so hardy
as to lay down our lives for them; but what
will chiefly make you take notice of the
strength of women is this that follows: Do
not we take pains, and endure a great deal of
trouble, and that both by land and sea, and
when we have procured somewhat as the fruit
of our labours,- do not we bring them to the
women, as to our mistresses, and bestow them
upon them? Nay, I once saw the king, who
is lord of so many people, smitten on the face
by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Thema-
sius, his concubine, and his diadem taken from
him, and put upon her own head, while he
bore it patiently; and when she smiled he
smiled, and when she was angry he was sad,
and, according to the change of her passions,
he flattered his wife, and drew her to recon-
ciliation by the great humiliation of himself
to her, if at any time he saw her displeased
at him.”

6.	And when the princes and rulers looked
one upon another, he began to speak , about
truth; and he said, “I have already demon-
strated how powerful women are; but both
these women themselves, and the king him-
self, are weaker than truth; for although the
earth be large, and the heaven high, and the
course of the sun swift, yet are all these moved
according to the will of God, who is true and
righteous, for which cause we also ought to
esteem truth to be the strongest of all things,
and that which is unrighteous is of no force
against it. Moreover, all things else that
have any strength are mortal, and short-lived,
but truth is a thing that is immortal and eter-
nal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty
as will wither away by time, nor such riches
as may be taken away by fortune, but righte-
ous rules and laws It distinguishes them294

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XI.

from injustice, and puts what is unrighteous
to rebuke.”*

7.	So when Zorobabel had left off his dis-
course about truth, and the multitude had
cried nut aloud that he had spoken the most
wisely, and that it was truth alone that had
immutable strength, and such as never would
wax old, the king commanded that he should
ask for somewhat over and above what he had
promised, for that he would give- it him be-
cause of his wisdom, and that prudence where-
in he exceeded the rest; “and thou shalt sit
with me,” said the king, “and shalt be called
my cousin.” When he had said this, Zoroba-
bel put him in mind of the vow he had made
in case he should ever have the kingdom.
Now thi9 vow was “to rebuild Jerusalem, and
to build therein the temple of God, as also to
restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had
pillaged, and carried to Babylon. And this,”
said he, “ is that request which thou now per-
mittest me to make, on account that I have
been judged to be wise and understanding.”

8.	So the king was pleased with what he
had said, and arose and kissed him; and wrote
to the toparchs, and governors, and enjoined
them to conduct Zorobabel and those that
were going with him to build the temple.
He also sent letters to those rulers that were
in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry
cedar-trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and
to assist him in building the city. He also
wrote to them, that all the captives who should
go to Judea should be free; and he prohibited
his deputies and governors to lay any king’s
taxes upon the Jews: he also permitted that
they should have all the land which they
could possess themsqjves of without tributes.
He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samari-
tans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to/re-
store those villages which they had taken from
the Jews; and that, besides all this, fifty
talents should be given them for the building

* The reader is to note, that although the speeches or
papers of these three of the king’s guard are much the
same, in our third book of Esdras, chap. iii. and iv. as
they are here in Josephus, yet that the introduction of
them is entirely different, while in our Esdras the whole
is related as the contrivance of the three of the king’s
guards themselves; and even the mighty rewards are
spoken of as proposed by themselves, and the speeches
are related to have been delivered by themselves to the
king in writing, while all is conlrary^in Josephus.' I
need not say whose account is the most probable, the
matters speak for themselves; and there can be no
doubt but Josephus’s history is here to be very much
preferred before the other. Nor indeed does it seem to
me at all unlikely that tbe whole was a contrivance of
king Darius’s own, in order to be decently and inoffen-
sively put in mind by Zorobabel of iullilling bis old
vow for the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple, and
the restoration of the worship of tbe ‘‘One true God”
there. Nor does the full meaning of Zorobabel, when
he cries out (3 Esd. iv. 40), “ Blessed be the God of
trnth;” and here, “ God is true and righteous,” or even
of all the people (3 Esd. iv. 41), “Great is truth, and
mighty above all things,” sepm to me much different
from this, ‘‘There is but one true God, the God of
is'rael.” To which doctrine, such as Cyrus, and Darius,
4cc. the Jews’ great patrons, seem not to have been very
averse, though the entire idolatry of their kingdoms
made them generally conceal it.

of the temple. He also permitted them to
offer their appointed sacrifices, and that what-
soever the high-priest and the priests wanted,
and those sacred garments wherein they used
to worship God, should be made at his own
charges; and that the musical instruments
which the Levites used in singing hymns to
God should be given them. Moreover, he
charged them, that portions of land should be
given to those that guarded the city and the
temple, as also a determinate sum of money
every year for their maintenance: and withal
he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus in-
tended to do before him, relating to the re-
storation of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained
should be done accordingly.

9.	Now when Zorobabel had obtained these
grants from the king, he went out of the pa-
laCe, and looking up to heaven, he began to
return thanks to God for the wisdom he had
given him, and the victory die had gained
thereby, even in the presence of Darius him-
self ; for, said he, “ I had not been thought
worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless
thou hadst been favourable to me.” "When,
therefore, he had returned these thanks to
God for the present circumstances he was in,
and had prayed to him to affprd him the like
favour for the time to come, he came to Ba-
bylon, and brought.the good news to his coun-
trymen of what grants he had procured for
them from the king; who, when they heard
the same, gave thanks also to God that he re-
stored the land of their forefathers to them
again. So they betook themselves to drinking
and eating, and for seven days they continued
feasting, and kept a festival, for the rebuild-
ing and restoration of their country: after
this they chose themselves rulers, who should
go up to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their
forefathers, with their wives, and children,
and cattle, who travelled to Jerusalem with
joy and pleasure, under the conduct of those
whom Darius sent along "with them, and
making a noise with songs, and pipes, and
cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude
also besides accompanied them with rejoicing.

10.	And thus did these men go, a certain
and determinate number out of every family,
though I do not think it proper to recite
particularly the names of those families, that
I may not take off the minds of my readers
from the connexion of the historical facts,
and make it hard for them to follow the
coherence of my narration; hut the sum of
those that went up, above the age of twelve
years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin,
was four hundred and 6ixty-two myriads and
eight thousand;-!- the Levites were seventy-

+ This strange reading in Josephns’s present copies,
of four millions instead of forty thousand, is one of the
grossest errors that is in them, and ought to be corrected
from Ezra ii. 64, 1 Esd. y. 40, and Neh. viu 66, who
all agree the general sum was but about forty-two thou,
sand three hundred and sixty. It is also very plain, that
Josephus thought, that when Esdras afterwards broughtCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

295

four ; the number of the women and children
mixed together was forty thousand seven hun-
dred and forty-two; and besides these there
were Singers of the Levites one hundred and
twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and
ten, and of the sacred ministers three hun-
dred and ninety-two; there were also others
besides these who said they were Israelites,
but were not able to show their genealogies,
six hundred and sixty-two: some there were
also who were expelled out of the number
and honour of the priests, as having married
wives whose genealogies they cOuld not pro-
duce, nor were they found in the genealogies
of the Levites and priests; they were about
five hundred and twenty-five: the multitude
also of servants who followed those that
went up to Jerusalem, seven thousand three
hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men
and singing women were two hundred and
forty-five; the camels were four hundred and
thirty-five; thd beasts used to the yoke were
five thousand five hundred and twenty-five;
and the governors of all this multitude thus
numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Sala-
thiel, of the posterity of David, and of the
tribe of Judah; and Jeshua, the son of Jose-
dek the high-priest; and besides these there
were Mordecai and Serebeus, who were dis-
tinguished from the multitude, and were
rulers, who also contributed a hundred
pounds of gold and five thousand of silver.
By this means, therefore, the priests and the
Levites, and a certain part of the entire peo-
ple of the Jews that were in Babylon, came
and dwelt in Jerusalem; but the rest of the
multitude returned every one to their own
countries.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW THE TEMPLE WAS BUILT, WHILE THE
CUTHEANS ENDEAVOUBED IN VAIN TO OB-
STRUCT THE WORK.

§ l.’Nowin the seventh month after they
were departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua
the high-priest, and Zorobabel the governor,
sent messengers every way round about, and
gathered those that were in the country to-
gether to Jerusalem universally, who came
very gladly thither. He then built the altar
on the same place it had formerly been built,

the
out of

up another company oat of Babylon and Persia, in
days of Xerxes, they were also, as well as these, ou
the two tribes, and out of them only, and were in ail
more than “a seed ” and “a rein
mease number” of the ten tribes
be believed, continued then beyond Euphrates, cl) v.

an

i never returned, but, as

sect. 2, 3. Of which multitude, the Jews beyond Eu-
phrates, be speaks frequently elsewhere, thoui;h. by the
way, he never takes them to be idolaters, but looks on
them still as observers of the laws of Moses. The “ cer-
tain part” of tbe people that now came up from Baby-
lon, at the end of this chapter, imply the same smaller
number of Jews 'hat now came up; and will no wav
agree with the lonr millions.

that they might offer the appointed sacrifices
upon it to God, according to the laws of Mo-
ses. But while they did this, they did not
please the neighbouring nations, who all of
them bare an ill-will to them. They also
celebrated the Feast .of Tabernacles at that
time, as the legislator had ordained concern,
ingvit; and after that they offered sacrifices,
and what were called the daily sacrifices, and
the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and
for all the holy festivals- Those also that
had made vows performed them, and offered
their sacrifices from the first day of the
seventh month. They also began to build
the temple, and gave a great deal of money
to the masons and to the carpenters, and
what was necessary for the maintenance of
the workmen. The Sidonians also were very
willing and ready to bring the cedar-trees
from Libanus, to bind them together, and to
make a united float of them, and to bring
them to the port of Joppa, for that was what
Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was
now done at the command of Darius.

2. In the second year of their coming to
Jerusalem, as the Jews were there, in the se-
cond month, the building of the temple went
on apace; and when they had laid its foun-
dations, on the first day of the second month
of that second year, they set, as overseers of
the work, such Levites as were full twenty
years old; and Jeshua and his sons and bre-
thren, and Codmiel, the brother of Judas, the
son of Antinadab, with bis sons; and' the
temple, by the great diligence of those that
had the care of it, was finished sooner than
any one would have expected. And when
the temple was finished, the priests, adorned
with their accustomed garments, stood with
their trumpets, while the Levites, and the sons
of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God,
according as David first of all appointed them
to bless God. Now the priests and Levites,
and the elder part of the families, recollecting
with themselves how much greater and more
sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing
that now made how much inferior it was, on
account of their poverty, to that which had
been built of old, considered with themselves
how much their happy state was sunk below
what it had been of old, as well as their tem-
ple. Hereupon they were disconsolate, and
not able to contain their grief, and proceeded
so far as to lament and shed tears on those
accounts; but the people in general were
contented with their present condition; and
because they were allowed to build them a
temple, they desired no more, and neither re-
garded nor remembered, nor indeed at all
tormented themselves with the comparison of
that and the former temple, as if this were
below their expectations. But the wailing of
the old men, and of the priests, on account of
the deficiency of this temple, in their opinion,
if compared with Ihat which had been do.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK Alt

20TL

molished, overcame the Bounds of the trum-
pets and the rejoicing of the people.

3. But when the Samaritans, who were still
enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin,
heard the sound of the trumpets, they came
running together, and desired to know what
was the occasion of this tumult; and when
they perceived that it was from the Jews who
had been carried captive to Babylon, and were
rebuilding their temple, they came to Zoro-
babel, and to Jeshua, and to the heads of the
families, and desired that they would give
them leave to build the temple with them, and
to be partners with them in building it;
for they said, “ We worship their God, and
especially pray to him, and are desirous of
their religious settlement, and this ever since
Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted
us out of Cuthah and Media to this place.”
When they Baid thus, Zorobabel, and Jeshua
the high-priest, and the heads of the families
of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was
impossible for them to permit them to be their
partners, whilst they [only] had been appointed
to build that temple at first by Cyrus, and
now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful
for them to come and worship there if they
pleased, and that they could allow them no-
thing, but that in common with them, which
was common to them yvith all other men, to

come to their temple and worship God there.

4.	When the Cutheans heard this, for the
Samaritans have that appellation, they had
indignation at it, and persuaded the nations of
Syria to desire of the governors, in the same
manner as they had done formerly in the days
of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses
afterwards, to put a stop to the building of
the temple, and to endeavour to delay and pro-
tract the Jews in their zeal about it. Now at
this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and
Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain
others, came up to Jerusalem, and asked the
rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it was that
they built the temple in this manner, since it
was more like to a citadel than a temple? and
for what reason it was that they built cloisters
and walls, and those strong Ones too, about
the city? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua
the high-priest replied, that they were the ser-
vants of God Almighty: that this temple was
built for him by a king of theirs that lived
in great prosperity, and one that exceeded all
men in virtue; and that it continued a long
time, but that, because of their fathers’'im-
piety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of
the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took
their city by force, and destroyed it, and pil-
laged the temple, and burnt it down, and
transplanted the people whom he had made
captives, and removed them to Babylon; that
Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylo-
nia and Persia, wrote to them to build the
temple, and committed the gifts and vessels,
•ad whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar had carried

out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates the
treasurer; and gave order to have them car-
ried to Jerusalem, and to have them restored
to their own temple when it was built; for
he had Bent to them to have it done speedily,
and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Je-
rusalem, and to take care of the building of
the temple; who, upon receiving that epistle
from Cyrus, came and immediately laid its
foundations:—“and although it hath been
in building from that time to this, it hath not
yet been finished, by reason of the malignity
of our enemies. If therefore you have a
mind, and think it proper, write this account
to Darius, that when he hath consulted the
records of the kings, he may find that we
have told you nothing that is false about this
matter.”

5.	When Zorobabel and the high-priest
had made this answer, Sisinnes, and those
that were with him, did not resolve to hinder
the building, Until they had informed king
Darius of all this. . So they. immediately
wrote to him about these affairs; but as the
Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest
the king should change his resolutions as to
the building of Jerusalem and of the temple,
there were two prophets at that time amongst
them, Haggai and Zechariah, who encou-
raged them, and bade them be of good cheer,
and to suspect no discouragement from the
Persians, for that God foretold this to them.
So, in dependence on those prophets, they
applied themselves earnestly to building, and
did not intermit one day.

6.	Now Darius, when the Samaritans had
written to him, and in their epistle had ac-
cused the Jews how they fortified the city, and
built the temple more like to a citadel than a
temple; and said, that their doings were not
expedient for the king’s affairs; and besides,
they showed the epistle of Cambyses, where-,
in he forbade them to build the temple: and
when Darius thereby understood that the re-
storation of Jerusalem was not expedient for
his affairs, and when he had read the epistle
that was brought him from Sisinnes and those
that were with him, he gave order that what
concerned these matters should be sought for
among the royal records.—Whereupon a book
wbs found at Ecbatana, in the tower that was
in Media, wherein was written as follows:—
“ CyrUs the king, in the first year of his reign,
commanded that the temple should be built
in Jerusalem; and the altar in height three-
score cubits, and its breadth of the.same, with
three edifices of polished stone, and one edi-
fice of stone of their own country; and he or-
dained that the expenses of it should be paid
out of the king’s revenue. He also com-
manded that the vessels which Nebuchadnez-
zar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had
carried to Babylon, should be restored to the
people of Jerusalem; and that the care ox
these things should belong to Sanabassar, thaCHAP. IT.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

governor and president of Syria and Phoeni-
cia, and to his associates, that they may not
meddle with that place, but may permit the
servants of God, the Jews and their rulers, to
build the temple. He also ordained that they
should assist them in the work; and that they
should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of
the country where they were governors, on
account of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and
lambs, and kids of the goats, and fine flour,
and oil, and wine, and all other things that
the priests should suggest to them; and that
they should pray for the preservation of the
king, and of the Persians: and that for such
as transgressed any of these orders thus sent
to them, he commanded that they should be
caught, and hung upon a cross, and their sub-
stance confiscated to the king’s use. He also
prayed to God against them, that if any one
attempted to hinder the buikling of the tem-
ple, God would strike him dead, and thereby
restrain his wickedness.”

7> When Darius had found this book
among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an an-
swer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose con-
tents were these:—“ King Darius to Sisinnes
the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth
greeting. Having found a copy of this epistle
among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it
to you; and I will that all things be done as
thcrhin^.written.—Farewell.” So when Si-
sinnes,. and those that were with hiifi, un-
derstood the intention of the king, they re-
solved to follow his directions entirely for the
time to come. So they forwarded the sacred
works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and
the princes of the sanhedrim; and the struc-
ture of the temple was with great diligence
brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of
Haggai and Zechariah, according to God’s
commands, and by the injunctions of Cyrus
and Darius the kings. Now the temple was
built in seven years’ time: and in the ninth
year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-
third day of the twelfth month, which is by us
called Adar, but by the Macedonians Dystrus,
the priests and the Le vites, and the other multi-
tude of the Israelites^ offered sacrifices, as the
renovation of their former prosperity after their
captivity, and because they had now the tem-
ple rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred
rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve kids of
the goats, according to the number of their
tribes (for so many are the tribes of the Israel-
ites); and this last for the sins of every tribe.
The priests also, and the Levites, set the por-
ters at every gate according to the laws of
Moses. The Jews also built the cloisters of
the inner temple that were round about the
temple itself.

8. And as the feast, of unleavened bread
was at hand, in the first month, which, accord-
ing to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus,
but according to us Nisan, all the people ran
together out of the villages to the city, and

297

celebrated the festival, having purified them-
selyes, with their wives and children, accord,
ing to the law of their country; and they of-
fered the sacrifice which was called the Pass*
over, on the fourteenth day of the same month,
and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost,
but offered whole burnt-offerings to God, and
performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because
God had led them again to the land of their
fathers, and to the laws thereto belonging, and
had rendered the mind of the king of Persia
favourable to them. So these men offered
the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and
used great magnificence in the worship of
God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use
of a form of government that was aristocrati-
cal, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high-
priests were at the head of their affairs, until
the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly
government; for before their captivity, and
the dissolution of their polity, they at first
had kingly govemment,from Saul and David
for five hundred and thirty-two years, six
months, and ten days: but before those kings,
such rulers governed them as were called
Judges and Monarchs. Under this form of
government, they continued for more than
five hundred years, after the death of Moses,
and of Joshua their commander.—And this is
the account I had to give of the Jews who
had been carried into captivity, but were deT
livered from if in the times of Cyrus and Da-
rius.

9. * But the Samaritans, being evil and en-
viously disposed to the Jews, wrought them
many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches,
and by their pretence that they were allied to
the Persians, on account that thence they
came; and whatsoever it was that they were
enjoined to pay the Jews by the king’s order
out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they
would not pay it. They had also the gover-
nors favourable to them, and assisting them
for that purpose; nor did they spare to hurt
them, either by themselves or by others, as
far as they were able. So the Jews deter-
mined to send an embassage to king Darius,
in favour of the people of Jerusalem, and in
order to accuse the Samaritans.* The ambas-
sadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the
rulers; and as soon as the king knew from
the ambassadors the accusations and com-
plaints they brought against the Samaritans,
he gave them an epistle to be carried to the
governors and council of Samaria; the con-
tents of which epistle were these: “King
Darius to Tanganas and- Sambabas,. the go-
vernors of the Samaritans; to Sadraces and
•Bobelo; and the rest of their fellow-servants,
that are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias,
and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews,
complain of you, that you obstruct them in
the building of the temple, and do not supply

• The history contained in this section is entirely
wanting in all our copies, both of £zra and Esdras.BOOK XI.

298	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

them with the expenses which I commanded
you to do for the offering of their sacrifices.
My will therefore is this: That upon the
reading of this epistle, you supply them with
whatsoever they want for their sacrifices, and
that out of the royal treasury, of the tri-
butes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire,
that they may not leave off their offering daily
sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and the
Persians:"—and these were the contents of
that epistle.

CHAPTER V.

HOW XERXES, THE SON OF DARIUS, WAS
WELL-DISPOSED TO THE JEWS; AS ALSO
CONCERNING ESDRAS AND NEHEMIAH.

§ 1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his
son took the kingdom; who, as he inherited
his father’s kingdom, so did he inherit his
piety towards God, and honour of him; for
he did all things suitably to his father rela-
ting to divine worship, and he was exceeding
friendly to the Jews. Now about this time a
son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was
the high-priest. Moreover, there was now in
Babylon a righteous man, and one that en-
joyed a great reputation among the multitude;
he was the principal priest of the people, and
his name was Esdras. He was very skilful
in the laws of Moses, and was well acquainted
with king Xerxes. He had determined to
go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him
some of those Jews that were in Babylon; and
he desired that the king would give him an
epistle to the governors of Syria, by which
they might know who he was. Accordingly,
the king wrote the following epistle to those
governors: —“ Xerxes, king of kings, to Es-
dras the priest, and reader of the divine law,
greeting. I think it agreeable to that lcve
which I bear to mankind, to permit those of
the Jewish nation who are so disposed, as well
as those of the priests and Levites that are in
our kingdom, to tgo together to Jerusalem.
Accordingly, I have given command for that
purpose; and let every one that hath a mind
go, according as it hath seemed good to me,
and to my seven counsellors, and this in or-
der to their review of the affairs’ of Judea, to
see whether they be agreeable to the- law of
God. Let them also take with them those
presents which I and my friends have vowed,
with all that silver and gold which is found in
the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to
God, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem,
to God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful
for thee and thy brethren to make as many
vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest.
Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels
which have been given thee, and as many
more as thou hast a mind to make, and shalt

take the expenses out of the king’s treasury.
I have moreover written to the treasurers of
Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of
those affairs that Esdras the priest, and reader
of the laws of God, is sent about; and that
God may not be at all angry with me, or with
my children, I grant all that iB necessary for
sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far
as a hundred cori of wheat; and I enjoin you
not to lay any treacherous imposition, or any
tributes upon their priests or Levites, oi^ sa-
cred singers, or porters, or sacred servants,
or scribes of the templd; and do thou, O Es-
dras, appoint judges according to the wisdom
[given thee] of God, and those such as under-
stand the law, that they may judge in all Syria
and Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those
also which are ignorant of it, that if any orw
of thy countrymen transgress’the law of God,
or that of the kingn he may be punished, as
not transgressing it out of ignorance, but as
one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises
and contemns it; and such may be punished
by death, or by paying fines. Farewell.”

2. When Esdras had received this epistle,
he was very joyful, and began to worship
God, and confessed that he had been the cause
of the king's great favour to him, and that
for the same reason he gave all the thanks to
God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to
those Jews that were there; but he kepi the
epistle itSelf, and sent a copy of it to all those
of his own nation that were in Media; and
when these Jews had understood what piety
the king had towards God, and what kindness
he had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleas-
ed ; nay, many of them took their effects with
them, and came to Babylon, as very desirous
of going down to Jerusalem; but then the
entire body of the people of Israel remained
in that country; wherefore there are but two
tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the
Romans, while the ten tribes are beyond Eu-
phrates till now, and are an immense multi-
tude, and not to be estimated by numbers.
Now there came a great number, of priests,
and Levites, and porters, and sacred singers,
and sacred servants, to Esdras. So he ga-
thered those that were in the captivity toge-
ther beyond Euphrates, and staid there three
days, and ordained a fast for them, that-they
might make their prayers to God for their
preservation, that they might suffer no mis-
fortunes by the way, either from their enemies,
or from any other ill accident; for Esdras
had said beforehand, that he had told the
king how God would preserve them, and so
he had not thought fit to request that he would
send horsemen to conduct them. So when
they had finished their prayers, they removed
from Euphrates, on the twelfth day of the
first month of the seventh year of the reign
of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on
the fifth month of the same year. Now Es-
dras presented the sacred money to the treu-CHAP. V.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

299

Eurers, who were of the family of the, priests,
of silver six hundred and fifty talents, ves-
sels of silver one hundred talents, vessels of
gold twenty talents, -vessels of brass, that
was more precious than gold,* twelve talents
by weight; for these presents-had been made
by the king and his counsellors,-and by all.
the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when
Esdras had delivered these things to the
priests, he gave to God, as the appointed sa-
crifices of whole burnt-offering, twelve bulls
on account of the common preservation of the
people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and
twelve kids of the goats, for the remission of
6ins. He also delivered the king’s epistle
to the king’s officers, and to the governors of
Celesyria and Phoenicia; and as they were un-
der the necessity of doing what was enjoined
by him, they honoured our nation, and were
assistant *to them in all their necessities.

3. Now these things were truly done un-
der the conduct of Esdras; and he succeeded
;n them, because God esteemed him worthy
of the success of his conduct, on account of
his goodness and righteousness. But some
time afterward there came some persons to
him, and brought an accusation against cer-
tain of the multitude, and of the priests and
Levites,who had transgressed their settlement,
and dissolved the laws of their country, by
marrying strange wives, and had brought the
family of the priests into confusion. These
persons -desired him to support the laws, lest
God should take up a -general anger against
them all, and reduce them to a calamitous
condition again. Hereupon he rent his gar-
ment immediately, out of grief, and pulled off
the hair of his head and beard, and cast him-
self upon the ground, because this crime had
reached the principal men among the people;
and considering that if he should enjoin them
to cast out their wives, and the children they
had by'them, he should not be hearkened to,
he continued lying upon the ground. How-
ever, all the better sort came running to him,
who also themselves wept, and partook of the
grief he wad under for what had been done.
So Esdras rose up from the ground, and
stretched out his hands towards Heaven, and
said that he was ashamed to look towards it,
because of the sins which the people had com-
mitted while they had cast out of their memo-
ries what their fathers had undergone on ac-
count of their wickedness; and he besought
God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out
of the calamity and captivity they had been in,
and had restored them again to Jerusalem,
and to their 'own land, and had obliged the
king of Persia to have compassion on them,
that he would also forgive them their sins
they had now committed, which, though they

Dr. Hudson takes

- rather mixture

itice here, that this kind of
lixture of gold and brasB or

brass or copper, or rather mixture of go
copper, was called auriehalcum. and that this was of
old esteemed the most precious of all metals.

deserved death, yet, wto it agreeable to the
mercy of God, to remit even to these the pun-
ishment due to them

4. After Esdras had said this, he left off
praying; and when all those that came to him
with their wives and children were under la-
mentation, one, whose name was Jechonias,
a principal man in Jerusalem, came to hup,
and said, that they had sinned in marrying
strange wives; and he persuaded him to ad-
jure them all to cast those wives out, and the
children born of them; and that those should
be punished who would not obey the law. So
Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made
the heads of the priests, and of the Levites,
and of the Israelites, swear that they would
put away those wives and children, according
to the advice of Jechonias; and when he had
received their oaths, he went in haste out of
the temple into the chamber of Johanan, the
son of Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted
nothing at all for grief, so he abode there that
day; and when proclamation was made, that
all those of the captivity should gather them-
selves together to Jerusalem, and those that
did not meet there in two or three days should
be banished from the multitude, and that their
substance should be appropriated to the uses
of the temple, according to the sentence of
the elders, those that were of the tribes of Ju-
dah and Benjamin came together in three
days, viz. on the twentieth day of the ninth
month, which, according to the Hebrews, is
called Tebeth, and according to the Macedo-
nians, Apelleinp. Now, as they were sitting
in the upper room of the temple, where the
elders also were present, but were uneasy be-
cause of the cold, Esdras stood up and ac-
cused them, and told them that they had sin-
ned in marrying wives that were not of their
own nation; but that now. they would do a
thing both pleasing to God and advantageous
to themselves, if they would put those wives
away. Accordingly, they all cried out that
they would do so. That^ however, the mul-
titude was great, and that the season of the
year was winter, and that this work would re-
quire more than one or two days. “ Let
their rulers, therefore [said they], and those
that have married strange wives, come hither
at a proper time, while the elders of every
place, that are in common, to estimate the
number of those that have thus married, are
to be there also.” Accordingly, this was re-
solved on by them; and they began the in-
quiry after those that had married strange
wives on the first day of the tenth month, and
continued the inquiry to the first day of the
next month, and found a great many of the
posterity of Jeshua the high-priest, and of the
priests and Levites, and Israelites, who had a
greater regard to the observation of the law
than to their natural affection,f and immedi-

+ This procedure of Esdras, and of the best part of the
I Jewish nation, after their return from the BabylonishBOOK XI

300	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

ately Cast out their wives, and the children
which were born of them; and in order to
appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew
rams, as oblations to him; but it does not
seem to me to be necessary to set down the
names of these men. So when Esdras had
reformed this sin about the marriages of the
fore-mentioned persons, he reduced that prac-
tice to purity, .so that -it continued in that
state for the tiini to come.

5. Now when they kept the feast of ta-
bernacles in the seventh month,* and almost
all the people were come together to it, they
went up to the open part of the temple, to
the gate which looked eastward, and desired
of Esdras that the laws of Moses might be
read to them. Accordingly, he stood in the
midst of the multitude and read them; and
this he did from morning to noon:	Now, by

hearing the laws read to them, they were in-
structed to be righteous men for the present
and for the future; but as for their past of-
fences, they were displeased at themselves, and
proceeded to shed tears on their account, as
considering with themselves, that if they had
kept the law, they had endured none of these
miseries which they had experienced; but
when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he
bade them go home and not weep, for that it
was a festival, and that they ought not to
weep thereon, for that it was not lawful so to
do.t He exhorted them rather to proceed
immediately to feasting, and to do what was
suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to
a day of joy; but to let their repentance and
sorrow for their former sins be a security and
a guard to them, that they fell no more intQ
the like offences. So upon Esdras’ exhorta-
tion they began to feast: and when they had so
done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they
departed to their owh homes, singing hymns
to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for
his reformation of what corruptions had been
introduced into their settlement. So'it came
to pass, that after he had obtained this repu-
tation among the people, he died an old man,
and was buried in a magnificent manner at
Jerusalem. About the same time it bap-

oaptlvity, of reducing the Jewish marriages, once for all,
to the strictness of the law of Moses, without any regard
to the greatness of those who had broken it, and with-
out regard to that natural affection or compassion for
their heathen wives, and their children by them, which
made it so bard for Esdras to correct it, deserves greatly
to be observed and imitated in all attempts for reforma-
tion among Christians, the contrary conduct having ever
been the bane of true religion, both among Jews and
Christians, while political views, or human passions, or
prudential motives, are suffered tt> take place instead of
the divine laws, and so the blessing of God is forfeited,
and the church still suffered to continue corrupt from
one generation to another. See cb. viii. sect. 2.

* This Jewish feast of tabernacles was imitated in
several heathen solemnities, as Spanheim here observes
aud proves. He also farther observes presently, what
great regard many heathens had to the monuments of
their forefathdrs, as Nehemiab ha,d here, sect. 6.

+ This rule of Esdras, not to fast on a festival day, is
quoted in the Apostolical Constitutions (b. v.), as obtain-
ing among Christians also.

pened also that Joacim, the high-priest, died;
and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high-
priesthood.

6. Now there was one of those Jews who
had been carried captive, who was cup-bearer
to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiab.
As this man was walking before Susa, the
metropolis of the Persians, he heard some
strangers that were entering the city, after a
long journey, speaking to one another in the
Hebrew tongue; so he went to them and
asked from whence they came; and when their
answer was, that they came from Judea, he
began to inquire of them again in what state
the multitude was, and in what condition Je-
rusalem was: and when they replied that they
were in a bad state, J for that their walls were
thrown down to the ground, and that the
neighbouring.nations did a great deal of mis-
chief to the Jews, while in the day-time they
overran the country, and pillaged it, and in
the night did them- mischief, insomuch that
not a few were led away captive out of the
country, and out of Jerusalem itself, and that
the roads were in the day-time found full of
dead men. Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears,
out of commiseration of the calamities of his
countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he
said, “ How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook
our nation, while It suffers so great miseries,
And while we are made the prey and the spoil
of all men?” And while he staid at the gate,
and lamented thus, one told him ‘that the king
was going to sit down to supper; so he made
haste, and went as he was, without washing
himself, to minister to the king in his office of
cup-bearer: but as the king was very plea-
sant after supper, and more cheerful than
usual, he cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and see-
ing him look sad, he asked him why he was
sad. Whereupon he prayed to God to give
him favour, and afford him the power of per-
suading by his words; and said, “How can
1, O king, appear otherwise than thus, and
not be in trouble, while I hear that the walls
of Jerusalem, the city where are the sepul-
chres of my fathers, are thrown down to the
ground, and that its gates are consumed by
fire? But do thou grant me the favour to
go and build its wall, and to finish the build-
ing of the temple.” Accordingly, the king
gave him a signal, that he freely granted him
what he asked; and told him that he should
carry an epistle to the governors, that they
might pay him due honour, and afford him
whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he
pleased. “ Leave off thy sorrow then,” said
the king, “and be cheerful in the performance
of thy office hereafter.” So Nehemiah wor-

t This miserable condition of the Jews, and their
capital, must have been after the death of Esdras, their
former governor, and before Nehemiah came with his
commission to build the walls of Jerusalem; nor is that
at all disagreeable to these histories in Josephus, since
Esdras came on the seventh, aud Nehemiab uot till ibo
twenty-fifth of Xerxes, at the interval of eighteen years.CHAP. T.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	301

shipped God, and gave the king thanks for his
promise, and cleared up his sad' and cloudy
countenance, by the pleasure he had from the
king’s promises. Accordingly, the king called
for him the next day, and gave him an
epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor
of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; where-
in he sent to him to pay due honour to Ne-
hemiah, and to supply him with what he
wanted for his building.

7.	Now when he was come to Babylon,
and had taken with him many of his country-
men, who voluntarily followed him, he came
to Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of
Cte reign of Xerxes; and when he had shown
the epistles to God,* he gave them to Adeus,
and to the other governors. He also called
together all the people to Jerusalem, and stood
in the midst of the temple, and made the fol-
lowing speech to them:—“You know* O
Jews, that God hath kept our fathers, Abra-
ham, Isaac, and Jacob, in mind continually;
and for the sake of their righteousness hath
not left off the care of you. Indeed, he hath
assisted me in gaining this authonty of the
king to raise up our wall, and finish what is
wanting of the temple. I desire you, there-
fore, who well know the ill-will our neigh-
bouring nations bear to us, and that when
once they are made sensible that we are in ear-
nest about building, they will come upon us,
and contrive many ways of obstructing our
works, that you will, in the first place, put
your trust in God, as in him. that will assist
us against their hatred, and to intermit build-
ing neither night nor day, but to use all dili-
gence, and to hasten on the work, now we
have this especial opportunity for it.” When
he had said this, he gave order that the rulers
should measure the wall, and part the work
of it among the people, according to their vil-
lages and cities, as every one’s ability should
require. And when he had added this pro-
mise, that he himself, with his servants, would
assist them, he dissolved the assembly. So
the Jews prepared for the work: that is the
name they are called by .from the day that
they came up from Babylon, which is taken
from the tribe of Judah, which came first to
these places, and thence both they and the
country gained that appellation.

8.	B ut no w when the Ammonites, and Moab-
ites, and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Ce-
lesyria, heard that the building went on apace,
they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay
snares for them, and to hinder their inten-
tions. They also slew many of the Jews, and
sought how they might ’ destroy Nehemiah

* This showing king Xerxes’ epistles to God, or lay-
ing them open before God in the temple, is very like the
laying open the epistles of Sennacherib before him also
by Hezekiah (2 Kings xix. 14; Isa. xxxvii. 14); although
this last was for a memorial, to put him in mind of the
enemies, in order to move the divine compassion, and
the present as a token of gratitude for mercies already
received, as Havercamp well observes on this place.

himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to
kill him. They also put the Jews in fear,
and disturbed them, and spread abroad ru-
mours, as if many nations were ready to make
an expedition against them, by which means
they were harassed, and had almost left off
the building. But none of these things could
deter Nehemiah from being diligent about
the work; he only set a number of men about
him as a guard to his body, and so unwea-
riedly persevered therein, and was insensible
cif any trouble, out of his desire to perfect
this work. And thus did he attentively, and
with great forecast, take care of his own safe-
ty; not that he feared death, but of* this per-
suasion, that if he were dead, the walls, for
hie citizens, would never be raised. He also
gave orders that the builders should keep their
ranks, and have their armour on while they
were building. Accordingly, the mason had
his sword on, as well as he that brought the
materials for building. He also appointed that
their shields should lie very near them; and
he placed trumpeters at every five hundred
feet, and cfearged them, that if their* enemies
appeared, they should give notice of it to the
people, that they might fight in their armour,
and their enemies might not fall upon them
naked. He also went about the compass of
the city by night, being never discouraged,
neither about the work itself, nor about his
own diet and sleep, for he made no use of
those things for his pleasure, but out of ne-
cessity. And this trouble he underwent for
two years and four months;f for in so long
a time was the wall built, in the twenty-
eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the
ninth month. Now when the walls were
finished, Nehemiah and the multitude offered
sacrifices to God for the building of them;
and they continued in feasting eight days.
However, when the nations which dwelt in
Syria heard that the building of the wall was
finished, they had indignation at it; but when
Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of peo-
ple, he exhorted the priests and the Levites,
that they would leave the country, and remove
themselves to the city, and there continue;
and he built them houses at his own expenses;
and he commanded that part of the people
who were employed in cultivating the land,
to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusa-

+ It may sot be very improper to remark bere, with
wbat an unusual accuracy Josephus determines these
years of Xerxes, in which the wajls of Jerusalem were
built, viz. that Nehemiah came with this commission in
the 25th of Xerxes; that the walls were two years and
four months in building; and that.they were finished on
the 28th of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8. It may also be remarked
farther, that Josephus hardly ever mentions more than
one infallible astronomical character, I mean an eclipse of
the moon, and this a little before the death of Herod the
Great, Ant b. xvii. ch. vi. s. 4. Now on these two chro-
nological characters in great measure depend some of the
most important points belonging to Christianity, viz. the
explication of Daniel’s seventy weeks, and the duration
of our Saviour’s ministry, and the time of his death, in
correspondence to these seventy weeks. See the Sup-
plement to the Lit Accomp. of Proph. p. 72.302

ANTIQtfiTIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK *1.

lem, that the priests and Levites having I of his reign, he made a costly feast for his

whereof they might live perpetually, might
not leave the divine worship; who willingly
hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah,
by which means the city Jerusalem came to
be fuller of people than it was before. So
when Nehemiah had done many other excel-
lent things, and things worthy of commenda-
tion, in a glorious manner, he came to a great
age, and then died. He was a man of a
good and a righteous disposition, and very
ambitious to make his own nation happy;
and he hath left the walls of Jerusalem as an
eternal monument for himself. Now this
was done in the days of Xerxes.

CHAPTER VI.

CONCERNING ESTHER, AND MORDECAI, AND
HAMAN; AND HOW, IN THE REIGN OF AR-
TAXEUXES, THE WHOLE NATION *F THE
JEWS WAS IN DANGER OF PERISHING.

§ 1. After the death of Xerxes,*the king-
dom came to be transferred to his son Cyrus,
whom the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When
this man had obtained the government over
the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews,*
with their wives and children, were in danger
of perishing; the occasion whereof we shall
declare in a little time; for it is proper, in
the first place, to explain somewhat relating
to this king, and how he came to marry a
Jewish wife, who was herself of the royal
family also, and who is related to have saved
our nation; for when Artaxerxes had taken
the kingdom, and had set governors over the
hundred twenty and seven provinces, from
India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year

• Sipce some sceptical persons are willing to discard
this book of Esther as no true history (and even our
learned and judicious Dr. Wall, in his late posthumous
Critical Notes upon all the other Hebrew books of the

teal Notes upi

Old Testament, gives us none
upon Esther, and

the Canticles, or
this book,

none upon toe Cantic
her, and seems thereby to give up this
as well as he gives up the Canticles, as indefensible), I
shall venture to sky, that almost all the objections against
this book of Esther are gone at once, if, as we certainly
ought to dc, and as Dean Prideaux has justly done, we
place this history under Artaxerxes Longimanus, as do
both the Septuagint interpreters and Josephus. The
learned Dr. Lee. in his posthumous Dissertation on the
Second Book of Esdras, page 25, also says, that “ the
truth of this history is demonstrated by the feast of
Vurim, kept up from that time to this very day: and
this surprising providential revolution in favour of a
captive people, thereby constantly commemorated,
standeth even upon a firmer basis than that there ever
was such a man as king Alexander [the Great] in the
world, of whose reign there is no such abiding monu-
ment at this day to be fouid anywhere. Nor will they,
other of the sacred

captive

1 dare say, who quarrel aft this or an;

a very easy matter
which were given ,

any one fact of his
whatever with the same evidence which is here given

1 dare say, who quarrel m this or any other or the sacred
histories, find it a very easy matter to reconcile the dif-
ferent accounts which were given by historians of the
affairs of tliia king, or to confii

for the principal fact in the sacred book, or even
much as to prove the existence of such a person, of
whom so great things are related, but upon granting
this book of Esther, or sixth of Esdras (as it is placed
in some of the most ancient copies of the Vulgato) to be
a most true and certain history,” ficc

friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for
their governors, such a one as was proper for
a king to make, when he had a mind to make
a public demonstration of his riches, and this
for a hundred and fourscore days; after
which he made a feast for other nations, and
for their ambassadors, at Shushan, for seven
days. Now this feast was ordered after the
manner following:—He caused a tent to be
pitched, which was supported by pillars of
gold and silver, witty .curtaftis of linen and
purple spread ever them, that it might afford
room for many ten thousands to sit down.
The cups with which the waiters ministered
were of gold, and adorned with precious
stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also
gave order to the servants, that they should
not force them to drink, by bringing them
wine continually, as is the practice of the
Persians, but to permit every one of the
guests to enjoy himself according to his own
inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers
through the country, and gave order that
they should have a remission of their labours,
and should keep a festival many days, on ac-
count of his kingdom. In like manner did
Vashti the queen gather her guests together,
and made them a feast in the palace. Now
the king was desirous to show her, w'ho ex-
ceeded all other women in beauty, to those
that feasted with him, and he sent some to
command her to come to his feast. But
she, out of regard to the laws of the Persians,
which forbid the wives to be seen by stran-
gers, did not go to the king;f and though he
oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did
nevertheless stay away, and refused to come,
till the king was so much irritated, that he
brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and
called for those seven who had the interpre-
tation of the laws committed* to them, and
accused his wife, and said, that he had been
affronted by her, because that when She was
frequently called by him to his feast, she did
not ohey him once. He therefore gave order
that they should inform him wtyat could be
done by the law against her. So one of
them, whose name was Memucan, said that
this affront was offered not to, him alone, but
to all the Persians, who were in danger of
leading their lives very ill with their wives, if

+ If the Chaldee parapbrast he in the right, that Ar-
taxerxes intended to show Vashti to his guests naked, it
is no wonder at all that she would not submit to ouch
an indignity: but still if it were not so gross as that, yet
it might, in the king’s cups, be done in a way so inde-
cent, as the Persian laws would not then bear, no more

king

cent, as the Hersian laws would not then near,
than the common lawsbf modesty. And that the
had some such design, seems not improbable, for other-
wise the principal of these royal guests conld be no
;ers to the queen, nor UDapprised of her beauty,
decency admitted. However, since Provi-
ding the way for the iotroductior

ing

uces which the

strai

principal

ingers to the quei
far as decency
dence was now pat

a Jewess into the king’s alfections, in order
about one of the most wonderful deliverauces which the
Jewish or any nation ever bad, we need not be farther
solicitous about the motives by which the king was in-
duced to divorce Vashti, and marry Esther.

admitted. However,

s now paving the way for the introduction of
Jewess into the king’s alfections, in order to bring
about one of the most wonderful deliverCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

they must be thus despised by them; for that
none of their wives would have any reve-
rence for their husbands, if they had “ such
an example of arrogance in thfe queen to-
wards thee, who rulest over all.” Accord-
ingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who
had been guilty of so great an affront to him,
after a severe manner; and when he had so
done, to publish to the nations what had been
decreed about the queen. So the resolution
was to put Vashti away, and to give her dig-
nity to another woman.

2.	But the Jring having been fond of her,
he did not well bear a separation, and yet by
the law he could not admit of a reconciliation,
so he was under trouble, as not having it in
his power to do what he desired to do: but
when his friends saw him so uneasy, they ad-
vised him to cast the memory of his wife, and
his love for her, out of his mind, but to send
abroad over all the habitable earth, and to
search out for comely virgins, and to take her
whom he should best like for his wife, because
his passion for his former wife would be
quenched by the introduction of another, and
the kindness he had for Vashti would be with-
drawn from her, and be placed on her that was
with him. Accordingly, he was persuaded to
follow this advice, and gave order to certain
persons to choose out of the virgins that were
in his kingdom, those that were esteemed the
most comely. So when a great number of
these virgins were gathered together, there
was found a damsel in Babylon, whose parents
were both dead, and she was brought up with
her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle’s
name. This uncle was of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, and ■ was one of the principal persons
among the Jews. Now it proved that this
damsel, whose name was Esther, was the
most beautiful of all the rest, and that the
grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the
spectators principally upon her: so she was
committed to one of the eunuchs to take the
care of her; and she was very exactly provided
with sweet odours, in great plenty, and with
costly ointments, such as her body required
to be anointed withal; and this was used for
six months by the virgins, who were in num-
ber four hundred; and when the eunuch
thought the virgins had been sufficiently puri-
fied, in the fore-mentioned time, and were now
fit to go to the king’s bed, he sent one to be
with the king every day. So when he had
accompanied with her, he sent her back to the
eunuch; and when Esther had come to him,
he was pleased with her, and fell in love with
the damsel, and married her, and made her
his lawful wife, and kept a wedding-feast for
her on the twelfth month of the seventh year
of his reign, which was called Adar. He also
sent angari, as they are called, or messengers,

unto every nation, and gave orders that thev

should top . feast for his marriage, while hi	TTSSJBf

himself treated the Persians and the Medes, I mined.

303

and the principal men of the nations, for a
whole month, on account of this his marriage.
Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace,
and he set a diadem on her head; and thus
was Esther married, without making known
to the king what nation she was derived from.
Her uncle also removed from Babylon to
Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day
about the palace, and inquiring how the
damsel did, for he loved her as though she
had been his own daughter.

3.	Now the king had made a law,* that
none of his own people should approach him
unless they were called, when he sat upon his
throne; and men, with axes in their hands,
stood round about his throne, in order to pun-
ish such as approached to him without being
called. However, the king sat with a golden
sceptre in his hand, which he held out when
he had a mind to save any one of those that
approached to him without being called; and
he who touched it was free from danger.
But of this matter we have discoursed suffi-
ciently.

4.	Some time after this [two eunuchs],
Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king;
and Barnabazus, the* servant of one of the
eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquaint-
ed with their conspiracy, and discovered it to
the queen’s uncle; and Mordecai, by means of
Esther, made the conspirators known to the
king. This troubled the king; but be disco-
vered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon
a cross, while at that time he gave no re-
ward to Mordecai, who had been the occasion
of his preservation. He only bade the scribes
to set down his name in the records, and bade
him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend
of the king.

5.	Now there was one Haman, the son of
Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used
to go in to the king; and the foreigners and
Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had
commanded that such honour should be paid
to him; but Mordecai was so wise, and so ob-
servant of his own country’s laws, that he
would qot worship the man.f When Hamau
observed this, he inquired whence he came;
and when he understood that he was a Jew,
he had indignation at him, and said within

• Herodotus says that this law ^against any
ini; uncalled to the kings of Persia when the;
tine on their thrones] was first enacted by L)e

one’s com-
y were sit-

g on their thrones] was first enacted by Deioces [i e.
by him who’first withdrew the Medes from the dominion
of the Assyrians, and himself first reigned over them )
Thus also, says Spanheim, stood guards, with their axes,
about the throne of Tenns, or Tenudiis. that the offender
might by them be punished immediately.	r

+ Whether this adoration required of Mordecai to Ha-
man were by him deemed too like the adoration due
only to God, as Josephus seems here to think, as well as
the Septuagint interpreters' also, by their translation of
Gsth. xiii. 12, 13, 14, or whether he thought he ought
to pay no sort of adoration to an Amalekite, which na-
tion had been sncli great sinners as1 to have been uni.
veraally devoted to destruction by God himself (Exod.
xvii. 14, 15, 16; 1 Sam. xv. 18), or whether both causes

deter-304

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS;

BOOK XI

himself that whereas the Persians, who were fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this

free men, worshipped him, this man, who was
no better than a slave, does not Vouchsafe to
do so. And when lie desired to punish
Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to
request of the king that he alone might be
punished; he rather determined to abolish the
whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy
to the Jews, because the nation of the Amale-
kites, of which he was, had been destroyed
by them. Accordingly, he came to the king,
and accused them, saying, ■“ There is a certain
wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the
habitable earth that was under his dominion;
a nation separate from others, unsociable, nei-
ther admitting the same sort of divine wor-
ship that others do, nor using laws like to the
laws of others, at enmity with thy people, and
with all men, both in their manners and prac-
tices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to
thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy
them utterly, and not leave the least remains
of them, nor preserve any of them, either for
slaves or for captives.” But that the king
might not be damnified by the loss of the tri-
butes which the Jews paid him, Haman pro-
mised to give him out of his own estate forty
thousand talents whensoever he pleased; and
he said he would pay this money very wil-
lingly that the kingdom might be freed from
such a misfortune.

6. When Haman had made this petition,
the king both forgave him the money, and
granted him the men, to do what he would
with them. So Haman, having gained what
he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as
from the king, to all nations, the contents
whereof were these:—“ Artaxerxes, the great
king, to the rulers of the hundred and twenty
seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends
this writing. Whereas I have governed many
nations, and obtained the dominions of all the
habitable earth, according to my desire, and
have not been obliged to do any thing that is
insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my
power, but have showed myself mild and
gentle, by taking care of their peace and good
order, and have sought how they migllt enjoy
those blessings for all time to come; and
whereas I have been kindly informed by Ha-
man, who, on account of his prudence and
justice, is the first in my esteem, and in dig-
nity, and only second to myself, for his fidelity
and constant good-will to me, that there is an
ill-natured nation intermixed with all man-
kind, that is averse to our laws, and not sub-
ject to kings, and of a different conduct of
life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of
a disposition that is pernicious to our affairs;
I give order that these men, of whom Ha-
inan, our second father, hath informed us, be
destroyed, with their wives and children, and
that none of them be spared, and that none
prefer pity to them before obedience to this
decree; and this X will to be executed on. the

present year, that so when all that have en-
mity to us are destroyed, and this in one day,
we may be allowed to lead the rest of our
lives in peace hereafter.’.’ Now when this
decree wqs brought to the cities, and to the
country, all were ready for the destruction
aid entire abolishment of the Jews, against
the day before-mentioned; and they were
very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular.
Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their
time in feasting together with good cheer and
wine; but the city was in disorder.

7. Now when Mordecai was informed of
what was- done, he rent his clothes, and put
on sackcloth, and' sprinkled ashes upon his
head, and went about the city, crying out,
that “ a nation that had been injurious to no
man, was to be destroyed.” And he went on
saying thus as far as to the king’s palace, and
there he stood, for it was not lawful for him
to go into it in that habit. The same thing
was done by all the Jews that -were in the
several cities wherein this decree was pub-
lished, with lamentation and mourning, on
account of the calamities denounced against
them. But as soon as certain persons bad
told the queen that Mordecai stood before the
court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed
at this report, and sent out such as should
change his garments; .but when he could not
be induced to put off his sackcloth, because
the sad occasion that forced him to put it on
was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch
Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent
him to Mordecai, in order to know of him
what sad accident had befallen him, for which
he was in mourning, and would not put of!
the habit he had put on, at her desire. Then
did Mordecai inform the eunuch of the occa-
sion of his mourning, and of the decree which
was sent by the king into all the country, and
of the promise of money whereby Haman
bought the destruction of their nation. He
also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed
at Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he
charged her to petition the king about this
matter, and not to think it a dishonourable
thing in her to put on a humble habit, for
the safety of her nation, wherein she might
deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in
danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity
was only inferior to that of the king, had
accused the Jews, and had irritated the king
against them. When she was informed of this,
she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that
she was not called by the king, and that he who
goes in to him without being called, is to be
slain, unless when he is willing to save any
one, he holds out his golden sceptre to him;
but that to whomsoever he does so, although he
go in without being called, that person is so far
from being slain, that he obtains pardon, and
is entirely preserved. Now when the eunucb
carried this message from Esther to MordoCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE, JEWS.

305

cai, he bade him also tell her that she must
not only provide for her own preservation,
but for the common preservation of her na-
tion, for that if she now neglected this oppor-
tunity, there would certainly arise help to
them from God some other way; but she and
her father’s house would be destroyed by those
whom she now despised. But Esther sent
the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to
desire him], to go to Shushan, and to gather
the Jews that were there together to a con-
gregation, and to fast, and abstain from all
sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him
know that] she with her maidens would do
the same; and then she promised that she
would go to the king, though it were against
the law, and that if she must die for it, she
would not refuse it.

8.	Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther
had enjoined him, and made the people fast;
and he besought God, together with them,
not to overlook his nation, particularly at this
time, when it was going to be destroyed; but
that, as he had often before provided for them,
and forgiven when they had sinned, so lfe
would now deliver them from that destruc-
tion which was denounced against them; for
although-it was not all the nation that had of-
fended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain,
and that he was himself the occasion of the
wrath of Haman, “ Because,” said he, “ I did
not worship him, nor could I endure to pay
that honour to him which I used to pay to
thee, O Lord; for upon that his s^iger hath
he contrived this present mischief against
those that have not transgressed thy laws.”
The same supplications ,did the multitude put
up; and entreated that God would provide
for their deliverance, and free the Israelites
that were in all the earth from this calamity
which was now coming upon them, for they
had it before their eyes, and expected its com-
ing. Accordingly, Esther made supplication
to God after the manner of her country, by
casting herself down upon the earth, and put-
ting on her mourning garments, and bidding
farewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies,
for three days’ time; and she entreated.God
to have mercy upon her, and make her words
appear persuasive to the king, and render her
countenance more beautiful than it was be-
fore, that both by her words and ffieauty she
might succeed, for the averting or the king’s
anger, in case he were at all irritated against
her, and for the consolation of those of her
own country, now they were in the utmost
danger of perishing: as also that he would
excite a hatred in the king against the ene-
mies of the Jews, and those that had contrived
their future destruction, if they proved to be
contemned by him.

9.	When Esther had used this supplication
for three days, she put off those garments,
ami changed her. habit, and adorned herself as
btcume a queen, and took two of her hand-

maids with her, the one of which supported
her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the
other followed after, and lifted up her large
train (which swept along the ground) with
the extremities of her fingers: and thus she
came to the king, having a blushing redness
in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeable-
ness in her behaviour, yet did she go in to him
with fear;, and as'soon as she was come over-
against him, as he was sitting on his throne,
in his royal apparel, which was a garment in-
terwoven with gold and precious stones, which
made him seem to her more terrible, especi-
ally when he looked at her somewhat severely,
and with a countenance on fire with anger,
her joints failed her immediately, out of the
dread she was in, and she fell down sideways
in a swoon: but the king changed his mind,
which happened, as I suppose, by the will of
God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her
fear should bring some very evil thing upon
her, and he leaped from his throne, and took
her in his arms, and recovered her, by em-
bracing her, and speaking comfortably to her,
and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and not
to suspect any thing that was sad on account
of her coming to him without being called,
because that law was made for subjects, but
that she who was a queen, as well as he a
king, might be entirely secure: and as he said
this, he put the sceptre into her hand, and
laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the
law; and so freed her from her fear. And
after she had recovered Herself by these en-
couragements, she said, “ My Lord, it is not
easy for me, on the sudden, to say what hath
happened, for so soon as I saw thee to be
great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit de-
parted from me, and I had no soul left in
me.” And while it was with difficulty, and in
a low voice, that she could say thus much,
the king was in great agony and disorder, and
encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and
to expect better fortune, since he was ready,
if occasion should require it, to grant to her
the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, Es-
ther desired that he and his friend Haman
would come to her to a banquet, for she said
she had prepared a supper for him. He con-
sented to it; and when they were there, as
they were drinking, he bade Esther to let him
know what she had desired; for that she
should not be disappointed, though she should
desire the half of his kingdom. But she put
off the discovery of her petition till the next
day, if he would come again, together with
Haman, to her banquet.

10.	Now when the king had promised so to
do, Haman went away very glad, because he
alone had the honour of supping with ti|£ king
at Esther’s banquet, and because no one else
partook of the same honour with kings but
himself; yet when he saw Mordecai in the
court, he was very much displeased, for he
paid him no manner of respect when he saw306

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW-8*

BOOK Xi

him. So he went home and called for his I horseback, with the same garment which thou

wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they
were come, he showed them what honour he
enjoyed, not only from the king, but from the
queen also, for as he alone had1 that day sup-
ped with her, together with the king, so was he
also invited again for the next day; "yet,”
said he, " am I not pleased to see Mordecai
the Jew in the court.” Hereupon his wife
Zeresh advised him to give order that a gal-
lows should be made fifty cubits high, and
that in the morning he should ask it of the
king that Mordecai might be hanged thereon.
So he commended her advice, and gave order
to his servants to prepare the gallows, and to
place it in the court, for the punishment of
Mordecai thereon, which was accordingly pre-
pared. But God laughed to scorn the wicked
expectations of Haman; and as he knew what
the event would be, he was delighted at it, for
that night he took away the king’s sleep: and
as the king was not willing to lose the time of
his lying awake, but to spend it in something
that might be of advantage to his kingdom,
he commanded the scribe to bring him the
chronicles of the former kings, and the re-
cords of his own actions; and when he had
brought them, and was reading them, one was
found to have received a country on account
of his excellent management on a certain oc-
casion, and the name of the country was set
down; another was found to have had a pre-
sent made him on account of his fidelity: then
the scribe came to JJigthan and Teresh, the
eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against
the king, which Mordecai had discovered; and
when the scribe said no more but that, and
was going on to another history, the king
stopped him, and inquired, " whether it was
not added that Mordecai had a reward given
him?” and when he said there*was no such
addition, he bade him leave off; and he in-
quired of those that were appointed for that
purpose, what hour of the night it was; and
when he was informed that it was already day,
he gave order that, if they found any one of
his friends already come, and standing before
the court, they should tell him. Now it hap-
pened that Haman, was -found there, for he
was come sooner than ordinary, to petition
the king to have Mordecai put to death: and
when the servants said, that Haman was be-
fore the court, he bade them call him in; and
when he was come in, he said, “ Because I
know that thou art my only fast friend, I de-
sire thee to give me advice how I may honour
one that I greatly love, and that after a man-
ner suitable to my magnificence.” Now Ha-
man reasoned with himself, that what, opinion
he should give it would be for himself, since
it waAe alone who was beloved by the king;
so he gave that advice which he thought of all
others the best; for h e-said, “ If thou vvouldst
truly honour a man whom thou sayest thou
dost love, give order that he may ride on

wearest, and with a gold chain about his
neck, and let one of thy intimate friends go
before him, and proclaim through the whole
city, that whosoever the king honoureth ob-
taineth this mark of his honour." This was
the advice which Haman gave, out of a sup-
posal that such reward would come to himself.
Hereupon the king was pleased with the ad-
vice, and said, “ Go thou, therefore, for thou
hast f^ie horse, the garment, and the chain,
ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those
things, and go before his horse and proclaim
accordingly; “ for thou art,” said he, “ my in-
timate friend, and hast given me good advice;
be thou then the minister of what thou hast
advised me to. This shall be his reward from
us, for preserving my life.” When he heard
this order, which was entirely unexpected, he
was confounded in his mind, and knew not
what to do. However, he went out and led
the horse, and took the purple garment, and
the golden chain for the neck, and finding
Mordecai before the court, clothed in sack-
cloth, he bade him put that garment oif, and
put the purple garment on: but Mordecai
not knowing the truth of the matter, but
thinking that it was done in mockery, said,
“ O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind,
dost thou thus laugh at our calamities?” But
when he was satisfied that the king bestowed
this honour upon him, for the deliverance he
had procured him when he convicted the eu-
nuchs who had conspired against him, he put
on that jftrple garment which the king al-
ways wore, and put the chain about his neck,
and got on horseback, and went round the
city, while Haman went before, and proclaim-
ed, “ This shall be the reward which the king
will bestow on every one whom he loves, and
esteems worthy of honour.” And when they
had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to
the king;. but Haman went home, out ol
shame, and informed his wife and friends of
what had happened, and this with tears: who
said, that he would never be able to be re-
venged of Mordecai, for that God was with
him.

11. Now while these men were thus talk-
ing one to another, Esther’s eunuchs hastened
Haman away to come to supper; but one
of the eunuchs named Sabuchadas, saw the
gallows that, was fixed in Haman’s house, and
inquired of one of his servants for whar pur-
pose they had pre’pared it. So he knew that
it was for the queen’s uncle, because Haman
was about to petition the king that he might
be punished; but at present he held his peace.
Now when the king, with Haman, were at
the banquet, he desired the queen to tell him
what gift she desired to obtain, and assured
her that she should have whatsoever she had
a mind to. She then lamented the danger
her people were in; and said, that “ she and
her nation were given up to be destroyed, andANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW$,

307

that she, on that account,, made this her peti-
tion : that sh,e would not have troubled him
if he had only given order that they should
be sold into bitter servitude, for such a mis-
fortune would not have been intolerable; but
she desired that they might be delivered from
such destruction.” And when the king in-
quired of her who was the author of this kni-
sery to them, she then openly accused Haman,
and convicted him, that he had been the wick-
ed instrument of this, and had formed this plot
against them. When the king was hereupon
in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the
banquet into the gardens, Haman began to
intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to
forgive him, as to what he had offended, for
he perceived that he was in a very bad case.

And as he hacT fallen upon the queen’s bed,
and- was making supplications to her, the
king came in, and being still more provoked
at what he saw, “ O thou wretch,” said he,

“thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to
force my wife?" And when Haman was
astonished at this, and nobble to speak one
word more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in,
and accused Haman, and said, “ He found a
gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai;
for that the servant told him so much, upon
his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call
him to supper:” he said farther, that the gal-
lows was fifty cubits high: which, when the
king heard, he determined that Haman should
be punished after no other manner than that
which had been devised by him against Mor-
decai; so he gave order immediately that he
should be hung upon the gallows, and be
put to death after that manner. And from
hence I cannot forbear to admire God, and
to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not
only in punishing the wickedness of Haman,
but in so disposing it, that he should undergo
the very same punishment which he had con-
trived for another; as also, because thereby
he teaches others this lesson, that what mis-
ch’efs any one prepares against another, he,
without knowing of it, first contrives it against justly deserves it, and to grant favours to such

as are innocent. This hath been the case ol

sired; hut he bade her write what she pleased
about the Jews, in the lung's name, and seal
it with his seal, and send it to all his king-
dom, for that those who read epistles whose
authority is secured by haying the king’s seal
to them, would no. way contradict what was
written therein. So he commanded the king’s
scribes to be sent for, and to write to the na-
tions, on the Jews’ behalf, and to his lieute
nants and-governors, that were over his hun
dred and twenty-seven provinces, from India
to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this epistle
were these :—“ The great king Artaxerxes to
our rulers, and those that are our faithful
subjects, sendeth greeting.* Many men there
are who, on account of the greatness of the be-
nefits bestowed on them, and because of the ho-
nour which they have obtained from the won-
derful kind treatment of those that bestowed it,
are not only injurious to their inferiors, but do
not scrupla to do evil to those that have been
their benefactors, as if they would take away
gratitude from among men, and by their inso-
lent abuse of such benefits as they never ex-
pected, they turn the abundance they have
against those that are the authors of it, and
suppose that they shall lie concealed from
God in that case, and avoid that vengeance
which comes from him. Some of these men,
when they have had the management of
affairs committed to them by their friends,
and bearing private malice of their own
against some others, by deceiving those that
have the power, persuade them to be angry at
such as have done them no harm, till they are
in danger of perishing, and this by laying ac-
cusations and calumnies: nor is this state of
things to be discovered by ancient examples,
or such as we have learned by report only,
but by some examples of such impudent at-
tempts under our own eyes, so that itjs not
fit to attend any longer to calumnies and ac-
cusations, nor to the persuasion of others, but
to determine what any one knows of himself
to have been really done, and to punish what

Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an
Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the
Persians, who, when he was hospitably enter
tained by. us, and partook of that kindness
which we^aear to all men to so great a de-
"gree, as to be called 4 my fatter,’ and to be all
along worshipped, and to have honour paid
him by all in the second rank after the royal

himself.

12. Wherefore Haman, who1 had immode-
rately abused the honour he had from the
king, was destroyed after this manner; and
the king granted his estate to the queen. He
also called for Mordecai (for Esther had in-
formed him that she was akin to him), and
gave that ring to Mordecai which he had be-
fore given to Haman. The queen also gave
Haman’s estate to Mordecai; and prayed the
king to deliver the nation of the Jews from
the fear of death, and showed him what had
been written over all the-country by Haman
the son of Ammedatha; for that if her coun-
try were destroyed, and her countrymen were
to perish, 6he could not bear to live herself

any longer. So the king promised her that viii. 8. And Ham an, having engrossed the royal favour,
he would not do any thing that should be dis- l?iSh,t ?erh?Ps !>ave himself signed this deem, for the
agreeable to bur, nor Conti adict what she de- \ have rendered it by their rules irrevocable.

properly revoke bis former barbarous decree for the uni
versal slaughter of the Jews, but only empowered and en-
couraged the Jews to fight for their lives, and to kill their
enemies, if they attempted their destruction, seems to
have been that old' law of the Medes and Persians, not yet
laid aside, that whatever decree was signed both by the
king and his lords, could not be changed, but remained
unalterable, Daij, vi. 7, 8,9, 12, 15, 17; Esth. L 19; and
viii. 8. And Haman, having engrossed the royal favour,308

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XI.

honour due to ourselves, he could not bear
his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude
of his prosperity with sound reason; nay, he
made a conspiracy against me and my life,
who gave him his authority, by endeavouring
to take away Mordecai, my benefactor, and
my saviour, and by basely and treacherously
requiring to have Esther, the partner of my
life, and of my dominion, brought to destruc-
tion; for he contrived by this means to de-
prive me of my faithful friends, and transfer
the government to others:*—but since I per-
ceived that these Jews, that were by this
pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were
not wicked men, but conducted their lives
after the best manner, and were men dedicated
to the worship of that God who hath preserved
the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, I
do not only free them from the punishment
which the former epistle, which was sent by
Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them,—to
which if you refuse obedience you shall do
well; but I will that they have all honour
paid them. Accordingly, I have hanged up
the man that contrived such things against
them, with his family, before the gates of
Shushan; that punishment being sent upon
him by God, who seeth all things. And I
give you in charge, that you publicly propose
a copy of this epistle through all my king-
dom, that the Jews may be permitted peace-
ably to use their own laws, and that you
assist them, that at the same season whereto
their miserable estate did belong, they may
defend themselves the very same day from
unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the
twelfth month, which is Adar,—for God hath
made that day a day of salvation, instead of a
day of destruction to them; and may it be a
good day to those that ifrish us well, and a
memorial of the punishment of the conspira-
tors against us: and I will that you take
notice, that every city, and every nation, that
shall disobey any thing that is contained in
this epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and
sword. However, let this epistle be published
through all the country that is under our
obedience, and let all the Jews, by all means,
be ready against the day before mentioned,
that they may avenge themselves upon their
enemies.”

13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried

pearea, viz. that knowing the Jews would oe laitmui to
him, and that be could never transfer the crown to bis
own family, who was an Agagite (Esth. iii. 1, 10), or of
the posterity of Agag, the old king of the Amalekites
(1 Sam. xv. 8,32, 33), while they were alive, and spread
over all bis dominions, he therefore endeavoured to de-
stroy them. Nor is it to me improbable that those se-
venty-five thousand eight hundred of the Jews* enemies
which were soon destroyed by the Jews, on the permis-
sion of the king, which must be on some great occasion,
were Amalekites, their old and hereditary enemies
(Exod. xvii. 14,15); and that thereby was fulfilled Ba-
laam’s prophecy; “ Atnalek was the first of the nations;
but bis latter end shall be, that he perish for ever.”
Numb. xxlv. 20.

the epistles, proceeded on the ways which
they were to go with speed; but as*for Mor-
decai, as soon as he had assumed the royal
garment, and the crown of gold, and had put
the chain about his neck, he Went forth in a
public procession; and when the Jews who
were at Shushan saw him in so great, honour
with the king, they thought his good fortune
was common to themselves also; and joy and
a beam of salvation encompassed the Jews,
both those that were in the cities and those
that were in the countries, upon the publica-
tion of the king’s letters, insomuch that many
of other nations circumcised their foreskin
for fear of the Jews,- that they might procure
safety to themselves thereby; for on the thir-
teenth day of the twelfth month, which, ac-
cording, to the Hebrew, is called Afar, but,
according to the Macedonians, Dystrus, those
that carried the king’s epistle gave them no-
tice, that the same day wherein their danger
was to have been, on that very day should
they destroy their .enemies. But now the
rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and
the kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in
esteem; for the fear they were in of Mordecai
forced them to act with discretion. Now
when the royal decree was come to all the
country that was subject to the king, it fell
out that the Jews at Shushan slew five hun-
dred of their enemies: and when the king
had told Esther the number of'those that were
slain in that city, but did not well know what
had been done in the provinces, he asked her
whether she would have any thing farther
done against them, for that it should be done
accordingly: upon which she desired that the
Jews might be permitted to treat their re-
maining enemies in the same manner the next
day; as also, that they might hang the ten
sons of Haman upon the gallows. So the
king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous
not to contradict Esther. So they gathered
themselves together <again on the fourteenth
day of the month Dystrus, and slew about
three hundred of their enemies, but touched
nothing of what riches they had. Now there
were slain by the Jews that were in the coun-
try, and in the other cities, seventy-five thou-
sand of their enemies, and these were -slain on
the thirteenth day of the month, and the* next
day they kept as a festival. In like manner
‘the Jews that were in Shushan gathered
themselves together, and feasted on the four-
teenth day, and that which followed it;
whence it is, that even now all the Jews
that are in the habitable earth keep these
days festivals, and send portions to ope ano-
ther. Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that
lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to ob-
serve these days, and to celebrate them as fes-
tivals, and to deliver them down to posterity,
that this festival might continue for all time
to come, and that it might never be buried in
oblivion; for since they were about to beCHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

309

destroyed on these days by Haman, they would
do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in
them, and on them inflicting punishment on
their enemies, to observe those days, and give
thanks to God on them: for which cause the
Jews still keep the fore-mentioned days, and
call them days of Phurim [or Purim].* And
Mordecai became a great and illustrious per-
son with the king, and assisted him in the
government of the people. He also lived
with the queen; so that the affairs of the
Jews were, by their means, better than they
could ever have hoped for. And this was
the state of the Jews under the reign of Ar-
taxerxes.f

CHAPTER VII.

HOW JOHN SLEW HIS BROTHER JESUS IN THE
TEMPLE; AND HOW BAGOSESOFFERED MANY
INJURIES TO THE JEWS; AND WHAT ?AN-
BALLAT DID.

§ 1. When Eliashib the high-priest was dead,
his son Judas succeeded in the high-priest-
Louii: and when he was dead, his son John
took that dignity; on whose account it was
also that Bagoses, the general of another Ar-
taxerxes’ army,f polluted the temple, and
imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the
public stock, before they offered the daily sa-

* Take here part of Reland’s note on this disputed pas-
sage: ‘-In Josephus's copies these Hebrew words, 'days
of Rnrhn,’ or ‘ Lots,’ as in the Greek copies of Esther, ch.
i>; Jr>. 3C--;Vi, is read ‘days of phurim,’ or ‘days of pro-
tection;’ but ought to be read ‘days of purim,’ as in the
Hebrew; than which emendation.” says he, “ nothing is
more certain.” And had we any assurance that Jose-
phus’s copy mentioned the “ casting of lots.” as our other
copies do, Esth. iii. 7, 1 should fully agree with Ueland;
hut, as it now stands, it seems to me by no means certain.

+ As to this whole book of Esther in the present He-
brew copy, it is so very imperfect, in a case where the
providence of God was so very remarkable, and the Sep-
tuagiut and Josephus have so much of religion, that it has
not so much as the name of God once in it; and it is hard
to say who made that epitome which the Masorites have
given us for the genuine book itself; no religious Jews
could well be the authors of it. whose education obliged
them to have a constant regard to God, and whatsoever
related to bis worship; nor do we know that there ever
was so imperfect a copy of it in the world till after the
days c.f Barchocab, in the second century.

t Concerning this other Artaxerxes. called Mnemon,
and the Persian affliction and captivity of the Jews un,
der him, occasioned by the murder of the high-priest’s
brother in the holy bouse itself, see Authentic Kec. at
large, page 49. And if any wonder why Josephus wholly
omits the rest of the kings of Persia after Artaxerxes
Mnemon, till he came to their last king Darius, who
was conquered by Alexander the Great, I shall give them
Vossius’s and Dr. Hudson’s answer, though in my own
words, viz. that Josephus did not do ill in omitting those
kings of Persia with whom the Jews had no concern,
because he was giving the history of the Jews, and not
of the Persians [which is a sufficient reason also why he
omits the history and the book of Job. as not particu-
larly relating to that nation]. He justly, therefore, re-
turns to the Jewish affairs after the death of Longima-
nus, without any mention of Darius II. before Artaxer-
xes Mnemon,or of Ocbus or’Arogus, as the Canon of
Ptolemy names them, after him. Nor had be probably
mentioned this other Artaxerxes, unless Bagoses, one of
the governors and commanders under him, had occa-
sioned the pollution of the Jewish temple, and had
greatly distressed the Jews upon that pollution.

crifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty
shekels. Now Jesus was the brother of John,
and was a friend of Bagoses, who had pro-
mised to procure him the high-priesthood.
In confidence of whose support, Jesus quar-
relled with John in the temple, and so pro-
voked his brother, that in his anger his bro-
ther slew him. Now it was a horrible thing
for John, when he was high-priest, to perpe-
trate so great a crime, and so much the more
horrible, that there never was so cruel and
impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks
nor Barbarians. However, God did not ne-
glect its punishment; but the people were on
that very account enslaved, and the temple
was polluted by the Persians. Now when
Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes’ army,
knew that John, the high-priest of the Jews,
had slain his own brother Jesus in the tem-
ple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and
began in anger to say to them, “ Have you
had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in
your temple?” And as he was aiming to go
into the temple, they forbade him so to do;
but he said to them, “ Am not I purer than
he that was slain in the temple?” And
when he had said these words, he went into
the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use
of this pretence, and punished the Jews seven
years for the murder of Jesus.

2. Now when John had departed this life,
his son Jaddua succeeded in the high-priest-
hood. He had a brother, whose name was
Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat,
who was sent by Darius, the last king [of
Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cuthean by
birth; of which stock were the Samaritans
also. This man knew that the city Jerusalem
was a famous city, and that their kings had
given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians,
and the people of Celesyria; so that he wil-
lingly gave his daughter, whose name was
Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking
this alliance by marriage would he a pledge
and security that the nation of the Jews
should continue their good-will to him.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONCERNING SANBALLAT AND MANASSEH,
AND THE TEMPLE WHICH THEY BUILT ON
MOUNT GERIZZIM; AS ALSO HOW ALEX-
ANDER MADE HIS ENTRY INTO THE CITY
JERUSALEM; AND WHAT BENEFITS HE BE-
STOWED ON THE JEWS.

§ 1. About this time it was that Philip, king
of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and
slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Ce-
rastes, who was derived from the family of
Orestae, and his son Alexander succeeded him
in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hel-
lespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s
army in a battle fought at Granicum. So heANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

- OK. AI.

310

marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and
overran Caria, and fell upon the places of
Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere.

2.	But the elders of Jerusalem being very
uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high-
priest, though married to a foreigner, should
be a partner with him in the high-priesthood,
quarrelled with him; for they esteemed this
man’s marriage a step to such as should be
desirous of transgressing about the marriage
of [strange] wives, and that this would be
the beginning of a mutual society with fo-
reigners, although the offence of some about
marriages, and their having married wives that
were not of their own country, had been an
occasion of their former captivity, and of the
miseries they then underwent; so they com-
manded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not
to approach the altar, the high-priest himself
joining with the people in their indignation
against his brother, and driving him away
fiom the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came
to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him,
that although he loved his daughter Nicaso,
yet was he not willing to be deprived of his
sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was
the principal dignity in their nation, and
always continued in the same family. And
then Sanballat promised him not only to pre-
serve to him the honour of his priesthood,
but to procure for him the power and dignity
of a high-priest, and would make him governor
of all the places he himself now ruled, if he
would keep his daughter for his wife. He
also told him farther, that he would build him
a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount
Gerizzim, which is the highest of all the moun-
tains that are in Samaria; and he promised
that he would do this with the approbation of
Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated
with these promises, and staid with Sanballat,
upon a supposal that he should gain a high-
priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for
it happened Sanballat was then in years. But
there was now a great disturbance among the
people of Jerusalem, because many of those
priests and Levites were entangled in -such
matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh,
and Sanballat afforded them money, and di-
vided among them land for tillage, and habi-
tations also; and all this in order every way
to gratify his son-in-law.

3.	About this time it was that Darius heard
how Alexander had passed over the Helles-
pont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the
battle at Granicum.and was proceedingfarther;
whereupon be gathered together an army
of horse and foot, and determined that he
would meet the Macedonians before they
should assault and conquer all Asia. So he
passed over the river Euphrates and came over
Taurus, the Cilician mountain; and at Issus
of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready
there to give him battle. Upon which San-
ballat was glad that Darius was come down;

and told Manasseh that he w uld suddenly
perform his promises to him, an this as soon
as ever Darius should come back, after he had
beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all
those that were in Asia also, were persuaded
that the Macedonians would not so much as
come to a battle with the Persians, on ccount
of their multitude; but the event p oved
otherwise than they expected, for the King
joined battle with the Macedonians, and was
beaten, and lost a great deal of bis army. His
mother also, and hi3 wife and children, were
taken captives, and he fled into Persia. So
Alexander came into Syria, and took Damas-
cus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he
besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the
Jewish high-priest, to send him some auxili-
aries, and to supply his army with provisions;
and that what presents he formerly sent to
Darius, he would now send to him, and choose
the friendship of the Macedonians, and that
he should never repent of so doing; but the
high-priest answered the messengers, that he
had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms
against him; and he said that he would not
transgress this while Darius was in the land
of the living. Upon hearing this answer,
Alexander was very angry; and though he
determined not to leave Tyre, which was just
ready to be taken, yet, as soon as he had taken
it, be threatened that he would make an ex-
pedition against the Jewish high-priest, aud
through him teach all men to whom they must
keep their oaths. So when he had, with a
good deal of pains during the siege, taken
Tyre, and bad settled its affairs, he came to
the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city
and him that was governor of the garrison,
whose name was Babemeses.

4.	But Sanballat thought he had now got-
ten a proper opportunity to make his attempt,
so he renounced Darius, and taking with him
seven thousand of bis own subjects, he came
to Alexander; and finding him beginning the
siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered
up to him these men, who came out of places
under his dominion, and did gladly accept of
him for their lord instead of Darius. So
when Alexander had received him kindly,
Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake
to him about his present affair. He told him,
that he had a son-in-law, Mana&eh, who was
brother to the high-priest Jaddua; and that
there were many others of his own nation now
with him, that were desirous to have a tem-
ple in the places subject to him; that it would
be for the king’s advantage to have the
strength of the Jews divided into two parts,
lest, when the nation is of one mind, and
united upon any attempt for innovation, it
prove troublesome ter kings, as it had formerly
proved to the kings of Assyria. Whereupon
Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do;
who used tbe utmost diligence, and huilt the
temple, and made Manasseh the priest, andCHAP. VIII.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	311

ieemed it a great reward that his daughter’s
children should have that dignity; but when
liie seven months of the siege of Tyre were
over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza,
Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he
had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Je-
rusalem; and Jaddua the high-priest, when
he heard that, was in an agony, and under
terror, as not knowing how he should meet
the Macedonians, since the king was displeased
at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore
ordained that the people should make sup-
plications, and should join with him in of-
fering sacrifices to God, whom he besought to
protect that nation, and to deliver them from
the perils that were coming upon them;
whereupon God warned him in a dream,
which came upon him after he had offered sa-
crifice, that he should take courage, and adorn
the city, and open the gates; that the rest
should appear in white garments, but that he
and the priests should meet the king in the
habits proper to their order, without the dread of
any ill consequences, which the providence of
God would prevent. Upon which, when he
rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced; and
declared to all the warning he had received
from God. According to which dream he
acted entirely, and so waited for the coming
of the king.

5. And when he understood that he was
not far from the city, he went out in proces-
sion, with the priests and the multitude of the
citizens. The procession was venerable, and
the manner of it different from that of other
nations. It reached to a place called Sapha;
which name, translated into Greek, signifies
a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both
of Jerusalem and of the temple; and when
the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that fol-
lowed him, thought they should have liberty
to plunder the city, and torment the high-
priest to death, which the king’s displeasure
fairly promised them, the very reverse of it
happened; for Alexander, when he saw the
multitude at a distance, in white garments,
while the priests stood clothed with fine linen,
and the high-priest in purple and scarlet cloth-
ing, with his mitre on his head, having the
golden plate whereon the name of God was
engraved, he approached by himself, and adored
that name,'find first saluted the high-priest.
The Jews also did altogether, with one voice,
salute Alexander, and encompass him about;
whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest
were surprised at what Alexander had done,
and supposed him disordered in his mind.
However, Parmenio alone went up to him,
and asked him how it came to pass that, w'hen
all others adored him, he- should adore the
high-priest of the Jews? To whom he re-
plied, “ I did not adore him, but that God
who hath honoured him with his high-priest-
hood^; fur I saw this very person in a dream,
hi this very habit, when I way at Dios in Ma-

cedonia, who, when l was considering with
myself how I might obtain the dominion of
Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but
boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that
he would conduct my army, and would give
me the dominion over the Persians; whence
it is, that having seen no other in that_ habit,
and now seeing this person in it, and remem-
bering that vision, and the exhortation which
I had in my dream, I believe that 1 bring
this army under the divine conduct, and shall
therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the
power of the Persians, and that all things
will succeed according to what is in my own
mind.” And when he had said this to Par-
menio, and had given the high-priest his right
hand, the priests ran along by him, and he
came into the city; and when he went up in-
to the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, ac-
cording to the high-priest’s direction, and
magnificently treated both the high-priest and
the priests. And when the book of Daniel
was showed him,* wherein Daniel declared
that one of the Greeks should destroy the
empire of the Persians, he supposed that him-
self was the person intended; and as he was
then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the
present, but the next day he called them to
him, and bade them ask what favours they
pleased of him; whereupon the high-priest
desired that they might enjoy the laws of their
forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the
seventh year. He granted all they desired;
a*d when they entreated him that he would
permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to
enjoy their own laws also, he willingly pro-
mised to do hereafter what they desired: and
when he said to the multitude, that if any of
them would enlist themselves in his army on
this condition, that they should continue un-
der the laws of their forefathers, and live ac-
cording to them, he was willing to take them
with him, many were ready to accompany him
in his wars.

6. So when Alexander had thus settled
matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the
neighbouring cities; and when all the inhabi-
tants, to whom he came, received him with
great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then
Shechem for their metropolis (a city situate at
Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates
of the Jewish nation), seeing that Alexander
had so greatly honoured the Jews, determined
to profess themselves Jews; for such is the
disposition of the Samaritans, as we have al-
ready elsewhere declared, that when the Jews
are in adversity they deny that they are of kin
and then they confess the truth; but
ey perceive that some good fortune
hath befallen them, they immediately pretend
to have communion with them, saying, that

* The placed showed Alexander might be Dan. vii. 6;
viii. 3—8, 20. 21, 22,- xi. 3: some or all of them very
plain predictions of Alexander’s conquests and succes-
sors.

to them,
when th312

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII

they belong to them, and derive their genea-
logy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim,
uml Manasseh. Accordingly, they made their
address to the king with splendour, and
showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little
ristanee from Jerusalem; and when Alexan-
der had commended them, the Shechemites
approached to him, taking with them the
troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they
resired that he would come to their city, and
do honour to their temple also; to whom he
promised, that when be returned he would
come to them; and when they petitioned that
be would remit the tribute of the seventh year
to them, because they did not now sow there-
on, he asked who they were that made such a
petition; and when they said that they were
Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians,
living at Shechem, he asked them again whe-
ther they were Jews; and when they said they
were not Jews, “ It was to the Jews,” said
he, “that 1 granted that privilege; however,

when I return, and am thoroughly informed
by you of this matter, I will do what I shall
think proper.” And in this maimer he took
leave of the Shechemites; but ordered that
the troops of Sanballat should follow him
into Egypt, because there he designed to give
them lands, which he did a little after in The-
bais, when he ordered them to guard that
country.

7. Now when Alexander was' dead, the
government was parted among his successors;
but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim re-
mained; and if any one were accused by those
of Jerusalem of having eaten things common,*
or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any
other crime of the like nature, he fled away
to the Shechemites, and said that he was ac-
cused unjustly. About this time it was that
Jaddua the high-priest died, and Onias his
son took the high-priesthood. This was the
state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem
at this time

BOOK XII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF A HUNDRED AND SEVENTY YEARS.

FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE DEATH
OF JUDAS MACCABEUS.

CHAPTER I.

HOW PTOLEMY, THE SON OF LAGUS, TOOK
JERUSALEM AND JUDEA BY DECEIT AND
TREACHERY, AND CARRIED MANY OF THE
JEWS THENCE, AND PLANTED THEM IN
EGYPT.

§ I. Now when Alexander, king of Mace-
don, had put an end to the dominion of the
Persians, and had settled the affairs of Judea
after the fore-mentioned manner, he ended
his life; and as his government fell among
many, Antigonus obtained Asia; Seleucus,
Babylon; and of the other nations which
were there, Lysimachus governed the Helles-
pont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia;
as did Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, seize upon
Egypt: and while these princes ambitiously
strove one against another, every one for his
own principality, it came to pass that there
Were continual wars, and those lasting wars
too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a
great many of their inhabitants in these times
of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the

means of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, under-
went the reverse of that denomination of Sa-
viuur, which he then had. He also seized
upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use
of deceit and treachery; for as he came into
the city on a Sabbath-day, as if he would
offer sacrifice, he, without any trouble, gained
the city, while the Jews did not oppose him,
for they did not suspect him to be their ene-
my ; and he gained it thus, because they
were free from suspicion of him,4jhd because
on that day they were at rest ana quietness;
and when he had gained it, he reigned over
it in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatbarchides
of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander’s
successors, reproaches us with superstition, as
if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says
thus: “There is a nation called the nation
of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and
great, named Jerusalem. These men took
no care, but let it come into the hands of

• Here Josephus uses the word Koinophagia, 44 eat-
ing things common,” for “eating things unclean;” as
does our New Testament, in Acts x. 14, 15, 28; and
xi. 8, 9; Kom \iv 14,CHAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	313

Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and
thereby they submitted to be under a hard
master, by reason of their unseasonable super-
stition.” This is what Agatharchides relates
of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken
a great many captives, both from the moun-
tainous parts of Judea, and from the places
about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places
near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into
Egypt,* and settled them there. And as he
knew that the people of Jerusalem were most
faithful in the observation of oaths and co-
venants;! and this from the answer they
made to Alexander, when he sent an embas-
sage to them, after he had beaten Darius in
battle; so he distributed many of them into
garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal
privileges of citizens with the Macedonians
themselves; and required of them to take
their oaths that they would keep their fidelity
to the posterity of those who committed these
places to their care. Nay, there were not a
few other Jews who, of their own accord,
went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness
of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy.
However, there were disorders among theic
posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on
account of their resolution to preserve that
conduct of life which was delivered to them
by their forefathers, and they thereupon con-
tended one with another, while those of Jeru-
salem said that their temple was holy, and
resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but
the Samaritans were resolved that they should
be sent to Mount Gerizzim.

CHAPTER II.

of Egypt, and held it forty years within one.
He procured the law to be interpreted,J and
set free those that were come from Jerusa-
lem into Egypt, and were in slavery there,
who were a hundred and twenty thousand.
The occasion was this: —Demetrius Phale-
rius, who was library-keeper to the king, was
now endeavouring, if it were possible, to ga-
ther together all the books that were in the
habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was
anywhere valuable, or agreeable to the king’s
inclination (who was very earnestly set upon
collecting of books); to which inclination of
his, Demetrius was zealously subservient.
And when once Ptolemy asked him how
many ten thousands of books he had collect-
ed, he replied, that he had already about
twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a
little time, he should have fifty times ten
thousand. But he said
that there were many
the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and wor-
thy of the king’s library, but which, being
written in characters and in a dialect of their
own, will cause no small pains in getting
them translated into the Greek tongue: that
the character in which they are written seems
to be like to that which is the proper cha-
racter of the Syrians, and that its sound, when
pronounced, is like to theirs also; and that
this sound appears to be peculiar to them-
selves. Wherefore he said, that nothing hin-
dered why they might not get those books to
be translated also; for while nothing is want-
ing that is necessary for that purpose, we may
have their books also in this library. So the
king thought that Demetrius was very zea-
lous to procure him abundance of books, and
that he suggested what was exceeding proper
for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the

, be had been informed
books of laws amoncp

HOW PTOLEMY PHIL ADELPHDS PROCURED THE
LAWS OF THE JEWS TO BE TRANSLATED
INTO THE GREEK TONGUE; AND SET MANY
CAPTIVES FREE; AND DEDICATED MANY
GIFTS TO GOD.

§ 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve
years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty
years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom

* The great number of these Jew9 and Samaritans that
were fonnerl$i$arried into Egypt by Alexander, and now
by Ptolemy, the son o*‘ e-agus. appear afterwards, io the
vast multitude who, as we shall see presently, were soon
ransomed by Philadelphus. and by him made free, before
he sent for the seventy-two interpreters: in the many gar-
risons, and other soldiers of that nation in Egypt: in the
famous settlement of .lews, and the number of their syna-
gogues ut Alexandria loDg afterward: and in the vehe-
ment contention between the Jews and Samaritans under
Philometer, about the place appointed for public worship
in the law of Moses, whether at the Jewish temple of Je-
rusalem, nr at the Samaritan lem.ple at Gerizzim: of all
which our author treats hereafter. As to the Samaritans
carried into Egypt under the same princes. Scaliger sup-
poses that those who have a great synagogue at Cairo, as
also those whom the Arabic geographer speaks of, as
having seized on an island in the lied Sea. are remains
of them at this very day, as the notes here inform us
+ Of the sacredness of oaths among the Jews in the 1
Old Testament, see Scrioture Politics, p. 64—66.

Jewish high-priest that he should act accord-
ingly.

2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was
among the king’s most intimate friends, and,
on account of his modesty, very acceptable to
him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and
that before now, to petition the king that he
would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom
free; and he thought this to be a convenient
opportunity for the making that petition. So
he discoursed, in the first place, with the cap-
tains of the king’s guards, Sosibius of Taren-
tum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to
assist him in what he was going to intercede
with the king for. Accordingly, Aristeus
embraced the same opinion with those that
have been before mentioned, and went to the
king and made the following speech to him;

t Of the translation of-the other parts of the Old Tes-
tament by seventy Egyptian Jews, in the reigns of
Ptolemy, the son of I.agus. and Philadelphus; as also,
of the translation of the Pentateuch by seventy-two Je-
rusalem Jews, in the seventh year of Philadelphus, at
Alexandria, as given us an account of by Aristeus; and
thence by Philo and Josephus, with a vindication of
Aristcus’s history,—see the Appendix to the Lit Accomp.
of Pronh. at large, p. 117 —15li314

BOOK XII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

“It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook
things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to
lay the truth open: for since we have deter-
mined not only to get the laws of the Jews
transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satis-
faction, by what means can we do this, while
so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy
kingdom? Do thou then what will be agree-
able to thy magnanimity, and to thy good-
nature: free them from the miserable condition
they are in, because that God, who sup-
ported thy kingdom, was the author of their
laws, as 1 have learned by particular inquiry;
for both these people and we also worship the
same God, the framer of all things. We
call him, and that truly, by the name of Zm.«
[or life, or Jupiter], because he breathes
life into all men. Wherefore, do thou restore
these men to their own country; and this do
to the honour of God, because these men pay
a peculiarly excellent worship to him. And
know this farther, that though I be not of kin
to them by birth, nor one of the same country
with them, yet do I desire these favours to be
done them, since all men are the workmanship
of Clod; and I am sensible that he is well
pleased with those that do good. I do there-
fore put up this petition to thee, to do g6od
to them.”

3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king
looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful
countenance, and said, “ How many ten thou-
sands dost thou suppose there are of such as
want to be made free ?” To which Andreas
replied, as be stood by, and said, “ A few more
than ten times ten thousand.” The king made
answer, “ And is this a small gift that thou
askest, Aristeus?” But Sosibius, and the
rest that stood by, said, that he ought to offer
such a thank-offering as was worthy of his
greatness of soul, to that God who had
given him his kingdom. With this answer
he was much pleased; and gave order, that
when they paid the soldiers their wages, they
should lay down [a hundred and] twenty
drachma! for every one of the slaves.* And
he promised to publish a magnificent decree,
about what they requested, which should
confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and espe-
cial ly what God willed should be done; where-
by, he said, he would not only set those free

draclimic [ol Alcxamliiu, or sixty Jewish shekels] be
lieu- (luce times repealed, and that ill all Josephus’s
copies, i .reek and Latin, yet, since all the copies of Aris-
leus, whence Josephus tuok bis relation, have this sum
several times, and still as no more than twenty drach-
mae, or ten Jewish shekels; and since the sum of the
talents, to he set down presently, which is little above
four bundled and sixty fur somewhat more than one
hundred tnoiisaiul slaves, and is nearly the same in Jose-
phus and Aristeus, does belter agree to twenty than to
one hundred and twenty drachma*; and since the value
ul a slave of old was, at the utmost, but thirty shekels,
or sixty drachma!, see Kxnd. xxi. 32, while in the present
Circumstam es ul these Jewish slaves, and those so very
numerous, riuluticiplms would rather redeem them at
a cheaper than at a dearer rale, — there is great reason to
prefer here Aristeus’s copies before Josephus’s,

who had been led awey captive by his father
and his army, but those who were in his king-
dom before, and those also, if any such there
were, who had been brought away since. And
when they said that their redemption-money
would amount to above four hundred talents,
he granted it. A copy of which decree I
have determined to preserve, that the magna-
nimity of this king may be made known. Its
contents were as follows: “ Let all those who
were soldiers under our father, and who,
when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and
laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and
made them slaves, and brought them into our
cities, and into this country, and then sold
them; as also all those that were in my king-
dom before them, and if there be any that
have lately been brought thither, be made
free by those that possess them; and let them
accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmae
for every slave. And let the soldiers receive
this redemption-money with their pay, but the
rest out of the king’s treasury: for 1 suppose
that they were made captives without our fa-
ther’s consent, and against equity; and that
their country was harassed by the insolence
of the soldiers, and that, by removing them
into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great
profit by them. Out of regard, therefore, to
justice, and out of pity to those that have
been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I
enjoin those that have such Jews in their ser-
vice to set them at liberty, upon the receipt
of the before-mentioned sum; and that no
one use any deceit about them, but obey what
is here commanded. And I will, that they
give in their names within three days after
the publication of this edict, to sucb as are
appointed to execute the same, and to produce
the slaves before them also, for 1 think it will
be for the advantage of my affairs: and let
every one that will, inform against those that
do not obey this decree; and 1 will, that their
estates be confiscated into the king’s treasury.’
When this decree was read to the king, it at
first contained the rest that is here inserted,
and only omitted those Jews that bad formerly
been brought, and those brought afterwards,
which had not been distinctly mentioned; so
he added these clauses out of his humanity,
and with great generosity. He -also gave
order that the payment, which was likely to
be done in a hurry, should be divided among
the king’s ministers, and among the officers of
his treasury. When this was over, what the
king had decreed was quickly brought to a
conclusion; and this in no more than seven
days’ time, the number of the talents paid for
the captives being above four hundred and
sixty, and this, because their masters required
the [hundred and] twenty drachmae for the
children also, the king having, in effect, com-
manded that these should be paid for, when
be said, in his decree, that they should receive
the fore-mentioned sum for every slave,CHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

4.	Now when this had been done after so
magnificent a manner, according to the king’s
inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to
give him in writing his sentiments concerning
the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no
part of the administration is done rashly by
these kings, but all things are managed with
great circumspection. On which account I
have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and
set down”the multitude of the vessels sent as
gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of
every one, that the exactness of the artificers’
workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw
them, and which workmen made every vessel,
may be made manifest, and this on account of
the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now
the copy of the epistle was to this purpose:—
“ Demetrius to the great king. When thou,

0	king, gavest me a charge concerning the
collection of books that were wanting to fill
your library, and concerning the care that
ought to be taken about such as are imperfect,

1	have used the utmost diligence about those
matters. And I let you know, that we want
the books of the Jewish legislation, with some
others; for they are written in the Hebrew
characters, and being in the language of that
nation, are to us unknown. It hath also
happened to them, that they have been tran-
scribed more carelessly than they should have
been, because they have not had hitherto royal
care taken about them. Now it is necessary
that thou shouldst have accurate copies of
them. And indeed this legislation is full of
hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as
being the legislation of God: for which cause
it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the
poets and historians make no mention of it,
nor of those men who lead their lives accord-
ing to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not
to be published by profane mouths. If then
It please thee, O king, thou mayest write to
the high-priest of the Jews, to send six of the
elders out of every tribe, and those such as
are most skilful of the laws, that by their
means we may learn the clear and agreeing
sense of these books, and may obtain an ac-
curate interpretation of their contents, and so
may have such a collection of these as may be
suitable to thy desire.”

5.	When this epistle was sent to the king,
he commanded that an epistle should be drawn
up for Eleazar, the Jewish high-priest, con-
cerning these matters; and that they should
inform him of the release of the Jews that had
been in slavery among them. He also 6ent
fifty talents of gold for the making of large
basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense
quantity of precious stones. He also gave
order to those who had the custody of the
chests that contained those stones, to give the
artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them
they pleased. He withal appointed, that a
hundred talents in money should be sent to
the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses.

815

Now I will give a description of these vessels,
and the manner of their construction, but not
till after I have set down a copy of the epistle
which was written to Eleazar the high-priest,
who had obtained that dignity on the Occasion
following:—When Onias the high-priest was
dead, his son Simon became his successor.
He was called Simon the Just,* because of
both his piety towards God, and his kind dis-
position to those of his own nation. When
he was dead, and had left a young son, who
was called Onias, Simon’s brother Eleazar, of
whom we are speaking, took the high-priest-
hood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote,
and that in the manner following: — “King
Ptolemy to Eleazar the high-priest, sendeth
greeting. There are many Jews who now
dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians,
when they were in power, carried captives.
These were honoured by my father; some of
whom he placed in the army, and gave them
greater pay than ordinary; to others of them,
when they came with him into Egypt, he com-
mitted his garrisons, and the guarding of
them, that they might be a terror to the
Egyptians; and when I had taken the govern-
ment, I treated all men with humanity, and
especially those that are thy fellow-citizens,
of whom I have set free above a hundred
thousand that were slaves, and paid the price
of their redemption to their masters out of
my own revenues; and those that are of a fit
age, I have admitted into the number of my
soldiers; and for such as are capable of be-
ing faithful to me, and proper for my court,
I have put them in such a post, as thinking
this [kindness done to them] to be a very
great and an acceptable gift, which I devote
to God for his providence over me, and as I
am desirous to do what will be grateful to
these, and to all the other Jews in the habit-
able earth, I have determined to procure an
interpretation of your law, and to have it
translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and
to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt
therefore do well to choose out and send to
me men of a good character, who are now
elders in age, and six in number out of every
tribe. These, by their age, must be Bkilful in
the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate
interpretation of them; and when this shall
be finished, I shall think that I have done a
work glorious to myself; and I have sent to
thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and
Aristeus, men whom I have in very great
esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits
which I have dedicated to the temple, and to
the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value
of a hundred talents; and if thou wilt send to
us, to let us know what thou wouldest have far
ther, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me.”

. We have a very great encomium of this Simon the
J ust, the son of Onias I. In the fiftieth chapter of the Ec
clesiasticus, through the whole chapter. Nor is it impro
per to consult that chapter Itself upon this occasion.316

book xir.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

6.	When this epistle of the king was

brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to
it with all the respect possible: — “Eleazar
the high-priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth
greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe,*
and thy children, be well, we are entirely sa-
tisfied. When we received thy epistle, we
greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when
the multitude were gathered together, we read
it to them, and thereby made them sensible of
the piety thou hast towards God. We also
showed them the twenty vials of gold, and
thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and
the table for the shew-bread; as also the hun-
dred talents for the sacrifices, and for the
making what shall be needful at the temple:
which things Andreas and Aristeus, those
most honoured friends of thine, have brought
us; and truly they are persons of an excel-
lent character, and of great learning, and
worthy of thy virtue. Know then that we
will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage,
though we do what we used not to do before;
for we ought to make a return for the numer-
ous acts of kindnef«s which thou hast done to
our countrymen. We immediately, therefore,
olfered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with
thy children and friends; and the multitude
made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy
mind; and that thy kingdom may be pre-
served in peace, and that the translation of our
law may come to the conclusion thou desirest,
and be for thy advantage. We have also
chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom
we have sent, and the law with them. It will
be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to
send back the law.when it hath been trans-
lated; and to return those to us that bring it
in safety____Farewell.”

7.	This was the reply which the high-priest
made; but it does not seem to me to be neces-
sary to set down the names of the seventy [two]
elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried
the law, which yet were subjoined at the end
of the epistle. However, I thought it not
improper to give an account of those very
valuable and artificially - contrived vessels
which the king sent to God, that all may see
how great a regard the king had for God; for
the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for
these vessels, and came often to the workmen,
and viewed their works, and suffered nothing
of carelessness or negligence to be any da-
mage to their operations; and I wDl relate
how rich they were as well as I am able,
although, perhaps, the nature of this history
may not require such a description; but I
imagine I 6hall thereby recommend the ele-

* When we have here and presently mention .made
of Philadelphus’s queen and sister Arsinoe, we are to
remember, with Spanheim, that Arsinoe was both his
sister and his wife, according to the old custom of Persia,
and of Egypt at this very time; nay, of the Assyrians
long afterwards. See Antiq b. xx. ch. ii. sect. 1.
Whence we have, upon the coins of Philadelphus, this
known inscription:—“The divine Brother and Sister.”

gant taste and magnanimity of this king to

belongs

to the table. It was indeed in the king’s
mind to make this table vastly large in its
dimensions; but then he gave orders that
they should learn wbat was the magnitude of
the table which was already at Jerusalem, and
how large it was, and whether there were a
possibility of making one larger thaii it; and
when he was informed how large that was
which was already there, and that nothing
hindered but a larger might be made, he
said that he was willing to have one made
that should be five times as large as the pre-
sent table; but his fear was that it might be
then useless in their sacred ministrations by
its too great largeness; for he desired that the
gifts he presented them should not only be
there for show, but should be useful also in
their sacred ministrations. According to which
reasoning, that the former table was made of
so moderate a size for use, and not for want
of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed
the former table in largeness, but would make
it exceed it in the variety and elegance of its
materials; and as he was sagacious in observ-
ing the nature of all things, and in having a
just notion of what was new and surprising*
and where there were no sculptures, he would
invent such as were proper by his own skill*
and would show them to the workmen, he
commanded that such sculptures should now
be made; and that those which were deline-
ated should be most accurately formed, by a
constant regard to their delineation.

9. When therefore the workmen had un-
dertaken to make the table, they framed it in
length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one
cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and
the entire structure of the work was of gold.
They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth
round it, with wave-work wreathed about it,
and with an engraving which imitated a cord*
and was admirably turned on its three parts;
for as they were of a triangular figure, every
angle had the same disposition of its sculp-
tures, that when you turned them about, the
very same form of them was turned about
without any variation. Now that part of the
crown-work that was enclosed under the table
had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part
which went round on the outside was more
elaborately adorned with most beautiful orna-
ments, because it was exposed to sight, and to
the view of the spectators; for which reason
it was that both those sides which were extant
above the rest were acute, and none of the
angles, which we before told you were three,
appeared less than another when the table was
turned about. Now into the cord-work thus
turned were precious stones inserted, in rows
parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden
buttons, which had ouches in them; but th«
parts which were on the side of the crowx.

those that read this history.

8. And first I will describe whatCHAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

317

and were exposed to the sight, were adorned
with a row of oval figures obliquely placed,
of the most excellent sort of precious stones,
which imitated rods laid close, and encom-
passed the table round about; but under these
oval figures thus engraven, the workmen had
put a crown all round it, where the nature of
all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch
that the bunches of grapes hung up; and
when they had made the stones to represent
all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and
that each in its proper colour, they made them
fast with gold round the whole table. The
like disposition of the oval figures, and of the
engraved rods, was framed under the crown,
that the table might on each side show the
same appearance of variety and elegance of
its ornaments, so that neither the position of
the wave-work nor of the crown might be dif-
ferent, although the table were turned on the
other side, but that the prospect of the same
artificial contrivances might be extended as
far as the feet; for there was made a plate of
gold four fingers broad, through the entire
breadth of the table, into which they inserted
the feet, and then fastened them to the table
by buttons and button-holes, at the place
where the crown was situate, that so on what
side soever of the table one should stand, it
might exhibit the very same view of the ex-
quisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses
bestowed upon it; but upon the table itself
they engraved a meander, inserting into it
very valuable stones in the middle like stars,
of various colours; the carbuncle and the
emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays
of light to the spectators; with such stones of
other sorts also as were most curious and best
esteemed, as being most precious in their kind.
Hard by this meander a texture of net-work
ran round it, the middle of which appeared
like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-
crystal and amber, which, by the great resem-
blance of the appearance they made, gave
wonderful delight to those that saw them.
The chapiters of the feet imitated the first
budding of lilies, while their leaves were bent
and laid under the table, but so that the chives
Were seen standing upright within them. Their
bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place
at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle,
was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth.
Now they had engraven upon it, with a very
fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a
branch of ivy, and tendrils of the vine, send-
ing forth clusters of grapes, that you would
guess they were nowise different from real
tendrils; for they were so.very thin, and so
very far extended at their extremities, that
they were moved with the wind, and made
one believe that they were the product of na-
ture, and not the representation of art. They
also made the entire workmanship of the table
appear to be threefold, while the joints of the
several ports were so united together as to be

invisible, and the places where they joined
could not be distinguished. Now the thick-
ness of the table was not less than half a cu-
bit. So that this gift, by the king’s great ge-
nerosity, by the great value of the materials,
and the variety of‘ its exquisite structure, and
the artificer’s skill in imitating nature with
graving tools, was at length brought to per-
fection, while the king was very desirous,
that though in largeness it were not to be dif-
ferent from that which was already dedicated
to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship,
and the novelty of the contrivances, and in
the splendour of its construction, it should far
exceed it, and be more illustrious than that
was.

10.	Now of the cisterns of gold there were
two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from
its basis to its belt-like circle, with various
sorts of stones inchased in the spiral circles.
Next to which there was upon it a meander
of a cubit in height: it was composed of
stones of all sorts of colours; and next to this
was the rod-work engraven; and next to that
was a rhombus in a texture of net-work,
drawn out to the brim of the bason, while small
shields, made of stones, beautiful in their
kind, and of four fingers’ depth, filled up the
middle parts. About the top of the bason
were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the
convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a cir-
cular manner; and this was the construction
of the two cisterns of gold, each containing
two firkins: — but those which were of silver
were much more bright and splendid than
looking-glasses; and you might in them see
images that fell upon them more plainly than
in the other. The king also ordered thirty
vials; those of which the parts that were of
gold, and filled up with precious stones, were
shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and vines,
artificially engraven; and these were the ves-
sels that were, after an extraordinary manner,
brought to this perfection, partly by the skill
of the workmen, who were admirable in such
fine work, but much more by the diligence
and generosity of the king, who not only sup-
plied the artificers abundantly, and with great
generosity, with what they wanted, but he
forbade public audiences for the time, and
came and stood by the workmen, and saw the
whole operation; and this was the cause why
the workmen were so accurate in their per-
formance, because they had regard to the
king, and to his great concern about the ves-
sels, and so the more indefatigably kept close
to the work.

11.	And these were what gifts were sent
by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to
God there. But when Eleazar the high-
priest had devoted them to God, and had paid
due respect to those that brought them, and
had given them presents to be carried to the
king, he dismissed them. And when they
were come to Alexandria and Ptolemy heard318

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII,

that they were come, and that the seventy
elders were come also, he presently sent for
Andreas and Aristeus, Lis ambassadors, who
came to him, and delivered him the epistle
which they brought him from the high-priest,
and made answer to all the questions he put
to them by word of mouth. He then made
haste to meet the elders that came from Je-
rusalem for the interpretation of the laws;
and he gave command, that every body who
came on other occasions should be sent away,
.Vhich was a thing surprising, and what he
Jid not use to do; for those that were drawn
thither upon such occasions used to come to
him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the
month’s end. But when he had sent those
away, he waited for these that were sent by
Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the
presents, which the high-priest had given them
to bring to the king, and with the membranes,
upon which they had their laws written in
golden letters,* he put questions to them
concerning those books; and when they had
taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt
up, they showed him the membranes. So the

should be requisite for their diet and way of
living; which thing was ordered by the king
after this manner: he took care that those that
belonged to every city, which did not use the
same way of living, that all things should be
prepared for them according to the custom of
those that came to him, that, being feasted
according to the usual method of their own
way of living, they might be the better pleased,
and might not be uneasy at any thing done
to them from which they were naturally averse.
And this was now done in the case of these
men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office
because of his great skill in such matters
belonging to common life: for he took care
of all such matters as concerned the reception
of strangers, and appointed them double seats
for them to sit on, according as the king had
commanded him to do; for he had commanded
that half of their seats should be set at his
right hand, and the other half behind his table,
and took care that no respect should be omit-
ted that could be shown them. And when
they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to
minister to all those that were come to him

king stood admiring the thinness of those | from Judea, after the manner they used to be

membranes, and the exactness of the jun
tures, which could not be perceived (so ex-
actly were they connected one with another);
and this he did for a considerable titne. He
then said that he returned them thanks for
coming to him, and still greater thanks to
him that sent them; and, above all, to that
God whose laws they appeared to be. Then
did the elders, and those that were present
with them, cry out with one voice, and wished
all happiness to the king. Upon which he
fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure
he had, it being natural to men to afford the
same indications in great joy that they do un-
der sorrow. And when he had bidden them
deliver the books to those that were appointed
to receive them, he saluted^the men, and said
that it was but just to discourse, in the first
place, of the errand they were sent about, and
then to address himself to themselves. He

ministered to: for which cause he sent away
their sacred heralds, and those that slew the
sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace:
butcalled to one of those that were come to him,
whose name was Eleazar, who was a priest,
and desired him to say grace :f who then
stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that
all prosperity might attend the king, and those
that were his subjects. Upon which an ac-
clamation was made by the whole company,
with joy and a great noise; and when that
was over, they fell to eating their supper, and
to the enjoyment of what was set before them.
And at a little interval afterward, when the
king thought a sufficient time had been inter-
posed, he began to talk philosophically to
them, and he asked every one of them a phi-
losophical question,! 311 d such a one as might
give light in those inquiries; and when they
had explained all the problems that had beer:

promised, however, that he would make this
day on which they came to him remarkable
and eminent every year through the whole
course of his life; for their coming to him,
and the victory which he gained over Antigo-
nus by sea, proved to be on the very same
day. He also gave orders that they should
sup with him; and gave it in charge that
tney should have excellent lodgings provided
tor them in the upper part of the city.

12. Now he that was appointed to take care
of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by
name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it
was to make provision for them, and bade
him prepare for every one of them what

* The Talmud'sts say. that it is not lawfn] to write
th- law in letters of gnld, contrary to this certain and
very ancient example, bee Hudson’s and Keland’s
•wPes here.

proposed by the king about every point, he
was well pleased with their answers. This
took up the twelve days in which they were
treated; and he that pleases may learn the
particular questions in that book of Aristeus,
which be wrote on this very occasion.

13. And while not the king only, but the

+ This is the most ancient example I have met with
of a grace, or short prayer, or thanksgiving, before
meat; which, as it is used to be said by a heathen priest,
was now said by Pleazar. a Jewish priest, who was one
of those seventy-two interpreters. The next example I
have met with is that of the Pssenes (Of the War, b. ii.
ch. viii. sect. 5), both before and after it; those of out
Saviour before it (Mark viii. 6; John vi. 11, !13; and
St. Paul, Acts xxvii. 35); and a form of such a grace ul
prayer fur Christians, at the end of the fifth book of the
Apostolical Constitutions, which seems to have been
intended fur both times, both before and after meal.

$ I hey were rather political questions and answers,
tending to the good and religious government of man-
kind.CHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

319

philosopher Menedemus also, admired them,
and said, that all things were governed by
Providence, and that it was probable that
.thence it was that such force or beauty was
discovered in these men’s words,—they then
left off asking any more questions. But the
king said that he had gained very great ad-
vantages by their coming, for that he had re-
ceived this profit from them, that he had learned
how he ought to rule his subjects. And
he gave order that they should have every one
three talents given them; and that those that
were to conduct them to their lodging should
do it. Accordingly, when three days were
over, Demetrius took them, and went over the
causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank
in the sea to an island. And when they had
gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the
northern parts, and showed them where they
should meet, which was in a house that was
built near the shore, and was a quiet place,
and fit for their discoursing together about
their work. When he had brought them
thither, he entreated them (now they had all
things about them which they wanted for
the interpretation of their law), that they
would suffer nothing to interrupt them in
their work. Accordingly, they made an ac-
curate interpretation, with great zeal and great
pains; and this they continued to do till the
ninth hour of the day; after which time they
relaxed and took care of their body, while
their food was provided for them in great
plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's
command, brought them a great deal of what
was provided for the king himself. But in
the morning they came to the court, and sa-
luted Ptolemy, and then went away to their
former place, where, when they had washed
their hands,* and purified themselves, they
betook themselves to the interpretation of the
laws. Now when the law was transcribed,
and the labour of interpretation was over,
which came to its conclusion in seventy-two
days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews toge-
ther to the place where the laws were trans-
lated, and where the interpreters were, and
read them over. The multitude did also ap-
prove of those elders that were the interpre-
ters of the law. They withal commended
Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of
what was greatly for their happiness; and they
desired that he would give leave to their ru-
lers also to read the law? . Moreover they all,
both the priests and the ancientest of the el-
ders, and the principal men of their common-
wealth, made it their request, that since the in-
terpretation was happily . finished, it might

• This purification of the interpreters, by washing in
the sea, before tley prayed to God every morning, and
before they set about translating, may be compared with
the like practice of Peter the Apostle, in the Itecugnitions
of Clement, l>. n. ch. iii. and b. v clt xxxvi; and with
the places of the Pro6euehae, or of prayer, which were
sometimes lint" i ear the sea or rivers also Of which
matte-, see A tit. h. xiv. ch. x. s. 22: and Acts xvi. 13,16.

continue in the state it now was, and might
not be altered. And when they all com-
mended that determination of theirs, they
enjoined, that if any one observed either any
thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that
he would take a view of it again, and have it
laid before them, and corrected; which was a
wise action of theirs, that when the thing wa
judged to have been well done, it might con,
tinue for ever.

14.	So the king rejoiced when he saw that
his design of this nature was brought to per-
fection, to so great advantage: and he was
chiefly delighted with hearing the laws read
to him; and was astonished at the deep mean-
ing and wisdom of the legislator. And he
began to discourse with Demetrius, “ How
it came to pass that, when this legislation was
so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or
of the historians had made mention of it.”
Demetrius made answer, “ that no one durst be
so bold as to touch upon the description of
these laws, because they were divine and ve-
nerable, and because some that had attempted
it were afflicted by God.”—He also told him,
that “ Theopompus was desirous of writing
somewhat about them, but was thereupon dis-
turbed in his mind for above thirty days'
time; and upon some intermission of his dis-
temper, he appeased God [by prayer], as sus-
pecting that his madness proceeded from that
cause.” Nay, indeed, he further saw in a
dream, that his distemper befell him while he
indulged too great a curiosity about divine
matters, and was desirous of publishing them
among common men; but when he left off
that attempt, he recovered his understanding
again. Moreover, he informed him of Theo-
dectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it
was reported, that when in a certain dramatic
representation, he was desirous to make men-
tion of things that were contained in the sa-
cred books, he was afflicted with a darkness
in his eyes; and that upon his being con-
scious of the occasion of his distemper, and
appeasing God [by prayer], he was freed from
that affliction.

15.	And when the king had received these
books from Demetrius, as we have said al-
ready, he adored them; and gave order, that
great care should be taken of them, that they
might remain uncorrupted. He also desired
that the interpreters would come often to him
out of Judea, and that both on account of the
respects that he would pay them, and on ac-
count of the presents he would make them;
for he said, it was now but just to send them
away, although if, of their own accord, they
would come to him hereafter, they should ob-
tain all that their own wisdom might justly
require, and what his generosity was able to
give them. So he sent them away, and gave to
every one of them three garments of the best
sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of
the value of one talent, and the furniture of320

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII,

the room wherein they were feasted. And
these were the things he presented to them.
But by them he sent to Eleazar the high-priest
cen beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture
to them belonging, and a cup of the value
of thirty talents; and besides these, ten gar-
ments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown,
and a hundred pieces of the finest woven
linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for
pouring, and two golden cisterns, to be dedi-
cated to God. He also desired him, by an
epistle, that he would give these interpreters
leave, if any of them were desirous, of com-
ing to him; because he highly valued a con-
versation with men of such learning, and
should be very willing to lay out his wealth
upon such men.—And this was what came to
the Jews, and was much to their glory and
honour, from Ptolemy Philadelphus.

CHAPTER III.

HOW THE KINGS OF ASIA HONOURED THE NA-
TION OF THE JEWS, AND MADE THEM CITI
ZENS OF THOSE CITIES WHICH THEY BUILT.
§ 1. The Jews also obtained honours from
the kings of Asia when they became their
auxiliaries; for Scleucus Nicator made them
citizens in those cities which he built in
Asia, and in the Lower Syria, and in the
metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them
privileges equal to those of the Macedonians
and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, inso-
much that these privileges continue to this
very day: an argument for which you have
in this: that whereas the Jews do make use
of oil prepared by foreigners,"' they receive a
certain sum of money from the proper offi-
cers belonging to their exercises, as the value
of that oil; which money, when the people of
Antioch would have deprived them of, in the
last war, Mucianus, who was then president
of Syria, preserved it to them. And when
the people of Alexandria and of Antioch did
after that, at the time that Vespasian and
Titus his son governed the habitable earth,
pray that these privileges of citizens might be
taken away, they did not obtain their request.
In which behaviour any one may discern the
equity and generosity of the Romans,f espe-

• The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives
of it much more valuable, in Judea, and the neighbour-
ing countries, than it is amongst us. It was also, in the
days of Josephus, thought unlawful for .lev

i it is amongst

of Josephus, thought unlawful for
use of any oil that was prepared by heathens, perhaps
ount of some superstitions intermixed with its

ews to make

on accoi

superstitio

ration by those heathens. When, therefore, the
ke them a donative of oil, they
' '	~ Of the War, b. ii.

us, sect 13; and

prepa

heathens were to make them a don
paid them money instead of it. See, <
cb. xxi. sect. 2; the Life of Joseph)

Hudsonts note on the place before us.

+ This, and the like great and just characters of the
justice, and equity, and generosity, of the old Romans,
both to the Jews and other conquered nations, affords
us a very good reason why Almighty God, upon the re-
jection of the Jews for their wickedness, chose them for
his people, and first established Christianity in that em-
pire. Of which matter, see Josephus here, sect. 2J as
•Iso Antiq. b. xiv. cb. x. 22; 23; h. xvi-cb. ii, secL 4.

daily of Vespasian and Titus, who, although
they had been at a great deal of pains in the
war against the Jews, and were exasperated
against them, because they did not deliver up
their weapons to them, but continued the war
to the very last, yet did not they take away
any of their fore-mentioned privileges belong-
ing to them as citizens, but restrained their
anger, and overcame the prayers of the Alex-
andrians and Antiochians, who were a very
powerful people, insomuch that they did not
yield to them, neither out of their favour
to these people, nor out of their old grudge
at those whose wicked opposition they bad
subdued in the war; nor would they alter
any of the ancient favours granted to the
Jews, but said, that those who had borne
arms against them, and fought them, had
suffered punishment already, and that it was
not just to deprive those that had not offended
of the privileges they enjoyed.

2.	We also know that Marcus Agrippa was
of the like disposition towards the Jews: for
when the people of Ionia were very angry at
them, and besought Agrippa, that they, and
they only, might have those privileges of citi-
zens which Antiochus, the grandson of Se-
leucus (who by the Greeks was called The
God), had bestowed on them; and desired
that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers
with them, they might be obliged to worship
the gods they themselves worshipped: but
when these matters were brought to trial, the
Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make
use of their-own customs, and this under the
patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for
Agrippa gave sentence, that he could not in-
novate. And if any one hath a mind to know
this matter accurately, let him peruse the
hundred and twenty-third and hundred and
twenty-fourth books of the history of this
Nicolaus. Now, as to this determination of
Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired;
for at that time our nation had not made war
against the Romans. But one may well be
astonished at the generosity of Vespasian and
Titus, that after so great wars and contests
which they had from us, they should use
such moderation. But I will now return to
that part of my history whence I made the
present digression.

3.	Now it happened that in the reign of
Antiochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia,
that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of
Celesyria, suffered greatly, and their land was
sorely harassed; for while he was at war with
Ptolemy Philopater, and with his sod, who
was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these
nations were equally sufferers, both when he
was beaten, and when he beat the others: so
that they were very like to a ship in a storm,
which is tossed by the wraves on both sides:
and just thus were they in their situation in
the middle between Antiochus’s prosperity and
its change to adversity. But at length, whenCHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

321

Antioch us had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon
Judea: and when Philopater was dead, his
son sent out a great army under Scopas, the
general of his forces, against the inhabitants
of Celesyria, who took many of their cities,
and in particular our nation; which, when he
fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was
it not long afterward when Antioehus over-
came Scopas, in a battle fought at the foun-
tains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of
his army, But afterward, when Antioehus
subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scopas
had gotten into his possession, and Samaria
with them, the Jews, of their own accord,
went over to him, and received him into the
city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision
to all his army, and to his elephants, and
readily assisted him when he besieged the gar-
rison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem.

Wherefore Antioehus thought it but just to
requite the Jews’ diligence and zeal in his ser-
vice: so he wrote to the generals of his armies,
and to his friends, and gave testimony to the
good behaviour of the Jews towards him, and
informed them what rewards he had resolved
to bestow on them for that their behaviour.

I will set down presently the epistles them-
selves which he wrote to the generals concern-
ing them, but will first produce the testimony
of Polybius of Megalopolis; for thus does he
speak, in the sixteenth book of his history:

—“ Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy’s
army, went in haste to the superior parts of
the country, and in the winter-time overthrew
the nation of the Jews.” He also saith, in
the same book, that “ when Scopas was con-
quered by Antioehus, Antioehus received Ba-
tanea and Samaria, and Abila and Gadara;
and that, a while afterwards, there came in to
him those Jews that inhabited near that tem-
ple which was called Jerusalem; concerning
which, although I have more to say, and par-
ticularly concerning the presence of God about
that temple, yet do I put off that history till an-
other opportunity.” This it is which Polybius
relates; but we will return to the series of
the history, when we have first produced the
epistles of king Antioehus.

“ KINO ANTIOCHUS TO PTOLEMY, SENDETH
GREETING.

“ Since the Jews, upon our first entrance
on their country, demonstrated their friend-
ship towards us; and when we came to thejr
city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid
manner, and came to meet us with their se-
nate, and gave abundance of provisions to our
soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with
us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians
that were in the citadel, we have thougnt fit
to reward them, and to retrieve the condition
of their city, which hath been greatly depo-
pulated by such accidents as have befallen its
inhabitants, and to bring those that have been of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to

scattered abroad back to the city; and, in the
first place, we have determined, on account of
their piety towards God, to bestow on them,
as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals
that are fit for sacrifice, for wine and oil, and
frankincense, the value of twenty thousand
pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabra; of fine
flour, with one thousand four hundred and
sixty medimni of wheat, and three bundled
and seventy-five medimni of salt; and these
payments I would have fully paid them, as I
have sent orders to you. I would also have
the work about the temple finished, and the
cloisters, and if there be any thing else that
ought to be rebuilt; and for the materials of
wood, let it be brought them out of Judea
itself, and out of the other countries, and out
of Libanus, tax-free; and the same I would
have observed as to those other materials
which will be necessary, in order to render
the temple more glorious; and let all of that
nation live according to the laws of their own
country; and let the senate and the priests,
and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred
singers, be discharged from poll-money and
the crown-tax, and other taxes also; and that
the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants,
I grant a discharge from taxes for three years
to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall
come to it, until the month Hyperberetus.
We also discharge them for the future from
a third part of their taxes, that the losses they
have sustained may be repaired; and all those
citizens that have been carried away, and are
become slaves, we grant them and their chil-
dren their freedom; and give order that their
substance be restored to them.”

4. And these were the contents of this
epistle. He also published a decree, through
ail his kingdom, in honour of the temple,
which contained what follows:—“ It shall be
lawful for no foreigner to come within the
limits of the temple round about; which
thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless
to those who, according to their own custom,
have purified themselves. Nor let any flesh
of horses, or of mules, or of asses, be brought
into the city, whether they be wild or tame;
nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares; and, in
general, that of any animal which is forbidden
for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be
brought into it; nor let any such animal be
bred up in the city. Let them only be per-
mitted to use the sacrifices derived from their
forefathers, with which they have been obliged
to make acceptable atonements to God. And
he that transgresseth any of these orders,
let him pay to the priests three thousand
drachmae of silver.” Moreover, this Antio-
chus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity,
in an epistle of his, written when he was in-
formed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia,
at which time he was in the superior provinces,
wherein he commanded Zeuxis, the general322	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XII.

send some of our nation out of Babylon into
Phrygia. The epistle was this: —

“ KING ANTIOCHUS TO ZEUXIS, HIS FATHER,
SENDETH GREETING.

“ If you are in health, it is well. I also
am in health. Having been informed that
a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I
thought that matter required great care; and
upon advising with my friends what was fit to
he done, it hath been thought proper to re-
move two thousand families of Jews, with
their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Baby-
lon, unto the castles and places that lie most
convenient; for I am persuaded that they will
he well-disposed guardians of our possessions,
because of their piety towards God, and be-
cause I know that my predecessors have borne
witness to tljem that they are faithful, and
with alacrity do what they are desired to do.
I will, therefore, though it be a laborious
work, that thou remove these Jews; under a
promise, that they shall be permitted to use
their own laws: and when thou shalt have
brought them to the places fore-mentioned,
thou shalt give every one of their families a
place for building their houses, and a portion
of land for their husbandry, and for the plan-
tation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge
them from paying taxes of the fruits of the
earth for ten years; and let them have a pro-
per quantity of wheat for the maintenance of
their servants, until they receive bread-corn
out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be
given to such as minister to them in the ne-
cessaries of life, that, by enjoying the effects
of our humanity, they may show themselves
the more willing and ready about our affairs.
Take care likewise of that nation, as far as
thou art able, that they may not have any dis-
turbance given them by any one.” Now these
testimonials, which I have produced, are suf-
ficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus
the Great bare to the Jews.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW ANTIOCHUS MADE A LEAGUE WITH PTO-
LEMY; AND HOW ONIAS PROVOKED PTOLEMY
KUEllGETES TO ANGER; AND HOW JOSEPH
BROUGHT ALL THINGS RIGHT AGAIN, AND
ENTERED INTO FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM;
AND WHAT OTHER THINGS WERE DONE BY
JOSEPH, AND HIS SON HYRCANUS.

§ 1. After this Antiochus made a friend-
ship and a league with Ptolemy, and gave
him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and
yielded up to him Celesyria, and Samaria,
and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry;
and upon the division of the taxes between
the two kings, all the principal men farmed
thf taxes of their several countries, and col-
lecting the sum that was settled for them,

paid the same to the [two] kings. Now at
this time the Samaritans were in a flourishing
condition, and much distressed the Jews, cut-
ting off parts of their land, and carrying off
slaves. This happened when Onias was
high-priest; for after Eleazar’s death, his
uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and
after he had ended his life, Onias received
that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who
was called The Just; which Simon was the
brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This
Onias was one of a little soul, and a great
lover of money; and for that reason, because
he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of
silver, which his forefathers paid to these
kingB, out of their own estates, he provoked
king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was
the father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an
ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained
that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threat-
ened, that if he did not receive them, he
would seize upon their land, and send sol-
diers to live upon it. When the Jews heard
this message of the king, they were con-
founded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias,
that nothing of this nature made him ashamed.

2. There was now one Joseph, young in
age, but of great reputation among the people
of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and
justice. His father’s name was Tobias; and
his mother was the sister of Onias the high-
priest, who informed him of the coming of
the ambassador; for he was then sojourning
at a village named Phicol,* where he was born.
Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and
reproved Onias for not taking care of the pre-
servation of his countrymen, but bringing the
nation into dangers, by not paying this money.
For which preservation of them, he told him he
had received the authority pver them, and had
been made high-priest; but that, in case he
was so great a lover of money, as to endure
to see his country in danger on that account,
and his countrymen suffer the greatest da-
mages, he advised him to go to the king, and
petition him to remit either the whole or a
part of the sum demanded. Onias’s answer
was this: — That he did not care for his au-
thority, and that he was ready, if the thing
were practicable, to lay down his high-priest-
hood ; and that he would not go to the king,
because he troubled not himself at all about
such matters. Joseph then asked him if he
would not give him leave to go ambassador
on behalf of the nation; he replied, that he
would give him leave. Upon which Joseph
went up into the temple, and called the mul-
titude together to a congregation, and ex-
horted them not to be disturbed nor affrighted,
because of his uncle Onias’s carelessness, but

* Tlie name of this place, Phicol, is the very same
with that of the chief captain of Abimelech’s host, in
the days of Abraham (Gen. xxi. 22), and niijrhl possibly
be the place of that 1'bicol’s nativity or abode; for it
seems to have been in the south part of Palestine, at
that was.CHAP. IV,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

323

desired them to be at rest, and not terrify
themselves with fear about it; for he pro-
mised them that he would be their ambassa-
dor to the king, and persuade him that they
had done him no wrong; and when the mul-
titude heard this, they returned thanks to Jo-
seph. So he went down from the temple,
and-treated Ptolemy’s ambassador in an hos-
pitable manner. He also presented him with
rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for
many days, and then sent him to the king
before him, and told him that he would soon
follow him; for he was now more willing to
go to the king, by the encouragement of the
ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to
come into Egypt, and promised him that he
would take care that he should obtain every
thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was
highly pleased with his frank and liberal
temper, and with the gravity of his deport-
ment.

3.	When Ptolemy’s ambassador was come
into Egypt, he told the king of the thought-
less temper of Onias; and informed him of
the goodness of the disposition of Joseph;
and that he was coming to him, to excuse the
multitude, as not having done him any harm,
for that he was their patron. In short, he
was so very large in his encomiums upon the
young man, that he disposed both the king
and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for
him before he came. So Joseph sent to his
friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of
litem; and got ready what was necessary for
his journey, garments and cups, and beasts
for burden, which amounted to about twenty
thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria.
Now it happened that at this time all the prin-
cipal men and rulers went up out of the cities
of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes;
for every year the king sold them to the men
of the greatest power in every city. So these
men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and
laughed at him for his poverty and meanness;
but when he came {o "Alexandria, and heard
that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went
up thither to meet with him; which happened
as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his
wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was
the very person who had been ambassador at Je-
rusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph.
As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he
presently made him known to the king, how
good and generous a young man he was.
So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him
to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph
sat there, he began to complain of the ma-
nagement of Onias: to.which he answered,
“Forgive him on account of his age; for
thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with
this, that old men and infants have their minds
exactly alike; but thou shalt have from us,
who are young men, every thing thou desirest,
and shalt have no cause to complain.” With
this good humour and pleasantry of the young

man, the king was so delighted, that he began
already, as though he had had long experience
of him, to have a still greater affection for
him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet
in the king’s palace, and be a guest at his own
table every day; but when the king was come
to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw
him sitting with the king, and were much of-
fended at it.

4.	And when the day came on which the
king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm,
and those that were the principal men of dig-
nity in their several countries were to bid for
them, the sum of the taxes together, of Cele-
syria and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria
[as they were bidden for], came to eight thou-
sand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the
bidders, as having agreed together to estimate
the value of the taxes at too low a rate; and
he promised that he would himself give twice
as much for them;'but for those who did not
pay, he would send the king home their whole
substance; for this privilege was sold toge-
ther with the taxes themselves. The king
was pleased to hear that offer; and, because
it augmented his revenues, he said he would
confirm the sale of the taxes to him; but when
he asked him this question, whether he had
any sureties that would be bound for the pay-
ment of the money, he answered very plea-
santly, “ 1 will give such security, and those
of persons good and responsible, and which
you shall have no reason to distrust:” and
when he bade him name them, who they were,
he replied, “ I give thee no other persons, O
king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this
thy wife; and you shall be security for both
parties.” So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal,
and granted him the farming of the taxes with-
out any sureties. This procedure was a
sore grief to those that came from the cities
into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed;
and they returned every one to their own
country with shame.

5.	But Joseph took with him two thousand
foot-soldiers from the king, for he desired he
might have some assistance, in order to force
such as were refractory in the cities to pay.
And borrowing of the king’s friends at Alex-
andria five hundred talents, he made haste
back into Syria. And when he was at Askelon,
and demanded the taxes of the people of Aske-
lon, they refused to pay any thing, and
affronted him also: upon which he seized
upon about twenty of the principal men, and
slew them, and gathered what they had toge-
ther, and sent it all to the king; and informed
him what he had done. Ptolemy admired the
prudent conduct of the man, and commended
him for what he had done; and gave him
leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians
heard of this, they were astonished; and hav-
ing before them a sad example in the men of
Askelon that were slain, they opened their
gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid324

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII.

their taxes. And when the inhabitants of Scy-
thopolis attempted to affront him, and would
not pay him those taxes which they formerly
used to pay, without disputing about them, he
slew also the principal men of that city, and
sent their effects to the king. By this means
he gathered great wealth together, and made
vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and
he made use of what estate he had thus gotten,
in order to support his authority, as thinking
it a piece of prudence to keep what had been
the occasion and foundation of his present
good fortune; and this he did by the assist-
ance of what he was already possessed of, for
he privately sent many presents to the king*
and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to
all that were powerful about the court, and
thereby purchased their good-will to himself.

6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twen-
ty-two years; and was become the father of
seven sons by one wife; he had also another
sort, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his bro-
ther Solymius’s daughter, whom he married
on the following occasion. He once came
to Alexandria with his brother, who had along
with him a daughter already marriageable, in
order to give her in wedlock to some of the
Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped
with the king, and falling in love with an ac-
tress that was of great beauty, and came into
the room where they feasted, he told his bro-
ther of it, and entreated him, because a Jew
<s forbidden by their law to come near to a
foreigner, to conceal his offence, and to be
Kind and subservient to him, and to give him
an opportunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon
which his brother willingly entertained the
proposal of serving him, and adorned his own
daughter, and brought her to him by night,
and put her into his bed. And Joseph being
disordered with drink, knew not who she was,
and so lay with his brother’s daughter; and
this did he many times, and loved her ex-
ceedingly; and said to his brother, that he
loved this actress so well, that he should run
the hazard of his life [if he must part with
her], and yet probably the king would not
give him leave [to take her with him]. But
his brother bade him be in no concern about
that matter, and told him he might enjoy her
whom he loved without any danger, and
might have her for his wife; and opened the
truth of the matter to him, and assured him
that he chose rather to have his own daughter
abused, than to overlook him, and see him
come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph com-
mended him for this his brotherly love, and
married his daughter; and by her begat a son
whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before.
And when this his youngest son showed, at
thirteen years old, a mind that was both cou-
rageous and wise, and was greatly envied-by
his brethren, as being of a genius much above
them, and such a one as they might well envy,
Joseph had once a mind to know which of

his sons had the best disposition to virtue;
and when he sent them severally to those that
had then the best reputation for instructing
youth, the rest of his children, by reason of
their sloth, and unwillingness to take pains,
returned to him foolish and unlearned. Af-
ter them he sent out the youngest, Hyrcanus,
and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen,
and bid him go two days’ journey into' the
wilderness, and sow the land there, and yet
kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that
coupled them together. When Hyrcanus
came to the place, and found he had no yokes
with him, he contemned the drivers of the
oxen, who advised him to send some to his
father, to bring them some yokes; but he
thinking that he ought not to lose his time
while they should be sent to bring him the
yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and
what suited an age elder than his own; for
he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed
their flesh among the labourers, and cut their
hides into several pieces, and made him yokes,
and yoked the oxen together with them; by
which means he sowed as much land as his
father had appointed him to sow, and returned
to him. And when he was come back, his
father was mightily pleased with his sagacity,
and commended the sharpness of his under-
standing, and his boldness in what he did.
And he still loved him the more, as if he
were his only genuine son, while his brethren
were much troubled at it.

7. But when one told him that Ptolemy
had a son just born, and that all the principal
men of Syria, and the other countries subject
to him, were to keep a festival on account of
the child’s birth-day, and went away in haste
with great retinues to Alexandria, he was him-
self indeed hindered from going by old age;
but he made trial of his sons, whether any
of them would be willing to go to the king.
And when the elder sons excused themselves
from going, and said they were not courtiers
good enough for such conversation, and ad-
vised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he
gladly hearkened to that advice, and called
Hyrcanus, and asked him, whether he would
go to the king; and whether it was agreeable
to him to go or not. And upon his promise
that he would go, and his saying that he
should not want much money for his journey,
because he would live moderately, and that
ten thousand drachmae would be sufficient, he
was pleased with his son’s prudence. Alter
a little while, the son advised his father not
to send his presents to the king from thence,
but to give him a letter to his steward at
Alexandria, that he might furnish him with
money, for purchasing what should be most
excellent and most precious. So he thinking
that the expense of ten talents would he enough
for presents to be made to the king, and com-
mending his son, as giving him good advice,
wrote to Arion his steward, that managed allCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

325

his money matters at Alexandria; which mo-
ney was not less than three thousand talents
on his account, for Joseph sent the money he
received in Syria to Alexandria. And when
the day appointed for the payment of the
taxes to the king came, he wrote to Arion to
pay them. So when the son had asked his
father for a letter to this steward, and had re-
ceived it, he made haste to Alexandria. And
when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the
king’s friends, that they should destroy him.

8.	But when he was come to Alexandria,
he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked
him how many talents he would have (hoping
he would ask for no more than ten, or a little
more); he said, he wanted a thousand ta-
lents. At which the steward was angry, and
rebuked him, as one that intended to live ex-
travagantly; and he let him know how his fa-
ther had gathered together his estate by pains-
taking and resisting his inclinations, and
wished him to imitate the example of his fa-
ther: he assured him withal, that he would
give him but ten talents, and that for a pre-
sent to the king also. The son was irritated
at this, and threw Arion into prison. But
when Arion’s wife had informed Cleopatra of
this, with her entreaty, that she would rebuke
the child for what he had done (for Arion was
in great esteem with her), Cleopatra informed
the king of it. And Ptolemy sent for Hyr-
canus, and told him that he wondered, when
he was sent to him by his father, that he had
not yet come into his presence, but had laid
the steward in prison. And he gave order,
therefore, that he should come to him, and
give an account of the reason of what he had
done. And they report, that the answer he
made to the king’s messenger was this: That
“ there was a law of his that forbade a child
that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before
he had been at the temple and sacrificed to
God. According to which way of reasoning,
he did not himself come to him in expectation
of the present he was to make to him, as to
one who had been his father’s benefactor; and
that he had punished the slave for disobeying
his commands, for that it mattered not whe-
ther a master was little or great: so that un-
less we punish such as these, thou thyself
mayest also expect to be despised by thy sub-
jects." Upon hearing this his answer, he fell
a-laughing, and wondered at the great soul
of the child.

9.	When Arion was apprised that this was
the king’s disposition, and that he had no way
to help himself, he gave the child a thousand
talents, and was let out of prison. So after
three days were over, Hyrcanus came and
saluted the king and queen. They saw him
with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging
manner, out of the respect they bare to his
father. So he came to the merchants privately,
and bought a hundred boys, that had learning,
and were in the flower o. t.ieir ages, each at

a talent a-picce; as also he bought a hundred
maidens, each at the same price as the other.
And when he was invited to feast with the
king among the principal men of the country,
he sat down the lowest of them all, because
he was little regarded, as a child in age still;
and this by those who placed every one ac-
cording to their dignity. Now when all those
that sat with him had laid the bones of the
several parts in a heap before Hyrcanus (for
they had themselves taken away the flesh be-
longing to them), till the table where he sat was
filled full with them,Try pho, who wasthe king’s
jester, and was appointed for jokes and laugh-
ter at festivals, was now asked by the guests
that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter].
So he stood by the king, and said, “ Dost thou
not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyr-
canus? by this similitude thou mayest con-
jecture that his father made all Syria as bare
as he hath made these bones.” And the king
laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of
Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many
bones before him? he replied, “ Very right-
fully, my lord; for they are dogs that eat the
flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests
have done (looking in the mean time at those
guests), for there is nothing before them; but
they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away
the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now
done.” Upon which the king admired at his
answer, which was so wisely made; and bade
them all make an acclamation, as a mark of
their approbation of his jest, which was truly a
facetious one. On the next day Hyrcanus
went to every one of the king’s friends, and
of the men powerful a£ court, and saluted
them; but still inquired of the servants what
present they would make the king on his son’s
birth-day; and when some said that they
would give twelve talents, and that others of
greater dignity would every one give accord-
ing to the quantity of their riches, he pretend-
ed to every one of them to be grieved that he
was not able to bring ^o large a present; for that
he had no more than five talents. And ^vhen
the servants heard what he said, they told their
masters; and they rejoiced in the prospect
that Joseph would be disapproved, and would
make the king angry, by the smallness of his
present. When the day came, the others, even
those that brought the most, offered the king
not above twenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave
to every one of the hundred boys and hundred
maidens that he had bought a talent a-piece,
for them to carry, and introduced them, the
boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleo-
patra: every body wondering at the unexpect-
ed richness of the presents, even the king
and queen themselves. He also presented
those that attended about the king with gifts
to the value of a great number of talents,
that he might escape the danger he was in
from them; for to these it was that Hyrca-
nus’s brethren had written to destroy him.326

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII.

Now Ptolemy admired at the young rnan’b
magnanimity, and commanded him to ask
what gift he pleased. But he desired nothing
else to be done for him by the king than to
write to his father and brethren about him.
So when the king had paid him very great re-
spects, and had given him very large gifts, and
had written to his father and his brethren, and
all his commanders and officers, about him, he
sent him away. But when his brethren heard
that Hyrcanus had received such favours from
the king, and was returning home with great
honour, they went out to meet him, and to
destroy him, and that with the privity of their
father: for he was angry at him for the [large]
sum of money that he bestowed for presents,
and so had no concern for his preservation.
However, Joseph concealed the anger he had
at his son, out of fear of the king. And
when Hyrcanus’s brethren came to fight him,
he slew many others of those that were with
them, as also two of his brethren themselves;
but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to
their father. But when Hyrcanus came to
the •city, where -nobody would receive him, he
was afraid for himself, and retired beyond
the river Jordan, and there abode; but oblig-
ing the Barbarians to pay their taxes.

10. At this time Seleucus, who was called
Soter, reigned over Asia, being the son of
Antiochus the Great. And [now] Hyrca-
nus's father, Joseph, died. He was a good
man, and of great magnanimity; and brought
the Jews out of a state of poverty and mean-
ness, to one that was more splendid. He
retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and
Phoenicia, and Samaria, twenty-two years.
His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time],
and left tBe high-priesthood to his son Simon.
And when he was dead, Onias his son suc-
ceeded him in that dignity. To him it was
that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent
an embassage, with an epistle; the copy
whereof here follows: —

“ AREUS, KING OF THE LACEDEMONIANS, TO
ONIAS, SENDETH GREETING.

“ We have met with a certain writing,
whereoy we have discovered that both the
Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock,
and are derived from the kindred of Abra-
ham. It is but just, therefore, that you,
who are our brethren, should send to us about

• Whence it comes that these Lacedemonians declare
themselves here to be of kin to the Jews, as derived
from the same ancestor. Abraham, I cannot tell, unless,
as Grotius supposes, they were derived from the Dores,
that came of the Pelasgi. These are, by Herodotus,
called Barbarians; and perhaps were derived from the
Syrians i
Keturah.

tarbanans; and perhaps were derived irom me
and Arabians, the posterity of Abraham by
i. See Antiq. b. xiv. cb. x. sect. 22; and Of the
1; and Grot, on 1 Mac. xii. 7
. from the Recognitions of Cle-

War, b. i. ch. xxvi. sect. 1; and Grot, on 1 Mac. xii. 7
We may farther observe, from the Recognitions of Cle-
ment, that Elieaer, of Damascus, the servant of Abra-
ham, Gen. xv. 2, and xxiv. was of old by some taken
for his son. So that if the Lacedemonians were sprung
Rom him, they might think themselves to he of the

posterity of Abraham, as well as the Jews, who were

any of your concerns as you please. We wall
also do the same thing, and esteem your con-
cerns as our own, and will look upon our
concerns as in common with yours. Demo-
te! es, who brings you this letter, will bring
your answer back to us. This letter is four-
square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dra-
gon in his claws.”

11. And these were the contents of the
epistle which was sent from the king of the
Lacedemonians. But upon the death of Jo-
seph, the people grew seditious, on account
of his sons; for whereas the elders made war
against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of
Joseph’s sons, the multitude was divided, but
the greater part joined with the elders in this
war; as did Simon the high-priest, by reason
be was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus
determined not to return to Jerusalem any
more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and
was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and
slew many of them, and took many of them
captives. He also erected a strong castle, and
built it entirely of white stone to the very
roof, and had animals of a prodigious magni-
tude engraven upon it. He also drew round
it a great and deep canal of water. He also
made caves of many furlongs in length, by
hollowing a rock that was over-against him ;
and then he made large rooms in it, some for
feasting, and some for sleeping, and living in.
He introduced also a vast quantity of waters
which ran along it, and which were very de-
lightful and ornamental in the court. But
still he made the entrances at the mouth of
=the caves so narrow, that no more than one
person could enter by them at once. And
the reason why he built them after that man-
ner was a good one; it was for his own pre-
servation, lest he should be besieged by his
brethren, and run the hazard of being caught
by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater
magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned
with vastly large gardens. And when he had
brought the place to this state, he named it
Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Ju-
dea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country
of Heshbon. And he ruled over those parts
for seven years, even all the time that Seleu-
cus was king of Syria. But when he was
dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called
Epiphanes, took the kingdom. Ptolemy also,
the king of Egypt, died, who was besides
called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and
both young in age; the elder of whom was
called Philometer, and the younger Physcon.
As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus

sprung from Isaac. And perhaps thus Eliezer of Damas-
cus is that very Damascus whom Trogus Pompeius, as
abridged by Justin, makes the founder of the Jewish
nation itself, though he afterwards blunders, and makes
Azelus, Adores, Abraham, and Israel, kings of Judea,
and successors to this Damascus. Jt may not be impro-
per to observe farther, that Moses Chorenensis, in h:s
history of the Armenians, informs us, that the nation
of the Parthians was also derived from Abraham, by
Keturah, and her children.CHAP. y.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

327

had a great army, and feared lest he should
be caught by him, and brought to punishment
for what he had done to the Arabians, he
ended his life, and slew himself with his own
hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his
substance.

CHAPTER V.

HOW, UPON THE QUARRELS OF THE JEWS ONE
AG AINST ANOTHER ABOUT THE HIGH-PRIEST-
HOOD, ANTIOCHUS MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST JERUSALEM, TOOK THE CITY, AND
PILLAGED THE TEMPLE, AND DISTRESSED
THE JEWS: AS ALSO, HOW MANY OF THE
JEWS FORSOOK THE LAWS OF THEIR COUN-
TRY; AND HOW THE SAMARITANS FOLLOW-
ED THE CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS, AND
NAMED THEin TEMPLE AT MOUNT GEllIZ-
ZIM, THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER HELLENIUS.

§ 1. About this time, upon the death of
Onias the high-priest, they gave the high-
priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son
which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but
an infant: and, in its proper place, we will
inform the reader of all the circumstances that
befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the
brother of Onias, was deprived of the high-
priesthood by the king, who was angry with
him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose
name also was Onias; for Simon had these
three sons, to each of whom the priesthood
came, as we have already informed the rea-
der.* This Jesus changed his name to Ja-
son; but Onias was called Menelaus. Now,
as the former high-priest, Jesus, raised a se-

wherefore they desired his permission to build
them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem.f And
when he had given them leave, they also hid
the circumcision of their genitals, that even
when they were naked they might appear to
be Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the
customs that belonged to their own country,
and imitated the practices of the ether nations.

2.	Now Antiochus, upon ilie agreeable
situation of the affairs of his kingdom, re-
solved to make an expedition against Egypt,
both because he had a desire to gain it, and
because he contemned the son of Ptolemy, as
now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage
affairs of such consequence; so he came with
great forces to Pelusiuin, and circumvented
Ptolemy Philometor by treadiery, and seized
upon Egypt. He then ca^ to the places
about WfeiHphis; and when he had taken
them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes
of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptole-
my, who reigned there. But he was driven
not only from Alexandria, but out of a'l
Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans,
who charged him to let that country alone.
Accordingly, as I have elsewhere formerly
declared, I will now give a particular account
of what concerns this king, — how he subdued
Judea and the temple; for in my former work
I mentioned those things very briefly, and
have therefore now thought it necessary to
go over that history again, and that with great
accuracy.

3.	King Antiochus returning out of Egypt, {
for fear of the Romans, made an xpedition
against the city Jerusalem; and when he was
there, in the hundred and forty-third year of
the kingdom of the Seleueidte, he took the

dition against Menelaus, who was ordained! city without fighting, those of his own party

after him, the multitude were divided between
them both. And the sons of Tobias took the
part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the
people assisted Jason: and by that means
Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were dis-
tressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed
him, that they were desirous to leave the
laws of their country, and the Jewish way of
living according to them, and to follow the
king’s laws, and the Grecian way of living:

* We have hitherto had but a few of those many
itations where Josephus says that he had elsewhere for-
merly treated of many things of which yet his present
syllable. Our commentators li

citations where Josephus
merly treate'

books have not a syllable. Our commentators have
hitherto been able to give no tolerable account of these
citations, which are far too numerous, and that usually
in all his copies, both Greek and Latin, to be supposed
later interpolations; which is almost all that has been
hitherto said upon this occasion. What I have to say
farther is this, that we have but very few of thei
ferences before, and very many'in and after the

o said upo
is this, tl

_ ore, and very many m and after the history
of Antiochus Epiphanes; and that Josephus’s lir.it book.

tese re
histor

the Hebrew or Chaldee, as well as the Greek History of
the Jewish War, long since lost, began with that very
history, so that the references are most probably made
to that edition of the se'ven books Of the War. .See
several other examples, besides those, in the two sec-
tion 1 "

ons before us, in

lies,

kntiq. b. xiii
sect. O, 8; ch. v. sect. 6, i l
eh xiii. sect i. .0; and Antiq. h. xviii.

ise, tr
h. ii.

sect. 1,4; and

ch. iv. sect. 6, 8; ch. v. sect. 6, II; ch. viii. 6ect. 4; and
viii. ch. ii. sect. 5.

opening the gates to him. And when he had
gotten possession of Jerusalem, he slew many
of the opposite party; and when he had plun-
dered it of a great deal of money, be returned
to Antioch.

4. Now it came to pass, after two years,
in the hundred and forty-fifth year, on the
twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us
called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Ap-
peleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olym-
piad, that the king came up to Jerusalem,
and, pretending peace, he got possession of

+ This word, “ Gymnasium,” properly denotes a
place where the exercises were performed naked; which,
because it would naturally distinguish circumcised Jews
from uncircumcised Gentiles, these Jewish apostates
endeavoured to appear uncircumcised, by means of a
chirurgical operation, hinted at by St. Paul, I Cor. vii.
1H. and described by Celsus, b. vii. ch. xxv. as Ur. Hud-
son here informs us.

? Hereabout Josephus begins to follow the first boo
of the Maccabees, a most excellent and most authentic
history; and, accordingly, it is here with gieat fidelity
and exactness abridged by him; between whusc present
copies there seem to be fewer variations than in any other
sacred Hebrew hook of the Old Testament whatever
(lor this hook also was originally written in Hebrew),
which is very natural, because it was written so much
nearer to the time of Josephus than the rest were.328

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII.

the city by treachery: at which time he spared
not so much as those that admitted him
into it, on account of the riches that lay in
the temple; but, led by his covetous inclina-
tion (for he saw there was in it a great deal
of gold, and many ornaments that had been
dedicated to it of very great value), and in
order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to
break the league he had made. So he left
the temple bare, and took away the golden
candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense],
and table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of
burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from
even the veils, which were made of fine linen
and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret
treasures, and left nothing at all remaining;
and by this means cast the Jews into great
lamentation, fat he forbade them to offer
those daily sacnlces which they used Jo offer
to God, according to the law. And when
he had pillaged the whole city, some of the
inhabitants he slew, and some he carried cap-
tive, together with their wives and children,
so that the multitude of those captives that
were taken alive amounted to about ten thou-
sand. He also burnt down the finest build-
ings; and when he had overthrown the city
,vails, he built a citadel in the lower part of
the city,’’ for the place was high, and over-
looked the temple, on which account he for-
tified it with high walls and towers, and put
into it a garrison of Macedonians. How-
ever, in that citadel dwelt the impious and
wicked part of the [Jewish] multitude, from
whom it proved that the citizens suffered
many and sore calamities. And when the
king had built an idol altar upon God’s altar,
be slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacri-
fice neither according to the law, nor the
Jewish religious worship in that country. He
also compelled them to forsake the worship
which they paid their own God, and to adore
those whom he took to be gods; and made
them build temples, and raise idol altars, in
every city and village, and offer swine upon
them every day. He also commanded them
not to circumcise their sons, and threatened
to punish any that should be found to have
transgressed his iiij unction. He also ap-
pointed overseers, who should compel them
to do what he commanded. And indeed
many Jews there were who complied with the
king’s commands, either voluntarily, or out
of fear of the penalty that was denounced:
but the best men, and those of the noblest

* This citadel, of which we have such frequent men-
tion in the following history, both in the Maccabees am)
Josephus, seems to have been a castle built on a lull,
lower than tionnt Zion, though upon its Bhirts. ami
higher than Mount Moriah, hut between them both;
which hill the enemies oi the Jews now got possession
of an] built on it this citadel, and tortilied it, till a
good while afterw ards the Jews regained it. demolished
it, and levelled the hill itself with the common ground,
that their enemies mi-ht no more recover it, and might
thence overlook the temple itself, and do them such
mischief as the) had long undergone from it. Antiq.
h. nii. cb vi. sect 6.

souls, did not regard him, but did pay a
greater respect to the customs of their coun-
try than concern as to the punishment which he
threatened to the disobedient; on which
account they every day underwent great
miseries and bitter torments; for they were
whipped with rods, and their bodies were torn
to pieces, and were crucified while they were
still alive and breathed: they also strangled
those women and their sons whom they had
circumcised, as the king bad appointed, hang-
ing their sons about their necks as they were
upon the crosses. And if there were any
sacred book of the law found, it was des-
troyed; and those with whom they were
found, miserably perished also.

5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews un-
der these sufferings, they no longer confessed
that they were of their kindred, nor that the
temple on Mount Gerizziin belonged to Al-
mighty God. This was 'according to their
nature, as we have already shown. And they
now said that they were a colony of Medes
and Persians: and indeed they were a colony
of theirs. So they sent ambassadors to An-
tiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are
these: — “To king Antiochus the god, Epi-
phanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who
live at Sbechem. Our forefathers, upon cer-
tain frequent plagues, and as following a cer-
tain ancient superstition, had a custom of
observing that day which by the Jews is called
the Sabbath.f And when they had erected a
temple at the mountain called Gerizzim,
though without a name, they offered upon it
the proper sacrifices. Now, upon the just
treatment of these wicked Jews, those that
manage their affairs, supposing that we were
of kin to them, and practised as they do, make
us liable to the same accusations, although
we are originally Sidonians, as is evident
from the public records. We therefore be-
seech thee, our benefactor and saviour, to
give order to Apollonius, the governor of this
part of the country, and to Nicanor, the pro-
curator of thy affairs, to give us no disturb-
ance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews
are accused for, since we are aliens from

their nation, and from their customs; but let
our temple, which at present hath no name
at all, he named the Temple of Jupiter Hel-
lenius. If this were once done, we should
be no longer disturbed, but should be more
intent on our own occupation with quietness,
and so bring in a greater revenue to thee.”
W hen the Samaritans had petitioned for this,
the king sent thetn back the following an-
swer in an epistle:—“King Antiochus to
Nicanor. Thp Sidonians, who live at She-
chein, have sent me the memorial inclosed.

+ This allegation of the Samaritans is remarkable,
that though they were not Jews, yet did they, from an-
cient times, onserve the Sabbath-day, and, as they else-
where pretend, the Sabbatic Year also. Antiq. b. xi,
cb. viii. se^L 6.CHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

329

When, therefore, we were advising with our
friends about it, the messengers sent by them
represented to us that they are no way con-
cerned with accusations which belong to the
Jews, but choose to live after the customs of
the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them
free from such accusations, and order that,
agreeable to their petition, their temple be
named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius.”
He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius,
the governor of that part of the country, in the
forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the
mouth Hecatombeon.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW, UPON ANTIOCHUS’S PROHIBITION TO
THE JEWS TO MAKE USE OF THE LAWS OF
THEIR COUNTRY, MATTATHIAS, THE SON
OF ASAMONEUS, ALONE DESPISED THE KING,
AND OVERCAME THE GENERALS OF ANTI-
OCHUS’S ARMY: AS ALSO CONCERNING THE
DEATH OF MATTATHIAS, AND THE SUCCES-
SION OF JUDAS.

§ 1. Now at this time there was one whose
name was Mattathias, who dwelt at Modin,
the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of
Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib,
and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five
sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and Si-
mon, who was called Matthes, and Judas,
who was called Maccabeus,* and Eleazar,
who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who
was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias
lamented to his children the sad state of their
affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and
the plundering of the temple, and the cala-
mities the multitude were under; and he told
them that it was better for them to die for
the laws of their country, than to live so in-
gloriously as they then did.

2. But when those that were appointed by
the king were come to Modin, that they might
compel the Jews to do what they were com-
manded, and to enjoin those that were there
to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded,
they desired that Mattathias, a person of the*
greatest character among them, both on other
accounts, and particularly on account of such
n numerous and so deserving a family of chil-
dren, would begin the sacrifice, because his
fellow-citizens would follow his example, and
because such a procedure would make him

» That this appellation of Maecabee was not first of
all ('iven to Judas Maccabeus, nor was derived from any
initial letters of the Hebrew words on his banner, “ Mi
Kamoka Be Iilim. Jehovah.” (“ Who is like unto thee
anion; the cods, O Jehovah.'”) Exod. xv. II, as the
modem Rabbins vainly pretend, see Authent. Rec. part i.
p. ‘JU5. ZO I. Only we may note, by the way, that the
original name of these Maccabees, and their posterity,
Was Asamonrun*; which was derived from Asamoneus,
tbe ereat-grandfalber of Mattathius, as Josephus here
informs us.

honoured by the king. But Mattathias said
that he would not do it; and that if all the
other nations would obey the commands of
Antioch us, either out of fear, or to please
him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the
religious worship of their country: but as
soon as he had ended his speech, there came
one of the Jews into the midst of them, and
sacrificed as Antiochus bad commanded. At
which Mattathias had great indignation, and
ran upon him violently with his sons, who had
swords with them, and slew both the man
himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king’s
general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with
a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the
idol altar, and cried out, “ If,” said he, “ any
one be zealous for the laws of his country,
and for the worship of God, let him follow
me;” and when he had said this, he made
haste into the desert with his sons, and left
all his substance in the village. Many others
did the same also, and Bed with their children
and wives into the desert, and dwelt in caves;
but when the king's generals heard this, they
took all the forces they then had in the cita-
del at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into
the desert; and when they had overtaken
them, they in the first place endeavoured to
persuade'them to repent, and to choose what
was most for their advantage, and not put
them to the necessity of using them according
to the law of war; hut when they would not
comply with their persuasions, but continued
to be of a different mind, they fought against
them on the Sabbath-day, and they burnt them
as they were in the caves, without resistance,
and without so much as stopping up the en-
trances of the caves. And they avoided to
defend themselves on that day, because they
were not willing to break in upon the honour
they owed the Sabbath, even in such dis-
tresses; for our law requires that we rest upon
that day. There were about a thousand, with
their wives and children, who were smothered
and died in these caves: but many of those
that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias,
and appointed him to be their ruler, "who
taught them to fight even on the Sabbath-day;
and told them that unless they would do so,
they would become their own enemies, by ob-
serving the law [so rigorously], while their
adversaries would still assault them on this
day, and they would not then defend them-
selves; and that nothing could then hinder
but they must all perish without fighting.
This speech persuaded them; and this rule
continues among us to this day, that If there
be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath-days.
So Mattathias got a great army about him,
and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those
that broke the laws, even all that he could
get under his power; for many of them were
dispersed among the nations round about them
for fear of him. He also commanded that
those boys who were not yet circumcised330

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII.

should be circumcised now; and he drove
those away that were appointed to hinder such
their circumcision.

3. But when he had ruled one year, and
was fallen into a distemper, he called for his
sons, and set them round about him, and
said, “ O my sons, I am going the way of all
the earth; and I recommend to you my re-
solution, and beseech you not to be negligent
in keeping it, but to be mindful of the de-
sires of him who begat you, and brought you
up, and to preserve the customs of your
country, and to recover your ancient form of
government, which is in danger of being over-
turned, and not to be carried away with those
that, either by their own inclination, or out of
necessity, betray it, but to become such sons
as are worthy of me; to be above all force
and necessity, and so to dispose your souls,
as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to
die for your laws; as sensible of this, by
just reasoning, that if God see that you are
so disposed, he will not overlook you, but
will have a great value for your virtue, and
will restore to you again what you have lost,
and will return to you that freedom in which
you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own
customs. Your bodies are mortal, and sub-
ject to fate; but they receive a sort of immor-
tality, by the remembrance of wbat actions
they have done; and I would have you so in
love with this immortality, that you may
pursue after glory, and that, when you have
undergone the greatest difficulties, you may
not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives.
I exhort you especially to agree one with an-
other; and in what excellency any one of
you exceeds another, to yield to him so far,
and by that means to reap the advantage of
every one’s own virtues. Do you then es-
teem Simon as your father, because he is a
man of extraordinary prudence, and be go-
verned by him in what counsels he gives you.
Take Maccabeus for the general of your army,
because of bis courage and strength, for be
will avenge your nation, and will bring ven-
geance on your enemies. Admit among you
the righteous and religious, and augment their
power.”

4.. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to
his sons, and had prayed to God to be their
assistant, and to recover to the people their
former constitution, he died a little afterward,
and was buried at Modin; all the people mak-
ing great lamentation for him. Whereupon
his son Judas took upon him the administra-
tion of. public affairs, in the hundred and
forty-sixth year; and thus, by the ready as-
sistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas
cast their enemies out of the country, and put
those of their own country to death who had
transgressed its laws, and purified the land of
all the pollutions that were in it.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW JUDAS OVERTHREW THE FORCES OF
APOLLONIUS AND SERON, AND KILLED THE
GENERALS OF THEIR ARMIES THEMSELVES;
AND HOW WHEN, A LITTLE WHILE AFTER-
WARD, LYSIAS AND GORGIAS WERE BEATEN,
HE WENT UP TO JERUSALEM, AND PURI-
FIED THE TEMPLE.

§ 1. When Apollonius, the general of the
Samaritan forces, heard this, he took bis army,
and made haste to go against Judas, who
met him, and joined battle with him, and beat
him, and slew many of his men, and among
them Apollonius himself, their general, whose
sword, being that which he happened then to
wear, he seized upon and kept for himself; but
he wounded more than he slew, and took a
great deal of prey from the enemy’s camp, and
went his way; but when Seron, who was
general of the army of Celesyria, heard that
many had joined themselves to Judas, and
that he had about him an army sufficient for
fighting and for making war, he determined
to make an expedition against mm, as think-
ing it became him to endeavour to punish
those that transgressed the king’s injunctions.
He then got together an army, as large as he
was able, and joined to it the runagate and
wicked Jews, and came against Judas. He
then came as far as Bethoron, a village of Ju-
dea, and there pitched his camp; upon which
Judas met him, and when he intended to give
him battle, he saw that his soldiers were back-
ward to fight, because their number was small,
and because they wanted food, for they were
fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them,
that victory and conquest of enemies are not
derived from the multitqde in armies, but in
the exercise of piety towards God; and that
they had the plainest instances in their forefa-
thers, who, by their righteousness, and exert-
ing themselves on behalf of their own laws,
and their own children, had frequently con-
quered many ten thousands,—for innocence
is the strongest army. By this speech he in-
duced his men to contemn the multitude of
the enemy, and to fall upon Seron; and upon
joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians;
and when their general fell among the rest,
they all ran away with speed, as thinking
that to be their best way of escaping. So
he pursued them unto the plain, and slew
about eight hundred of the enemy; but the
rest escaped to the region which lay near to
the sea.

2. When king Antiochus heard of these
things, he was very angry at what had hap-
pened ; so he got together all his own army,
with many mercenaries, whom he had hired
from the islands, and took them with him, and
prepared to break into Judea about theCHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

331

beginning of the spring; but when, upon his
mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his
treasures were deficient, and there was a want
c/ money in them, for all the taxes were not
paid, by reason of the seditions there had been
among the nations, he having been so mag-
nanimous and so liberal, that what he had was
not sufficient for him, he therefore resolved
first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes
of that country. Hereupon he left one whose
name was Lysias, who was in great repute
with him, governor of the kingdom, as far as
the bounds of Egypt, and of the Lower Asia,
and reaching from the river Euphrates, and
committed to him a certain part of his forces,
and of his elephants, and charged him to bring
up his son Antiochus with all possible care,
until he came back; and that he should con-
quer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves,
and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the
whole nation; and when king Antiochus had
given these things in charge to Lysias, he
went into Persia; and in the hundred and
forty-seventh year, he passed over Euphrates,
and went to the superior provinces.

3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the
son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias,
very potent men among the king’s friends, and
delivered to them forty thousand, foot-soldiers
and seven thousand horsemen, and sent them
against Judea, who came as far as the city
Emmaus, and pitched their camp in the plain
country. There came also to them auxiliaries
out of Syria, and the country round about;
as also many of the runagate Jews; and be-
sides these came some merchants to buy those
that should be carried captives (having bonds
with them to bind those that should be made
prisoners), with that silver and gold which they
were to pay for their price; and when Judas
saw their camp, and how numerous their ene-
mies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to
be of good courage; and exhorted them to
place their hopes of victory in God, and to
make supplication to him, according to the
custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth;
and to show what was their usual habit of
supplication in the greatest dangers, and there-
by to prevail with God to grant you the victory
over your enemies. So he set them in their
ancient order of battle used by their forefathers^
under their captains of thousands, and other
officers, and dismissed such as were newly
married, as well as those that had newly gained
possessions, that they might not fight in a
cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of
life, in order to enjoy those blessings. When
he had thus disposed his soldiers, he en-
couraged them to fight by the following
speech, which he made .to them: — “ O my
fellow-soldiers, no other time remains more
opportune than the present for courage and
contempt of dangers; for if you now fight man-
fully, you may recover your liberty, which, as
it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men, so it

proves to be to us much more desirable, by
its affording us the liberty of worshipping
God. Since, therefore, you are in such cir-
cumstances at present, you must either recover
that liberty, and so regain a happy and blessed
way of living, which is that according to our
laws, and the customs of our country, or to
submit to the most opprobrious sufferings ;
nor will any seed of your nation remain if you
be beat in this battle. Fight therefore man-
fully; and suppose that you must die, though
you do not fight; but believe, that besides
such glorious rewards as those of the liberty
of your country, of your laws, of your religion,
you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Pre-
pare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves
into such an agreeable posture, that you may
be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it
is day to-morrow morning.”

4. And this was the speech which Judas
made to encourage them. But when the ene-
my sent Gorgias, with five thousand loot and
one thousand horse, that he might fall upon
Judas by night, and had for that purpose cer-
tain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son
of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall
upon those enemies that were in their camp,
now their forces were divided. When they
had therefore supped in good time, and bad
left many fires in their camp, he marched all
night to those enemies that were at Emmaus;
so that when Gorgias found no enemy in their
camp, but suspected that they were retired
and had hidden themselves among the moun-
tains, he resolved to go and seek them where-
soever they were. But, about break of day,
Judas appeared to those enemies that were at
Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and
those ill armed, by reason of their poverty;
and when he saw the enemy very well and
skilfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged
the Jews, and told them, that they ought to
fight, though it were with their naked bodies,
for that God had sometimes of old given
such men strength, and that against 6uch as
were more in number, and were armed also,
out of regard to their great courage. So he
commanded the trumpeters to sound for the
battle: and by thus falling upon the enemy
when they did not expect it, and thereby
astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew
many of those that resisted him, and went on
pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the
plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia:
and of these there fell about three thousand.
Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be
tod desirous of the spoils, for that still they
must have a contest and battle with Gorgias,
and the forces that were with him: but that
when they had Once overcome them, then they
might securely plunder the camp, because
they were the only enemies remaining, and
they expected no others. And just as he
was speaking to his soldiers, GorgiaS’s men
looked down into that army which they left inANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

HOOK XII.

332

their camp, and saw that it was overthrown,
und the camp burnt; for the smoke that
arose from it showed them, even when they
were a great way off, what had happened.
When, therefore, those that were with Gor-
gias understood that things were in this pos-
ture, and perceived that those that were with
Judas were ready to fight them, they also
were affrighted, and put to flight; but then
Judas, as though he had already beaten Gor-
gias’s soldiers without fighting, returned, and
seized on the spoils. He took a great quan-
tity of gold and silver, and purple, and blue,
and then returned home with joy, and singing
hymns to God for their good success; for this
victory greatly contributed to the recovery of
their liberty.

5.	Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the
defeat of the army which he had sent, and the
next year he got together sixty thousand cho-
sen men. He also took five thousand horse-
men, and fell upon Judea; and he went up
to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of
Judea, and pitched his camp there, where
Judas met him with ten thousand men; and
when he saw the great number of his enemies,
he prayed to God that he would assist him,
and joined battle with the first of the enemy
that appeared, and beat them, and slew about
five thousand of them, and thereby became j
terrible to the rest of them. Nay, indeed,
Lysias observing the great spirit of the Jews,
how they were prepared to die rather than
lose their liberty, and being afraid of their
desperate way of fighting, as if it were real
strength, he took the rest of the army back
with him, and returned to Antioch, where he
listed foreigners into the service, and prepared
to fall upon Judea with a greater army.

6.	When, therefore, the generals of Antio-
chus’s armies had been beaten so often, Judas
assembled the people together, and told them,
that after these many victories which God
had given them, they ought to go up to Jeru-
salem, and purify the temple, and offer the
appointed sacrifices. But as soon as he, with
the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem,
and found the temple deserted, and its gates
burnt down, and plants growing in the temple
of their own accord, on account of its deser-
tion, be and those that were with him began
to lament, and were quite confounded at the
sight of the temple; so he chose out some
of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight
against those guards that were in the citadel,
until he should have purified the temple.
When, therefore, he had carefully purged it,
and had brought in new vessels, the candle-
stick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar
[of incense], which were made of gold, he
hung up the veils at the gates, and added
doors to them. He also took down the altar
[of burnt-offering], and built a new one of
stones tnat he gathered together, and not of
such ns were hewn with iron tools. So on.

the five and twentieth day of the month Cas-
leu, which the Macedonians called Apelleus,
they lighted the lamps that were on the can-
dlestick, and offered incense upon the altir
[of incense], and laid the loaves upon the
table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offer-
ings upon the new altar [of hurnt-offering].
Novv it so fell out, that these things were done
on the very same day on which their divine
worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a
profane and common use, after three years
time; for so it was, that the temple was made
desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for
three years. This desolation happened to th
temple in the hundred forty and fifth year
on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apet
leus, and on the hundred and fifty - tbir
olympiad: but it was dedicated anew, on the
same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apel-
leus, in the hundred and forty-eighth year,
and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad.
And this desolution came to pass according
to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given
four hundred and eight years before; for he
declared that the Macedonians would dissolve
that worship [for some time].

7.	Now Judas celebrated the festival of
the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple
for eight days; and omitted no sort of plea-
sures thereon: but he feasted them upon very
rich and splendid sacrifices; and he honoured
God, and delighted them, by hymns and
psalms. Nay, they were so very glad at the
revival of their customs, when after a long
time of intermission, they unexpectedly had
regained the freedom of their worship, that
they made it a law for their posterity, that
they should keep a festival, on account of the
restoration of their temple worship, for eight
days. And from that time to this we cele-
brate this festival, and call it Lights. I
suppose the reason was,,because this liberty
beyond our hopes appeared to us; and that
thence was the name given to that festival.
Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the
city, and reared towers of great height against
the incursions of enemies, and set guards
therein. He also fortified the city Bethsura,
that it might serve as a citadel against any
distresses that might come from our enemies.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW JUDAS SUBDUED THE NATIONS BOUND
A BOUT ; AND HOW SIMON BEAT THE PEO-
PLE OF TYRE AND PTOLEMAIS; AND HOW
JUDAS OVERTHREW TIMOTHEUS, AND
FORCED HIM TO FLY AWAY, AND DID MANY
OTHER THINGS AFTER JOSEPH AND AZA-
BIAS HAD BEEN BEATEN.

3 1. When these things were over, the nations
round about the Jews were very uneasyCHAP. VIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

333

at the revival of their power, and rose up
together, and destroyed many of them, as
gaining advantage over them by laying snares
.for them, and making secret conspiracies
against them. Judas made perpetual expedi-
tions against these men, and endeavoured to
restrain them from those incursions, and to
prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews.
So he fell upon the Idumeans, the posterity
of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great
many of them, and took their spoils. He also
shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait for
the Jews; and he sat down about them, and
besieged them, and burnt their towers, and
destroyed the men [that were in them]. After
this he went thence in haste against the
Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous
army, of which Timotheus was the com-
mander. And when he had subdued them, he
seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives
and their children captives, and burnt the
city, and then returned into Judea. But
when the neighbouring nations understood
that he was returned, they got together in
great numbers in the land of Gilead, and
came against those Jews that were at their
borders, who then fled to the garrison of Da-
thema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that
Timotheus was endeavouring to take the
place whither they were fled. And as these
epistles were reading, there came other mes-
sengers out of Galilee, who informed him that
the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and
Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten
together.

2.	Accordingly Judas, upon considering
what was fit to be done with relation to the
necessity both these cases required, gave order
that Simon his brother should take three
thousand chosen men, andyjo to the assistance
of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another
of his brothers, Jonathan, made baste into the
land of Gilead with eight thousand soldiers.
And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and
Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces; and
charged them to keep Judea very carefully,
ind to fight no battles with any persons
whomsoever until his return. Accordingly,
Simon went into Galilee, and fought the ene-
my, and put them to flight, and pursued them
to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about
three thousand of them, and took the spoils of
those that were slain, and those Jews whom
they had made captives, with their baggage,
and then returned home.

3.	Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his
brother Jonathan, they passed over the river
Jordan; and when .they had gone three days
journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who
came to meet them peaceably, and who told
them how the affairs of those, in the land of
Gilead stood, and how many of them were
in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into
the cities of Galilee; and exhorted him to
make haste to go against the foreigners, and

to endeavour to save his own countrymen out
of their hands. To this exhortation Judas
hearkened, and returned into the wilderness;
and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants
of Bosor, and took the city, and beat the in-
habitants, and destroyed all the males, and all
that were able to fight, and burnt the city.
Nor did he stop even when night came on,
but he j oumeyed in it to the garrison where
the Jews happened to be then shut up, and
where Timotheus lay round the place with
his army: and Judas came upon the city in
the morning; and when he found that the
enemy were making an assault upon the
walls, and that some of them brought ladders,
on which they might get upon those walls,
and that others brought engines [to batter
them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his
trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheer-
fully to undergo dangers for the sake of their
brethren and kindred; he also parted his army
into three bodies, and fell upon the backs
of their enemies. But when Timotheus’s
men perceived that it was Maccabeus that was
upon them, of both whose courage and good
success in war they had formerly had suf-
ficient experience, they were put to flight;
but Judas followed them with his army, and
slew about eight thousand of them. He then
turned aside to a city of the foreigners called
Malle, and took it, and slew all the males,
and burnt the city itself. He then removed
from thence, and overthrew Casphom and
Bosor, and many other cities of the land of
Gilead.

4.	But not long after this, Timotheus pre-
pared a great army, and took many others as
auxiliaries; and induced some of the Arabians,
by the promise of rewards, to go with him
in this expedition, and came with his army
beyond the brook, over against the city
Raphon: and he encouraged his soldiers, if
it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight
courageously, and to hinder their passing over
the brook; for he said to them beforehand,
that, “ if they come over it, we shall be beat-
en.” And when Judas heard that Timotheus
prepared himself to fight, he took all his own
army, and went in haste against Timotheus
his enemy; and when he had passed over the
brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of
them met him, whom he slew, and others
of them he so terrified, that he compelled
them to throw down their arms and fly; and
some of them escaped, but some of them fled
to what was called the Temple of Camaim,
and hoped thereby to preserve themselves;
but Judas took the city, and slew them, and
burnt the temple, and so used several ways of
destroying his enemies.

5.	When he had done this, he gathered the
Jews together, with their children, and wives,
and the substance that belonged to them, and
was going to bring them back into Judea.
But as soon >> he was come to a certain city,334

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

book xrr.

tlie name of which was Ephron, that lay up-
on the road (and as it was not possible for
him to go any other way, so he was not will-
ing to go back again), he then sent to the in-
habitants, and desired that they would open
their gates, and permit them to go on their
way through the city; for they had stopped
up the gates with stones, and cut off their pas-
sage through it. And when the inhabitants
of Ephron would not agree to this proposal,
he encouraged those that were with him, and
encompassed the city round, and besieged it,
and, lying round it, by day and night, took
the city, and slew every male in it, and burnt
it all down, and so obtained a way through
it; and the multitude of those that were slain
was so great, that they went over the dead
bodies. So they came over Jordan, and ar-
rived at the great plain, over against which is
situate the city Bethshan, which is called by
the Greeks Scythopolis.* And going away
hastily from thence, they came into Judea,
singing psalms and hymns as they went, and
indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual
in triumphs upon victory. They also offered
thank-offerings, both for their good success,
and for the preservation of their army, for
not one of the Jews was slain in these bat-
tles. f

6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias,
and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the
rest of his forces] at the same time when Si-
mon was in Galilee, fighting against the peo-
ple of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his
brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead,
did these men also affect the glory of being
courageous generals in war, in order whereto
they took the army that was under their com-
mand, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias,
the general of the forces of Jamnia, met
them; and upon joining battle with him, they
lost two thousand of their army,J and fled
away, and were pursued to the very borders
of Judea. And this misfortune befel them
by their disobedience to what injunctions Ju-
das had given them, not to fight with any one
before his return. For besides the rest of
Judas’s sagacious counsels, one may well
wonder at this concerning the misfortune that

• The reason why Bethshan was called Scythopolis is
well known from Herodotus, b. i. page 105, and Syncel-
lus, p. 214, that the Scythians, when they over-ran Asia,
in the days of Josiab, seized on this city, and kept it as
long as they continued in Asia; from which time it re-
tained the name of Scythopolis, or the City of the Scy-
thians.

+ This most providential preservation of all the reli-
gious Jews in this expedition, which was according to
the will of God, is observablt often among God’s people,
the Jews; and somewhat very like it in the changes of
the four monarchies, which were also providential. See
Prideaux at the years 331, 333, and 334.

4 Here is another great instance of providence.that
when, even at the very time that Simon, and Judas, and
Jonathan, were so miraculously preserved and blessed, in
the just defence of their laws and religion, these other ge-
nerals of the Jews, who went to tight for honour in a
vainglorious way, and without any commission from God,
or the family he had raised up to deliver them, were mi-
■enbly disappointed and defeated, See 1 Mac. ▼. 61,62.

befel the forces commanded by Joseph and
Azarias, which he understood would happen
if they broke any of the injunctions he had
given them. But Judas and his brethren did
not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but
pressed upon them on all sides, and took from
them the dty of Hebron, and demolished all
its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire,
and burnt the country of the foreigners, and
the city Marissa. They came also to Ash-
dod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took
away a great deal of the spoils and prey that
were in it, and returned to Judea.

CHAPTER IX.

CONCERNING THE DEATH OE ANTIOCHUS EP1-
PHANES; HOW ANTIOCHUS EUPATORFO LIGHT
AGAINST JUDAS, AND BESIEGED HIM IN THE
TEMPLE, AND AFTERWARDS MADE PEACE
WITH HIM, AND DEPARTED. OF ALCIMU3
AND ONIAS.

§ 1. About this time it was that king An-
tiochus, as he was going over the upper coun-
tries, heard that there was a very rich city in
Persia, called Elyinais; and therein a very
rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of
all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as also
weapons and breast-plates, which, upon in-
quiry, he found had been left there by Alex-
ander, the son of Philip, king of Macedonia;
and beiDg incited by these motives, he went
in haste to Elyinais, and assaulted it, and be-
sieged it. But as those that were in it were
not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege,
but opposed him very courageously, he was
beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away
from the city, and went out and pursued af-
ter him, insomuch that he fled away as far as
Babylon, and lost a great many of his army;
and when he was grieving for this disappoint-
ment, some persons told him of the defeat of
his commanders whom he had left behind him
to fight against Judea, and what strength the
Jews had already gotten. When this concern
about these affairs was added to the former,
he was confounded, and, by the anxiety he
was in, fell into a distemper, which, as it last-
ed a great while, and as his pains increased
upon him, so he at length perceived he should
die in a little time; so he called his friends
to him, and told them that his distemper was
severe upon him, and confessed withal, that
this calamity was sent upon him for the mi-
series he had brought upon the Jewish natiou,
while he plundered their temple and contemned
their God; and when he had said this, he
gave up the ghost. Whence one may wonder at
Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though other-
wise a good man, yet saith that “Antiochus
died, because he had a purpose to plunder the
temple of Diana in Persia;” for the purposingCHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

335

to do a thing,* but not actually doing it,
is not worthy of punishment. But if Poly-
bius could think that Antiochus thus lost his
life on that account, it is much more probable
t hat this king died on account of his sacrilegi-
ous plundering of the temple at Jerusalem.
But we will not contend about this matter
with those who may think that the cause as-
signed by this Polybius of Megalopolis is
nearer the truth than that assigned by us.

2.	However, Antiochus, before be died,
(’.died for Philip, who was one of his compa-
nions, and made him the guardian of his king-
dom; and gave him his diadem, and his gar-
ment, and his ring, and charged him to carry
them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus;
and desired him to take care of bis education,
and to preserve the kingdom for him.f This
Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth
year: but it was Lysias that declared his
death to the multitude, and appointed his son
Antiochus to be king (of whom at present he
had the care), and called him Eupator.

3.	At this time it was that the garrison
in the citadel at Jerusalem, with the Jewish
runagates, did a great deal of harm to the
Jews: for the soldiers that were in that gar-
rison rushed out upon the sudden, and de-
stroyed such as were going up to the temple
in order to offer their sacrifices, for this cita-
del adjoined to and overlooked the temple.

should be taken by Judas and those that were
with him, unless he would send them suc-
cours. When Antiochus, who was but a child,
heard this, he was angry, and sent for his cap-
tains and his friends, and gave order that they
should get an army of mercenaries together,
with such men also of his own kingdom as
were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an
army was collected of about a hundred thou-
sand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen,
and thirty-two elephants.

4. So the king took this army, and marched
hastily out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had
the command of the whole, and came to
Idumea, and thence went up to the city Beth-
sure, a city that was strong, and not to be
taken without great difficulty. He set about
this city, and besieged it; and while the in-
habitants of Bethsura courageously opposed
him, and sallied out upon him, and burnt hi3
engines of war, a great deal of time was spent
in the siege; but when Judas heard of the
king’s coming, he raised the siege of the cita-
del, and met the king, and pitched his camp
in certain straits, at a place called Bethzacha-
riah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from
the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces
from Bethsura, and brought them to those
straits; and as soon as it was day, he put. his
men in battle-array, and made his elephants
follow one another through the narrow passes,

When these misfortunes had often happened j because they could not be set sideways by
to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garri-I one another. Now round about every ele-
son; whereupon he got all the people toge- | phant there were a thousand footmen and five

ther, and vigorously besieged those that were
in the citadel. This was in the hundred and
fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleucidae.
So he made engines of war, and erected
bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on to
take the citadel. But there were not a few
of the runagates who were in the place, that
went out by night into the country, and got
together some other wicked men like them-
selves, and went to Antiochus the king, and
desired of him that he would not suffer them
to be neglected, under the great hardships that
lay upon them from those of their own nation;
and this because their sufferings were occasion-
ed on his father’s account, while they left the
religious worship of their father?, and preferred
that which he had commanded them to fol-
low: that there was danger lest the citadel,
and those appointed to garrison it by the king,

* Since St. Paul, a Pharisee, confesses that he had not
known concupiscence, or desires, to be sinful, had not
the tenth commandment said, “ Thou shalt not covet.”
Rom.vii. 7; the case seems to have been much the same
bus, who was of the same sect, that he

with our Josepl

ho i

had not a deep sense of the gre;
oceeded no farther than the intention.

atness of any sins that
Ho we vi

proceeded no farther than the intention. However,
since Josephus speaks properly of the punishment of
death, which is not inflicted by any law, either of God
or man, for the bare intention, his words need not he
ed to

ean,

i no sins at all
Oder
you
rn, si

that be was then but nine years old

: by any law,

&ic iiiicuuon, his words 11C CL. um

that sins intended, but not executed,

re no

+ No wonder that Josephus here describes Antiochus
ing, and wanting tuition, when he came
to the crown, since Appian informs us (Syriac, p. 177)

Eupator at young, and

hundred horsemen. The elephants also had
high towers [upon their backs], and archers
[in them]; and he also made the rest of his
army to go up the mountains, and put his
friends before the rest; and gave orders for
the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked
the enemy. He also exposed to sight their
golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious
splendour was sett from them; and when
they shouted, the mountains echoed again.
When Judas saw this, he was not terrified,
but received the enemy with great courage,
and slew about six hundred of the first ranks.
But when his brother Eleazar, whom they
called Auran, saw the tallest of all the ele-
phants armed with royal breast-plates, and
supposed that the king was upon him, he
attacked him with great quickness and bra-
very. He also slew many of those that were
about the elephant, and scattered the rest,
and then went under the belly of the ele-
phant, and smote him, and slew him; so the
elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight
crushed him to death. And thus did this
man come to bis end, when he had first cou-
rageously destroyed many of his enemies.

5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the
enemy, retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to
endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he sent
part of his army to Bethsura, to besiege it,
and with the rest of his army he came against336

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XII,

Jerusalem; but tbe inhabitants of Bethsura
were terrified at his strength; and seeing
that their provisions grew scarce, they deli-
vered themselves up on the security of oaths
that they should suffer no hard treatment
from the king. And when Antiochus had
thus taken the city, he did them no other
harm than sending them out naked. He also
placed a garrison of his own in the city: but
as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its
siege a long time, while they within bravely
defended it; for what engines soever the king
set against them, they set other engines again
to oppose them. But then their provisions
failed them; what fruits of the ground they had
laid up were spent, and the land being not
ploughed that year, continued unsowed, be-
cause it was the seventh year, on which, by
our laws, we are obliged to let it lie unculti-
vated. And withal, so many of the besieged
ran away for want of necessaries, that but a
few only were left in the temple.

6.	And these happened to be fhe circum-
stances of such as were besieged in the tem-
ple. But then, because Lysias, the general
of the army, and Antiochus, the King, were
informed that Philip was corning upon them
out of Persia, and was endeavouring to get
the management of public affairs to himself,
they came into these sentiments, to leave the
siege, and to make haste to go against Phi-
lip; yet did they resolve not to let this be
known to the soldiers or the officers; but the
king commanded Lysias to speak openly to
the soldiers and the officers, without saying a
word about the business of Philip; and to
intimate to them that the siege would be very
long; that the place was very strong;, that
they were already in want of provisions;
that many affairs of the kingdom wanted re-
gulation; and that it was much better to
make a league with the ^sieged, and to be-
come friends to their whole nation, by per-
mitting them to observe the laws of their fa-
thers, while they broke out into this war only
because they were deprived of them, and so to
depart home. When Lysias had discoursed
thus with them, both the army and the officers
were pleased with this resolution.

7.	Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and
to those that were besieged with him, and
promised to give them peace, and to permit
them to make use of and live according to
the laws of their fathers; and they gladly re-
ceived bis proposals; and when they had
gained security upon oath for their perform-
ance, they wrent out of the temple: but when
Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong
the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered
his army that was there to pluck down the
walls to the ground; and when he had so
done, he returned to Antioch. He also car-
ried with him Onias the high-priest, who was
also called Menelaus; for Lysias advised the
king to slay Menelaus. if he would have the

Jews be quiet,and cause him no farther disturb-
ance, for that this man was the origin of all
the mischief the Jews had done them, by per-
suading his father to compel the Jews to leave
the religion of their fathers; so the king sent
Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there
had him put to death, when he had been
high-priest ten years. He had been a wicked
and an impious man; and, in order to get
the government to himself, had compelled his
nation to transgress their own laws. After
the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was
also called Jacimus, was made high-priest.
But when king Antiochus found that Philip
had already possessed himself of the govern-
ment, he made war against him, and subdued
him, and took him, and slew him. Now, as

to Onias, the son of the high-priest, who, as
we before informed you, was left a child

when his father died, when he saw that the
king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given
the high-priesthood to Alcimus, who was not
of the high-priest stock, but was induced by
Lysias to translate that dignity from his fa-
mily to another house, he fled to Ptolemy,
king of Egypt; and when he found he was
in great esteem with him, and with his wife
Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in
the Nonius of Heliopolis, wherein he built a
temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which,
therefore, we shall hereafter give an account,
in a place more proper for it.

CHAPTER X.

now bacciiides, the general of Demetri-
us’s Alt MY, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
JUDEA, AND RETURNED WITHOUT SUC-
CESS; AND IIOW NIC.ANOR WAS SENT A
LITTLE AFTERWARD AGAINST JUDAS, AND
PERISHED, TOGETHER WITH HIS ARMY; AS
ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ALCI-
MUS, AND THE SUCCESSION OF JUDAS.

§ 1. About the same time Demetrius, the
son of Stleueus, fled away from Rome, and
took Tripoli,.a city of Syria, and set the dia-
dem on his own head. He also gathered cer-
tain mercenary soldiers together, and entered
into his kingdom, and was joyfully received
by all, who delivered themselves up to him;
and when they had taken Antiochus, the
king, and Lysias, they brought them to him
alive; both whom were immediately put to
death by the command of Demetrius, when
Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have
already elsewhere related; but there were
now many -of the wicked Jewish runagates
that came together to him, and with them
Alcimus the high-priest, who accused the
whole nation, mid particularly Judas and Ins
brethren; and said that they had slain ali his
friends; and that those in his kingdom thatCHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

337

were of his party, and waited for his return,
were by them put to death; that these men
had ejected them out of their own country,
and caused them to be sojourners in a foreign
land; and they desired that he would send
some one of his own friends, and know from
him what mischief Judas’s party had done.

2.	At this Demetrius was very angry, and
sent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epi-
phanes,* a good man, and one that had been
intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him
an army, and committed Alcimus the high-
priest to his care; and gave him charge to
slay Judas, and those that were with him.
So Bacchides made haste, and went out of
Antioch with his army; and when he was
come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his
brethren, to discourse with him about a league
of friendship and peace, for he had a mind to
take him by treachery; but Judas did not
give credit to him, for he saw that he came
with so great an army as men do not bring
when they come to make peace, but to make
war. However, some of the people acqui-
esced in what Bacchides caused to be pro-
claimed ; and supposing they should undergo
no considerable harm from Alcimus, who was
their countryman, they went over to them;
arid when they had received oaths from both
of them, that neither they themselves nor
those of the same sentiments should come to
any harm, they intrusted themselves with
them; but Bacchides troubled not himself
about the oaths he had taken, but slew three-
score of them ; although, by not keeping his
faith with those that first went over, he de-
terred all the rest, who had intentions to go
over to him, from doing it; but as he was
gone out to Jerusalem, and was at the village
called Bethzetho, he sent out and caught
many of the deserters, and some of the peo-
ple also, and slew them all; and enjoined all
that lived in the country to submit to Alci-
mus. So he left him there, with some part
of the army, that he might have wherewith to
keep the country in obedience, and returned
to Antioch to king Demetrius.

3.	But Alcimus was desirous to have the
dominion more firmly assured to him; and
understanding that if he could bring it about
that the multitude should be his friends, he
should govern with greater security, he spake
kind words to them all, and discoursed to each
of them after an agreeable and pleasant man-
ner ; by which means he quickly had a great
body of men and an army about, him, although
the greater part of them were of the wickd,
and the deserters. With these, whom he used
as his servants and soldiers, he went all over

* It is no way probable that Josephus would call Bac-
chides, that'bitter and bloody enemy of the Jews, as our
present copies have it, a man good, or kind, and gentle,
what the author of the first book of Maccabees, whom
Josephus here follows, instead of that character, says of
him, is, that he was a great man in the kingdom, and
faithfnl to his king; which was very probably Josephus's
meaning aim.

the country, and slew all that he could find
of Judas’s party; but when Judas saw that
Alcimus was already become great, and had
destroyed many of the good and holy men ol
the country, he also went all over the country
and destroyed those that were of the other
party; but when Alcimus saw that he was
not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to
him in strength, he resolved to apply himself
to king Demetrius for bis assistance; so he
came to Antioch, and irritated him against
Judas, and accused him, alleging that he had
undergone a great many miseries by this
means, and that he would do more mischie.
unless he were prevented, and brought to pu-
nishment, which must be done by sending a
powerful force against bim.

4.	So Demetrius, being already of opinion
that it would be a thing pernicious to his own
affairs to overlook Judas, now he was becom-
ing so great, sent against him Nicanor, the
most kind and most faithful of all his friends;
for he it was who fled away with him from
the city of Rome. He also gave bim as many
forces as he thought sufficient for him to con-
quer Judas withal, and bade him not to spare
the nation at all. When Nicanor was come
to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas
immediately, but judged it better to get him
into his power by treachery; so he sent him
a message of peace, and said there was no
manner of necessity for them to fight and
hazard themselves; and that he would give
him his oath that he would do him no harm,
for that he only came with some friends, in
order to let him know what-king Demetrius’s
intentions were, and what opinion he had oi
their nation. When Nicanor had delivered
this message, Judas and his brethren complied
with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave
him assurances of friendship, and received
Nicanor and his army; hut while he was sa-
luting Judas, and they were talking together,
he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers,
upon which they were to seize upon Judas;
but he perceived the treachery, and ran back
to his own soldiers, and fled away with them.
So upon this discovery of his purpose, and of
the snares laid for Judas, Nicanor determined
to make open war with him, and gathered his
army together, and prepared for fighting him;
and upon joining battle with him at a certain
village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas.f
and forced him to fly to that citadel which
was at Jerusalem.

5 And when Nicanor came down from the
citadel into the temple, some of the priests
and elders met him, and saluted him; and

4 Josephus’s copies must have been corrupted when
they here give victory to Nicanor, contrary to the words
following, which imply, that he who wus beaten fled into
the citadel, which for certain belonged to the city of Da-
vid or to mount Zion, and was in the possession of Nico-
nor’s garrison, and not of Judas’s; as also it is contrary

juaas’s; as also u is contrary
to the express words of Josephus’s original author, l
says that Nicanor lost about 6,300
meD, and fled to tbe city of David.

pres

Maccab. vii. 32, who338

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XIL

showed him the sacrifices which thpv said
they offered to God for the king: upon which
he blasphemed, and threatened them, that un-
less the people would deliver up Judas to him,
upon his return he would pull down their tem-
ple. And when he had thus threatened them,
he departed from Jerusalem: but the priests
fell into tears out of grief at what he had said,
and besought God to deliver them from their
enemies. But now Nicanor, when he was
gone out of Jerusalem, and was at a certain
village called Bethoron, he there pitched his
camp, — another army out of Syria having
joined him. And Judas pitched his camp at
Adasa, another village, which was thirty fur-
longs distant from Bethoron, having no more
than one thousand soldiers. And when he
had encouraged them not to be dismayed at
the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard
how many they were against whom they were
going to fight, but to consider who they
themselves were, and for what great rewards
they hazarded themselves, and to attack the
enemy courageously, he led them out to fight,
and joining battle with Nicanor, which proved
to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy,
and slew many of them; and at last Nicanor
himself, as he was fighting gloriously, fell:
upon whose fall the army did not stay; but
when they had lost their general, they were
put to flight, and threw down their arms.
Judas also pursued them and slew them; and
gave notice by the sound of his trumpets to
the neighbouring villages that he had con-
quered the enemy; which when the inhabi-
tants heard, they put on their armour hastily,
and met their enemies in the face as they were
running away, and slew them, insomuch that
not one of them escaped out of this battle;
who were in number nine thousand. This
victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day
of that month which by the Jews is called
Adar, and by the Macedonians Dystrus: and
the Jews therein celebrate this victory every
year, and esteem it as a festival day. After
which the Jewish nation were, for a while,
free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but after-
ward they returned into their former state of
wars and hazards.

6. But now as the high-priest Alcimus was
resolving to pull down the wall of the sanc-
tuary, which had been there of old time, and
had been built by the holy prophets,* he was
smitten suddenly by God, and fell down.
This stroke made him fall down speechless
upon the ground; and undergoing torments
for many days, he at length died, when he
bad been high-priest four years. And when

* This account of the miserable death of Alcimus or
Jarimus, the wicked high-priest (the Hrst that was not
of the family of the high-priests, and made by a vile
heathen, Lysias), before the death of Judas, and ot Ju-
das's succession to him as high-priest, both here and at
the conclusion of this book, directly contradicts 1 Mac.
IX. 54—67, which places his death after the death of Ju-
dos, and soys not a syllable of the high-priesthood of
Judaa.

he was dead, the people bestowed the bigh-
priesthood on Judas; who hearing of the power
of the Romans,! and that they had conquered
in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and
Lybia; and that, besides these, they had sub-
dued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and
Philip, and Antiochus the Great also, he
resolved to enter into a league of friend-
ship with them. He therefore sent to Rome
some of his friends, Eupolemus the son ot
John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by
them desired the Romans that they would as-
sist them, and be their friends, and would
write to Demetrius that he would not fight
against the Jews. So the senate received the
ambassadors that came from Judas to Rome,
and discoursed with them about the errand on
which they came, and then granted them a
league of assistance. They also made a de-
cree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into
Judea. It was also laid up in the capitol,
and engraven in brass. The decree itself was
this:—“ The decree of the senate concerning
a league of assistance and friendship with the
nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful
for any that are subject to the Romans to
make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to
assist those that do so, either by sending them
corn, or ships, or money. And if any attack
be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall
assist them, as far as they are able; and again,
if any attack be made upon the Romans, ihe
Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have
a mind to add to, or to take away any thing
from, this league of assistance, that shall be
done with the common consent of the Ro-
mans. And whatsoever addition shall thus
be made, it shall be of force.” This decree
was written by Eupolemus the son of John,
and by Jason the son of Eieazar,! when
Judas was high-priest of the nation, and Si-
mon his brother was general of the army.
And this was the first league that the Ro-
mans made with the Jews, and was managed
after this manner.

CHAPTER XL

THAT. BACCHIDE9 WAS AGAIN SENT OUT
AGAINST JUDAS; AND HOW JUDAS FELL AS
HE WAS COUEAGEOUSEY FIGHTING.

§ 1. But when Demetrius was informed of
the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction

+ How well the Roman histories agree to this account
of the conquests and powerful condition of the Romans
at this time.—see the notes in Havercamp’sedition: only,
that the number of the senators of Rome was then just
320, is, I think, only known from 1 Maccab. viii. 15.

t This subscription is wanting, 1 Maccab. viii. 17,
29. and must be the words of Josephus, who, by mis-
take, thought, as we have just now seen, that Judas was
at this time high-priest, and accordingly then reckoned
his brother Jonathan to be the general of the army,
which yet he seems not to have been till after the death
of Judas.CHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

of the army that was with him, he sent Bac-
chides again with an army into Judea, who
marched out of Antioch, und came into Judea,
and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city of Ga-
lilee; and having besieged and taken those
that were in caves (for many of the people
fled into such places), he removed, and made
all the haste he could to Jerusalem. And
when he had learned that Judas had pitched
his camp at a certain village whose name was
Bethzetho, he led his army against him: they
were twenty thousand footmen, and two thou-
sand horsemen. Now Judas had no more sol-
diers than one thousand.* When these saw
the multitude of Bacchides’s men, they were
afraid, and left their camp, and fled all away,
excepting eight hundred. Now when Judas
was deserted by his own soldiers, and the
enemy pressed upon him, and gave him no
time to gather his army together, he was dis-
posed to fight with Bacchides’s army, though
he had but eight hundred men with him; so
he exhorted these men to undergo the danger
courageously, and encouraged them to attack
the enemy. And when they said they were
not a body sufficient to fight so great an army,
and advised that they should retire now and
save themselves, and that when he had ga-
thered his own men together, then he should
fall upon the enemy afterwards, his answer
was this:—“Let not the sun ever 6ee such a
thing, that I should show my back to the
enemy; and although this be the time that
will bring me to my end, and I must die in
this battle, I will rather stand to it courage-
ously, and bear whatsoever comes upon me,
than by now running away, bring reproach
upon my former great actions, or tarnish their
glory.” This was the speech he made to those
that remained with him, and whereby he en-
eouraged them to attack the enemy.

2. But Bacehides drew his army out of
their camp, and put them in array for the bat-
tle. He set the horsemen on both the wings,
aud the light soldiers and the archers he

• That tliis copy of Josephus, as he wrote it, had here
not I 000 but 3.000, with 1 Mac. ix. 5, is very plain; be-
cause though the main part ran away at first, even in
Josephus, as well a£ in 1 Mac. ix. 6, yet, as there, so
here. HOO arc said to have remained with Judas; which
would be absurdjf the whole number bad been no mote
than 1,000.

339

placed before the whole army, but was him-
self on the right wing. And when he had
thus put his army in order of battle, and was
going to join battle with the enemy, he com-
manded the trumpeter to give a signal of bat-
tle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall
on the enemy. And when Judas had done the
same, he joined battle with them; and as both
sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued
till sun-set, Judas saw that Bacehides and the
strongest part of the army was in the right
wing, and thereupon took the most courage-
ous men with him, and ran upon that part of
the army, and fell upon those that were there
and broke their ranks, and drove them into
the middle, and forced them to run away, and
pursued them as far as to a mountain called
Aza; but when those of the left wing saw
that the right wing was put to flight, they
encompassed Judas, and pursued him,' and
came behind him, and took him into the mid-
dle of their army; so not being able to fly, but
encompassed round about with enemies, he
stood still, and he and those that were with
him fought; and when he had slain a great
many of those that came against him, he at last
was himself wounded, and fell, and gave up the
ghost, and died in a way like to his former fa-
mous actions. When Judas was dead, those
that were with him had no one that they could
regard [as their commander]; but when they
saw themselves deprived of such a general,
they fled. But Simon and Jonathan, Judas’s
brethren, received his dead body, by a trertty,
from the enemy, and carried it to the village
Modin, where their father had been buried,
and there buried him; while the multitude
lamented him many days, and performed the
usual solemn rites of a funeral to him. And
this was the end that Judas came to. He had
been a man of valour and a great warrior, and
mindful of all the commands of his father
Mattathias; and had undergone all difficul-
ties, both in doing and suffering, for the liber-
ty of his countrymen. And when his cha-
racter was so excellent [while he was alive],
he left behind him a glorious reputation and
memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation,
and delivering them from slavery under the
Macedonians. And when he had retained the
high-priesthood three years, he died.840

BOOK XIII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIOHTT-TWO YEARS.

FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS TO QUEEN ALEXAN-
DRA’S DEATH.

CHAPTER I.

HOW JONATHAN TOOK THE GOVERNMENT
AFTER HIS BROTHER JUDAS; AND HOW
HE, TOGETHER WITH HIS BROTHER SIMON,
WAGED WAR AGAINST BACCHIDES.

§ 1. Bv what means the nation of the Jews
recovered their freedom when they bad been
brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and
what struggles, and how many great battles,
Judas, the general of their army, ran through
till he was slain as he was fighting for them,
hath been related in the foregoing book: but
after he was dead, all tbe wicked and those
that transgressed the laws of their forefathers,
sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon
them, aiid distressed them on every side. A
famine also assisted their wickedness, and af-
flicted the country, till not a few, who by reason
of their want of necessaries, and because they
were not able to bear up against the miseries
that both the famine and their enemies brought
upon them, deserted their country, and went
to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides
gathered those Jews together who had apos-
tatized from the accustomed way of living
of their forefathers, and chose to live like
their neighbours, and committed the care of tbe
country to them; who also caught the friends
of Judas, and those of his party, and deli-
vered them up to Bacchides, who, when he
had, in the first place, tortured and tor-
mented them at his pleasure, he, by that
means, at length killed them. And when
this calamity of the Jews was become so
great, as they had never had experience of
the like since their return out of Babylon,
those that remained of the companions of
Judas, seeing that the nation was about to be
destroyed after a miserable manner, came to
his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he
would imitate his brother, and that care
which he took of his countrymen, for whose
liberty in general he died also; and that he
would not permit the nation to be without a
governor, especially in those destructive cir-

cumstances wherein it now was. And when
Jonathan said that he was ready to die for
them, and was indeed esteemed no way in*
ferior to his brother, he was appointed to be
the general of the Jewish army.

2.	When Bacchides heard this, and was
afraid that Jonathan might be very trouble-
some to the king and the Macedonians, as
Judas had been before him, he sought how he
might slay him by treachery: but this inten-
tion of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor
his brother Simon; but when these two were
apprised of it, they took all their companions,,
and presently fled into that wilderness which
was nearest to the city; and when they were
come to a lake called Asphar, they abode
there. But when Bacchides was sensible
that they were in a low state, and were in that
place, he hasted to fall upon them with all
his forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jor-
dan, he recruited his army; but'when Jona-
than knew that Bacchides was eoming upon
him, he sent his brother John, who was also
called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that
he might lodge his baggage with them until
the battle with Bacchides should be over, for
they were the Jews’ friends. And the sons
of Ambri laid an ambush for John, from the
city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon
those that were with him, and plundered all
that they had with them: they also slew John,
and all his companions. However, they were
sufficiently punished for what they now did
by John’s brethren, as we shall relate pre-
sently.

3.	But when Bacchides knew that Jona-
than had pitched his camp among the lakes
of Jordan, he observed when their Sabbath-
day came, and then assaulted him, as supposing
that he would not fight because of tbe law
[for resting on that day]: but he exhorted
his companions [to fight]; and told them,
that their lives were at stake, sirce they were
encompassed by the river, and by their ene-
mies, and had no way to escape, for that their
enemies pressed upon them before, and the
river was behind them. So, after he badCHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

341

prayed to God to give them the victory, he
joined battle with the enemy, of whom he
overthrew many: and as he saw Bacchides
coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his
right hand to smite him; but the other fore-
seeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with
his companions leaped into the river, and
swam over it, and by that means escaped be-
yond Jordan, while the enemy did not pass
over that river; but Bacchides returned pre-
sently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost
about two thousand of his army. He also
fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls
had been demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus,
and Bethoron, and Bethel, and Timria, and
Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built
towers in every one of these cities, and en-
compassed them with strong walls, that were
very large also, and put garrisons into them,
that they might issue out of them, and do
mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the
citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest.
Moreover, he took the sons of the principal
Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the
citadel, and in that manner guarded it.

4. About the same time, one came to Jo-
nathan, and to his brother Simon, and told
them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating
a marriage, and. bringing the bride from the
city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of
the illustrious-men among the Arabians, and
that the damsel was to be conducted with
pomp and splendour, and much riches; so
Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared
to be the fittest time for them to avenge the

before they were aware, they might slay them
all. So the king sent Bacchides, who. when
he was come into Judea, wrote to all his
friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they
should seize upon Jonathan and bring him to
him; and when, upon all their endeavours,
they were not able to seize upon Jonathan,
for he was sensible of the snares they laid for
him, and very carefully guarded against them,
Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as
having imposed upon him, and upon the king,
and slew fifty of their leaders; whereupon
Jonathan with his brother, and those that
were with him, -retired to Bethagla, a village
that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of
Bacchides. He also built towers in it, and
encompassed it with walls, and took care that
it should be safely guarded. Upon the bear-
ing of which Bacchides led his own army
along with him, and besides took his Jewish
auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and
made an assault upon his fortifications, and
besieged him many days, but Jonathan did
not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides
used in the siege, but courageously opposed
him; and while he left his brother Simon in
the city to fight with Bacchides, he went pri-
vately out himself into the country, and got
a great body of men together of bis own party,
and fell upon Bacchides’s camp in the night-
time, and destroyed a great many of them.
His brother Simon knew also of this his fall-
ing upon them, because he perceived that the
enemies were slain by him, so he sallied out
upon them, and burnt the engines which the

death of their brother, and that they had forces Macedonians used, and made a great slaugh-
sullicient for receiving satisfaction from them ter of them; and when Bacchides saw himself

encompassed with enemies, and some of them
before, and some behind him, he fell into de-
spair and trouble of mind, as confounded at
the unexpected ill success of this siege.
However, he vented his displeasure at these
misfortunes upon those deserters who sent
for him from the king, as having deluded
him. So he had a mind to put an end to
this siege after a decent manner, if it were
possible for him so to do, and then to return
home.

6. When Jonathan understood these his
intentions, he sent ambassadors to him about

for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and
lay in wait among the mountains for the com-
ing of their enemies; and as soon as they saw
them conducting the virgin and the bride-
groom, and such a great company of their
friends with them as was to be expected at this
wedding, they sallied out of their ambush and
slew them all, and took their ornaments, and
all the prey that then followed them, and so
returned and received this satisfaction for
their brother John from the sons of Ambri;
for as well these sons themselves as their
friends, and wives, and children, that followed
them, perished, being in number about four! a league of friendship and mutual assistance,
hundred.	and that they might restore those they had

5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides
to the lakes of the river, and abode there; but thought this a pretty decent way of retiring
Bacchides, when he had secured all Judeal home, and made a league of friendship with
with his garrisons, returned to the king; and! Jonathan, when they sware that they would
tnen it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet1 not any more make war against one another,
for two years; but when the deserters and the Accordingly, he restored the captives, and
wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were took his own men with him, and returned to
with him lived in the country very quietly, by the king at Antioch; and after this his de-
reason of the peace, they sent to king Deinc- parture, he never came into Judea again,
trius, and excited him to send Bacchides to Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of
seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to this quiet state of things, and went and lived
be done without any trouble, and in one in the city Michmash; and there governed
night b time; and that if they fell upon them] the multitude, and punished the wicked andANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII,

342

ungodly, and by that means purged the na-
tion of them.	____

CHAPTER II.

HOW ALEXANDER [BALA], IN HIS WAR WITH
DEMETRIUS, GRANTED JONATHAN MANY
ADVANTAGES, AND APPOINTED HIM TO BE
HIGH-PRIEST, AND PERSUADED HIM TO AS-
SIST HIM, ALTHOUGH DEMETnIUS PRO-
MISED HIM GREATER ADVANTAGES ON THE
OTHER SIDE. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF
DEMETRIUS.

:> 1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year,
it ti ll out that Alexander, the son of Antio-
hus Epiphanes,* came up into Syria, and
took Ptolemais, the soldiers having betrayed
i to him, for they were at enmity with De-
rteirius, on account of his insolence and dif-
ln i!ty of access: for he shut himself up in a
i' d ice of his that had four towers, which he
had built himself not far from Antioch, and
admit ted no body. He was withal slothful
ai d negligent about the public affairs, where-
by the hatred of his subjects was the more
kindled against him, as we have elsewhere
already related. When, therefore, Demetrius
heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he
ook his whole army and led it against
him; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan,
about a league of mutual assistance and
friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand
with Alexander, lest the other should treat
with him first, and gain assistance from
him: and this he did out of the fear be
had lest Jonathan should remember how
ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and
should join with him in this war against him.
He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should
be allowed to raise an army, and should get
armour made, and should receive back those
hostages of the Jewish nation whom Bacclii-
des hud shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem.
When this good fortune bad befallen Jona-
than, by the concession of Demetrius, he
came to Jerusalem, and read the king’s letter
in the audience of the people, and of those
that kept the citadel. When these were read,
t hese wicked men and deserters, who were in
the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the
king’s permission to Jonathan to raise an
army, and to receive back the hostages: so
* This Alexander Bala, who certainly pretended to
be the son of Antiochus E'piphanes, and was owned for
such by the Jews and Romans, and many others, and
yet is by several historians deemed to be a counterfeit,
and of no family at all, is, however, by Josephus, be-
lieved to have been the real son of that Antiochus, and
oy him always spoken of accordingly; and truly, since
the original contemporary and authentic author of the
first book of Maccabees (x. 1) calls him by bis father's
name. Epiphanes, and says he was the son of Antiochus,
I suppose the other writers, who are all much later, are
i ot to be followed against such evidence, though per-
I aps I- piphanes might have him by a woman of no family.
'1 he king of Egypt also, I’hilometor. soon gave him his
daughter in marriage, which he would hardly have done,
lud he believed him to he a counterfeit, and of so very
mean birth as the later historians pretend.

he delivered every one of them to his own
parents; and thus did Jonathan make his
abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a
better state, and reforming the buildings as
he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls
of the city should be rebuilt with square
stones, that it might be more secure from
their enemies; and when those that kept the
garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all
left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting
those that were in the city Bethsura. and
those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem,
for the greater part of these was of the wicked
Jews and deserters, and on that account these
did not deliver up their garrisons.

2.	When Alexander knew what promises
Demetrius had made Jonathan, and withal
knew bis courage, and what great things he
had done when he fought the Macedonians,
and besides what hardships he had undergone
by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchi-
des, the general of Demetrius’s army, he told
his friends that he could not at present find
any one else that might afford him better as-
sistance than Jonathan, who was both coura-
geous against his enemies, and had a particu-
lar hatred against Demetrius, as having both
suffered many hard things from him, and
acted many hard things against him. If,
therefore, they were of opinion that they
should make him their friend against Deme-
trius, it was more for their advantage to in-
vite him to assist them now than at another
time. It being therefore determined by him
and his friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote
to him this epistle:—“ King Alexander to
his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We
have long ago heard of thy courage and thy
fidelity, and for that reason have sent to thee,
to make with thee a league of friendship and
mutual assistance. We therefore do ordaiii
thee this day the high-priest of the Jews, and
that thou beest called my friend. I have also
sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a
golden crown, and desire that, now thou art
by us honoured, thou wilt in like manner re-
spect us also.”

3.	When Jonathan had received this letter,
he put on the pontifical robe at the time of
the feast of tabernacles,t four years after the
death of his brother Judas, for at that time
no high-priest had been made. So he raised
great forces, and had abundance of armour
got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius
when be heard of it, and made him blame
himself for his slowness, that he had not pre-

+ Sioce Jonathan plainly did not put on the pont
bes till seven or eight years after the death of his
er Judas, or not till the Feast of Tabernacles, ir

tifical
bro-
in the

lEOof the Seleucidte (1 Maccab. x. 21), Fetitns’s ernen.
dation seems here to deserve consideration, who, instead
of “ after four years since the death of his brother Ju-
das,” would have us read, “ and therefore alter eight
years since the death of his brother J udas.” This would
tolerably well agree with the date of the Maccabees, and
with Josephus’s own exact chronology at the end of the
twentieih book of these Antiquities, which the present
text cannot be made to do.CHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

343

vented Alexander, and got the good-will of
Jonathan, but had given him time so to do.
However, he also himself wrote a letter to
Jonathan, and to the people, the contents
whereof are these:—“King Demetrius to Jo-
nathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth
greeting. Since you have preserved your
friendship for us, and when you have been
tempted by our enemies, you have not joined
yourselves to them; I both commend you for
this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue
in the same disposition; for which you shall
be repaid, and receive rewards from us: for
I will free you from the greatest part of the
tributes and taxes which you formerly paid
to the kings my predecessors, and to myself;
and I do now set you free from those tributes
which you have ever paid; and besides, I
forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value
of the crowns which you used to offer to me:*
and instead of the third part of the fruits [of
the field], and the half of the fruits of the
trees, I relinquish my part of them from this
day: and as to the poll-money, which ought
to be given me for every head of the inhabi-
tants of Judea, and of the three toparchies

other temple for worship but only that at Je-
rusalem. I bequeath also, out of my own
revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the
sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand
[drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I
will that it shall be your own. I also release
to you those ten thousand drachmae which the
kings received from the temple, because they
appertain to the priests that minister in that
temple. And whosoever shall fly to the tem-
ple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto be-
longing, or who owe the king money, or are
there on any other account, let them be set
free, and let their goods be in safety. I also
give you leave to repair and rebuild your
temple, and that all be done at my expenses.
I also allow you to build the walls of your
city, and to erect high towers, and that they
be erected at my charge. And if there be any
fortified town that would be convenient for
the Jewish country to have very strong, let it
be so built at my expenses.”

4. This was what Demetrius promised and
granted to the Jews, by this letter. But king
Alexander raised a great army of mercenary
soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out

that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, of Syria, and made an expedition against De-

and Perea, that I relinquish to you for this
time, and for all time to come. I will also,
that the city of Jerusalem be holy and invio-
lable, and free from the tithe, and from the
taxes unto its utmost bounds: and I so far
recede from my title to the citadel, as to per-
mit Jonathan your high-priest to possess it,
that he may place such a garrison in it as he
approves of for fidelity and good-will to him-
self, that they may keep it for us. I also
make free all those Jews who have been made
captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also
give order that the beasts of the Jews be not
pressed for our service: and let their Sab-
baths, and all their festivals, and three days
before each of them, be free from any impo-
sition. In the same manner, I set free the
Jews +hat are inhabitants in my kingdom,
and order that no injury be done them. I
also give leave to such of them as are willing
to list themselves in my army, that they may
do it and those as far as thirty thousand;
which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go,
shall have the 6ame pay that my own army
hath; and some of them I will place in my
garrisons, and some as guards about mine
own body, and as rulers over those that are
in my court. I give them leave also to use
the Jaws of their forefathers, and to observe
them; and I will that they have power over
the three topatchies that are added to Judea;
and it shall he in the poy/er of the high-priest
to take care that no one Jew shall have any
* Take Grotius’s note here: “The Jews,” says he,
“ were wont to present crowns to the kings (of Syria];
afterwards that gold which was paid instead of those
crowns, or which was expended in making thei

which was

xpended in making them,

called the Crown-gold and Crown-tax.” On I Maccab.

metrius. And when it was come to a battle,
the left wing of Demetrius put those who op-
posed them to flight, and pursued them a
great way, and slew many of them, and spoil-
ed their camp; but the right wing, where
Demetrius happened to be, was beaten; and
as for all the rest, they ran away. But De-
metrius fought courageously, and slew a great
many of the enemy; but as he was in pursuit
of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep
bog, where it was hard to get out, and there
it happened, that upon his horse’s falling
down, he could not escape being killed; for
when his enemies saw what had befallen him,
they returned back, and encompassed Deme-
trius round, and they all threw their darts at
him; but he, being now on foot, fought brave-
ly. But at length he received so many wounds,
that he was not able to bear up any longer,
but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius
came to when he had reigned eleven years,f
as we have elsewhere related.

CHAPTER IIL

THE FRIENDSHIP THAT WAS BETWEEN ONIAS
AND PTOLEMY PHILOMETOR; AND HOW
ONIAS BUILT A TEMPLE IN EGYPT LIKE TO
THAT AT JERUSALEM.

§ 1. But then the son of Onias the high-
priest, who was of the same name with his

+ Since the
Demetrius 13
Prideaux does
number 1

rest of the historians now extant giro this
years, and Josephus only II years. Dean
> not amiss in ascribing to him tbs mens344

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIIT,

father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who
was called Philometor, lived now at Alexan-
dria, as we have said already. When this
Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the
Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire
to purchase to himself a memorial and eter-
nal fame, he resolved to send to king Ptolemy
and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them
that he might build a temple in Egypt like to
that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites
and priests out of their own stock. The chief
reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that
he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived
above six hundred years before, and foretold
that there certainly was to be a temple built
to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was
a Jew. Onias was elevated with this predic-
tion, and wrote the following epistle to Pto-
lemy and Cleopatra:—"Having done many
and great things for you in the affairs of the
war, by the assistance of God, and that in
Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with
the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places
of your nation, where I found that the great-
est part of your people had temples in an im-
proper manner, and that on this account they
bare ill will one against another, which hap-
pens to the Egyptians by reason of the mul-,
titude of their temples, and the difference of
opinions about divine worship. Now I found
a very fit place in a castle that hath its name
from the country Diana; this place is full of
materials of several sorts, and replenished with
sacred animals: I desire, therefore, that you
will grant me leave to purge this holy place,
which belongs to no master, and is fallen down,

the same dimensions, that may be for the be-
nefit of thyself and thy wife and children, that
those Jews who dwell in Egypt may have a
place whither they may come and meet toge-
ther in mutual harmony one with another, and
be subservient to thy advantages; for the pro-
phet Isaiah foretold that ‘there should be an

and to build there a temple to Almighty God,
after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of

altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’* and many
other such things did he prophecy relating to
that place.”

* It seems to me, contrary to the opinion of Josephus,
and of the moderns, both Jews and Christians, that this
prophecy of Isaiah, xix. 19, &c. “ In that day there shall
bean altar to the Lord in *L — ” *	■

&c. directly foretold the I

i Egypt, and was a sufficient warrant to the Jews for
building it, and for worshipping the true God, the God
of Israel, therein. See Authent. Rec. ii. p. 755. That
God seems to have soon better accepted of the sacrifices
offered him than those at Jeri

and prayers here offered him than those at Jerusalem;
see the note on ch. x. sect. 7. And truly the marks of
Jewish corruption or interpolation in this text, in order
ge their people from approving of the worship
e, are very strong^and highly deserve our con-

to discourage
of God here, are very s
sideration and correction

runs thus in our common copies:—“In that day shall
five cities in the land of Egypt speak the language of Ca-
[tbe* Hebrew language; shall be full of Jews,
in Hebrew], “ and swear to the

ghly deserve our con-
e foregoing verse in Isaiah
:—“ In

naan”

whi

whose sacred books were i

Lord of Hosts. One [or the first] shall be called ‘ the
City of Destruction,’” Isa. xx. 18. A strange name,
“ City of Destruction,” upon so joyful an occasion; and
• Dame never heard of in the land of Egypt, nr perhaps

2.	And this was what Onias wrote to king
Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety,
and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by
that epistle which they wrote in answer to
it; for they laid the blame and the trans-
gression of the law upon the head of Onias.
And this was their reply:—“King Ptolemy
and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting.
We have read thy petition, wherein thou de-
sirest leave to he given to thee to purge that
temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis,
in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is
named from the country Bubastis; on which
account we cannot but wonder that it should
be pleasing to God to have a temple erected
in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred
animals. But since thou sayest that Isaiah
the prophet foretold this long ago, we give
thee leave to do it, if it may be done accord-
ing to your law, and so that we may not ap-
pear to have at all offended God herein.”

3.	So Onias took the place, and built a tem-
ple and an altar to God, like indeed to that in
Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not
think it proper for me now to describe its di-
mensions, or its vessels, which have been al-
ready described in my seventh book of the Wars
of the Jews. However, Onias found other
Jews like to himself, together with priests and
Levites, that there performed divine service.
But we have said enough about this temple.

4.	Now’ it came to pass that the Alexan-
drian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid
their worship to the temple that was built in
the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim,
did now make a sedition one against another,
and disputed about their temples before Pto-
lemy himself, the Jew’s saying that, according
to the law of Moses, the temple was to be
built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans say-
ing that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They
desired therefore the king to sit with his
friends and hear the debates about these mat-
ters, and punish those with death who were
baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius ma-
naged the argument for the Samaritans, and

in any other nation. The old reading was evidently the
City of the Sun, or Heliopolis; and Onkelos, in effect,
and Symmachus, with the Arabic version, entirely con-
fess l

although they have
copies, and call it Asedek,
yet in two or three other copies,
fortheSur
Onias

phecy contained many
place, besides the words recited, it is highly probable
that these were especially meant by him; and that one
main reason why he applied this prediction to himselt,
and to his prefecture of Heliopolis, which Dean Prideaux
roves was in that part of Egypt, and why be chose
d in that prefecture of Heliopolis, though otber-

and Symmachus, with the Arabic version, entirely con-
fess that to be the true reading. The Septuagint also,
although they have the text disguised in the common
, and call it Asedek, the City of Righteousness;
two or three other copies, the Hebrew word itself
Sun, Achares, or Tliares, is preserved. And since
insists, with the king and queen, that Isaiah’s pro-
contained many other predictions relating to this
cited, it is highly prob
eant by him; and that

well pn
built

to build in that prefecture or Heliopolis, ,u
wise an improper place, was this: That the same autho-
rity that he had for building this temple in Egypt, the
very same he had foT building it in bis own prefecture of
Heliopolis also; wnich be desired to do, and which he
did accordingly. Dean Prideaux has much ado to avoid
seeing this corruption of the Hebrew; but it being in
support of his own opinion about this temple, he durst
not see it; and indeed he reasons here in the most inju-
dicious manner possible. See him at the year 149.CHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

345

Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the
people of Jerusalem; and they took an oath
by God and the king, to make their demon-
strations according to the law; and they de-
sired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should
find that transgressed what they had sworn to,
he would put him to death. Accordingly,
the king took several of his friends into
the council, and sat down, in order to hear
what the pleaders said. Now the Jews that
were at Alexandria were in great concern for
these men, whose lot it was to contend for
the temple at Jerusalem: for they took it
very ill that any should take away the repu-
tation of that temple, which was so ancient
and so celebrated all over the habitable earth.
Now when Sabbeus and Theodosius had given
leave to Andronichus to speak first, he began
to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the

that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and
how all the kings of Asia had honoured that
temple with their donations, and with the
most splendid gifts dedicated thereto: but as
for that at Gerizzim, he made no‘account of
it, and regarded it as if it had never had a
being. By this speech, and other arguments,
Andronicus persuaded the king to determine
that the temple at Jerusalem was built ac-
cording to the laws of Moses,* and to put
Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these
were the events that befell the Jews at Alex-
andria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.

successions of the high-pnests, how they every
one in succession from his father had received

CHAPTER IV.

HOW ALEXANDER HONOURED JONATHAN AF-
TER AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER; AND
HOW DEMETRIUS, THE SON OF DEMETRIUS,
OVERCAME ALEXANDER, AND MADE A
LEAGUE OF FRIENDSHIP WITH JONATHAN.

§ 1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as
we have above related, Alexander took the
kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy
Philometor, and desired his daughter in roar-

• A very unfair disputation this! while the Jewish
disputant, knowing that he could not properly prove
out of the Pentateuch, that‘the place which the Lord
their God shall choose to place his name there,’ so often
referred to in the book of Deuteronomy, was Jerusalem
any more than Gerizzim, that being not determined
till the days of David (Antiq. b. vii. cb. xiii. sect, 4),
proves only, what the Samaritans did not deny, that
the temple at Jerusalem was much more ancient, and
much more celebrated and honoured, than that at Ge-
rizzim; which was nothing to the present purpose, the
whole evidence, by the very oaths of both parties, be-
ing, we see, obliged to be confined to the law of Moses,
or to the Pentateuch alone. However, worldly policy
and interest, and the multitude prevailing, the court
gave sentence, as usual, on the stronger side, and
Sabbeus and Theodosius, the Samaritan disputi

poor

ants.

mere martyred, and this, so far as appears, without any
: hearing at all; which is like the usual practice ot
such political i

direct hearing at all; which is like the usual practice c
political courts about matters of religion. Ou
is say that the body of the Jews were in a great con
about those men (in the plural) who were to dis

copiei

cern about those men (in the plural) who were
pule for their temple at Jerusalem; whereas it

riage; and said it was but just that he should
be joined in affinity to one that had now re-
ceived the principality of his forefathers, and
had been promoted to it by God's providence,
and had conquered Demetrius, and that was
on other accounts not unworthy of being re-
lated to him. Ptolemy received this propo-
sal of marriage gladly; pnd wrote him an
answer, saluting him on account of his hav-
ing received the principality of his forefathers;
and promising him that he would give him
bis daughter in marriage; and assured him
that he was coming to meet him in Ptolemais,
and desired that he would there meet him, for
that he would accompany her from Egypt so
far, and would there marry his child to him.
When Ptolemy had written thus, he came sud-
denly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter
Cleopatra along with him; and as he found
Alexander there before him, as he desired him
to come, he gave him his child in marriage,
and for her portion gave her as much silver
and gold as became such a king to give.

2.	When the wedding was over, Alexander
wrote to Jonathan the high-priest, and desired
him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came
to these kings, and had made them magnificent
presents, he was honoured by them both. Alex-
ander compelled him also to put off his own
garment, and to take a purple garment, and
made him sit with him on his throne; and
commanded his captains that they should go
with him into the middle of the city, and pro-
claim, that it was not permitted to any one to
speak against him, or to give him any distur-
bance. And when the captains had thus done,
those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan,
and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the
honour that was done him by proclamation,
and that by the king’s order, ran away, and
were afraid lest some mischief should befall
them. Nay, king Alexander was so very
kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as
the principal of his friends.

3.	But then, upon the hundred and sixty-
fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius,
came from Crete with a great number of mer-
cenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretan,
brought him and sailed to Cilicia. This thing
cast Alexander into great concern and disorder
when he heard it; so he made haste im-
mediately out of Phoenicia and came to An-
tioch, that he might put matters in a safe pos-
ture there before Demetrius should come.
He also left Apollonius Dausj- governor ot

here they bad but one disputant, Andronicus by name;
perhaps more were prepared to speak on the Jews’ side:
but the first having answered to his Dame, and over-
come the Samaritans, there was no necessity for any
other defender of the Jerusalem temple.

+ Of the several Apollonii about these ages, see Dean
I’rideaux at iile year 148. This Apollonius Dans was,
by his account, the son of that Apollonius who had been
made governor of Celesyria and I’hueniciu by Seleucus
l’hilopater, and was himself a confidant of his son De-
metrius the father, and restored to his father’s govern-
ment by him. but afterwards revolted from him to Alex,
ander; but not to Demetrius the son, as be supposes.346

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII.

Celesyria, who, coining to Jamnia with a great their bodies, being thrown upon the shields

army, sent to Jonathan, the high-priest, and
told him that it was not right that he alone
should live at rest, and with authority, and
not be subject to the king; that this thing
had made him a reproach among all men,
that he had not yet made him subject to
the king. “Do not thou therefore deceive
thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and
pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou
hast any dependence on thy strength, come
down into the plain, and let our armies be
compared together, and the event of the battle
will demonstrate which of us is the most cou-
rageous. However, take notice, that the most
valiant men of every city are in my army, and
that these are the very men who have always
beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the
battle in such a place of the country where we
may fight with weapons, and not with stones,
and where there may be no place whither
those that are beaten may fly.”

4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and

that were united and conjoined together, the
closeness of which easily overcame the force
of the darts, and they flew about without any
effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in
throwing their darts from morning till late at
night, Simon perceived their weariness, and
fell upon the body of men before him; and
because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he
put the enemy to flight: and when the horse-
men saw that the footmen ran away, neither
did they stay themselves; but they being very
weary, by the duration of the fight till the
evening, and their hope from the footmen be-
ing quite gone, they basely ran away, and in
great confusion also, till they were separated
one from another, and scattered over all the
plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them
as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of
them, and compelled the rest, in despair of
escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which
was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city
on the first onset, and burnt it, and the vil-

choosing himself out ten thousand of his sol- lages about it; nor did he abstain from the

diers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with
his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and
pitched his camp on the outside of the city,
because the people of Joppa had shut their
gates against him, for they had a garrison in
the city, put there by Apollonius. But when
Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they
were afraid be would take them by force, and
so they opened the gates to him. But Apol-
lonius, when he heard that Joppa W'as taken
by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen,
and eight thousand footmen, and came to Ash-
dod; and removing thence, he made his jour-
ney silently and slowly, and going up to Jop-
pa, be made as if he was retiring from the
place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as
valuing himself highly upon his horsemen,
and having his hopes of victory principally in
them. However, Jonathan sallied out, and
pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon
us Apollonius perceived that bis enemy was
in the plain, he came back and gave him bat-
tle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand
horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they
might be seen by their enemies as behind
them; which when Jonathan perceived, he
was under no consternation, but, ordering his
army to stand in a square battle array, he
gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on
both sides, and set them to face those that
attacked them both before and behind; and
while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave
part of his forces to his brother Simon, and
ordered him to attack the enemies; but for
himself, he charged those that were with him
to cover themselves with their armour, and
receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as
they were commanded; so that the enemy’s
horsemen, while they threw their darts till
they had no more left, did them no harm, for
the darts that were thrown did not enter into

temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and
destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the
entire multitude of the enemies that fell in
the battle, and were consumed in the temple,
were eight thousand. When Jonathan there-
fore had overcome so great an army, he re-
moved from Ashdod, and came to Askelon:
and when he had pitched his camp without the
city, the people of Askelon came out and met
him, bringing him hospitable presents, and
honouring him; so he uccepted of their kind
intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem
with a great deal of prey, which he brought
thence when he conquered his enemies. But
when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the
general of his army, was beaten, he pretended
to be glad of it, because he had fought with
Jonathan his friend and ally against his direc-
tions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and
gave testimony to-his worth; and gave him
honorary rewards, as a golden button,* which
it is the custom to give the king’s kinsmen,
and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for
his own inheritance.

5. About this time it was that king Ptole-
my, who was called Philometor, led an army,
part by sea and part by land, and came to
Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who
was his son-in-law; and accordingly all the
cities received him willingly, as Alexander
bad commanded them to do, and conducted
him as far as Ashdod; where they all made
loud complaints about the temple of Dagon,
which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of
having laid it waste and destroyed the coun-
try adjoining with fire, and slain a great num-
ber of them. Ptolemy heard these accusations

* Dr. Hudson here observes,

Romans used to reward such
them, by presenting to them a golden button. See ch. v.
sect 4.

that the Phmnicians and
had deserved well ofCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

347

but said nothing. Jonathan also went to[and assured them that he would not be mind-
meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained 'ful of what they did to his father in case he
from him hospitable presents, and those glori- should be now obliged by them; and he un-
ous in their kinds, with all the marks of hon- dertook that he would himself be a good
our; and when he had conducted him as far monitor and governor to him; and promised
as the river called Eleutherus, he returned that he would not permit him to attempt any
again to Jerusalem.	.bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was

6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he^ontented with the kingdom of Egypt. By

was very near to a most unexpected destrue
tion; for a treacherous design was laid for
his life by Alexander, by the means of Ain-
monius, who was his friend: and as the
treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to
Alexander, and required of him that he should
bring Ammonius to condign punishment, in-
forming him what snares had been laid for
him by Ammonius, and desired that he might
he accordingly punished for it ; but when Alex-
ander did not comply with his demands, he
perceived that it was he himself who laid the
design, and was very angry at'him. Alexan-
der had also formerly been on very ill terms
with the people of Antioch, for they had suf-
fered very much by his means; yet did Am-
monius at length undergo the punishment his
insolent crimes had deserved, for he was kil-
led in an opprobrious manner, like a wo-
man, while he endeavoured to conceal him-
self in a femiuine habit, as we have elsewhere
related.

7.	Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for
having given his daughter in marriage to
Alexander, and for the league he had made
with him to assist him against Demetrius; so
he dissolved his relation to him, and took his
daughter away from him, and immediately
sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a
league of mutual assistance and friendship
with him, and agreed with him to give him
his daughter in marriage, and to restore him
to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius
was well pleased with this embassage, and ac-
cepted of his assistance, and of the marriage
of his daughter; but Ptolemy had still one
more hard task to do, and that was to persuade
the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius,
because they were greatly displeased at him,
on account of the injuries his father Demetrius
had done them; yet did he bring this about;
for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander
on Ammonius’s account, as we have shown
already, they were easily prevailed with to
cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled
out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy
came then to Antioch, and was made king by
its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he
was forced to put on two diadems, the one
of Asia, the other of Egypt; but being na-
turally a good and a righteous man, and not
desirous of what belonged to others, and be-
sides these dispositions, being also a wise man
m reasoning about futurities, be determined
to avoid the envy of the Romans; so he called
the people of Antioch together to an assembly,
and persuaded them to receive Demetrius,

which discourse he persuaded the people of
Antioch to receive Demetrius.

8.	But now Alexander made haste, with a
numerous and great army, and came out of
Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country be-
longing to Antioch, and pillaged it; where-
upon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius,
brought their army against him (for he had
already given him his daughter in marriage),
and beat Alexander, and put him to flight;
and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now,
it happened in the time of the battle that Pto-
lemy’s horse, upon hearing the noise of an ele-
phant, cast him off his back, and threw him
on the ground; upon the sight of which ac-
cident his enemies fell upon him, and gave
him many wounds upon his head, and brought
him into danger of death, for when his guards
caught him up, he was so very ill that for
four days' time he was not able either to un-
derstand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a
prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexan-
der’s head and sent it to Ptolemy, who, re-
covering of his wounds, and returning to his
understanding on the fifth day, heard at once
a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most
agreeable sight, which were the death and the
head of Alexander; yet a little after this his
joy for the death of Alexander, with which he
was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this
life. Now Alexander, who was called Balus,
reigned over Asia five years, as we have else-
where related.

9.	But when Demetrius, who was styled
Nicator,* had taken the kingdom, he was so
wicked as to treat Ptolemy’s soldiers very
hardly, neither remembering the league of
mutual assistance that was between them, nor
that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by
Cleopatra’s marriage to him; so the soldiers
fled from his wicked treatment to Alexan-
dria; but Demetrius kept his elephants.
But Jonathan the high-priest levied an army
out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at
Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was held by
a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of
those men who had deserted the customs of
their forefathers. These men at first despised
the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place,
as depending on its strength; but some of
those wicked men went out by night, and
came to Demetrius, and informed him that
the citadel was beseiged; who was irritated

* This name, Demetrius Nicator, or Demetrius the
conqueror, is so written on his coins still extant, as
Hudson and Spanlieim inform us; the latter of whom
Rives us here the entire inscription, “ Kina Demetrius
the (rod, Philadelphus, Nicator.”348

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII,

with what he heard, and took his army, and
came from Antioch against Jonathan. And
when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him,
and commanded him to come to him quickly
to Ptolemais; upon which Jonathan did not
intermit the siege of the citadel, but took
with him the elders of the people, and tlje
priests, and carried with him gold, and silver,
and garments, and a great number of presents
of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and
presented him with them, and thereby paci-
fied the king’s anger. So he was honoured
by him, and received from him the confirma-
tion of his high-priesthood, as he had possess-
ed it by the grants of the kings his predeces-
sors. And when the Jewish deserters accused
him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit
to them, that when he petitioned him that he
would demand no more than three hundred
talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the
three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and
Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and
gave him a letter confirming those grants;
the contents of which were as follows:—
“King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother,
and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greet-
ing. We have sent you a copy of that epistle
which we have written to Lastbenes our kins-
man, that you may know its contents_________

‘ King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father,
sendeth greeting. I have determined to re-
turn thanks and to show favour to the na-
tion of the Jews, who hath observed the rules
of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I
remit to them the three prefectures, Apheri-
ma, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have
been added to Judea out of Samaria, with
their appurtenances: as also what the kings
my predecessors received from those that of-
fered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are
due from the fruits of the earth, and of the
trees, and what else belongs to us ; with the
salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be pre-
sented to us. Nor shall they be compelled
to pay any of those taxes from this time to all
futurity. Take care, therefore, that a copy
of this epistle be taken and given to Jonathan,
and be set up in an eminent place of their holy
temple.’” And these were the contents of
this writing. And now when Demetrius saw
that there was peace everywhere, and that
there was no danger nor fear of war, he dis-
banded the greatest part of his army, and di-
minished their pay, and even retained in pay
no others than such foreigners as came up with
him from Crete, and from the other islands.
However, this procured him ill-will and ha-
tred from the soldiers, on whom he bestowed
nothing from this time, while the kings be-
fore him used to pay them in time of peace,
as they did before, that they might have their
good-will, and that they might be very ready to
undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion
should require it.

CHAPTER V.

HOW TRYPHO, AFTER HE HAD BEATEN DEME.

TRIUS, DELIVERED THE KINGDOM TO ANTIO-

C HUS, THE SON OF ALEXANDER, AND GAINED

JONATHAN FOR HIS ASSISTANT; AND CON-
CERNING THE ACTIONS AND EMBASSIES OP

JONATHAN.

§ 1. Now there was a certain commander of
Alexander’s forces, an Apamian by birth,
whose name was Diodotus, and was also call-
ed Trypho, took notice of the ill-will the sol-
diers bare to Demetrius, and went to Mal-
chus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus,
the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-
will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded
him to give him Antiochus, because he would
make him king, and recover to him the king-
dom of his father. Malchus at first opposed
him in this attempt, because he could not be-
lieve him; but when Trypho lay hard at him
for a long time, he over-persuaded him to
comply with Trypho’s intentions and entrea-
ties. And this was the state Trypho was
now in.

2.	But Jonathan the high-priest, being de-
sirous to get clear of those that were in the
citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish de-
serters and wicked men, as well as those in
all the garrisons in the country, sent presents
and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated
him to take away his soldiers out of the
strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made an-
swer, that after the war, which he was now
deeply engaged in, was over, he would not
only grant him that, but greater things than
that also; and he desired be would send him
some assistance; and informed him that his
army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose
out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent
them to Demetrius.

3.	Now the people of Antioch hated De-
metrius, both on account of what mischief he
had himself done them, and because they
were his enemies also on account of his fathe.
Demetrius who had greatly abused them; so
they watched some opportunity which they
might lay hold on to fall upon him. And
when they were informed of the assistance that
was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan,
and considered at the same time that he would
raise a numerous army, unless they prevented
him and seized upon him, they took their
weapons immediately and encompassed his
palace in the way of a siege, and seizing upon
all the ways of getting out, they sought to
subdue their king. And when he saw that
the people of Antioch were become his bitter
enemies, and that they were thus in arms, he
took the mercenary soldiers which he had
with him, and those Jews who were sent by
Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiocbians; butCHAP. V.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

be was overpowered by them, for they were
many ten thousands, and was beaten. But
when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were
superior, they went up to the top of the pa-
lace, and shot at them from thence; and be-
cause they were so remote from them by their
height, that they suffered nothing on their
side, but did great execution on the others,
as fighting from such an elevation, they drove
them out of the adjoining houses, and imme-
diately set them on fire, whereupon the flame
spread itself over the whole city, and burnt
it all down. This happened by reason of the
closeness of the houses, and because they
were generally built of wood: so the Antio-
chians, when they were not able to help them-
selves, nor to stop the fire, were put to flight.
And as the Jews leaped from the top of one
house to the top of another, and pursued them
after that manner, it thence happened that the
pursuit was very surprising. But when the
king saw that the Antiochians were very busy
in saving their children and their wives, and
so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them
in the narrow passages, and fought them, and
slew a great number of them, till at last they
were forced to throw down their arms, and to
deliver themselves up to Demetrius. So he
forgave them this their insolent behaviour,
and put an end to the sedition: and when he
had given rewards to the Jews out of the
rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned
them thanks, as the cause of his victory, he
sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan,
with an ample testimony of the assistance
they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an
ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the
promises he had made: and he threatened
that he would make war upon him, unless he
would pay all that tribute which the Jewish

nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]__

And this he bad done, if Trypho had not hin-
dered him, and diverted his preparations against
Jonathan to a concern for his own preserva-
tion; for he now returned out of Arabia into
Syria, with the child Antiochus, for he was
yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem

349

over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre un-
to Egypt. So Jonathan was so pleased with
those grants made him by Antiochus, that he
sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and
professed himself to be their friend and con-
federate, and said he wrould join with him in
a war against Demetrius, informing him that
he had made no proper returns for the kind-
nesses he had done him; for that when he had
received many marks of kindness from him,
when he stood in great need of them, lie, for
such good turns, had requited him with far-
ther injuries.

5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to
raise himself a numerous army out of Syria
and Phoenicia, and to make war against De-
metrius’s generals; whereupon he went in
haste to the several cities, which received him
splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his
hands. And when he was come from thence
to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came
and brought him presents, and met him in a
splendid manner. He exhorted them, and
every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake
Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus, and
in assisting him, to endeavour to punish De-
metrius for what offences he had been guilty
of against themselves; and told them there
were many reasons for that their procedure,
if they had a mind so to do. And when he
had persuaded those cities to promise their
assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in
order to induce them also to be friends to
Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of
Gaza much more alienated from him than he
expected, for they had shut their gates against
him; and although they had deserted Deme-
trius, they had not resolved to join themselves
to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to
besiege them, and to harass their country;
for as he set a part of his army round about
Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their
land, and spoiled it, and burned what was in
it. When the inhabitants of Gaza saw them-
selves in this state of affliction, and that no
assistance came to them from Demetrius, that
what distressed them was at hand, but what

on bis head; and as the whole forces that had should profit them was still at a great distance,

left Demetrius, because they had no pay, came
to his assistance, he made war upon Deme-
trius, and joining battle with him, overcame
him in the fight, and took from him both his
elephants and the city of Antioch.

4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired in-
to Cilicia; but the child Antiochus sent am-
bassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and
made him his friend and confederate, and con-
firmed to him the high-priesthood, and yielded
up to him the four prefectures which had been
added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him
vessels and - cups of gold, and a purple gar-
ment, and gave him leave to use them. He
also presented him with a golden button, and
styled him one of his principal friends; and
appointed his brother Simon to be the general

and it was uncertain whether it would come
at all or not, they thought it would be pru-
dent conduct to leave off any longer continu-
ance with him, and to cultivate friendship
with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and
professed they would be his friends, and afford
him assistance; for such is the temper of men,
that before they have had the trial of great
afflictions, they do not understand what is
for their advantage; but when they find them-
selves under such afflictions, they then change
their minds, and what it had been better for
them to have done before they had been at
all damaged, they choose to do, but not till
after they have suffered such damages. How-
ever, he made a league of friendship with
them, and took from them hostages for their350

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII.

performance of it, and sent these hostages to
Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the
country, as far as Damascus.

6.	But when he heard that the generals of
Demetrius’s forces were come to the city Ca-
desh, with a numerous army (the place lies
between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee),
for they supposed they should hereby draw
him out of Syria, in order to preserve Gali-
lee, and that he would not overlook the Ga-
lileans. who were his own people, when war
was made upon them,- he went to meet them,
having left Simon in Judea, who raised as
great an army as he was able out of the coun-
try, and then sat down before Bethsura, and
besieged it, that being the strongest place in
all Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius’s kept
it, as we have already related. But as Simon
was raising hanks, and bringing his engines of
war against Bethsura, and was very earnest
about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid
lest the place should be taken of Simon by
force, and they put to the sword ; so they sent
to Simon, and desired the security of his oath,
that they should come to no harm from him,
and that they would leave the place, and go
away to Demetrius. Accordingly, he gave
them his oath, and ejected them out of the
city, and he put therein a garrison of his own.

7.	But Jonathan removed out of Galilee,
and from the waters which are called Gen-
nesar, for there he was before encamped, and
came into the plain that is called Asor, with-
out knowing that the enemy was there. When
therefore Demetrius’s men knew a day before-
hand that Jonathan was coming against them,
they laid an ambush in the mountain, who
were to assault him on the sudden, while
they themselves met him with an army in the
plain; which army, when Jonathan saw ready
to engage him, he also got ready his own sol-
diers for the battle as well as he was able.
But those that were laid in ambush by Deme-
trius’s generals being behind them, the Jews
were afraid lest they should be caught in the
midst between two bodies, and perish; so
they ran away in haste, and indeed all the
rest left Jonathan, but a few, that were in
number about fifty, who staid with him, and
with them Mattathias, the son of Absalom,
and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were
commanders of the whole army. These
marched boldly, and like men desperate,
against the enemy, and so pushed them, that
by their courage they daunted them, and with
their weapons in their hands, they put them
to flight. And when those soldiers of Jona-
than that had retired, saw the enemy giving
way, they got together after their flight, and
pursued them with great violence; and this
did they as far as Cadesb, where the camp of
the enemy lay.

8.	Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious
victory, and slain two thousand of the enemy,
returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that

all his affairs prospered according to his mind,
by the providence of God, he sent ambassa-
dors to the Romans, being desirous of renew-
ing that friendship which their nation had with
them formerly. He enjoined the same ambas-
sadors, that, as they came back, they should
go to the Spartans and put then, in mind of
their friendship and kindred. So when the am-
bassadors came to Rome, they went in to their
senate, and said what they were commanded by
Jonathan their high-priest to say, how he had
sent them to confirm their friendship. The
senate then confirmed what had been formerly
decreed concerning their friendship with the
Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the
kings of Asia and Europe, and to the gover-
nors of the cities, that they might safely con-
duct them to their own country. According-
ly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and
delivered the epistle which they had received
of Jonathan to them; a copy of which here
follows:—“Jonathan the high-priest of the
Jewish nation, and the senate, and body ol
the people of the Jews, to the ephori and se-
nate, and body of the people of the Lacedo-
moninns, send greeting. If you be well, and
both your public and private affairs be agree-
able to your mind, it is according to our
wishes. We are well also. When in former
times an epistle was brought to Onias, who
was then our high-priest, from Areus, who at
that time was your king, by Demoteles, con-
cerning the kindred that was between us and
you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we
both joyfully received the epistle, and were
well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, al-
though we did not need such a demonstration,
because we were well satisfied about it from
the sacred writings,* yet did not we think fit
first to begin the claim of this relation to you,
lest we should seem too early in taking to our-
selves the glory which is now given us by you.
It is a long time since this relation of ours to
you hath been renewed; and when we, upon
holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God,
we pray to him for your preservation and vic-
tory. As to ourselves, although we have had
many wars, that have compassed us around, by
reason of the covetousness of our neighbours,
yet did not we determine to he troublesome
either to you or to others that were related to
us; but since we have now overcome our ene-
mies, and have occasion to send Numenius, the
son of Antiochus, and Antipater, the son of Ja-
son, who are both honourable men belonging
to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them
this epistle to you also, that they might re-
new that friendship which is between us.—

• This clause is otherwise rendered in the first book of
Maccabees, xii. 9: “ For that we have the holy books of
Scriptures in our hands to comfort us.” The Het
original being lost, we cannot certainly judge which
the truest version, only the cohe
But if this

hands to comfort us.” The Hebrew
t, we cannot certainly judge which was
n, only the coherence favours Josephus,
the Jews’ meaning, that they were satis.

But if this were the Jews’ meaning, tbat they were sa
fled out of their Bible that the Jews and Lacedemoni:
were of kin, that part of tbeir Bible is now lost; for
find no such assertion in our present copies.CHAP. V.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

351

You will therefore do well yourselves to write
to us, and send us an account of what you
stand in need of from us, since we are in all
things disposed to act according to your de-
sires. So the Lacedemonians received the
ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for
friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it
to them.

9.	At this time there were three sects among
the Jews, who had different opinions concern-
ing human actions; the one was called the
sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the
Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Es-
sens. Now for the Pharisees,* they say that
some actions, but not all, are the work of fate,
and some of them are in our own power, and
that they are liable to fate, but are not caused
by fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm,
that fate governs all things, and that nothing
befalls men but what is according to its deter-
mination. And for the Sadducees, they take
away fate, and say there is no such thing, and
that the events of human affairs are not at its
disposal; but they suppose that all our actions
are in our own power, so that we are ourselves
the causes of what is good, and receive what
is evil from our own folly. However, I have
given a more exact account of these opinions
in the second book of the Jewish War.

10.	But now the generals of Demetrius,
being willing to recover the defeat they had
had, gathered a greater army together than
they had before, and came against Jonathan;
but as soon as he was informed of their com-

ing, he went suddenly to meet them, to the
country of Hamath, for he resolved to give
them no opportunity of coming into Judea;
so be pitched his camp at fifty furlongs’ dis-
tance from the enemy, and sent out spies to
take a view of their camp, and after what
manner they were encamped. When his
spies had given him full information, and had
seized upon some of them by night, who told
him the enemy would soon attack him, he
thus apprized beforehand, provided for his

* Those that suppose Josephus to contradict himself
in his three several accounts of the notions of the Phari-
sees, this here, and that earlier one, which is the largest.
Of the War, b. ii. ch. i.sect. 14: and that later, Antiq.b.
xviii.ch. i. sect. 3; as if he sometimes said they introduced
an absolute fatality, and denied all freedom of human ac-
tions, is almost wholly groundless; he ever, as the very
learned Cassaubon here truly observes, asserting that the
Pharisees were between the Essens and Sadducees, and
did so far ascribe all to fate or Divine Providence as was
consistent with the freedom of human actions. However,
their perplexed way of talking about fate or Providence,
as ovei-ruling all things, made it commonly thought they
were willing to excuse their sins by ascribing them to
fate, as in the Apostolical Constitutions, b. vi. ch. vi.—
Perhaps, under the same general name some difference
of opinions in this point might be propagated, as is very
common in all parties, especially in points of metaphysi-
cal subtilty. However, our Josephus, who in his heart
was a great admirer of the piety of the Essens, was yet in
practice a Pharisee, as he himself informs us, in his own
Life, sect. 2. And his account of this doctrine of the Pha-
risees, is for certain agreeable to his own opinion, who
b ull allowed the freedom of human actions, and yet
stiongly believed the powerful interposition of Divine
Providence. See concerning this matter a remarkable
olanie, Antiq. b. xviii.ch. xi. sect. 7.

security, and placed watchmen beyond his
camp, and kept all his forces armed all night;
and be gave them a charge to be of good cou-
rage, and to have their minds prepared to fight
in the night-time, if they should be obliged
so to do, lest their enemy’s designs should
seem concealed from them. But when Deme-
trius’s commanders were informed that Jona-
than knew what they intended, their counsels
were disordered, and it alarmed them to find
that the enemy had discovered those their in-
tentions; nor did they expect to overcome
them any other way, now they had failed in
the snares they had laid for them; for should
they hazard an open battle, they did not think
they should be a match for Jonathan’s army,
so they resolved to fly: and having lighted
many fires, that when the enemy saw them
they might suppose they were there still, they
retired. But when Jonathan came to give
them battle in the morning in their camp, and
found it deserted, and understood they were
fled, he pursued them; yet he could not over-
take them, for they had already passed over
the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger.
So when Jonathan was returned tbence, he
went into Arabia, and fought against the Na-
bateans, and drove away a great deal of their
prey, and took [many] captives, and came to
Damascus, and there sold off what he had
taken. About the same time it was that Si-
mon his brother went over all Judea and Pa-
lestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the
strong holds: and when he had made them
very strong, both in the edifices erected, and
in the garrisons placed in them, he came to
Joppa; and when he had taken it, he brought
a great garrison into it, for he heard that the
people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up
the city to Demetrius’s generals.

\1. When Simon and Jonathan had finish-
ed these affair's, they returned to Jerusalem,
where Jonathan gathered all the people toge-
ther, and took counsel to restore the walls of
Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that en-
compassed the temple, which had been thrown
down, and to make the places adjoining
stronger, by very high towers; and besides
that, to build another wall in the midst oi
the city, in order to exclude the market-place
from the garrison, which was in the citadel,
and by that means to hinder them from any
plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make
the fortresses that were in the country much
stronger, and more defensible than they were
before. And when these things were approv-
ed of by the multitude, as rightly proposed,
Jonathan himself took care of the building
that belonged to the city, and sent Simon
away to make the fortresses in the country more
secure than formerly. But Demetrius passed
over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopota-
mia, as desirous to retain that country still, as
well as Babylon; and when he should have
obtained the dominion of the upper provinces,352

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII

to lay a foundation for recovering his entire
kingdom; for these Greeks and Macedonians,
who dwelt there, frequently sent ambassadors
to him, and promised that if he would come to
them, they would deliver themselves up to
him, and assist him in fighting against Ar-
saces,* the king of the Parthians. So he was
elevated with these hopes, and came hastily to
them, as having resolved that, if he had once
overthrown the Parthians, and gotten an ar-
my of his own, he would make war against
Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the
people of that country received him with great
alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he
fought against Arsaces, and lost all his army;
and was himself taken alive, as we have else-
where related.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW JONATHAN WAS SLAIN BY TREACHERY;

AND HOW THEREUPON THE JEWS MADE

SIMON TIIEin GENERAL AND HIGH-PRIEST;

WHAT COURAGEOUS ACTIONS HE ALSO PER-
FORMED, ESPECIALLY AGAINST TRYPHO.

§ 1. Now when Trypho knew what had be-
fallen Demetrius, he was no longer firm to
Antiocbus, but contrived by subtilty to kill
him, and then take possession of his kingdom;
but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was
an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan
was a friend to Antiocbus, for which cause he
resolved first to take Jonathan out of the
way, and then to set about his design relating
to Antiochus; but lie, judging it best to take
him off by deceit and treachery, came from
Antioch to Bethshan, which by the Greeks is
called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan
met him with forty thousand chosen men, for
he thought that he came to fight him; but
when he perceived that Jonathan was ready
to fight, he attempted to gain him by presents
and kind treatment, and gave order to his
captains to obey him, and by these means was
desirous to give assurance of his good-will,
and to take away all suspicions out of his
mind, that so he might make him careless
and inconsiderate, and might take him when
he was unguarded. He also advised him to
dismiss his army, because there was no occa-
sion for bringing it with him, when there was
no war, but all was in peace. However, he
desired him to retain a few about him, and
go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would
deliver the city up to him, ar.d would bring

* The kinfj. who was of the famous race of Arsaces, is
both here and 1 Mac. xiv. 2. culled by the family-name
ArBaces; but Appian says liis proper name was Phrnntes.
He is here also called by .iosephno the ting of 1 lie Par-
tisans. as the Greeks used to call lliem; but by the elder
author of tile First Maccabees, the king of the Persians
and Medes. uccordieir to the language of the eastern na-
tions. See Aut'uent. Eec. pari. ii. p. HOB.

all tbe fortresses that were in the country un-
der bis dominion; and be told him that he
came with those very designs.

2.	Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing
at all by this bis management, but believed
that Trypho gave this advice out of kindness,
and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he
dismissed his army, and retained no more than
three thousand of them with him, and left
two thousand in Galilee; and he himself,
with one thousand, came with Trypho to Pto-
lemais: but when the people of Ptolemais
had shut their gates, as it had been com-
manded by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan
alive, and slew all that were with him. He
also sent soldiers against those two thousand
that were left in Galilee, in order to destroy
them: but those men having heard the report
of what had happened to Jonathan, they pre-
vented the execution, and before those that
were sent by Trypho came, they covered them-
selves with their armour, and went away out
of the country. Now when those that were
sent against them saw that they were ready
to fight for their lives, they gave them no dis-
turbance, but returned back to Trypho.

3.	But when the people of Jerusalem heard
that Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers
who were with him were destroyed, they de-
plored his sad fate; and there was earnest in-
quiry made about him by every body, and a
great and just fear fell upon them, and made
them sad, lest now they were deprived of the
courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations
about them should bear them ill-will; and as
they were before quiet on account of Jonathan,
they should now rise up against them, and by
making war with them, should force them into
the utmost dangers. And indeed what they
suspected really befell them; for when those
nations heard of the death of Jonathan, they
began to make war with the Jews as now des-
titute of a governor; Trypho himself got an
army together, and had an intention to go up
to Judea, and make war against its inhabi-
tants. But when Simon saw that the people
of Jerusalem were terrified at the circum-
stances they were in, he desired to make a
speech to them, and thereby to render them

:>re resolute in opposing Trypho when he
should come against them. He then called
the people together into the temple, and thence
began thus to encourage them:—“O my
countrymen, you are not ignorant that our
father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured
to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the
recovery of your liberty; since I have there-
fore such plenty of examples before me, and
we of our family have determined with our-
selves to die for our laws and our divine wor-
ship, there shall no terrefr be so great as to
banish this resolution from our souls, nor to
introduce in its place a love of life ami a con-
tempt of glory. Do you theiefore follow me
with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you,CHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

353

as not destitute of such a captain as is willing
to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you;
for neither am I better than my brethren that
I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far
worse than they as to avoid and refuse what
they thought the most honourable of all things,
—I mean, to undergo death for your laws,
and for that worship of God which is peculiar
to you; I will therefore give such proper de-
monstrations as will show that I am their own
brother; and I am so bold as to expect that I
shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and
deliver you all, with your wives and children,
from the injuries they intend against you, and,
with God’s assistance, to preserve your tem-
ple from destruction by them; for I sec that
these nations have you in contempt, as being
without a governor, and that they thence are
encouraged to make war against you.”

4.	By this speech of Simon, be inspired the
multitude with courage; and as they had be-
fore been dispirited through fear, they were
now raised to a good hope of better things,
insomuch that the whole multitude of the peo-
ple cried out all at once, that Simon should be
leader; and that instead of Judas and Jona-
than his brethren, he should have the govern-
ment over them: and they promised that they
would readily obey him in whatsoever be
should command them. So he got together
immediately all his own soldiers that were fit
for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls
of the city, and strengthening them by very
high and strong towers, and sent a friend of
his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to
Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabi-
tants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they
should deliver up the city to Trypho; but he
himself staid to secure Jerusalem.

5.	But Trypho removed from Ptolemais
with a great army, and came into Judea, and
brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon
also met him with his army at the city Adida,
which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the
plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew
that Simon was by the Jews made their gover-
nor, he sent to him, and would have imposed
upon him by deceit and treacherv, and de-
sired, if he would have his brother Jonathan
released, that he would send him an hundred
talents of silver, and two of Jonathan’s sons
as hostages, that when he shall be released,
he may not make Judea revolt from the king;
for that at present he was kept in bonds on
account of the money he had borrowed of the
king, and now owed it to him. But Simon
was aware of the craft of Trypho; and al-
though he knew that if he gave him the mo-
ney he should lose it, and that Trypho would
not set his brother free, and withal should
deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy,
yet because he was afraid that he should have
a calumny raised against him among the mul-
titude as the cause of bis brother’s death, if
he neither gave the money nor sent Jona

than’s sons, he gathered his army together,
and told them what offers Trypho had ina‘de
and added this, that the offers were ensnaring
and treacherous, and yet that it was more eli-
gible to send the money and Jonathan’s sons,
than to be liable to the imputation of not
complying with Trypho’s offers, and thereby
refusing to save his brother. Accordingly,
Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the
money; but when Trypho had received them
he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan
free, but took his army, and went about all
the country, and resolved to go afterward to
Jerusalem, by the way of Idumea, while Si-
mon went over-against him with his army,
and all along pitched his camp over-against
his.

6.	But when those that were in the citadel
had sent to Trypho, and besought him to make
haste and come to them, and to send them
provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though
he would be at Jerusalem that very night;
but so great a quantity of snow fell in the
night, that it covered the roads, and made
them so deep that there was no passing, espe-
cially for the cavalry. This hindered him
from coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Try-
pbo removed thence, and came into Celesyria,
and falling vehemently upon the land of Gi-
lead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he
bad given order for his burial, he returned
himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent
some to the city Basca to bring away his bro-
ther’s bones, and buried them in their own
city Modin; and all the people made great
lamentation over him. Simon also erected a
very large monument for his father and his
brethren of white and polished stone, and
raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a
long way off, and made cloisters about it, and
set up pillars, which were of one stone a-piec6
a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover
he built seven pyramids also for his parents
and brethren, one for each of them, which
were made very surprising, both for their large
ness and beauty, and which have been preserved
to this day; and we know that it was Simon
who bestowed so much zeal about the burial
of Jonathan, and the building of these monu-
ments for his relations. Now Jonathan died
when he had been high-priest four years,*
and had been also the governor of his nation.
And these were the circumstances that con-
cerned his death.

» There is some error in the copies here, when no more
than four years are ascribed to the high-priesthood of Jo.
natlian. We know by Josephus’s last Jew ish chronology
Antlq. b. x*. ch. x. that there was an interval of seven
years between the death of Alcimus,or Jacimas, the last
high-priest, and the real high-priesthood of Jonathan, to
whom yet those seven years seem here to bn ascribed, as
a part of them were to Judas before, Antiq. b. xii. ch. x.
sect. 6. Now since, besides these seven years interreg-
num in Ihe pontificate, we are told, Antiq- b. xx. ch. x.
I hat Jonathan’s real high-priesthood lasted seven years
more, these two stven years will make up fourteen yearsi
which, I suppose, was Josephus’s own number in this
place, instead of the four in our present copies.354

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII,

7- But Simon, who was made high-priest
by the multitude, on the very first year of his
hich-priesthood, set his people free from their
slavery under the Macedonians, and permit-
ted them to pay tribute to them no longer;
which liberty and freedom from tribute they
obtained, after a hundred and seventy years*
of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was
after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got
the dominion over Syria. Now the affection
of the multitude towards Simon was so great,
that in their cpntracts one with another, and
in their public records, they wrote, “in the
first year of Simon the benefactor and eth-
narch of the Jews;” for under him they were
very happy, and overcame the enemies that
were round about them; for Simon over-
threw the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jam-
nia. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem
by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that
it might not be any more a place of refuge to.
their enemies when they took it, to do them
a mischief, as it had been till now. And
when be had done this, he thought it their
best way, and most for their advantage, to
level the very mountain itself upon which the
citadel happened to stand, that so the temple
might be higher than it. And, indeed, when
he had called the multitude to an assembly,
he persuaded them to Lave it so demolished,
and this by putting them in mind what mise-
ries they had suffered by its garrison and
the Jewish deserters; and what miseries they
might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner
should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison
into that citadel. This speech induced the
multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted
them to do nothing but what was for their
oWn good: so they all set themselves to the
work, and levelled the mountain, and in that
work spent both day and night without inter-
mission, which cost them three whole years
before it was removed, and brought to an en-
tire level with the plain of the rest of the
city. After which the temple was the highest
of all the buildings, now' the citadel, as well
as the mountain whereon it stood, were de-
molished. And these actions were thus per-
formed under Simon.

* These one hundred and seventy years of the Assy-
rians mean no more, as Josephus explains himself here,
than from the sera of Seleucus, which, ns it is known to
have began on Ihe3l2(h year before the Christian sera,
from ils spring in the first book of Maccabees, and from
Its autumn in Ihe second book of Maccabees, so did it
not begin at Babylon till the next spring, on the 31 ltli
tear. See l’rid. at the year 312. And it is truly observed
by Or. Hudson on this place, that the Syrians and As-
syrians are sometimes confounded in ancient authors,
according to the words of Justin, the epitomizer of T ro-
gus Pompeius, who says, tnai “ the Assyrians were after-
wards called Syrians.” B. 1 ch. XL See of the War, b.
V. ch. ix. sect. 4. where the Philistines themselves, at the
very south limit of Syria in its utmost extent, are called
Assyrians by Josephus, as Spanheim observes.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW SIMON CONFEDERATED HIMSELF WITH
ANTIOCHUS PIUS, AND MADE WAR AGAINST
TRYPHO, AND, A LITTLE AFTERWARDS,
AGAINST CENDEBEUS, THE GENERAL OF AN-
TIOCHUS’s ARMY; AS ALSO HOW SIMON WAS
MURDERED BY HIS SON-IN-LAW, PTOLEMY,
AND THAT BY TREACHERY.

§ 1. f Now a little while after Demetrius
had been carried into captivity, Trypho his
governor destroyed Antiochus,J the son of
Alexander, who was also called 77/e God,|[
and this when he had reigned four years,
though he gave it out that he died under the
hands of the surgeons. He then sent his
friends, and those that were most intimate
with him, to the soldiers, and promised that
he would give them a great deal of money if
they would make him king. He intimated
to them that Demetrius was made a captive
by the Parthians; and that Demetrius’s bro-
ther Antiochus, if he came to be king, would
do them a great deal of mischief, in way of
revenge for revolting from his brother. So
the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they

+ It must here be diligently noted, that Josephus’s
copy of the first hook of Maccabees, which he lias so
carefully followed, and faithfully abridged, as far as the
fiftitlli verse of the thirteenth chapter, seems there to
have ended. What few things there are afterwards com-
mon to hoth, might probably he learned by him from
some other more imperfect records. However, we must
exactly observe here, what the remaining part i,f that
book of the Maccabees informs us of, and what Jose-
phus would never have omitted had his copy cnmaincd
so much,— that this Simon the Great, the Maccuhee,
made a league with Antiochus Soter, the son of Deme-
trius Soier, and brother ol the other Demetrius, who
was now a captive in Parthia; that upon his coming to
the crown about the 140th year before the Christian
nsra, he granted great privileges to the Jewish nation
ami to Simon their high-priest and elhnarch: which
privileges Simon scents to have taken of his own accord
about three years before. In particular, he gave him
leave to coin money for liis country with his own stamp:
and as concerning Jeiusaletn and the sanctuary, that they
should he free, or, as the vulgar Latin hath it, “ holy and
free” (I Maccab. xv. 6, 7,) which 1 take to he the true
reading, as being the very words of his father’s conces-
sion o fie red to Jonathan several yearn before: ch. x. 31;
and Antiq. b. xiii. ch. ii sect. 3. Now what makes this
date and these grants greatly remarkable, is the state of
the remaining genuine shekels of the Jews with Samari-
tan characters, which seem to have been (most of them
at least) coined in the first four years of this Simon, the
Asamoneun, and having upon them these words on one
side, “Jerusalem the Holyand on the reverse, “ In the
Year of Freedom,” 1. or 2, or 3, or 4; which shekels,
therefore, are original monuments of these times, and
undeniable marks of the truth of the history in these
chapters, though it be in great measure omitted by Jose-
phus. See Essay on the Old Test. p. 157. 15H. The
reason why 1 rather suppose that his copy of the Macca-
bees wanted these chapters, than that his own copies are
here imperfect is this: That all their contents are not
here omitted, though much the greater part be.

$ How Trypho killed this Antiochus, the epitome of
Livy informs us, chapter 53, viz. that he corrupted his
physicians or surgeons, who, falsely pretending to the
people that he was perishing with the stone, as they cut
him for it, killed him; which exactly agrees with Jose-
phus.

II That this Antiochus, the son of Alexander Bald-s,
was called “the God,” is evident from his coins, which
l Spanheim assures us bear this inscription: “King An-
tiochus the God; Epiphanes the Victorious.”CHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	355

should get by bestowing the kingdom upon
Trypho, made him their ruler. However,
when Trypho had gained the management of
affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be
wicked; for while he was a private person,
he cultivated a familiarity with the multitude,
nnd pretended to great moderation, and so
drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleas-
ed; but when he had once taken the king-
dom, he laid aside any farther dissimulation,
and was the true Trypho; which behaviour
made his enemies superior to him; for the
soldiers hated him, and revolted from him to
Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was
then shut up in Seleucia with her children;
but as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius
who was called Soter, was not admitted by
any of the cities, on account of Trypho, Cleo-
patra sent to him, and invited him to marry
her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons
why she made this invitation were these:
That her friends persuaded her to it, and that
she wa9 afraid for herself, in case some of
the people of Seleucia should deliver up the
city to Trypho.

2.	As Antiochus was now come to Seleu-
cia, and his forces increased every day, he
inarched to fight Trypho; and having beaten
him in the battle, he ejected him out of the
Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him
thither, and besieged him in Dora, which was
a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had
fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the
Jewish high-priest, about a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance; w'ho readily ac-
cepted of the invitation, and sent to Antio-
ch us great sums of money and provisions for
those that besieged Dora, and thereby sup-
plied them very plentifully, so that for a little
while he was looked upon as one of his most
intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from
Dora to Apamia, where he was taken during
the siege, and put to death, when he had
reigned three years.

3.	However, Antiochus forgot the kind
assistance that Simon had afforded him in
his necessity, by reason of his covetous and
wicked disposition, and committed an army of
soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him
at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon.
When Simon heard of Antiochus’s breaking
his league with him, although be were now
in years, yet, provoked with the unjuA treat-
ment he had met with from Antiochus, and
taking a resolution brisker than his age could
well bear, he went like a young man to act
as general of his army. He also sent bis sons
before among the roost hardy of his soldiers,
and he himself marched on with his army
another way, and laid many of Jris men in
ambushes in the narrow valleys between the
mountains; nor did he fail of success in
any one of his attempts, but was too hard
for his enemies in every one of them. So
ha led the rest of his life in peace, and did

also himself make a league with the Ro-
mans.

4.	Now he was ruler of the Jews in all
eight years; but at a feast came to his end.
It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-
law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and
two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. Ho
also sent some to kill John the third son,
whose name was Hyrcanus: but the young
man perceiving them coming, he avoided the
danger he was in from them,* and made haste
into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the
good-will of the multitude, because of the
benefits they had received from his father, and
because of the hatred the same multitude bare
to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was en-
deavouring to enter the city by another gate,
they drove him away, as having already ad-
mitted Hyrcanus.

CHAPTER VIII.

HYnCANUS RECEIVES THE HIGH-PRIESTHOOD,
AND EJECTS PTOLEMY OUT OF THE COUN-
TRY. ANTIOCHUS MAKES WAR AGAINST
HYRCANUS, ANJ) AFTERWARDS MAKES A
LEAGUE WITH HIM.

§ 1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the for-
tresses that was above Jericho, which was called
Dagon.	15ut Hyrcanus having taken the

high-priesthood that had been his father’s be-
fore, and in the first place propitiated God by
sacrifices, he then made an expedition against
Ptolemv; and when he made his attacks
upon the place, in other points he was too
hard for him, but was rendered weaker than
he, by the commiseration he had for his mo-
ther and his brethren, and by that only; for
Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and
tormented them in the sight of all, and threa-
tened that he would throw them down head-
long, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the
siege; and as he thought that, so far as he
relaxed to the siege and taking of the place,
so much favour did he show to those that were
dearest to him by preventing their misery, his
zeal about it was cooled. However, his mo-
ther spread out her hands, and begged of him
that he would not grow remiss on her account,
but indulge his indignation so much the more,
and that he would do his utmost to take the
place quickly, in order to get their enemy un-
der his power, and then to avenge upon him

* Here Josephus begins to follow and to abridge the
next sacred Hebrew book, styled in the end of the first
book of Maccabees, “The Chronicle of John [Hyrca-
nus’s] High-priesthoodbut in some of the Greek copies,
*• the fourth book of Maccabees.” A Greek version of
this chronicle was extant not very long ago, in the days
of Santes Pagninus and Sixtus Senensis, at Lyons, though
it seems to have been there burnt, and to be utterly lost.
See Sixtus eenensis’s account of it, of its many Hebra-
isms, and its agreement with Josephus’s abridgment, in
the AuthtnL Rec. parti, pp. 306—303.?;56

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X)II.

what he had done to those that were dearest
to himself; for that death would be to her
sweet, though with torment, if that enemy
of theirs might but he brought to punishment
for bis wicked dealings to them. Now when
his mother said so, he resolved to take the for-
tress immediately; but when he saw her beaten,
and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and
he could not but sympathize with what his
mother suffered, and was thereby overcome;
and as the siege was drawn out into length
by this means, that year on which the Jews
use to rest, came on; for the Jews observe this
rest every seventh year, as they do every se-
venth day; so that Ptolemy being for this
cause released from the war,* he slew the
brethren of Hyrcanus and his mother: and
when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who
was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant
of the city Philadelphia.

2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the
miseries that Simon had brought upon him,
he invaded Judea in the fourth year of his
reign, and the first year of the principality of
Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second
Olympiad.f And when he had burnt the
country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city,
which he encompassed round with seven
encampments; but did nothing at the first,
because of the strength of the walls, and be-
cause of the valour of the besieged, although
they were once in want of water, which yet
they were delivered from by a large shower
of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleia-
des.J However, about the north part of the
wall, where it happened the city was upon a
level with the outward ground, the king raised
a hundred towers of three stories high, and
placed bodies of soldiers upon them; and as
he made his attacks every day, he cut a double
ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inha-

* Hence we learn, that in the days of this excel-
lent high-pricst, John Hyrcanus, the observation of the
Sabbatic Year, as Josephus supposed, required a rest
from war, as did that of the weekly Sabbath from work;
I mean this, unless in the case of necessity, when the
Jews were attacked by their enemies, in which case, in-
deed, and in which alone, they then allowed defensive
fighting to be lawful even on the Sabbath-day,as we see
in several places of Josephus, Antiq. b. xii ch. vi. sect.
2; b. xiii. ch. i. sect. 3; Of the War, b. i. ch. vii sect.
3. But then it must be noled. that this rest from war
no way appears in the first book of Maccabees (ch. xvi.),
but the direct contrary; though indeed the Jews, iu the
days of Antiocbus i pipbanes, did not venture upon
l the Sabbath-day, even in the defence of their
es, till the Asamoneans or Maccabees decreed so
to do, 1 Mac. ii. 32—41; Antiq b. xii. ch. vi. sect. 2.

fighting on the Sabb;
own lives, till the As

D do, 1 Mac. ii. 32—41; Antiq b. xn. ch. vi. sect. 2.

+ Josephus’s copies, both Greek and Latin, have here
a gross mistake, when they say that this first year of
John Hyrcanus, which we have just now seen to have

as in the 162d Olympiad, where-
year

the like hefore. b. xii. ch. vii. sect. 6.

ar of the lb 1st See

•tuiiii iiy ii.auuoy w i

been a Sabbatic Year, wa:
as it was fur certain the second
the like hefore. b. xii
t This heliacal setting of the Pleiades, or seven stars,
and Josephus, early in the
time of the latter rain in
: and this, so far as I remember, is the only as-
tronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the
moon in the reign of Herod, that we meet with in all
Josephus; the Jews being little accustomed to astrono-
mical observations, any farther than for the use of their
kalendar; and utterly forbidden those astrological uses
which the heathens commonly made of them.

was. in the days of Hyrcanus ;
spring, about February, the
Judea; and this, so far as I

bitants witbin it ns within a wall; but the
besieged contrived to make frequent sallies
out; and if the enemy were not any where
upon their guard, they fell upon them, an
did them a great deal of mischief; and if they
perceived them, they then retired into the city
with ease. But because Hyrcanus discerned
the inconvenience of so great a number of
men in the city, while the provisions were the
sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to
suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he
separated the useless part, and excluded them
out of the city, and retained that part only
who were in the flower of their age, and fit
for war. However, Antiochus would not let
those that were excluded go away; who, there-
fore, wandering about between the walls, and
consuming away by famine, died miserably;
but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand,
those that were within commiserated their
condition, and received them in again. And
when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and de-
sired there might be a truce for seven days,
because of the festival, he gave way to his
piety towards God, and made that truce ac-
cordingly; and besides that, he sent in a
magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns
gilded, || with all sorts of sweet spices, and
with cups of gold and silver. So those that
were at the gates received the sacrifices from
those that brought them and led them to the
temple, Antiochus the meanwhile feasting bis
army, which was a quite different conduct from
Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken
the city, offered swine upon the altar, and
sprinkled the temple with the broth of their
flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews,
and the religion they derived from their fore-
fathers; for which reason our nation made war
with him, and would never be reconciled to
him; but for this Antiochus, all men called
him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal
he had about religion.

3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this mode-
ration of his kindly; and when he understood
how religious he was towards the Deity, he
sent an embassage to him, and desired that he
would restore the settlements they received
from their forefathers. So he rejected the
counsel of those that would have him utterly
destroy the nation § by reason of their way
of living, which was to others unsociable, and
did not regard what they said. But being
persuaded that all they did was out of a reli-
gious mind, he answered the ambassadors,
that if the besieged would deliver up their
arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the
other cities which bordered upon Judea, and

II Dr. Hudson tells us here, that this custom of gilding
the horns of those oxen that were to be sacrificed, is a
known thing both in the poets and orators.

i This account in Josephus, that the present Antio-
chus was persuaded, though in vain, not to make ]
with the Jews, but to cut them off utterly, is fully
firmed by Diodorus Siculus, in Photius’s extract
ofhis34tn Book.

peace
con-
extracts oatCHAP. IX.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

357

admit a garrison of his, on these terms he
would make war against them no longer.
But the Jews, although they were content
with the other conditions, did not agree to
admit the garrison, because they could not
associate with other people, nor converse with
them; yet were they willing, instead of the
admission of the garrison, to give him hos-
tages, and five hundred talents of silver; of
which they paid down three hundred, and
sent the hostages immediately, which king
Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages
was Hyrcanus’s brother. But still he broke
down the fortifications that encompassed the
city. And upon these conditions Antiochus
broke up the siege, and departed.

4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of
David, who excelled all other kings in riches,
and took out of it three thousand talents. He
was also the first of the Jews that, relying on
this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There
was also a league of friendship and mutual
assistance made between them; upon which
Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and
furnished him with whatsoever his army want-
ed in great plenty, qnd with great generosity,
and marched along with him when he made
an expedition against the Parthians, of which
Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us;
who in his history writes thus:—“When
Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river
Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the ge-
neral of the Parthians, he staid there two days.
It was at the desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, be-
cause it was such a festival derived to them
from their forefathers, whereon the law of the
Jews did not allow them to travel.” And
truly he did not speak falsely in saying so;
for that festival which we call Pentecost, did
then fall out to be the next day to the Sab-
bath: nor is it lawful for us to journey, either
on the Sabbath-day, or on a festival day.*
But when Antiochus joined battle with Ar-
saces, the king of Partliia, he lost a great part
of his army, and was himself slain; and his
brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom
of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who
freed him from his captivity at the same time
that Antiochus attacked Parthia, as we have
formerly related elsewhere.

* The Jews were not to march or journey on the Sab-
bath, or on such a great festival as was equivalent to the
Sabbath, any farther than a Sabbath-day’s journey, or
two thousand cubits. See the note on Antiq. b. xx. ch.
▼iii, sect. 6.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF'ANTIOCHUS, HYR-
CANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST SY-
RIA, AND MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE RO-
MANS. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF KING
DEMETRIUS AND ALEXANDER.

§ 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death
of Antiochus, he presently made an expedi-
tion against the cities of Syria, hoping to find
them destitute of fighting men, and of such as
were able to defend them. However, it was
not till the sixth month that he took Medaba,
and that not without the greatest distress of his
army. After this he took Samega,andthe neigh-
bouring places; and, besides these, Shechem and
Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, who
d welt at the temple which resembled that tem-
ple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexan-
der permitted Sanballat, the general of his army,
to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-
in-law to Jadua the high-priest, as we have
formerly related; which temple was now de-
serted two hundred years after it was built.
Hyrcanus took also Dura and Marissa, cities
of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans;
and permitted them to stay in that country,
if they would circumcise their genitals, and
make use of the laws of the Jews; and they
were so desirous of living in the country of
their forefathers, that they submitted to the
use of circumcision,'!’ and the rest of the
Jewish ways of living; at which time there-
fore this befel them, that they were hereafter
no other than Jews.

2. But Hyrcanus the high-priest was de-
sirous to renew the league of friendship they

+ This account of the Idumeans admitting circumci-
sion, and the entire Jewish law, from this time, or from
the days-of Hyrcanus, is confirmed by their entire history
afterwards. See Antiq. b. xiv. ch. viii. sect. 1; b. xv.
ch. vii. sect.9. Of the War, b. ii. ch. iii. sect. 1; b. iv. ch.
iv. sect. 5. This, in the opinion of Josephus, made them
proselytes of justice, or entire Jews, as here and else-
where, Antiq. b. xiv. ch. viii. sect. 1. However, Antigo-
nus, the enemy of Herod, though Herod were derived
from such a proselyte of justice for several generations,
will allow him to be no more than a half Jew, b. xv. ch.
xv. sect. 2. But still, take out of Dean Prideaux, at the
year 129, the words of Ammonius, a grammarian, which
fully confirm this account of the Idumeans, in Josephus:
“The Jews,” says he, “are such by nature, and from
the beginning, whilst the Idumeans were not Jews from
the beginning, but Phoenicians and Syrians; but being
afterwards subdued by the Jews and compelled to be cir-
cumcised, and to unite into one nation, and be subject to
the same laws, they were called Jews.” Dio also says,
as the Dean there quotes him, from book xxxvi. p. 37,
“ That country is also called J udea, and the people Jews;
and this name is given also to as many others as embrace
their religion, though of other nations.” But then upon
wbat foundation so good a governor as Hyrcanus took
upon him to compel those Idumeans either to become
Jews or to leave the country, deserves great considera-
tion. I suppose it was because they had long ago been
driven out of the land of Edom, and had seized on and
possessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern part
of the tribe of Judah, which was the peculiar inheritance
of the worshippers of the true God without idolatry,
as the reader may learn from Reland, Palestine, part i.
j>. 154. .305, and from Prideaux, at the years 140 andANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII.

368

had with the Romans: accordingly he sent
an embassage to them; and when the senate
had received their epistle, they made a league
cf friendship with them, after the manner fol-
lowing:—“ Fanius, the son of Marcus, the
praetor, gathered the senate together on the
eighth day before the Ides of February, in the
senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son
of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius
Sempronius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian
tribe, were present. The occasion was, that
the ambassadors sent by the people of the
Jews,* Simon, the son of Dositheus, and
Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Dio-
dorus, the son of Jason, who were good and
virtuous men, had somewhat to propose about
that league of friendship and mutual assistance
which subsisted between them and the Ro-
mans, and about other public affairs, who de-
sired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara,
and the springs [of Jordan}, and the several
other cities and countries of theirs, which
Antiochus had taken from them in the war,
contrary to the decree of the senate, might be
restored to them; and that it might not be
lawful for the king’s troops to pass through
their country, and the countries of those that
nre subject to them: and that what attempts
Antiochus had made during that war with-
out the decree of the senate, might be made
void: and that they would send ambassadors,
who should take care that restitution be made
them of what Antiochus had taken from them,
and that they should make an estimate of the
country that had been laid waste in the war:
and that they would grant them letters of
protection to the kings and free people, in
order to their quiet return home. It was
therefore decreed as to these points, to renew
their league of friendship and mutual assist-
ance with these good men, and who were sent
by a good and a friendly people.”—But as to
the letters desired, their answer was, that the
senate would consult about that matter when
their own affairs would give them leave, and
that they would endeavour for the time to
come, that no like injury should be done
them: and that their praetor, Fanius, should
give them money out of the public treasury
to bear their expenses home. And thus did
Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and
gave them money out of the public treasury;
and gave the decree of the senate to those that
were to conduct them, and to take care that
they should return home in safety.

3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus
tne high-priest. But as for king Demetrius,
who bad a mind to make war against Hyrca-
nus, there was no opportunity nor room for
it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers
bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill
man. But when they had sent ambassadors

In this decree of the Roman senate, it seems that

to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he
would send them one of the family of Seleu-
cus, in order to take the kingdom, and he
sent them Alexander, who was called Zebins,
with an army, and there had been a battle
between them, Demetrius was beaten in tbe
fight, and fled to Cleopatra bis wife, to Pto-
lemais; but his wife would not receive him.
He went thence to Tyre, and was there
caught; and when he had suffered much from
his enemies before his death, he was slain by
them. So Alexander took the kingdom, and
made a league with Hyrcanus. Yet, when
he afterward fought with Antiochus the son
of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, he was
also beaten in the fight, and slain.

CHAPTER X.

HOW, UPON THE QUARREL BETWEEN ANTTO-
CHUS GRYPUS AND ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS,
ABOUT THE KINGDOM, HYRCANUS TOOK SA-
MARIA, AND UTTERLY DEMOLISHED IT; AND
HOW HYnCANUS JOINED HIMSELF TO THE
SECT OF THE SADDUCEES, AND LEFT THAT
OF THE PHARISEES.

§ 1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdom,
he was afraid to make war against Judea, be-
cause he heard that bis brother by the same
mother, who was called Antiochus, was raising
an army against him out of Cyzicum; so he
staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare
himself for the attack he expected from his
brother who was called Cyzicenus, because he
had been brought up in that city. He was
the son of Antiochus that was called Soter,
who died in Parthia. He was the brother of
Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had
so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra
was married to two who were brethren, as we
have related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cy-
zicenus coming into Syria, continued many
years at war with his brother. Now' H\ r-
canus lived all this while in peace; for after
the death of Antiochus, he revolted from the
Macedonians,! nor did he any longer pay them
the least regard, either as their subject or their
friend, but his affairs were in a very improv-
ing and flourishing condition in the times of
Alexander Zebina, and especially under these
brethren, for the war which they had with one
another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of
enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch
that he got an immense quantity of money.
However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distres-
sed his land, he then openly showed what he
meant. And when he saw that Antiochus

+ Dean Prideanx takes notice at the year 130, that
Justin, in an agreement with Josephus, says, ** The

these*11 T Tee 01 ln* K?T“ BTte’ ” Beem8 that ^eAntiwhoJ^rteyawonu°ld

fcsffw.a.iwa asaisawfe®CHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

359

was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries,
both he and his brother were in an' ill condi

and that incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had
just then overcome Antiochus. Arid this he

tion in the struggles they had one with an-
other, he despised them both.

2.	So he made an expedition against Sa-
maria, which was a very strong city; of whose
present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by
Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but
he made his attack against it, and besieged it
with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly
displeased vvyth the Samaritans for the in-
juries they had done to the people of Marissa,
a colony of the Jews, and confederate with
them, and this in compliance to the kings of
Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch,
and built a double wall round the city, which
was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons
Antigonus and Aristobulus over the siege;
which brought the Samaritans to that great
distress by famine, that they were forced to
eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for
Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, who came
readily to their assistance, but was beaten by
Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as
far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he
got away: so they returned to Samaria, and
shut them again within the wall, till they were
forced to send for the same Antiochus a se-
cond time to help them, who procured about
six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus,
which were sent them without his mother’s
consent, who had then in a manner turned
him out of his government. With these
Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and
ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the
manner of a robber, for he durst not meet
him in the face to fight with him, as not hav-
ing an army sufficient for that purpose, but
only from this supposal, that by thus harass-
ing his land he should force Hyrcanus to
raise the siege of Samaria; hut because he
fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers
therein, he went away to Tripoli, and com-
mitted the prosecution of the war against the
Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.

3.	But as to Callimander, he attacked the
enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and
destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates,
he was such a lover of money, that he openly
betrayed Scythopolis, and other places near it,
to the Jews; hut was not able to make them
raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyr-
canus had taken the city, which was not dope
til after a year’s siege, he was not contented
with doing that only, hut he demolished it
entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown
it, for he dug such hollows as might let the
waters run under it; nay, he took away the
very marks that there had ever been such a
city there. Now a very surprising thing is
relaled of this high-priest Hyrcanus, how God
came to discourse with him: for they say
that on the very same day on which his sons
fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, be was
alone in the temple, as high-priest, offering

openly declared before all the multitude on
his coming out of the temple; and it accord-
ingly proved true; and in this posture were
the affairs of Hyrcanus.

4.	Now it happened at this time, that not
only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and
in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of
them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt,
and Cyprus, for Cleopatra the queen was at
variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called
Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals,
Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Oniaa
who built the temple in the prefecture of Heli-
opolis, like that at Jerusalem, as we have else-
where related. Cleopatra intrusted these men
with her army, and did nothing without their
advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when
he saith thus:—“Now the greater part, both
those that came to Cyprus with us, and those
that were sent afterward thither, revolted to
Ptolemy immediately; only those that were
called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued
faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias
and Ananias were in chief favour with the
queen.” These are the words of Strabo.

5.	However, this prosperous state of affairs
moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they
that were the worst disposed to him were the
Pharisees,* who are one of the sects of the Je ws,
as we have informed you already. These huve
so great a power over the multitude, that when
they say any thing against the king or against
the high-priest, they are presently believed.
Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and
greatly beloved by them. And when he once
invited them to a feast, and entertained them
very kindly, when he saw them in a good hu-
mour, he began to say to them, that they knew
he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to
do all things whereby he might please God,
which was the profession of the Pharisees also.
However, he desired, that if they observed him
offending in any point, and going out of the
right way, they would call him hack and cor-
rect him. On which occasion they attested to
his being entirely virtuous; with which com-
mendation he was well pleased; hut still there
was one of his guests there, whose name was

* The original of the Sadducees, as a considerable
party among the Jews, being contained in this and the
iwo following sections, take Dean Prideaux’s note upon
this tbeir first public appearance, which 1 suppose to be
true:—“Hyrcanus,” says he, ‘-went over to the party
of the Sadducees, that Is, by embracing their doctrine
against the traditions of the elders, adcied to the written
law, and made of equal authority with it, but not tbeir
doctrine against the resurrection and a future state; for
this cannot be supposed of so good and righteous a man
John Hyrcanus is said to bi

as John Hyrcanus is said to be. It i9 most probable,
that at this time the Sadducees bad gone no farther in
the doctrines of that sect than to deny all their un
written traditions, which the Pharisees were so fond of
for Josephus mentions no other difference at this time
between them; neither doth he say that Hyrcanus wont
over to the Sadducees in any other particular than in
the abolishing of all the traditionary coi stitutions of the
Pharisees, which our Saviour condemned at well as
they,” [At the year 108.?BOOK XIII,

360	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

Eleazar,* a man of an ill temper, and delight-
ing in seditious practices. This man said,
“ Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou
wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the
high-priesthood, and content thyself with the
civil government of the people.” And when
he desired to know for what cause he ought
to lay down the high-priesthood, the other re-
plied, “ We have heard it from old men, that
thy mother had been a- captive under the
reign of Antiochus Epipbanes.” This story
was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against
him; and all the Pharisees had a very great
indignation against him.

6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great
friend of Hyrcanus, but of the sect of the Sad-
ducees, whose notions are quite contrary to
those of the Pharisees, He told Hyrcanus that
Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, ac-
cording to the common sentiments of all the
Pharisees, and that this would be made mani-
fest if he would but ask them the question,
What punishment they thought this man de-
served? for that he might depend upon it,
that the reproach was not laid on him with
their approbation, if they were for punishing
him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees
made answer, that he deserved stripes and
bonds; but that it did not seem right to pun-
ish reproaches with death; and indeed the
Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not
apt to be severe in punishments. At this
gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry,
and thought that this man reproached him
by their approbation. It was this Jonathan
who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him
so far, that he made him leave the party of
the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they
had imposed on the people, and punish those
that observed them. From this source arose
that hatred which he and his sons met with
from the multitude; but of these matters we
shall speak hereafter. What I would now
explain is this, that the Pharisees have de-
livered to the people a great many observances
by succession from their fathers which are
not written in the law of Moses; and for
that reason it is that the Sadducees reject
them, and say that we are to esteem those ob-
servances to be obligatory which are in the
written word, but are not to observe what are
derived from the tradition of our forefathers;
and concerning these things it is that great
disputes and differences have arisen among
them, while the Sadducees are able to per-
suade none but the rich, and have not the
populace obsequious to them, but the Phari-
sees have the multitude of their side: but
about these two sects, and that of the Es-
sens, I have treated accurately in the second
book of Jewish affairs.

* Tliis slander, that arose from a Pharisee, has been
preserved by Iheir snrcesscns the Rabbins to these later
ages; for Dr. Hudson asMires us that David Gantz, in
bis Chronology. S. I'r. p. 76, in VorMins’s version, re-
lates that IIuranus's mother ■was taken cnptiVe In
Mount Vo^inth. Pee rhfcp. xiii sect. 6.

7. But .when Hyrcanus had put an end to
this sedition, he after that lived happily, and
administered the government in the best man-
ner for thirty-one years, and then died,f leav-
ing behind him five sons. He was esteemed
by God worthy of the three privileges,—the
government of his nation, the dignity of the
high-priesthood, and prophecy; for God was
with him, and enabled him to know futuri-
ties; and to foretel this in particular, that, as
to his two eldest sons, he foretflld that they
would not long continue in the government
of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe
will be worth our description, that we may
thence learn how very much they were infe-
rior to their father’s happiness.

CHAPTER XL

HOW ARISTOBULUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN
THE GOVERNMENT, FIRST OF ALL PUT A
DIADEM ON HIS HEAD, AND WAS MOST BAR-
BAROUSLY CRUEL TO HIS MOTHER A,ND HIS
BRETHREN ; AND HOW, AFTER HE HAD SLAIN
ANTIGONUS, HE HIMSELF DIED.

§ 1. Now when, their father Hyrcanus was
dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to
change the government into a kingdom, for
so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem
on his head, four hundred and eighty one
years and three months after the people had
been delivered from the Babylonish slavery,
ai.-d were returned to their own country again.
This Aristobulus loved his next brother An-
tigouus, and treated him as his equal; but the
others he held in bonds. He also cast his
mother into prison, because she disputed the
government with him; for Hyrcanus had left
her to he mistress of all. He also proceeded

+ Here ends tlie high-priesthood. and the life of Ibis
excellent person John Hyrcanus,- and together with him
the holy theocracy, or divine government of the Jewish
nation, and its concomitant oracle by Urim. Now fol-
lows the profane and tyrannical Jewish monarchy, first,
of the Asamoneans or Maccabees, and then of Herod tlie
Great, the ldutnean. till the coming of the Messiah. See
the note on Antiq. b. iii. ch. viii. sect. 9. Hear Strabo’s
testimony on this occasion, b. xvi. page 761, 762: —
“ Those,” says he, that succeeded Moses, continued for
si me time in earliest, bulb in righteous actions and in
piety; hut alter a while, there wereothers that took upon
them the high-priesthood; at first superstitious and after-
wards tyrannical persons. Such a prophet was Moses
and those that succeeded him, beginning in a way not to
be blamed, but changing for the worse. And whip it
openly appealed that the government was become tyranni-
cal. A Icxniidtr was the first that set tip himself lor a king
instead of a priest; and his sons were Hyrcanus and
Aristobulus ” All in agreement with Josephus, except-
ing this, that Strabo omits the first king Aristobulus, who
reigning but a single year, seems hardly to have come to
his knowledge Nor indeed does Aristobulus, the son of
Alexander, pretend that the name of king was taken be-
fore his lather Alexander took it himself, Adtiq. b. xiv.
ch iii sect. 2. See also coup. xii. sect- I, which favour
Strabo also. And indeed, if we may judge from the very
dillerent characters of the Egyptian Jews upder high-
priests. and of the Palestine Jews under kiDgs, in the two
next centuries, we may well suppose, that the divine
Shrchinah wbs removed into Egypt, and that the woiw
shippers at the temple of Onias were better men than
those at the temple at JerusalemCHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

361

to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in
prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated
from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and
added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he
seemed to have an affection for him, and made
him above the rest a partner with him in the
kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did
not give credit to, partly because he loved
him, and so did not give heed to what was
said against him, and partly because he
thought the reproaches were derived from the
envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus
was once returned from the army, and that
feast was then at hand when they make taber-
nacles to [the honour of] God, it happened
that Aristobulus was fallen sick, and that An-
tigonus went up most splendidly adorned, and
with his soldiers about him in their armour to
the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put
up many prayers for the recovery of his bro-
ther, when some wicked persons who had a
great mind to raise a difference between the
brethren, made use of this opportunity of the
pompous appearance of Antigonus and of the
great actions which he had done, and went
to the king, and spitefully aggravated the
pompous show of his at tbe feast, and pre-
tended that all these circumstances were not
like those of a private person; that these ac-
tions were indications of an affectation of
royal authority; and that his coming with a
strong body of men must be with an intention
to kill him; and that his way of reasoning
was this: That it was a silly thing in him,
while it was in his power to reign himself, to
look upon it as a great favour that he was ho-
noured with a lower dignity by his brother.

2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputa-
tions, but took care both that his brother
should not suspect him, and that he himself
might not run the hazard of his own safety;
so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain
place that was under ground, and dark (he
himself then lying sick in the tower which
was called Antonia); and he commanded
them, that in case Antigonus came in to him
unarmed, they should not touch any body,
but if armed, they should kill him; yet did
he send to Antigonus, and desired that he
would come unarmed: but the queen, and
those that joined with her in the plot against
Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell
him tbe direct contrary: how his brother had
heard that he bad made himself a fine suit of
armour for war, and desired him to come to
him in that armour, that he might see how
fine it was. So Antigonus, suspecting no
treachery, but depending on the good-will of
his brother came to Aristobulus armed, as he
used to be, with his entire armour, in order
to show it to him; but when he was come
to a place which was called Strato’s Tower,
where the passage happened to be exceeding
dark, the guards slew him; which death de-
monstrates that nothing is stronger than envy

and calumny, and that nothing does more
certainly divide the good-will and natural
affections of men than those passions. But
here one may take occasion to wonder at one
Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes,
and who never missed the truth in his predic-
tions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus
passing by the temple, cried to his companions
and friends, who abode with him as his scho-
lars, in order to learn the art of foretelling
things to come,* “ That it was good for him
to die now, since he had spoken falsely about
Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him
passing by, although he had foretold that he
should die at the place called Strato’s Tower
that very day, while yet the place is six hun-
dred furlongs off where he had foretold he
should be slain ; and still this day is a great
part of it already past, so that he was in dan-
ger of proving a false prophet.” As he was
saying this, and that in a melancholy mood,
the news came that Antigonus was slain in a
place under ground, which itself was called
also Strato’s Tower, or of the same name
with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea.
This event put the prophet into a great dis-
order.

3. But Aristobulus repented immediately
of this slaughter of his brother; on which ac-
count his disease increased upon him, and he
was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of
such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails
were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he
vomited blood: at which time one of the ser-
vants that attended upon him, and was carry-
ing his blood away, did, by divine providence,
as I cannot but suppose, slipped down, and shed
part of his blood at the very place where there
were spots of Antigonus’s blood there slain,
still remaining; and when there was a cry
made by the spectators, as if the servant had
on purpose shed the blood on that place,
Aristobulus beard it, and inquired what the
matter was; and as they did not answer him,
he was the more earnest to know what it was,
it being natural to men to suspect that what
is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his
threatening and forcing them by terrors to
speak, they at length told him the truth;
whereupon he shed many tears in that disorder
of mind which arose from his consciousness
of what he had done, and gave a deep groan
and said, “ I am not therefore, I perceive, to
be concealed from God, in the impious and
horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a
sudden punishment is coming upon me for the
shedding the blood of my relations. And now,
O thou most impudent body of mine, how

• Hence we learn that the Essenes pretended to have
rules whereby men might foretel things to come, and
that this Judas the Essene, taught those rules to his
scholars; but whether their pretences were of an astro-
logical or magical nature, which yet in such religious
Jews, who were utterly forbidden such arts, is no way
probable, or to any Hath Col, spoken of by the later
Rabbins, or otherwise, I cannot tell. See of the War, b.
ii. ch. viii. sect. 12.362

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII.

long wilt thou retain a
in order to appease the ghosts of my brother
and my mother? Why dost thou not give it
all up at once? And why do I deliver up
my blood, drop by drop, to those whom I have
so wickedly murdered?” In saying which
last words he died, having reigned a year.
He was called a lover of the Grecians; and
had conferred many benefits on his own coun-
try, and made war against Iturea, and added
a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the
inhabitants, if they would continue in that
country, to be circumcised, and to live accord-
ing to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a
man of candour, and of great modesty, as
Strabo bears witness in the name of Tim-
agenes: who says thus:—“ This man was a
person of candour, and very serviceable to the
Jews, for he added a country to them, and ob-
tained a part of the nation of the Itureans for
them, and bound them to them by the bond
of the circumcision of their genitals.”

CHAPTER XII.

HOV7 ALEXANDER, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN
THE GOVERNMENT, MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST PTOLEMAIS, AND THEN RAISED
THE SIEGE, OUT OF FEAR OF PTOLEMY
LATHYRUS ; AND HOW PTOLEMY MADE WAR
AGAINST HIM, BECAUSE HE HAD SENT TO
CLEOPATRA TO PERSUADE HER TO MAKE
WAR AGAINST PTOLEMY, AND YET PRE-
TENDED TO BE IN FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM,
WHEN HE WENT TO BEAT THE JEWS IN
BATTLE.

§ 1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife
Salome, who, by the Greeks, was called Alex-
andra, let his brethren out of prison (for Aris-
tobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have
said already), and made Alexander Janneus
king, who was the superior in age and in
moderation. This child happened to be hated
by his father as 600n as he was born, and
could never be permitted to come into his
father's sight till he died. The occasion of
which hatred is thus reported: when Hyr-
canus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons,
Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appeared to
him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of
his sons should be his successor. Upon God’s
representing to him the countenance of Alex-
ander, he was grieved that he was to be the
heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be
brought up in Galilee.* However, God did
not deceive Hyrcanus, for after the death of

* The reason why Hyrcanus suffered not this son of
his whom he did not love to come into Judea, but ordered
him to be brought up in Galilee, is suggested hy Dr. Hud-
son, that Galilee was not esteemed so happy and well
cultivated a country as Judea, Matt. xxvi. 73; John vii.
62j Apts ii. 7, although another obvious reason occurs
also, that he was farther out of his sight in Galilee than

soul that ought to die, L^.ristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom;

h« would have been in Judea.

and one of his brethren who affected the king-
dom he slew; and the other, who chose to
live a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.

2.	When Alexander Janneus had settled
the government in the manner that he judged
best, he made an expedition against Ptole-
mais; and having overcome the men in battle,
he shut them up in the city, and sat round
about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime
cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza
to be conquered, besides Strato’s Tower and
Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus.
Now while Antiochus Philometor, and An-
tiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were ma-
king war against one another, and destroying
one another’s armies, the people of Ptolemais
could have no assistance from them; but when
they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus,
who possessed Strato’s Tower and Dora, and
maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occa-
sion of the contest between the kings, affected
tyranny himself, came and brought some small
assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor in-
deed had the kings such a friendship for them
as that they should hope for any advantage
from them. Both those kings were in the
case of wrestlers, who finding themselves de-
ficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to
yield, put off the fight by laziness, and by ly-
ing still as long as they can. The only hope
they had remaining was from the kings of
Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now
held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when
he was driven from th’e government of Egypt
hy Cleopatra his mother: so the people of
Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus and
desired him to come as a confederate, to de-
liver them, now they were in such danger,
out of the hands of Alexander. And as th»
ambassadors give him hopes, that if he wculu
pass over into Syria, he would have the peo-
ple of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais;
as they also said that Zoilus, and besides these
the Sidonians and many others would assist
them, so he was elevated at this, and got hii
fleet ready as soon as possible.

3.	But in this interval Demenetus, one
that was of abilities to persuade men to do as
he would have them, and a leader of the po-
pulace, made those of Ptolemais change their
opinions; and said to them, that it was better
to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews
than to admit of evident slavery by delivering
themselves up to a master; and besides that,
to have not only a war at present, but to ex-
pect a much greater war from Egypt: for
that Cleopatra would not overlook an army
raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the
neighbourhood, but would come against them
with a great army of her own, and this be-
cause she was labouring to eject her son out
of Cyprus also: that as for Ptolemy, if he
fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus;
but that they will be left in the greatest dan.CHAP. XII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

ger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had
heard of the change that was made in the
people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on
with his voyage, and came to the country
cnlled Sycamine, and there set his army on
shore. This army of his, in the whole horse
and foot together, were about thirty thousand,
with which he marched near to Ptolemais,
and there pitched his camp: hut when the
people of Ptolemais neither received his am-
bassadors, nor would hear what they had to
say, he was under a very great concern.

4.	But when Zoilus and the people of Ga-
za came to him, and desired his assistance,
because their country was laid waste by the
Jews, and by Alexander,—Alexander raised
the siege, for fear of Ptolemy; and when he
had drawn off his army into his own country,
he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately
inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy,
but publicly pretending to desire a league of
friendship and mutual assistance with him;
and promising to give him four hundred ta-
lents of silver, he desired that, by way of re-
quital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant,
and give his country to the Jews. And then
indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a
league of friendship with Alexander, and sub-
dued Zoilus: but when he afterwards heard
that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mo-
ther, he broke the league with him, which
yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell
upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it
would not receive him. However, leaving
his generals, with some part of his forces, to
go on with the siege, he went himself imme-
diately with the rest to lay Judea waste:
and vyhen Alexander understood this to be
Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about
fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country;

Ay, as some writers have said eighty thou-
sand.* He then took his army, and went to
meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Aso-
chis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on
the Sabbath-day, and there he took about ten
thousand slaves, and a great deal of other
prey.

5.	He then tried to take Sepphoris, which
w\is a city not far from that which was de-
stroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he
then go to fight with Alexander. Alexander
met him at the river Jordan, near a certain
place called Saphoth [not far from the river

, Jordan], and pitched his camp near to the
enemy. He had however eight thousand
in the first rank, which he styled Hecatonto-
macbi, having shields of brass_Those in the

• From these and other oeeas
ped by Josephus, we may learn
books of the Jews were deflciei

i these and other oeeasionat expressions, drop-
' learn that where the sacred
ent, he had several other
histories then extant (but now most of them lost) wbioh

though, when we do meet with authentic fragmen
*wh original records, they almost always confirm his
h Unity

90S

first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had shields
covered with brass: but Ptolemy’s soldiers in
other respects were inferior to those of Alex-
ander, and therefore were more fearful of
running hazards; but Philostephanus, the
camp-master, put great courage into them,
and ordered them to pass the river which
was between their camps; nor did Alexander
think fit to hinder their passage over it: for
he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten
the river on their back, that he should the
easier take them prisoners, when they could
not flee out of the battle: in the beginning
of which, the acts on both sides, with their
hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and
a great slaughter was made by both the ar-
mies; but Alexander was superior, till Phi-
lostephanus opportunely brought up the auxi-
liaries, to help those that were giving way ;
but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help
to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell
out that they fled, and those near them did
not assist them, but fled along with them.
However, Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite other-
wise ; for they followed the Jews, and killed
them, till at length those that slew them pur-
sued after them when they bad made them all
run away, and slew them so long, that theii
weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands
quite tired with the slaughter; for the report
was, that thirty thousand men were then slain.
Timagenes says, they were fifty thousand.—
As for the rest, they were part of them taken
captives; and the other part ran away to theii
own country.

6.	After this victory, Ptolemy overran all
the country; and when night came on, he
abode in certain villages of Judea, which when
he found full of women and children, he com-
manded his soldiers to strangle them, and to
cut them in pieces, and then to cast them in-
to boiling caldrons, and then to devour their
limbs as sacrifices. This commandment was
given, that such as fled from the battle, and
came to them, might suppose their enemies
were cannibals, and eat men’s flesh, and might
on that account be still more terrified at them
upon such a sight. And both Strabo and Ni-
cholaus [of Damascus] affirm that they used
these people after this manner, as I have al-
ready related. Ptolemy also tookPtolemias
by force, as we have declared elsewhere.

164

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII.

CHAPTER XIII.

HOW ALEXANDER, UPON THE LEAGUE OF MU-
TUAL DEFENCE WHICH CLEOPATRAx HAD
AGREED WITH HIM, MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST CELESYRIA, AND UTTERLY OVER-
THREW THE CITY OF GAZA; AND HOW HE
SLEW MANY TEN THOUSANDS OF JEWS
THAT HAD REBELLED AGAINST HIM; ALSO
CONCERNING ANTIOCHUS GRYPUS, SELEU-
CUS, ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS, AND ANTIO-
CHUS PIUS, AND OTHERS.

§ 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was
grown great, and laid Judea waste without
disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza
under his power, she resolved no longer to
overlook what he did, when he was almost at
her gates; and she concluded that, now he
was so much stronger than before, he would
be very desirous of the dominion over the
Egyptians; but she immediately marched
against him, with a fleet at sea and an army
of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Ana-
nias, the Jews, generals of her whole army,
while she sent the greatest part of her riches,
her grandchildren, and her testament, to the
people of Cos.* Cleopatra also ordered her
son Alexander, to sail with a great fleet to
Phoenicia: and when that country had re-
volted, she came to Ptolemais: and because
the people of Ptolemais did not receive her,
she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went out
of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, sup-
posing that he should find it destitute of an
army, and soon take it, though he failed of
his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of
Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Cele-
syria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.

2. When Cleopatra heard of her son’s at-
tempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did
not succeed according to his expectations, she
sent thither part of her army, and drove him
out of that country; so when he was returned
out of Egypt again, he abode during the
winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra took
the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege,
as well as the city; and when Alexander came
to her, he gave her presents, and such marks
of respect as were but proper, since, under
the miseries he endured by Ptolemy, he had
no other refuge but her. Now there were
some of her friends who persuaded her to
seize Alexander, and to overrun and take
possession of the country, and not to sit still
and see such a multitude of brave Jews sub-
ject to one man; but Ananias’s counsel was

* This city, or island, Cos, is not that remote island
in the Aegean Sea, famous for the birth of the great
Hippocrates, but a city or island of the same name ad-
joining to Egypt, mentioned both by Stephanus and
Ptolemy, as Dr. Hudson informs us. Of which Cos.and
the treasures there laid up by Cleopatra and the Jews,
tee Anti<i b.xiv. cb. vii. sect. 2.

contrary to theirs, who said that she would do
an unjust action if she deprived a man that
was her ally of that authority which belonged
to him, and this a man who is related to us;
“ for (said he) I would not have thee igno-
rant of this, that what injustice thou dost to
him will make all us that are Jews to be thy
enemies,” This desire of Ananias, Cleopatra
complied with; and did no injury to Alexan-
der, but made a league of mutual assistance-
with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria.

3. So when Alexander was delivered from
the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently
made an expedition against Celesyria. He
also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months.
He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress
belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan,
where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, bad his
chief treasure, and what he esteemed most
precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon
the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and
seized upon Alexander’s baggage; yet did not
this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he
made an expedition upon the maritime parts
of the country, Raphia and Anthedon (the
name of which king Herod afterwards changed
to Agrippias), and took even that by force.
But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was
retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother
Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew
angry at the people of Gaza, because they had
invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged
their city, and ravaged their country. But
as Apollodotus, the general of the army of
Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by
night, with two thousand foreign, and ten
thousand of his own forces, while the night
lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the
enemy was made to believe that it was Pto-
lemy who attacked them ; but when day was
come on, and that mistake was corrected, and
the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they
came back again and fell upon those of Gaza,
and slew of them about a thousand. Hut
as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and
would not yield for either their want of any
thing, nor for the great multitude that were
slain (for they would rather suffer any hard-
ship whatever, than come under the power of
their enemies), Aretas, king of the Arabians,
a person then very illustrious, encouraged
them to go on with alacrity, and promised
them that he would come to their assistance;
but it happened that, before he came Apollo-
dotus was slain: for his brother I.ysirnachus,'
envying him for the great reputation he had
gained among the citizens, slew him, and got
the army together; arid delivered up the city
to Alexander; who, when he came in at first,
lay quiet, but afterwards set his army upon
the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave
to punish them; so some went one way, and
some went another, and slew the inhabitants
of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, -
but opposed those that came to slay theu^ anACHAP. XIV,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

365

elew as many of the Jews; and some of them,
when they saw themselves deserted, burnt
their own houses, that the enemy might get
none of their spoils: nay, some of them, with
their own hands, slew their children and their
wives, having no other way but this of avoid-
ing slavery for them; but the senators, who
were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo's
temple (for this attack happened to be made
as they were sitting), whom Alexander slew;
and when he had utterly overthrown their
city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent
a year in that siege.

4. About this very time, Antiochus, who
was called Grypus, died.* His death was
caused by Heracleon’s treachery, when he
had lived forty-five years, and had reigned
twenty-nine.f His son Seleucus succeeded
him in the kingdom, and made war with An-
tioch us, his father’s brother, who was called
Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took
him prisoner, and slew him; but after a while
AntiochusJ the son of Cyzicenus, Who was call-
ed Pius, came to Ar^dus, and put the diadem
,on his own head, and made war with Seleucus,
and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria.
Hut when he fled out of Syria, he came to
Mopsuestia again, and levied money upon
them; but the people of Mopsuestia had in-
dignation at what he did, and burnt down his
palace, and slew him, together with his friends.
Hut when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus,
was king of Syria, Antiochus,|| the brother of
Seleucus, made war upon him, and was over-
come, and destroyed, he and his army. After
him, his brother Philip put on the diadem,
and reigned over some part of Syria; but Pto-
lemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother De-
metrius, who was called Eucerus, from Cnidus,
and made him king of Damascus. Both these
brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose,
but presently died; for when he was come as
an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gilead-
ites^ when she was making war against the
Parthians, and he was fighting courageously,
he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed
Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.

* This account of the death of Antiochus Grypus is
confirmed by Appian, Syriac, p. 132, here cited by Span-
beiin.

+ Pprphvry says that this Antiochus Grypus reigned
hut twenty-six years, as Dr. Hudson observes.

t The copies of Josephus, both Greek and Latin, have
here so grossly false a reading, Antiochus and Antoninus,
or Antonius I’ius, for Antiochus Pius, that the editors are
forced to correct the text from the other historians; who
all agree that this king’s name was nothing more than
Antiochus Pius.

II These two brothers, Antiochus and Philippus, are
called tnins by Porphyry; the fourth brother was king of
Damascus. Both which are the observations of Span-
heira.

} This Laodicea was a city of Gilead beyond Jordan.
However, Porphyry says that this Antiochus Pius did not
die in this battle; but, running away, was drowned in
the river Orontes. Appian says, that he was deprived
of the kingdom of Syria by Tigranes; but Porphyry
makes this Laodice queen of the Calamans; all which
Is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of the later
historians, we have no reason to prefer any of them before
Josephus, who had more original ones before him.

5. As to Alexander, his own people were
seditious against him; for at a festival which
was then celebrated, wfieB he stood upon the
altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation
rose upon him and pelted with citrons [which
they then had in their hands, because] the law
of the Jews required, that at the feast of ta-
bernacles every one should have branches of
the palm-tree and citron-tree; which thing
we have elsewhere related. They also reviled
him, as derived from a captive,^]- and so un-
worthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. At
this he was in a rage, and slew of them about
six thousand. He also built a partition-wall
of wood round the altar and the temple, as
far as that partition within which it was only
lawful for the priests to enter; and by this
means he obstructed the multitude from com-
ing at him. He also maintained foreigners of
Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he
was at war with them, and so made no use of
them. He also overcame the Arabians, such
as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them
bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished
Amathus, while Theodorus** durst not tight
with him; but as he had joined battle with
Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an
ambush in the places that were rugged and
difficult to be travelled over, he was thrown
down into a deep valley, by the multitude of
the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and
hardly escaped with his life. From thence
he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides his other
ill success, the nation insulted him, and he
fought against them for six years, and slew no
fewer than fifty thousand of them; and when
he desired that they would desist from their
ill-will to him, they hated him so much the
more, on account of what had already hap-
pened; and when he had asked them what
he ought to do, they all cried out, that he
ought to kill himself. They also sent to
Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make
a league of mutual defence with them.

CHAPTER XIV.

HOW DEMETRIUS EUCERUS OVERCAME ALEX-
ANDER, AND YET, IN A LITTLE TIME, RE-
TIRED OUT OF THE COUNTRY FOR FEAR OF
THE JEWS; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER
SLEW MANY OF THE JEWS, AND THEREBY
GOT CLEAR OF HIS TROUBLES. CONCERN-
ING THE DEATH OF DEMETRIUS.

§ 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and
took those that invited him, and pitched his
camp near the city Shechein; upon which

W This reproach upon Alexander, that he was sprung
from a captive, seems only the repetition of the old Pha-
risaical calumny upon bis father, chap. x. sect 6.

** This Theodorus was the son of Zeno, and was in
possession of Amathus, as we learn from sect. 3, fore-
going.366	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XIII.

Alexander, with his six thousand two hun-
dred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand
Jews, who were of his party, went against
Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen,
und forty thousand footmen. Now there
were great endeavours used on both sides,—
Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries
that were with Alexander, because they were
Greeks; and Alexander trying to bring off the
Jews that were with Demetrius. However,
when neither of them could persuade them so
to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius
was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s
mercenaries were killed, when they had given
demonstration of their fidelity and courage.
A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were
slain also.

2. Now as Alexander fled to the moun-
tains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon
came together [from Demetrius] to him out
of pity at the change of his fortune; upon
which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out
of the country; after which the Jews fought
against Alexander, and being beaten, were
slain in great numbers in the several battles
which they had; and when he had shut up the
most powerful of them in the city Bethome.
he besieged them therein; and when he had
taken the city, and gotten the men into his
power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did
one of the most barbarous actions in the world
to them; for as he was feasting with his concu-
bines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered
about eight hundred of them to be crucified;
and while they were living, he ordered the
throats of their children and wives to be cut
before their eyes. This was indeed by way
of revenge for the injuries they had done him;
which punishment yet was of an inhuman na-
ture, though we suppose that he had been ever
so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by
his wars with them, for be had by their means
come to the last degree of hazard, both of his
life and of his kingdom, while they were not
satisfied by themselves only to fight against
him, but introduced foreigners also for the
same purpose; nay, at length they reduced
him to that degree of necessity, that he was
forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia
the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had
subdued, and the places that were in them,
that they might not join with them in the
war against him, as they had done ten thou-
sand other things that tended to affront and
reproach him. However, this barbarity seems
to have been without any necessity, on which
account be bare the name of a Thracian among
the Jews;* whereupon the soldiers that had
fought against him, being about eight thou-
sand in number, ran away by night, and con-
tinued fugitives all the time that Alexander

lived; who being now freed from any further
disturbance from them, reipied the rest of his
time in the utmost tranquillity.

3. But when Demetrius was departed out
of Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his
brother Philip, having with him ten thousand
footmen, and a thousand horsemen. How-
ever, Strato, the tyrant of Berea, the confe-
derate of Philip, called in Zizon the ruler of
the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the
ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a
great number of forces, and besieging Deme-
trius in his encampment, into which they had
driven him with their arrows, they compelled
those that were with him, by thirst, to deliver
up themselves. So they, took a great many
spoils out of that country, and Demetrius him-
self, whom they sent to Mithridates, who was
then king of Parthia; but as to those whom
they took captives of the people of Antioch,
they restored them to the Antiochians without
any reward. Now Mithridates, the king of Par-
thia, had Demetrius in great honbur, till Deme-
trius ended his life by sickness. _ So Philip,
presently after the fight was over,' came ta
Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria.

CHAPTER XV.

HOWANTIOCHUS, WHO WAS CALLED DIONYSIUS,
AND AFTER HIM ARETAS, MADE EXPEDI-
TIONS INTO JUDEA; AS ALSO HOW ALEX-
ANDER TOOK MANY CITIES, ANp THEN RE-
TURNED TO JERUSALEM, AND, AFTER A
SICKNESS OF THREE YEARS, DIED; AND
WHAT COUNSEL HE GAVE TO ALEXANDRA.

§ 1. After this, Antiochus, who was called
Dionysius.f and was Philip’s brother, aspired
to theadominion, and came to Damascus, and
got the power into his hands, and there he
reigned; but as he was making war against
the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it,
and came to Damascus, where Milesius, who
had been left governor of the citadel, and the
Damascenes themselves delivered up the city
to him; yet because Philip was become un-
grateful to him, and had bestowed upon him
nothing of that in hopes whereof he had re-
ceived him into the city, but had a mind to
have it believed that it was rather delivered
up out of fear than by the kindness of Mile-
sius, and because he had not rewarded him as
he ought to have done, he became suspected
by him, and so he was obliged to leave Da-
mascus again ; for Milesius caught him march-
ing out of the Hippodrome, and shut him
up in it, and kept Damascus for Antiochus
[Eucerus], who, hearing how Philip’s af-
fairs stood, came back out of Arabia. He

* This name Thracida, which the Jews pave Alexan-
der, must by the coherence, denote as -barbarous as a
Thriuiim, or somewhat like it; but wbat it properly sig-
pities is not known-

+ Spanheim takes notice that this Antiochus Diony-
sius f the brother of Philip and of Demetrius Eucerus,
and of two others] was the fifth son of Antiochus Gry-
pus; and that he is styled on the coins “Antiochus, EpU
phones, Dionysius.”CHAP. XV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

367

also came immediately, and made an expedi-
tion against Judea, with eight thousand
armed foot-men, and eight hundred horse-
men. So Alexander, out of fear of his
coming, dug a deep ditch beginning at Cha-
barzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to
the Sea of Joppa, on which part only his at my
could be brought against hint. He also raised
a wall, and erected wooden towers, and inter-
mediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty
furlongs in length, and there expected the
coming of Antiochus; hut he soon burnt
them all, and made his army pass by that way
into Arabia. The Arabian king [Aretas] at
first retreated, but afterward appeared on the
sudden with ten thousand horsemen. Antio-
chus gave them the meeting, and fought des-
perately ; and indeed when he had gotten the
victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to
that part of his army that was in distress, he
was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his
army fled to the village Cana, where the great-
est part of them perished by famine.

2.	After him * Aretas reigned over Celesy-
ria, being called to the government by those
that held Damascus, by reason of the hatred
they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also
made thence an expedition against Judea, and
beat Alexander in battle, near a place called
Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions
agreed on between them, retire out of Judea.

3.	But Alexander marched again to the city
Dios, and took it, and then made an expe-
dition against Essa, where was the best part of
Zeno’s treasures, and there he encompassed the
place with three walls; and when he had taken
the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and
Seleucia; and when he had taken these cities,
he, besides them, took that valley which is
called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the
fortress of Gamala.. He also accused Deme-
trius, who was governor of those places, of
many crimes, and turned him out; and after he
had spent three years in this war, he returned
to his own country; when the Jews joyfully
received him upon this his good success.

4.	Now at this time the Jews were in pos-
session of the following cities that had be-
longed to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and
Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower,
Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza,
Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; in the
middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora,
and Marissa; near the country of Samaria,
Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scytho-
polis, and Gadara; of the country of the
Gaulonites, Seleucia, and Gabala; in the
country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba,
Lemba, and Oronas, Gelitbon, Zara, the
▼alley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last

• This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who
took Damascus, and reigned there; which name became
afterwards common to such Arabian kings, botli at Pe-
tra and at Damascus, as we learn from Josephus in
many places; and from St. Paul, 2 Cor. xi. 32. See the
ote on Autuj h. xvl cb. is. sect 4.

they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants
w ould not bear to change their religious rites
for those peculiar to the Jews.f The Jews
also possessed others of the principal cities of
Syria, which had been destroyed.

5.	After this, king Alexander, although
he fell into a distemper by hard drinking,
and had a quartan ague which held him three
years, yet would not leave off going out with
his army, till he was quite spent with the la-
bours he had undergone, and died in the
bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan.
But when his queen saw that he was ready to
die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving,
she came to him weeping and lamenting, and
bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate
condition they should be left in; and said to
him, “ To whom dost thou thus leave me and
my children, who are destitute of all othel
supports, and this when thou knowest how
much ill-will thy nation bears thee?” But
he gave her the following advice:—That she
need but follow what he would suggest to her
in order to retain the kingdom securely, with
her children: that she should conceal his
death from the soldiers till she should have
taken that place; after this, she should go in
triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and
put some of her authority into the hands of
the Pharisees; for that they would commendher
fot the honour she had done them, and would
reconcile the nation to her; for be told her
they had great authority among the Jews, both
to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring
ad vantages to those to whom they were friendly
disposed; for that they are then believed
best of all by the multitude when they speak
any severe thing against others, though it be
only out of envy at them. And he said, that
it was by their means that he had incurred the
displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had
injured. 'Do thou therefore,’ said he, ' when
thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the
leading men among them, and show them my
body, and with great appearance of sincerity,
give them leave to use it as they themselves
please, whether they will dishonour the dead
body by refusing it burial, as having severely
suffered by my means, or whether in their
anger they will offer any other injury to that
body. Promise them also, that thou wilt do
nothing without them in the affairs of the
kingdom. If thou dost but say this to them,
I shall have the honour of a more glorious

4 We may here and elsewhere take notice, that what,
ever countries or citieB the Asamoneans conquered from
any of the neighbouring nations, or whatever countries
or cities they gained from them that had not belonged
to them before, they, after the days of Hyrcanus, com-
pelled the inhabitantsto leave their idolatry, and entirely
to receive the law of Moses, as proselytes of justice, or
else banished thtm into other lands. That excellent
prince, John Hyrcanus, did it to the Idumeans, as 1 have
noted on ch. ix. sect 1, already, who lived then in the
promised land, and this I suppose justly; but by what
right the rest did it, even to the countries or cities that
were no part of that land, I do not at all know. This
looks too like unjust persecution for religion.368

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIII.

funeral from them than thou couldst have
nade for me: and when it is in their power
to abuse my dead body, they will do it no
njury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.’*
So when he had given his wife this advice,
he died,—after he had reigned twenty-seven
years, and lived fifty years, within one.

CHAPTER XVL

HOW ALEXANDRA, BY GAINING THE GOOD-
WILL OF THE PHARISEES, RETAINED THE
KINGDOM NINE YEARS, AND THEN, HAVING
DONE MANY GLORIOUS ACTIONS, DIED.

§ 1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the
iortress, acted as her husband had suggested
to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put
all things into their power, both as to the dead
body and as. to the affairs of the kingdom, and
thereby pacified their anger against Alexan-
der, and made them bear good-will and friend-
ship to him: who then came among the mul-
titude, and made speeches to them, and laid
before them the actions of Alexander, and
told them that they had lost a righteous king;
and by the commendation they gave him, they
brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness
for him, so that he had a funeral more splen-
did than had any of the kings before him.
Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrca-
nus and Aristobulus, but committed the king-
dom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two
sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable to manage
public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet
life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an
active and a bold man; and for this woman

• It
neus

t seems, by this dying advice of Alexander J&n-
to his wife, that he had himself pursued the mea-
sures of his father HyTcanus, and taken part with the
Sadducees, who kept elose to the written law against the
Pharisees, who bad introduced their own traditions, ch.
xvL sect. 2; and that be now saw a political necessity
of submitting to the Pharisees, and their traditions here-
after, if his widow and family minded to retain their mo-
narchical government or tyranny over the J ewish nation:
which sect yetj thus supported, were at last in a great
measure the ruin of the religion, government, and nation
of the Jews, and brought them into so wicked a state,
that the vengeance of God came upon them to their utter

Jewish sanhedrim, John xi. oO, “that it was expedient
for them that one man should die for the people, and that
the whole nation perish not:” and this in consequence of
their own political supposal, ver. 48, that, “ If they let
Jesus alone,” with his miracles, “ all men would believe
on him; and theRomans would come and take away both
their place and nation.” Which political crucifixion of
Jesus of Nazareth brought down the vengeance of God
upon them, and occasioned those very Romans, of whom
they seemed so much afraid, that to prevent it they put
him to death, actually to “ come and take away both their
place and nation,” within thirty-eight years afterwards.
1 heartily wish the politicians of Christendom wo
consider those and the like examples, and no longer
criflce all virtue and religion to their pernicious scbei
of government, to the bringing down the judgment!
God upon themselves, and the several nations intrus1
to their care. Bnt this is a digression: 1 wish it were
unseasonable one also. -Josephus himself several times
makes such digressions; and I here venture to follow him.
See one of them at the conclusion of the very next chap-

mes
ents of
trusted

berself, Alexandra, sbe was loved by the mul-
titude, because sbe seemed displeased at the
offences her husband bad been guilty of.

2. So she made Hyrcanus high-priest be-
cause he was the elder, but much more be-
cause he cared not to meddle with politics,
and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing;
to whom also she ordered the multitude to be
obedient. She also restored again those prac-
tices which the Pharisees had introduced, ac-
cording to the traditions of their forefathers,
and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had
abrogated. So sbe had indeed the name of
the Regent; but the Pharisees had the au-
thority; for it was they who restored such as
had been banished, and §et such as were pri-
soners at liberty, and to say all at once, they
differed in nothing from lords. However, the
queen also took care of the affairs of the king-
dom, and got together a great body of merce-
nary soldiers, and increased her own army to
such a degree, that she became terrible to the
neighbouring tyrants, and took hostages cf
them: and the country was entirely at peace,
excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed
the queen, and desired that she would kill
those who persuaded Alexander to slay the
eight hundred men; after which they cut the
throat of one of them, Diogenes: and after
him they did the same to several, one after an-
other, till the men that were the most potent
came into the palace, and Aristobulus with
them, for he seemed to be displeased at what
was done; and it appeared openly that, if he
had an opportunity, he would not permit his
mother to go on so. These put the queen in
mind what great dangers they had gone
through, and great things they had done,
whereby they had demonstrated the firm-
ness of their fidelity to their master, inso-
much that they had receiyed the greatest
marks of favour from him; and they begged
of her, that she would not utterly blast their
hopes, as it now happened, that when they
had escaped the hazards that arose from their
[open] enemies, they were to be cut off at
home, by their [private] enemies, like brute
beasts, without any help whatsoever. They
said also, that if their adversaries would be
satisfied with those that had been slain already,
they would take what had been done patiently,
on account of tbeir natural love to their go-
vernors; but if they must expect the same for
the future also, they implored of her a dis-
mission from her service; for they could not
bear to think of attempting any method for
their deliverance without her, but would rather
die willingly before the palace-gate, in case
she would not forgive them. And that it was
a great shame, both for themselves and for the
queen, that when they were neglected by her,
they should come under the lash of her hus-
band’s enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian
king, and the monarchs, would give any re-
ward, if they could get such men as foreignCHAP. XVI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

369

auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before
t heir voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible;
but if they could not obtain this their second
request, and if she had determined to prefer
the Pharisees before them, they still insisted
that she would place them every one in her
fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a
constant spite against Alexander’s house, they
would be willing to bear their part, and to live
in a private station there.

3.	As these men said thus, and called upon
Alexander’s ghost for commiseration of those
already slain, and those in danger of it, all
the by-standers brake out into tears; but
Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were
his sentiments, and used many reproachful
expressions to his mother [saying], “ Nay,
indeed, the case is this, that they have been
themselves the authors of their own calamities,
who have permitted a woman who, against
reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over
them, when there were sons in the flower of
their age fitter for it.” So Alexandra not
knowing what to do with any decency, com-
mitted the fortresses to them, all but Hyrca-
nia and Alexandrium, and Macherus, where
her principal treasures were. After a little
while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with
an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, who
was called Menneus, who was such a bad
neighbour to the city; but he did nothing
considerable there, and so returned home.

4.	About this time news was brought that'
Tigranes, the king of Armenia, had made an
irruption into Syria with five hundred thou-
sand soldiers,* and was coming against Judea.
This news, as may well be supposed, terrified
the queen and the nation. Accordingly they
6ent him many and very valuable presents, as
also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging
Ptolemais; for Selene the queen, the same
that was also called Cleop^tfa, ruled then
over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants
to exclude Tigranes. So the Jewish ambas-
sadors interceded with him, and entreated him
that he would determine nothing that was se-
vere about their queen or nation. He com-
mended them for the respects they paid him
at so great a distance: and gave them good
hopes of his favour. But as soon as Ptole-
mais was taken, news came to Tigranes, that
Lucullus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could
not light upon him, who was fled into Iberia,
but was laying waste Armenia and besieging
its cities. Now, when Tigranes knew this,
he returned home.

5.	After this, when the queen was fallen
into a dangerous distemper, Aristobulus re-

* The number of five hundred'thousand, or even three
hundred thousand, as one Greek copy, with the Latin
copies, have it, for Tigranes’s array, that came out of
Armenia into Syria and Judea, seems much too large.—
We have had already several such extravagant num-
bers ip Josephus’s present copies, which are not to be
at ail ascribed to aim. Accuriungly, 1 incline to Dr.
Hudson’s emendation here, whioh supposes them bat
forty thousaud.

solved to attempt the seizing of the govern-
ment; so he stole away secretly by night,
with only one of his servants, and went to
the fortresses, wherein his friends, that were
such from the days of his father, were settled;
for as he had been a great while displeased at
his mother’s conduct, so he was now much
more afraid, lest, fipon her death, their whole
family should be under the power of the Pha-
risees ; for he saw the inability of his brother,
who was to succeed in the government: nor
was any one conscious of what he was doing
but only his wife, Whom he left at Jerusalem
with their children. He first of all came to
Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the potent
men before mentioned, and was received by
him. When it was day the queen perceived
that Aristobulus was fled; and for some time
she supposed that his departure was not in
order to make any innovation; but when
messengers came one after another with the
news that he had secured the first place, the
second place, and all the places, for as soon
as one had begun, they all submitted to his
disposal, then it was that the queen and the
nation were in the greatest disorder, for they
were aware that it would not be long ere
Aristobulus would be able to settle himself
firmly in the government. What they were
principally afraid of was this, that be would
inflict punishment upon them for the mad
treatment his house had had from them; so
they resolved to take his wife and children
into custody, and keep them in the fortress
that was over the temple.f Now there was
a mighty conflux of people that came to
Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that lie
had a kind of royal attendants about him;
for in a little more than fifteen days, he got
twenty-two strong places, which gave him
the opportunity of raising an army from Li-
banus and Tracbonitis, and the monarchs;
for men are easily led by the greater number,
and easily submit to them. And besides this,
that by affording 'him their assistance when
he could not expect it, they, as well as he,
should have the advantages that would come
by his being king, because they had been the
occasion of his gaining the kingdom. Now
the elders of the Jews, and llyrcanus with
them, went in unto the queen, and desired
that she would give them her sentiments about
the present posture of affairs, for that Aristo-
bulus was in effect lord of almost all the
kingdom, by possessing of so many strong-
holds, and that it was absurd for them to take
any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she
were, whilst she was alive, and that the dan-
ger would be upon them in no long time.—
But she bade them do what they thought

+ This fortress, castle, citadel, or tower, whither the
wife and children of Aristobulus were now sent, and
which overlooked the temple, could be no other than
what Hyrcanus I. built (Autiq. b. xviii. ch. i7. sect. 3.)
and Herod the Great rebuilt, and called the “Tower ol
Antonia,” Antiq. b. xv. ch xi. secL 5.

2 A370

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIV.

proper to be done: tbat tbey had many circum-
stances in their favour still remaining; a na-
tion in good heart, an army, and money in their
several treasuries; for that she had small con-
cern about public affairs no w, when the strength
of her body already failed her.

6. Now a little while after she had said
this to them, she died, when she had reigned
nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three.
A woman she was who showed no signs of the
weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to
the greatest degree in her ambition of govern-
ing, and demonstrated by her doings at once,
that her mind was fit for action, and that
sometimes men themselves show the little
understanding they have by the frequent mis-
takes they make in point of government; for
she always preferred the present to futurity,
and preferred the power of an imperious do-
minion above all things, and in comparison of

that, had no regard to what was good or what
was right. However, she brought the affairs
of her house to such an unfortunate condition,
that she was the occasion of the taking away
that authority from it, and that in no long time
afterward, which she had obtained by a vast
number of hazards and misfortunes, and this
out of a desire of what does not belong to a
woman, and all by a compliance in her senti-
ments with those that bare ill-will to their
family, and by leaving tbe administration des-
titute of a proper support of great men; and
indeed, her management during her adminis-
tration, while she was alive, was such as filled
the palace after her death with calamities and
disturbance. However, although this had
been her way of governing, she preserved the
nation in peace:—and this is the conclusion
of the affairs of Alexandra.

BOOK XIV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTT-TWO TEARS

FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF

ANTIGONUS.

CHAPTER I.

THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AND HYR-
CANUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM; AND HOW
THEY MADE AN AGREEMENT THAT ARIS-
TOBULUS SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS
LIVE A PRIVATE LIFE: AS ALSO HOW HYR-
CANUS, A LITTLE AFTERWARDS, WAS PER-
SUADED BY ANTIPATER TO FLY TO ARETAS.

§ 1. We have related the affairs of queen
Alexandra, and her death in the foregoing
book, and will now speak of what followed,
and was connected with those histories; de-
claring, before we proceed, that we have no-
thing so much at heart as this, that we may
omit no facts either through ignorance or la-
ziness;* for we are upon the history and ex-
plication of such things as the greatest part
are unacquainted withal, because of their dis-
tance from our times; and we aim to do it

• Reland takes notice here, very justly, how Jose-
phus’s declaration, that it was his great concern not only
to write “ an agreeahle, an accurate,” and “ a true” his-
tory. but also distinctly; ‘'not to omit any thing” [of
consequence], either throngh “ignorance or laziness.”
implies that he could not,consistently with that resolu-
tion, omit the mention of [so famous a person as]
“ Jeans Christ,”

with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is
derived from proper words harmonically dis-
posed, and from £uch ornaments of speech also
as may contribute to the pleasure of our read-
ers, that they may entertain the knowledge of
what we write with some agreeable satisfac-
tion and pleasure. But the principal scope
that authors ought to aim at, above all the
rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly,
for the satisfaction of those that are other-
wise unacquainted with such transactions, and
obliged to believe what these writers inform
them of.

2. Hyrcanus then began his high-priest-
hood on the third year of the hundred and
seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hor-
tensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called
Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome;
when presently Aristobulus began to make
war against him, and as it came to a battle with
Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers de-
serted him and went over to his brother: upon
which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where
Aristobulus’s wife and children were impri-
soned by his mother, as we have said already,
and attacked and overcame those his adver-
saries that had fled thither, and lay within theCHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

371

walls of tbe temple. So when he had sent a
message to his brother about agreeing the mat-
ters between them, he laid aside his enmity to
him on these conditions, that Aristobulus
should be king, that he should live without
intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly
enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they
bad agreed upon these terms in the temple,
and had confirmed the agreement with oaths,
and the giving one another their right hands;
and embracing one another in the sight of the
whole multitude, they departed; the one,
Aristobulus, to the palace, and Hyrcanus, as
a private man, to the former house of Aristo-
bulus.

3. But there was a certain friend of Hyr-
canus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who
was very rich, and in his nature an active and
a seditious man; who was at enmity with
Aristobulus, and had differences with him on
account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is
true, that Nicolaus of Damascus says, that
Antipater was of the stock of the principal
Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea;
but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod,
who was his son, and who, by certain revolu-
tions of fortune, came afterwards to be king
of the Jews, whose history we shall give you
in its proper place hereafter. However, this
Antipater was at first called Antipas,* and
that was his father’s name also; of whom
they relate this: That king Alexander and
his wife made him general of all Idumea, and
that he made a league of friendship with those
Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that
were of his own party, and had, by many and
large presents, made them his fast friends;
but now this younger Antipater was suspicious
of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid
of some mischief he might do him, because of
his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most
powerful of the Jew’s, and talked against him
to them privately; and said, that it was un-
just to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus,1
who had gotten the government unrighteously,
and ejected his brother out of it, who was
the elder, and ought to retain what belonged
to him by prerogative of his birth; and the
same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrca-
nus; and told him that his own life would
be in danger unless he guarded himself, and
got quit of Aristobulus; for he said that the
friends of Aristobuk's omitted no opportunity
of advising him to kill him, as being then,
and not before, sure to retain his principality.
Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of
his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one
that did not easily admit of calumnies against
other men. This temper of his not disposing
him to meddle with public affairs, and want

* That tbe famous Antipater’s or Antipas’s father was
also Antipater or Antipas (which two may justly be es-
teemed one and the same name; the farmer with a
Greek or Gentile, the latter with a Hebrew or Jewish
termination). Josephus here assures ns, though Euse-
bius itdeed says it was Herod.

of spirit, occasioned him to appear to specta-
tors to be degenerate and unmanly; while
Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an
active man, and one of a great and generous
soul.

4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyr
cauus did not attend to what he said, he never
ceased, day by day, to charge feigned crimes
upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him be-
fore him, as if he had a mind to kill him;
and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised
him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the
king of Arabia; and promised, that if he
would comply with his advice, he would also
himself assist him [and go with him]. When
Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his
advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now^Arabia
is a country that borders upon Judea. How-
ever, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king
of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from
him, that w’hen he should come in the manner
of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver
him up to his enemies. So Antipater having
received such assurances, returned to Hyrca-
nus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took
Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night,
and went a great journey, and came and
brought him to the city called Petra, where
the palace of Aretas was; and as he was a
very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded
him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea;
and this persuasion he continued every day
without any intermission. He also proposed
to make him presents on that account. At
length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit.
Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when
he had been brought thither, and had received
his kingdom, he would restore that country,
and those twelve cities which his father Alex-
ander had taken from the Arabians; which
were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libyas, Thara-
basa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa,
Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.

CHAPTER IL

IlOW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE AN EX-
• FED1T10N AGAINST ARISTOBULUS, AND BE-
SIEGED JERUSALEM; AND HOW SCAURUS,
THE ROMAN GENERAL, RAISED THE SIEGE.
CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ON1AS.

§ 1. After these promises had been given
to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aris-
tobulus, with an army of fifty thousand horse
and foot, and beat him in the battle. And
when after that victory many went over to
Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left
desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which
the king of Arabia took all his army and made
an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aris-
tobulus therein, the people still supporting
Hyrcanus, and assisting him in the siege, while372	antiquities of the JEWS.	BOOK XIV.

none but the priests continued with Aristobu-
lus. So Aretas united the forces of the Ara-
bians and of the Jews together, and pressed
on tLe siege vigorously. As this happened at
the time when the feast of unleavened bread
was celebrated, which we call the Passover,
the principal men among the Jews left the
country, and fled into Egypt. Now there
was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous
man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a
certain drought, had prayed to God to put an
end to the intense heat, and whose prayers
God had heard, and had sent them rain. This
man had hid himself, because be saw that this
sedition would last a great while. However,
they brought him to the Jewish camp, and de-
sired, that as by his prayers he had once put
an end to the drought, so he would in like
manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and
those of his faction. And when, upon his
refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was
still by the multitude compelled to speak, he
stood up in the midst of them, and said, “ O
God, the King of the whole world I since
those that stand now with me are thy people,
and those that are besieged are also thy priests,
I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken
to the prayers of those against these, nor bring
to effect what these pray against those.”
"Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about
him, as-soon as he had made this prayer,
stoned him to death.

2. But God punished them immediately
for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of
them for the murder of Onias, in the manner
following:—"While the priests and Aristobu-
lus were besieged, it happened that the feast
called the Passover was come, at which it is
our custom to offer a great number of sacri-
fices to God; but those that were with Aris-
tobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that
their countrymen w ithout would furnish them
with such sacrifices, and assured them- they
should have as much money for them as
they should desire; and when they required
them to pay a thousand drachmae for each
head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests
willingly undertook to pay for them accord-
ingly ; and those within let down the money-
over the walls, and gave it them. But when
the others had received it, they did not deliver
the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of
wickedness as to break the assurances they had
given, and to be guilty of impiety towards
God, by not furnishing those that wanted them
with sacrifices. And when the priests found
they had been cheated, and that the agree-
ments they had made were violated, they pray-
ed to God that he would avenge them on their
countrymen. Nor did he delay that their
punishment, but sent a strong and vehement
storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of
the whole country, till a modus of wheat was
then bought for eleven drachmae.

8. In the meantime Pompey sent Scaurus

into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia,
and making war with Tigranes; but when
Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found
that Lollius and Metellus had newly taken
thg city, he came himself hastily into Judea.
And when he was come thither, ambassadors
came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyr-
canus, and both desired he would assist them;
and when both of them promised to give him
money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and
Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobu-
lus’s promise, for he was rich, and had a great
soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what
was moderate; whereas the other was poor
and tenacious, and made incredible promises
in hope of greater advantages; for it was not
the same thing to take a city that was exceed-
ing strong and powerful, as it was to eject
out of the country some fugitives, with a great
number of Nabateans, who were no very war-
like people. He therefore made an agree-
ment with Aristobulus, for the reason before
mentioned, and took his money, and raised
the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or
else he should be declared an enemy to the
Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus
again; and Aristobulus, with a great army,
made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and
fought them at a place called Papyron, and
beat them in the battle, and slew about six
thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Pha-
lion also, the brother of Antipater.

CHAPTER III.

HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS CAME TO
POMPEY, IN ORDER TO ARGUE WHO OUGHT
TO HAVE THE KINGDOM; AND HOW, UPON
THE FLIGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO THE
FORTRESS ALEXANDRIUM, POMPEY LED HIS
ARMY AGAINST HIM, AND ORDERED HIM TO
DELIVER UP THE FORTRESSES WHEREOF HE
WAS POSSESSED.

§ 1. A little afterward Pompey came to
Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at
which time there came ambassadors to him
from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea
also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great
present, which was a golden vine,* of the
value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo
of Cappadocia mentions this present in these

* Thiii “ golden vine.” or “ garden.” seen by Strabo
at Rome, has its inscription here as if it were the gilt of
Alexander, the father of Aristobulus, and not of Aris-
tobulus himself, to whom yet Josephus ascribes it; and
in order to prove the truth of that part of bis history,
introduces this testimony of Strabo: so that the ordi-
nary copies seem to be here either erroneous or defec-
tive, and the original reading seems to have been either
Aristobulus, instead of Alexander, with one Greek copy,
or else “ Aristobulus the son of Alexander," with the
I.atin copies: which lost seems to me the most pro-
bable; for as to Archbishop Usher’s conjectures, that
Alexander made it, and dedicated it to God in the tem-
ple, and that thence Aristobulus took it. and sent it to
I’ompey, they are both very improbable, aud no wayCHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

373

words:—“ There came also an embassage out
of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four
thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea
there came another, whether you call it a vine
or a garden; they called the thing Terpole,
the Delight. However, we ourselves saw
that present reposited at Rome, in the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription:

‘ The Gift of Alexander, the King of the
Jews.’ It was valued at five hundred talents;
and the report is, that Aristobulus, the gover-
nor of the Jews, sent it.”

2.	In a little time afterward came ambassa-
dors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus,
and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last
also accused such as had taken bribes; first
Gabinius, and then Scaurus,—the one three
hundred talents, and the other four hundred;
by which procedure he made these two his
enemies, besides those he had before; and
when Pompey had ordered those that had
controversies one with another to come to him
in the beginning of the spring, he brought his
army out of their winter quarters, and marched
into the country of Damascus; and as he went
along he demolished the citadel that was at
Apamea, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had
built, and took cognizance of the country of
Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not
less so than Dionysius of Tripoli, who had
been beheaded, who was also his relation by
marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment
of his crimes for a thousand talents, with
which money Pompey paid the soldiers their
wages. He also conquered the place called
Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant;
and when he had passed over the cities of
Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the
mountain which is on the limit of Celesyria,
he came from Pella to Damascus; and there
it was that he heard the causes of the Jews,
and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristo-
bulus, who were at difference one with an-
other, as also of the nation against them both,
which did not desire to be under kingly go-
vernment, because the form of government
they received from their forefathers was that
of subjection to the priests of that God whom
they worshipped; and [they complained] that
though these two were the posterity of
priests, yet did they seek to change the go-
vernment of their nation to another form, in
order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained,
that although he were the elder brother, he
was deprived of the prerogative of his birth
by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small
part of the country under him, Aristobulus
having taken away the rest from him by force.
He also accused him, that the incursions
which had been made into their neighbours’

agreeable to Josephus, who would hardly have avoided
the recording both these uncommon points of history,
bad he known any thing of them; nor would either the
Jewish nation, or even Pompey himself, then have re-
lished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege.

countries, and the piracies that had been at
sea, were owing to him ; and that the nation
would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus
had been a man given to violence and disor-
der; and there were no fewer than a thousand
Jews, of the best esteem among them, who
confirmed this accusation ; which confirma-
tion was procured by Antipater; but Aristo-
bulus alleged against him, that it was Ilyr-
canus’s own temper which was inactive, and
on that account contemptible, which caused
him to be deprived of the government; and
that for himself he was necessitated to take it
upon him, for fear lest it should be transfer-
red to others; and that as to his title [of
king], it was no other than what his father
had taken [before him]. He also called for
witnesses of what he said, some persons who
were both young and insolent; whose purple
garments, fine heads of hair, and other orna-
ments, were detested [by the court], and
which they appeared in, not as though they
were to plead their cause in a court of justice,
but as if they were marching in a pompous
procession.

3.	When Pompey had heard the causes of
these two, and had condemned Aristobulus
for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly
to them, and sent them away; and told them,
that when he came again into their country he
would settle all their affairs, after he had first
taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans.
In the mean time he ordered them to be
quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he
should make the nation revolt, and hinder his
return; which yet Aristobulus did; for with-
out expecting any farther determination, which
Pompey had promised them, he went to the
city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.

4.	At this behaviour Pompey was angry;
and taking with him that army which he was
leading against the Nabaftans, and the auxili-
aries that came from Damascus, and the other
parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions
which he had with him, he made an expedition
against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella
and Scythopolis, he came to Coreae, which is
the first entrance into Judea when one passes
over the midland countries, where he came to a
most beautiful fortress that was built on the top
of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither
Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent
his commands to him, that he should come to
him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many
that he would not make war with the Romans,
he came down; and when he had disputed with
his brother about the right to the government,
he went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave
him leave to do; and this he did two or three
times, as flattering himself with the hopes of
having the kingdom granted him; so that he
still pretended he would obey Pompey in what-
soever he commanded, although at the same
time he retired to his fortress, that he might not
depress himself too low, and that he might be374	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XIV.

prepared for a war, in case it should prove as
he feared, that Pompey would transfer the
government to Hyrcanus: but when Pompey
enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the for-
tresses he held, and to send an injunction to
their governors under his own hand for that
purpose, for they had been forbidden to de-
liver them up upon any other commands, he
submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired
in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made pre-
paration for war. A little after this, certain
persons came out of Pontus, and informed
Pompey, as he was on the way, and conduct-
ing his army against Aristobulus, that Mitb-
ridates was dead, and was slain by his son
Pharnaces.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW POMPEY, WHEN THE CITIZENS OF JERU-
SALEM SHUT THEIR GATES AGAINST HIM,

BESIEGED THE CITY, AND TOOK IT BY

FORCE; AS ALSO WHAT OTHER THINGS HE

DID IN JUDEA.

§ 1. Now when Pompey had pitched his
camp at Jericho (where the palm-tree grows,*
and that balsam which is an ointment of all
the most precious, which upon any incision
made in the wood with a sharp stone, distils
out thence like a juice), he marched in the
morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristo-
bulus repented of what be was doing, and
came to Pompey, and [promised to] give him
money, and received him into Jerusalem, and
desired that he would leave off the war, and
do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey,
upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Ga-
binius, and soldiers with him, to receive the
money and the city; yet was no part of this
performed; but Gftbinius came back, being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving
none of the money promised, because Aristo-
bulus’s soldiers would not permit the agree-
ments to be executed. At this Pompey was
very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison,
and came himself to the city, which was
strong on every side, excepting the north,
which was not so well fortified, for there was
a broad and deep ditch, that encompassed the
city,f and included within it the temple,

* These express testimonies of Josephus here, and
Antiq. b. viii. cb. vi. sect. 6, and b. xv. ch. iv. sect. 2,
that the only balsam gardens, and the best palm-trees,
were, at leastin bis days, near Jericho and Engaddi, about
the north part of the Dead Sea (whereabout also Alex-
ander the Great saw the balsam drop), show the mistake
of those that understand Eusebius and Jerom, as if one
of those gardens were at the south part of that sea. at
Zoar or Segor, whereas they must either mean another
Zoar or Segor, which was between Jericho and Engaddi,
agreeably to Josephus; which yet they do not appear to
do; or else they directly contradict Josephus, and were
therein greatly mistaken: I mean this, unless that bal-
sam, and the best palm-trees, grew much more south-
ward in Judea in the days of Eusebius and Jeropi than
they did In the days of Josephus.

+ The particular depth and breadth of this ditch,
whence the stones for the wall about the temple were

which was itself encompassed about with a
very strong stone wall.

2.	Now there was a sedition of the men
that were within the city, who did not agree
what was to be done in their present circum-
stances, while some thought it best to deliver
up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's
party exhorted them to shut the gates, be-
cause he was kept in prison. Now these
prevented the others, and seized upon the
temple, and cut off the bridge which reached
from it to the city, and prepared themselves
to abide a siege; but the others admitted
Pompey’s army in, and delivered up both the
city and the king’s palace to him. So Pom-
pey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army,
and placed garrisons both in the city and in
the palace, to secure them, and fortified the
houses that joined to the temple, and all
those which were more distant and without it.
And in the first place, he offered terms of ac-
commodation to those that were within; but
wbeii they would not comply with what was
desired, he encompassed all the places there-
about with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did
gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pom-
pey pitched his camp within [the wall], on
the north part of the temple, where it was
most practicable; but even on that side there
were great towers, and a ditch had been dug,
and a deep valley begirt it round about, for
on the parts towards the city were precipices,
and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten
in was broken down. However, a bank was
raised, day by day, with a great deal of la-
bour., while the Romans cut down materials
for it from the places round about; and when
this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch
filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its
immense depth, he brought his mechanical
engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and
placing them on the bank, he battered the
temple with the stones that were thrown
against it; and had it not been our practice,
from the days of our forefathers, to rest on
the seventh day, this bank could never have
been perfected, by reason of the opposition
the Jews would have made; for though our
law gives us leave then to defend ourselves
against those that begin to fight with us and
assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle
with our enemies while they do any thing else.

3.	Which thiDg when the Romans under-
stood, on those days which we call Sabbaths,
they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to
any pitched battle with them, but raised up
their earthen banks, and brought their engines
into such forwardness, that they might do

probably taken, are omitted in our copies of Josephus,
but set down by Strabo, b. xvi. p. 763; from whom we
learn that this ditch was sixty feet deep, and two hun.
died and fifty feet broad. However, its depth is, in the
Dext section, said by Josephus to be immense, which ex-
actly agrees to Strabo’s description, and which numbers
in Strabo are a strong confirmation of the truth of Jost*
phus’s desrrip’ion a'so.CHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

375

execution the next days; and any one may
hence learn how very great piety we exercise
towards God, and the observance of bis laws,
since the priests were not at all hindered from
their sacred ministrations, by their fear du-
ring this siege, but did still twice each day, in
the morning and about the ninth hour, offer
their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they
omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy acci-
dent happened, by the stones that were thrown
among them; for although the city was taken
on the third month, on the day of the fast,*
upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad,
when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius
Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell
upon them, and cut the throats of those that
were in the temple, yet could not those that of-
fered the sacrifices be compelled to run away,
neither by the fear they were in of their own
lives, nor by the number that were already
slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever
came upon them, at their very altars, than to
omit any thing that their laws required of
them; and that this is not a mere brag, or an
encomium to manifest a degree of our piety
that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal
to those that have written of the acts of Pom-
pey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nico-
laus [of Damascus]; and besides these, to
Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman His-
tory, who w ill bear witness of this thing, f
4. But when the battering-engine was
brought near, the greatest of the towers was
shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down
a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured
in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of
Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended
the wall, and next to him Furius the centu-
rion, with those that followed, on the other
part; while Fabius, who was also a centurion,
ascended it in the middle, with a great body
of men after him; but now all was full of
slaughter; some of the Jews being slain by
the Romans, and some by one another; nay,
some there were who threw themselves down
the precipices, or put fire to their houses and
burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries
they were under. Of the Jews there fell
twelve thousand; but of the Romans very
few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle
and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken

• That is on the twenty-third of Sivan, the annual fast
for the defection and idolatry of Jeroboam, “ who made
Israel to sin:” or possibly some other fast might fall into
that month, belore and in the days of Josephus.

+ It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical su-
perstitious notion, that offensive lighting was unlawful to
Jews, even under the utmost necessity, on the Sabbath-
day,—of which we hear nothing before the times of the

pear<

b. xiii. cti viii. sect. 1; which scrupulous superstition, as
to the observation of such a rigorous rest upon the Sab-
bath-day, our Saviour always opposed, when the Phari-
saical Jews insisted on it, as is evident in many places in
the New Testament, though he still intimated how per-
nicious that superstition might prove to them in their
flight from the Homans, Matt.xxv.20

captive; and no small enormities were com-
mitted about the temple itself, which, in for-
mer ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by
none; for Pompey went into it, and not a
few of those that were with him also, and saw
all that which it was unlawful for any other
men to see, but only for the bigh-priests.
There were in that temple the golden table,
the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels,
and a great quantity of spices; and besides
these there were among the treasures two thou-
sand talents of sacred money; yet did Pom-
pey touch nothing of all this, J on account of
bis regard to religion; and in this point also
be acted in a manner that was worthy of bis
virtue. The »ext day he gave order to those
that had the charge of the temple to cleanse
it, and to bring what offerings the law required
to God; and restored the high-priesthood to
Hyrcanus, both because be had been useful to
him in other respects, and because he hindered
the Jews in the country from giving Aristo-
bulus any assistance in bis war against him.
He also cut off those that had been the au-
thors of that war; and bestowed proper re-
wards on Faustus, and those others that
mounted tbe wall with such alacrity; and be
made Jerusalem tributary to tbe Romans; and
took away those cities of Celesyria which the
inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put
them under the government of the Roman pre-
sident, and confined the whole nation, which
had elevated itself so high before, within its
own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gudara,
which bad been demolished a little before, ||
to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his
freed-man, and restored the rest of the cities,
Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios,
and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod,
and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inha-
bitants: these were in the inland parts. Be-
sides those that had been demolished, and also
of tbe maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and
Dora, and Strato's Tower: which la6t Heroo
rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned
with havens and temples; and changed its
name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in
a state of freedom, and joined them to the
province of Syria.

5. Now the occasions of this misery which
came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and
Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against
the other; for now we lost our liberty, and
became subject to tbe Romans, and were de-
prived of that country which we had gained
by our arms fropi the Syrians, and were com-
pelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover,
the Romans exacted of us, in a little time,
above ten thousand talents; and the royal

t This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero,
rvbo says, in his oration forFlaccns, That “ Cneius Pom-
peius, when be was conqueror, and had taken Jerusalem,
did not touch any thing belonging to that temple.’*

II Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed, and
its restoration by Pompey, see the note on tbs War, b. 1
eh. viL sect. 7376

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK xrv

authority, which was a dignity formerly be-
stowed on those that were high-priests, by the
right of their family, became the property of
piivate men; but of these matters we shall
treat in their proper places. Now Pompey
committed Celesyria, as far as the river Eu-
phrates and Fgypt, to Scaurus, with two Ro-
man legions, and then went away to Cilicia,
and made haste to Rome. He also carried
bound along with him Aristobulus and his
children; for he had two daughters and as
many sons; the one of whom ran away; but
the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome,
together with his sisters.

CHAPTER V.

HOW SCAURUS MADE A LEAGUE OF MUTUAL
ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS; AND WHAT
GABINIUS DID IN JUDEA, AFTER HE HAD
CONQUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARIS-
TOBULUS.

§ 1. Scaurus made now an expedition against
Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places
round about it, because of the great difficulty
of access to it; and as his army was pinched
by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn
out of Judea, and with whatever else he
wanted, and this at the Command of Hyrcanus;
and when he was sent to Aretas as an ambas-
sador, by Scaurus, because he had lived with
him formerly, he persuaded Aretas, to give
Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burn-
ing of h^s country; and undertook to be his
surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus,
upon these terms, ceased to make war any
longer: which was done as much at Scaurus’s
desire as at the desire of Aretas.

2.	Some time after this, when Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into
Judea. Gabinius came from Rome to Syria,
ns commander of the Roman forces. He
did many considerable actions; and particu-
larly made war with Alexander, since Hyrca-
nus was not yet able to oppose his power, but
was already attempting to rebuild the wall of
Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, al-
though the Romans who were there restrained
him from that his design. However, Alex-
ander went over all the country round about,
and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly
got together ten thousand armed footmen,
and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified
Alexandriuro, a fortress near to Coreaj, and
Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Ga-
binius therefore came upon him, having sent
Marcus Antonius, with other commanders,
before. These armed such Romans as fol-
lowed them; and, together with them, such
Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders
were Pitholaus and Malichus; and they took
with them also their friends that wire with

Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabi-
nius himself followed with his legion. Here-
upon Alexander retired to the neighbourhood
of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one ano-
ther, and it came to a pitched battle; in which
the Romans slew of rheir enemies about three
thousand, and took a like number alive.

3.	At which time Gabinius came to Alex-
andrium, and invited those that were in it to
deliver it up on certain conditions, and pro-
mised that then their former offences should
be forgiven: but as a great number of the
enemy had pitched their camp before the for-
tress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus
Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great
number, and seemed to come off with the
greatest honour. So Gabinius left part of
his army there, in order to take the place, and
he himself went into other parts of Judea, and
gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met
with that had been demolished; at which time
were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis,
Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also,
and Gaza, and not a few others besides; and
as the men acted according to Gabinius’s
command, it came to pass, that at this time
these cities were securely inhabited, which had
been desolate for a long time.

4.	When Gabinius had done thus in the
country be returned to Alexandrium; and
when he.urged on the siege of the place, Alex-
ander sent an embassage to him, desiring that
he would pardon his former offences; he also
delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and
Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself,
which fortresses Gabinius demolished; but
when Alexander’s mother, who was of the side
of the Romans, as having her husband and
other children at Rome, came to him, he
granted her whatsoever she asked; and when
he had settled matters with her, he brought
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the
care of the temple to him; and when he had
ordained five councils, he distributed the na-
tion into the same number of parts; so these
councils governed the people; the first was at
Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at
Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth
at Sepphoris, in Galilee. So the Jews were
now freed from monarchic authority, and
were governed by an aristocracy.*

* Dean Prideaux well observes, “ That notwithstand-
ing the clamour against Gabinius at Rome, Josephoj
gives him a laudable character as if he had acquitted
himself with honour in the charge committed to him”
[in Judea], See at the year 55.CHAP. VII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

377

CHAPTER VL

IIOW QABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOBULUS AFTER
HE HAD FLED FIIOM ROME, AND SENT HIM
BACK TO ROME AGAIN; AND HOW THE
SAME GABINIUS, AS HE RETURNED OUT OF
EGYPT, OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND THE
NABATEANS IN BATTLE.

§ 1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome
to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alex-
andrium, which had been newly demolished;
hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him,
and for their commanders Sisenna, and An-
tonius, and Servilius, in order to hinder him
from getting possession of the country, and to
take him again; and indeed many of the Jews
ran to Aristobulus on account of his former
glory, as also because they should be glad of
an innovation. Now, there was one Pitholaus,
a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him
with a thousand men, although a great number
of those that came to him were unarmed; and
when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Ma-
cherus, he dismissed those people, because they
were unarmed; for they could not be useful
to him in what actions he was going about;
but he took with him eight thousand that were
armed, and marched on; and as the Romans
fell upon them severely, the Jews fought
valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and
when they had fought with alacrity, but were
overborne by the enemy, they were put to
flight; of whom were slain about five thou-
sand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as
well as they were able, to save themselves.—
However, Aristobulus had with him still above
a thousand, and with them he fled to Mache-
rus, and fortified the place; and though he had
had ill success, he still had good hope of his
affairs; but when he had struggled against the
siege for two days’ time, and had received
many wounds, he was brought as a captive to
Gabinius, with his sou Antigonus, who also
fled with him from Rome, and this was the
fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back
again to Rome, and was there retained in
bonds, having been both king and high-priest
for three years and six months; and was in-
deed an eminent person, and one of a great
soul. However, the senate let his children
go, upon Gabinius’s writing to them that he
had promised their mother so much when she
delivered up the fortresses to him; and ac-
cordingly they then returned into Judea.

2.	Now when Gabinius was making an
expedition against the Parthians and had al-
ready passed over Euphrates, he changed his
mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in
order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom.*

* This history is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out
of Livy, who says, that * A. Gabinius, the proconsul,
restored I'loh-niy to hie kingdom of Egypt, and, ejected
Arrhelaus. whom they had set up for aktng,” &c. Bee
i’riU. at the years 64 and Oo,

This hath also been related elsewhere. How-
ever, Antipatcr supplied his army, wbicb he
sent against Arehelaus, with corn, and wea-
pons, and money. He also made those Jews
who were above Pelusium his friends and con-
federates, and had been the guardians of the
passes that led irtto Egypt. But when he
came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in
disorder with seditions and troubles; for Alex-
ander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized
on the government a second time hy force,
made many of the Jews revolt to him; and
so he marched over the country with a great
army, and slew all the Romans he could light
upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain
called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.

3.	But when Gabinius found Syria in such
a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent
man, to those that were seditious, to try whe-
ther he could cure them of their madness, and
persuade them to return to a better mind; and
when he came to them, he brought many of
them to a sound mind, and induced them to
do-what they ought to do. But he could not
restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thir-
ty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and
joining battle with him was beaten, and lost
ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.

4.	So Gabinius settled the affairs which be-
longed to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable
to Antipater’s inclination, and went against
the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle.
He also sent away in a friendly manner, Mi-
thridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian
deserters, and came to him, though the re.port
went abroad that they had run away from him.
And when Gabinius had performed great and
glorious actions, in his management of the
affairs of the war, he returned to Rome, and
delivered the government to Crassus. Now
Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappa-
docia, both describe the expeditions of Pom-
pey and Gabinius against the Jews, while nei-
ther of them say any thing new which is not
in the other.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA, AND PIL-
LAGED THE TEMPLE; AND THEN MARCHED
AGAINST THE PARTHIANS, AND PERISHED,
WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW CASSIUS OB-
TAINED SYRIA, AND PUT A STOP TO THE
PARTHIANS, AND THEN WENT UP TO JUDEA.

§ I. NoW Crassus, as he was going upon bin
expedition against the Parthians, came into
Judea, and carried off the money that was in
the temple which Pompey had left, being two
thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it
of all the gold belonging to it, which wag
eight thousand talents. He also took a beam
which was made of solid beaten gold, of the
weight of three hundred minx, each of which378

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIV.

weighed two pounds and a half. It was the
priest who was guardian of the sacred trea-
sures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave
him this beam, not out of a wicked design,
for he was a good and a righteous man; but
being intrusted with the custody of the veiU
belonging to the temple, which were of admir-
able beauty and of very costly workmanship,
and hung down from this beam, when he saw
that Crassus was busy in gathering money,
and was in fear for the entire ornaments of
the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as
a ransom for the whole, but this not till he
had given his oath that he would remove no-
thing else out of the temple, hut be satisfied
with this only, which he should give him be-
ing worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now,
this beam was contained in a wooden beam
that was hollow, but was known to no others;
hut Eleazar alone knew it; yet did Crassus
take away this beam, upon the condition of
touching nothing else that belonged to the
temple,—and then brake his oath and carried
away all the gold that was in the temple.

2.	And let no one wonder that there was
so much wealth in our temple, since all the
Jews throughout the habitable earth, and
those that worshipped God, nay, even those
of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions
to it, and this from very ancient times. Nor
is the largeness of these sums without its at-
testation ; nor is that greatness owing to our
vanity, as raising it without ground to so
great a height; but there are many witnesses
to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia,
who says thus:—“Mithridates sent to Cos,
and took the money which queen Cleopatra
had deposited there; as also eight hundred
talents belonging to the Jews.” Now we
have no public money but only what apper-
tains to God; and it is evident that the Asian
Jews removed this money out of fear of Mi-
thridates: for it is not probable that those of
Judea, who had a strong city and temple,
should send their money to Cos; nor is it
likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of
Alexandria, should do so either, since they
were in no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo
himself bears witness to the same thing in
another place; that at the same time that Sylla
passed over into Greece, in order to fight
against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put
an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom
the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cy-
rene; where he 6peaks thus:—“There were
four classes of men among those of Cyrene;
that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third
of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now
these Jews are already gotten into all cities;
and it is hard to find a place in the habitable
earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men
and is not possessed by them: and it hath come
to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the
same governors, and a great number of other
nations, imitate their way of living, and main-

tain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar
manner, and grow up to greater prosperity
with them, and make use of the same laws
with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jews
have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein
they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allot-
ted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a
large part of that city. There is also an eth-
narch allowed them, who governs the nation,
and distributes justice to them, and takes care
of their contracts, and of the laws to them
belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free
republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is
powerful, because the Jews were originally
Egyptians, and because the land wherein they
inhabit since they went thence is near to
Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, be-
cause that this land adjoined to the govern-
ment of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or ra-
ther was formerly under the same govern-
ment.” And this is what Strabo says.

3.	So when Crassus had settled all thinge
as he himself pleased, he marched into Par-
thia, where both he himself and all his army
perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But
Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took
possession of it, and was an impediment to
the Parthians, who, by reason of their victory
over Crassus, made incursions upon it: and
as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Ju-
dea also, and fe'l upon Taricbeae, and pre-
sently took it, and carried about thirty thou-
sand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who
succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious prac-
tices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater,
who proved to have great interest in him, and
was at that time in great repute with the Idu-
means also: out of which nation he married a
wife, who was the daughter of one of their
eminent men, and her name was Cypros,* by
whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod,
who was afterwards made king, and Joseph,
and Pheroras; and a daughter named Salome.
This Antipater cultivated a friendship and
mutual kindness with other potentates, but
especially with the king of Arabia, to whom
he committed his children, while he fought
against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his
camp, and marched to Euphrates to meet those
that were coming to attack him, as hath been
related by others.

4.	But some time afterwards, Caesar, when
he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and
the senate were fled beyond the Ionian sea,
freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved
to send him into Syria, and delivered two
legions to him, that he might set matters right,
as being a potent man in that country : but
Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he
hoped for from the power that was given him
by Caesar; for those of Pompey’s party pre-

» Dr. Hudson observes, that the name of this wife of
Antipater, in Josephus, was Cyproa, as an Hebrew ter-
mination; but Dot Cypris, the Greek name for Venus, ad
soma critics were ready to correct itANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

CHAP. VIII.

379

rented it, and destroyed him by poison; and
those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead
body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in
honey, till Antony afterwards sent it to Judea,
and caused him to be buried in the royal se-
pulchre. But Scipio, upon Pompey’s send-
ing to him to slay Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, because the young man was ac-
cused of what offences he bad been guilty of
at first against the Romans, cut off bis head;
and thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptole-
my, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler
of Cbalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his
brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion
to Askelon to Aristo'bulus’s wife, and desired
her to send back with him her son Antigo-
nus and her daughters: the one of whom,
whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell
in love with, and married her; though after-
wards his father Ptolemy slew him, and mar-
ried Alexandra, and continued to take care of
her brethren.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE JEWS BECOME CONFEDERATES WITH CJE-
SAR WHEN HE FOUGHT AGAINST EGYPT.
THE GLORIOUS ACTIONS OF ANTIPATER,
AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH C^SAn. THE
HONOURS WHICH THE JEWS RECEIVED FROM
THE ROMANS AND ATHENIANS.

§ 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after
that victory Caesar had gained over him, An-
tipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, be-
came very useful to Casar when he made
war against Egypt, and that by the order of
Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Perga-
mus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not
able to continue his march through Pelusium,
hut obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater
came to him, conducting three thousand of
the Jews, armed men: he had also taken care
the principal men of the Arabians should
come to his assistance; and on his account it
was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as
not willing to appear behindhand in their alac-
rity for Ciesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and
Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of
Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and
almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched
out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and
when its inhabitants would not admit him, he
Desieged the city. Now Antipater signalized
himself here, and was the first who plucked
down part of the wall, and so opened a way
to the rest, whereby they might enter the city,
and by this means Pelusium was taken. But
it happened that the Egyptian Jews
dwelt in the country called Onion, wou
let Antipater and Mithridates, with their sol-
diers, pass to Ciesar; but Antipater persuaded
them to come over to their party, because

, who
Id not

he was of the same people with them, and
that chiefly by showing them the epistles of
Hyrcanus the high-priest, wherein he exhorted
them to cultivate friendship with Caesar; and
to supply his army with money, and all sorts
of provisions which they wanted; and accord-
ingly, when they saw Antipater and the high-
priest of the same sentiments, they did as they
were desired. And when the Jews about
Memphis heard that these Jews were come
over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates
to come to them; so he came and received
them also into his army.

2.	And when Mithridates had gone over all
Delta, as the place is called, he came to a
pitched battle with the enemy, near the place
called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates
had the right wing, and Antipater the left;
and when it came to a fight that wing where
Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to
suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come
running to him with bis own soldiers along
the shore, when he had already beaten the
enemy that opposed him; so he delivered
Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had
been too hard for him to flight. He also
took their camp, and continued in the pursuit
of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who
had been worsted, and was retired a great way
off, of whose soldiers eight hundred fell; but of
Antipater’s fifty. So Mithridates sent an ac-
count of this battle to Ciesar, and openly de-
clared that Antipater was the author of this vic-
tory, and of his own preservation; insomuch that
Caesar commended Antipater then, and made
use of him all the rest of that war in the most
hazardous undertakings: he happened also to
be wounded in one of those engagements.

3.	However, when Ciesar, after some time,
had finished that war, and was sailed away
for Syria, he honoured Antipater greatly, and
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood;
and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a
citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes
everyw here; and it is reported by many, that
Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this
expedition, and came himself into Egypt.
And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to
this, when he says thus, in the name of Asi-
nius: — “ After Mithridates had invaded

Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high-priest
of the Jews.” Nay, the same Strabo says
thus again in another place, in the name of
Hypsicrates, that “ Mithridates at first went
out alone; but that Antipater, who had the
care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him
to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three
thousand soldiers to go along with him, and
encouraged other governors of the country to
go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus
the high-priest was also present in this expe-
dition.” This is what Strabo says.

4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his
father’s fate; and complained, that it was by380

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JETTS.

BOOK XIV

Antipater’a means that Aristobulus was taken
off by poison, and his brother was beheaded
by Scipio, and desired that be would take pity
of him who had been ejected out of that prin-
cipality which was due to him. He also ac-
cused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing
the nation by violence, and offering injuries
to himself. Antipater was present, and made
his defence as to the accusations that were
laid against him. He demonstrated, that
Antigonus and his party were given to inno-
vation, and were seditious persons. He also
put Csesar in mind what difficult services he
had undergone when he assisted him in his
wars, and discoursed about what he was a
witness of himself. He added, that Aristo-
bulus was justly carried away to Rome, as
one that was an enemy to the Romans, and
could never be brought to be a friend to them»
and that his brother had no more than he de-
served from Scipio, as being seized in com-
mitting robberies; and that this punishment
was not inflicted on him in a way of violence
or injustice by him that did it.

5. When Antipater had made this speech,
Caesar appointed Hyrcanus to be high-priest,
and gave Antipater what principality he him-
self should choose, leaving the determination
to himself; so he made him procurator of
Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to
raise up the walls of his own city,, upon his
asking that favour of him, for they had been
demolished by Pompey. And this grant be
sent to the consuls at Rome, to be engraven
in the capitol. The decree of the senate was
this that follows:* “Lucius Valerius, the
son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the
senate, upon the Ides of December, in the
temple of Concord. There were present at
the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius,
the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and
Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the
affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason,
and Numenius the son of Antiochus, and
Alexander, the son of Dosilheus, ambassadors
of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed,
who came to renew that league of good-will
and friendship with the Romans which was
in being before. They also brought a shield
of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at
fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired
that letters might be given them, directed

* Tate Dr. Hudson’s note upon this place, which I
suppose to be the truth:—“ Here is some rr.Make in Jo-
sephus; for when he had promised us a donee for the
restoration of Jerusalem, he brings in a decree of far
greater antiquity, and that a league of friei dship and
union only. One may easily believe that Josephus gave
order f< r one thing, and his amanueosio performed ano-
ther, by transposing decrees that concerned the Hyrcani,
and as deluded by the sameness of their names; for that
belongs to the first high-priest of this name [JoIid Hyr-
canusj, which Josephus here ascribes to one that lived
later [Hyrcanus. the son of Alexander Janneus], How-
ever, the decree which he proposed to set down follows a
little lower, in the collection of Homan decrees that con-
cerned the Jews, and is that dated when CresarwM con-
sul the fifth time,” free ch. *. sect. 5.

both to the free cities and to the kings, that
their country and their havens migLt be at
peace, and that no one among them might
receive any injury. It therefore pleased [the
senate} to make a league of friendship and
good-will with them, and to bestow on them
whatsoever they stood in need of, and to ac-
cept of the shield which was brought by them.
This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus
the high-priest and ethnarcb, in the month
Panemus.” Hyrcanus also received honours
from the people of Athens, as having been
useful to them on many occasions; and when
they wrote to him, they sent him this decree,
as it here follows:—“ Under the prutaneia
and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Es-
cuiapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of
the month Panemus, this decree of the Athe-
nians was given to their commanders, when
Agathocles w^s archon, and Eucles, the son
of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe.
In the month Munychion, on the eleventh
day of the Prutaneia, a council of the presi-
dents was held in the theatre. Dorotheus
the high-priest, and the fellow-presidents with
him, put it to the vote of the people. Dio-
nysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sen-
tence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexan-
der, the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews,
continues to hear good-will to our people in
general, and to every one of our citizens in
particular, and treats them with all sorts of
kindness; and when any of the Athenians
come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any
occasion of their own, he receives them in an
obliging manner, and sees that they are con-
ducted back in safety, of which we have had
several former testimonies; it is now also de-
creed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of
Theodorus, and upon his putting the people
in mind of the virtue of this man, and that
his purpose is to do us all the good that is in
his power, to honour him with a crown of
gold, the usual reward according to the law,
and to erect his statue in brass in the temple
of Demus and of the Graces; and that this
present of a crown shall be proclaimed pub-
licly in the theatre, in the Dionysian shows,
while the new tragedies are acting; and in
the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gym-
nical shows also; and that the commanders
shall take care, while he continues in his
friendship, and preserves his good-will to us,
to return all possible honour and favour to
the man, for his affection and generosity;
that by this treatment it may appear how oiA
people receive the good kindly, and repay
them a suitable reward; and he may he in-
duced to proceed in his affection towards us,
by the honours we have already paid him.
That ambassadors be also chosen out of all
the Athenians, who shall cairy this decree to
him, and desire him to accept of the honours
we do him, and to endeavour always to be
doing some good to our city.” — And thisCHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

58

shall suffice us to have spoken as to the
honours that were paid by the Romans and
the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THE CARE OF
GALILEE TO HEROD, AND THAT OF JERU-
SALEM TO PHASAELUS; AS ALSO, HOW HE-
ROD, UPON THE JEWS* ENVY AT ANTIPATER,
WAS ACCUSED BEFORE HYRCA-NUS.

§ 1. Now when Cesar had settled the affairs
of Syria, he sailed away; and as soon as An-
tipater had conducted Cesar o^t of Syria, he
returned to Judea. He then immediately
raised up the wall which had been thrown
down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he
pacified that tumult which had been in the
country, and this by both threatening and ad-
vising them to be quiet; for that, if they would
be of Hyrcanus’s side, they would live hap-
pily, and lead their lives without disturbance,
in the enjoyment of their own possessions;
but if they were addicted to the hopes of
what might come by innovation, and aimed
to get wealth thereby, they should have him a
severe master, instead of a gentle governor,
and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and
the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter
enemies, instead of rulers, for that they would
never bear him to be set aside wLom they had
appointed to govern. And when Antipater
had said this to them, he himself settled the
affairs of this country.

2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a
slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus,
his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of
the places that were about it, but committed
Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then
a very young man, for he was but fifteen years
of age; * but that youth of his was no impe-
diment to him; but as he was a youth of great
mind, he presently met with an opportunity of
signalizing his courage; for, finding there
was one Hezekias, a captain of a band of rob-
bers, who overran the neighbouring parts of
Syria with a great troop of them, he seized
him and slew him, as well as a great number
of the other robbers that were with him; for
which action he was greatly beloved by the
Syrians; for when they were very desirous
to have their country freed from this nest of
robbers, he purged it of them: so they sung
songs in his commendation in their villages
and cities, as having procured them peace and

the secure enjoyment of their possessions;
and on this account it was that he became
known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation
of the great Caesar, and was now president of
Syria. Now Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, was
moved with emulation at his actions, and en-
vied the fame he bad thereby gotten, and be-
came ambitious not to be behindhand with
him in deserving it: so he made the inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-
will while he held the city himself, but did
neither manage its affairs improperly, nor
abuse his authority therein. This conduct
procured from the nation to Antipater such
respect as is due to kings, and such honours
he might partake of if he were an absolute
lord of the country. Yet did not this splen-
dour of his, as frequently happens, in the
least diminish in him that kindness and fide-
lity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

3. But now the principal men among the
Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons
to grow so much in the good-will the nation
bare to them, and in the revenues which they
received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus’s
own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him;
for indeed Antipater bad contracted a friend-
ship with the Roman emperors; and when he
had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them
money, be took it to himself, and purloined the
present intended, and sent it as if it were his
own, and not-Hyrcanus’s gift to them. Hyrca-
nus heard of this his management, but took
no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad
of it; but the chief men of the Jews were there-
fore in fear, because they saw that Herod was
a violent and bold man, and very desirous of
acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrca-
nus, and now accused Antipater openly, and
said to him, “ How long wilt thou be quiet
under such actions as are now done? Or dost
thou not see that Antipater and his sons have
already seized upon the government, and that it
is only the name of a king which is given thee?
But do not thou suffer these things to be hid-
den from thee: nor do thou think to escape
danger by being so careless of thyself and of
thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are
not now stewards of thine affairs; do not
thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they
are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, An-
tipater’s son, hath slain Hezekias and those
that were with him, and hath thereby trans-
gressed our law, which bath forbidden to slay
any man, even though he were a wicked man,
unless he had been first condemned to suffer
death by the sanhedrim ;f yet hath he been

• Those who will carefully observe the several occa-
sional numbers and chronological characters in the life
and death of this Herod, and of hi9 children, hereafter
noted, will see, that twenty-five years, and not fifteen,
must for certain have been here Josephus’s own number
for the age of Herod, when be was made governor of
Galilee. See ch. xxiii, sect A; and ch xxiv. sect. 7;
and particularly Antiq. b. xvii. ch. viii. sect 1; where,
about lorty-four years afterwards, Herod dies an old man
at about seventy.

+ It is here worth our while to remark, that noneconld
be put to death in Judea but by the approbation of the
Jewish sanhedrim, there being an excellent provision in
the law of Moses, that even in criminal causes, and par-
ticularly where life was concerned, an appeal should lie
from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities, to the
supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusalem; and this is
exuctly according to our Saviour’s words, when he says,
‘’It could not be that a prophet should perish out of Jeru-
salem.” Luke xiii.33.383

antiquities of the jews.

BOOK XI?

io insolent as to do this, ana that without any
authority from thee.”

4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this he com-
plied with them. The mothers also of those
that had been 6lain by Herod raised his in-
dignation; for those women continued every
day in the temple, persuading the king and
the people that Herod might undergo a trial
before the sanhedrim for what he had done.
Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints,
that he summoned Herod to come to his trial
for what was charged upon him. Accordingly
he came; but his father had persuaded him to
come not like a private man, but with a guard,
for the'security of bis person; and that when
he bad settled the affairs of Galilee in the best
manner he could for his own advantage, he
ghould come to his trial, but still with a body
of men sufficient for his security on his jour-
ney, yet so that he should not (tome with so
great a force as might look like terrifying
Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not
expose him naked and unguarded [to his ene-
mies]. However, Sextus Caesar, president of
Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him
to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial,
and threatened him beforehand if be did not
do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion
of HyTcanus delivering Herod from suffering
any harm from the sanhedrim, for he loved
him as "his own son; but when Herod stood
before the sanhedrim, with his body of men
about him, he affrighted them all, and no one
Bf his former accusers durst after that bring
any charge against him, but there was a deep
6ilenee, arid nobody knew what was to be
done. When affairs stood thus, on^ whose
name was Sameas,* a righteous man he was,
and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and
Baid, “ O you that are assessors with me, and
O thou that art our king, I neither have ever
myself known such a case, nor do I suppose
that any one of you can name its parallel, that
one who is called to take bis trial by us ever
6tood in such a manner before us; but every
one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried
by this sanhedrim, presents himself in a sub-
missive manner, and like one that is in fear of
himself, and that endeavours to move us to
compassion, with his hair dishevelled; and in
a black and mourning garment: but this admi-
rable man Herod, who is accused of murder,
and called to answer so heavy an accusation,
stands here clothed in purple, and with the
bair of his head finely trimmed, and with his
armed men' about him, that if we shall con-
demn him by our law, he may slay us, and
by overbearing justice may himself escape
death; yet do not I make this complaint
against Herod himself: he is to be sure more
concerned for himself than for the laws; but
my complaint is against yourselves and your

• Tbis account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by
the Talmudist*, wbo call tbis Sameas * Simeon, the son
at.SlietaahJ^

king, who gave him a licence so to do. How -
ever, take you notice, that God is great, and
that this very man, whom you are going to
absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus,
will one day punish both you and your king
himself also.” Nor did Sameas mistake in
any part of this prediction; for when Herod
had received the kingdom, he slew all the
members of this sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus
himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a
great honour for him on account of his righte-
ousness, and because, wb$n the city was after-
wards besieged by Herod and Sosius, he per-
suaded the people to admit Herod into it; and,
told them, that for their sins they w'ould not
be able to esc^e his hands:—which things
will be related by us in their proper places.

5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the mem-
bers of the sanhedrim were ready to pro-
nounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he
put off the trial to another day, and sent pri-
vately to Herod, and advised him to fly out
of the city; for that by this means he might
escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though
he fled from the king; and wrhen he had been
with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own af-
fairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus*
__That in case he w'ere again summoned be-
fore the sanhedrim to take his trial, he would
not obey that summons. ‘ Hereupon the mem-
bers of the sanhedrim had great indignation
at this posture of affairs, and endeavoured to
persuaded Hyrcanus that all these things were
against him; which state of matters he was
not ignorant of; but his temper was so un-
manly and so foolish, that he was able to do
nothing at all; but when Sextus had made
Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for
he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
was in fear lest Herod should make war upon
him; nor was the effect of what he feared
long in coming upon him,—for Herod came,
and brought an army along with him to fight
with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he
had been summoned to undergo before the
sanhedrim; but his father Antipater, and his
brother [Phasaelus] met him, and hindered
him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also
pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded
him to do no overt action, but only to affright
them with threatenings, and to proceed no
farther against one who had given him the
dignity he had: they also desired him not
only to be angry that he was summoned, and
obliged to come to his trial, but to remember
withal how he was dismissed without condem-
nation, and how^e ought to give Hyrcanus
thanks for the same; and that he was not to
regard only what was disagreeable to him, and
be unthankful for his deliverance. So they
desired him to consider, that since it is God
that turns the scales of war, there is great un-
certainty in the issue of battles, and that there-
fore he ought not to expect the victory when
he should fight with his king, and him thatCHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

383

Lad supported him, and bestowed many bene,
fits upon hitn, and bad done nothing of itself
very severe to him; for that his accusation,
which was derived from evil counsellors, and
not from himself, had rather the suspicion of
some severity, than any thing really severe
in it. Herod was persuaded by these argu-
ments, and believed that it was sufficient for
his future hopes to have made a show of his
strength before the nation, and«Lone no more
to it;—and in this state were the affairs of
Judea at this time.

CHAPTER X.

THE HONOURS THAT WERE PAID THE JEWS ;

and the leagues THAT were madebythe

ROMANS, AND OTHER NATIONS,WITH THEM.

§ 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome,
he was ready to sail into Africa to fight
against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus
sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired
that he would ratify that league of friendship
and mutual alliance which was between them;
and it seems to me to be necessary here to
give an account of all the honours that the
Romans and their emperors paid to our na-
tion/and of the leagues of mutual assistance
they have made with it, that all the rest of
mankind may know what regard the kings of
Asia and Europ^have had to us, and that they
have been abundantly satisfied of our courage
and fidelity; for whereas many will not be-
lieve what hath been written about us by the
Persians and Macedonians, because those
writings are not everywhere to be met with,
nor do lie in public places, but among us our-
selves, and certain other barbarous nations;
while there is no contradiction to be made
against the decrees of the Romans, for they
are laid lip in the public places of the cities,
and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven
upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Ju-
lius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Je ws
at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they
were citizens of Alexandria Out of these evi-
dences will I demonstrate what I say; and
will now set down the decrees made both by
the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate
to Hyrcanus and to our nation.

2.	“Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and
high-priest and,dictator the second time, to
the magistrates, senate, apd people of Sidon,
sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it
is well. I also and the army are well. I
have sent you a copy of that decree regis-
tered on the tables, which concerns Hyrca-
nus, the son of Alexander, the high-priest
and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid
up among the public records; and I will that
it he openly proposed in a table of brass, both
iii Greek and in Latin. It is as follows:—

I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time,
and high-priest, have made this decree, with
the approbation of the senate: "Whereas Hyr-
canus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath
demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about
our affairs, and this both now and in former
times, both in peace and in war, as many of
our, generals have borne witness, and. came to
our assistance in the last Alexandrian war,*
with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he
/vas sent by me to Mithridates, showed him-
self superior in valour to all the rest of that
army;—for these reasons I will that Hyrca-
nus, the son of Alexander, and his children,
be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high-
priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to
the customs of their forefathers, and that he
and his son be our confederates; and that be-
sides this every one of them be reckoned
among our particular friends. I also ordain,
that, he and his children retain whatsoever pri-
vileges belong to the office of high-priest, or
whatsoever favours have been hitherto granted
them; and if at any time hereafter there arise
any questions about the Jewish customs, I
will that he determine the same; and I think
it not proper that they should be obliged to
find us winter quarters, or that any money
should be required of them.”

3.	“The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul,
containing what bath been grahted and deter-
mined, are as follow:—That Hyrcanus and
his children bear rule over the nation of the
Jews, and have the profits of the places to
them bequeathed; and'that he, as himself the
high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend
those that are injured; and that ambassadors
be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander
the high-priest of the Jews, that may discourse
with him about a league of friendship and
mutual assistance; and that a table of brass,
containing the premises, be openly proposed
in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and
Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Ro-
man and Greek letters: that this decree may
also be Communicated to the questors and
praetors of the several cities, and to the friends
of the Jews: and that the ambassadors may
have presents made them, and that these de-
crees be sent everywhere.”

4.	“Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, con-
sul, hath granted, That out of regard to the
honour, and virtue, and kindness of the man,
and for the advantage of the senate, and of
the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of
Alexander, both he and his children, be high-
priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the
Jewish nation, by the same right, and, accord-
ing to the same laws, by which their progeni-
tors have held the priesthood.”

* That Hyrcanus was himself in Egypt* along with
Antipater, at this time, to whom accordingly the bold
and prudent actions of his deputy Annpater are here as-
cribed, as this decree of Julius Ceesar supposes, we are
farther assured by the testimony of Strabo, already pro-
d ncedvhy J ose384

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOO* XIV

6. “Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, between single gladiators, and in those with

hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Je-
rusalem, and may encompass that city with
'walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alex-
ander, the high-priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, retain it, in the manner he himself
pleases; and the Jews be allowed to deduct
out of their tribute every second year the
land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of
that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be
not let to farm, nor that they pay always the'
Bame tribute.”

6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second
time, hath ordained, That all the country of
the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute
yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the
seventh, which they call the Sabbatical Year,
because thereon they neither receive the fruits
of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and
that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the se-
cond year [of that Sabbatic period], the fourth
part of what was sown: and besides this, they
ire to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and
his sons, which they paid to their forefathers.
And that no one, neither president, nor lieu-
tenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries with-
in the bounds of Judea, nor may soldiers ex-
act money of them for winter quarters, or un-
der any other pretence, but that they be free
from all sorts of injuries: and that whatsoever
they shall hereafter have, and are in possession
of, or have bought, they shall retain them all.
It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa,
which the Jews had originally, when they
made a league of friendship with the Romans,
shall belong to them, as it formerly did; and
that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his
sons, have as tribute of that city, from those
that occupy the land, for the country, and for
what they export every year to Sidon, twenty
thousand six. hundred and seventy-five modii
every year, the seventh year, which they call
the Sabbatic Year, excepted; whereon they
neither plough, nor receive the product of
their trees. It is also the pleasure of the se-
nate, that as to the villages which are in the
great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefa-
thers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the
Jews have them with the same privileges
with which they formerly had them also; and
that the same original ordinances remain still
in force which concern the Jews with regard
to their high-priests; and that they enjoy the
same benefits which they have had formerly
by the concession of the people, and. of the
senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges
in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the se-
nate, that Hyrcanus, the ethnarch, and the
Jews, retain those places, countries, and vil-
jcges, which belonged to the kings of Syria
and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Ro-
ll ans, and which they had bestowed on them
as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyr-
(vi.us, and to his so s. and to the ambassa-
di is by them sent t> us, that, in (he fights

beasts, they shall sit among the senators to
see those shows; and that when they desire
'an audience, they shall be introduced into the
senate by the dictator, or by the general of the
horse; and when they have introduced them,
their answers shall be returned them in ten
days at the farthest, after the decree of the:
senate is made about their affairs.”

7. “Caiu^lbaesar, imperator, dictator the
fourth time, and consul the fifth time, de-
clared to be perpetual dictator, made this
speech concerning the rights and privileges of
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high-
priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those
imperators* that have been in the provinces
before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus,
the high-priest of the Jews, and to the Jews
themselves, and this before the senate and
people of Rome, when the people and senate
returned their thanks to them, it is good that
we now also remember the same, and provide
that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the
nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyr-
canus, by the senate and people of Rome,
and that suitably to w'hat good-will they have
shown us, and to the benefits they have be-
stowed upon us.”

8. “Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of
Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people
of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews
of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn
there, in the presence of yojir ambassadors,
signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you
forbid them to make use of the customs of
their forefathers, and their way of sacred
worship. Now it does not please me that
such decrees should be made against our
friends and confederates, whereby they are
forbidden to live according to their own cus-
toms, or to bring in contributions for common
suppers and holy festivals, while they are not
forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for
even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul,
in that decree wherein he forbade the Bac-
chanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet per-
mit these Jews, and these.only, both to bring
in their contributions, and to make their
common suppers. ^Accordingly, when I for-
bid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these
Jews to gather themselves together, accord-
ing to the laws and customs of their forefa-
thers, and to persist therein. It will be
therefore good for you, that if you have
made any decree against these our friends
and confederates, to abrogate the same, by
reason of their virtue, and kind disposition
towards us.”

. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Mar-

* Dr. Hudson justly supposes, tbat the Roman impe-
rators, or generals of armies, meant both here and sect,
ho gave testimony to Hyrcanus’s and the Je'

;ood will

ws’ faith,
to the (tomans before the senate

2, who gavi
fulness and goo
and people of Rome we:
and Gabinius: of all whom Josephus ha<
us the history, so Inr as the Jews were concern*
them.

re, principally Pompey, Scaurus,
thorn Josephus had already given
rned withCHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS;

385

cus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were
consuls, they both assembled the senate, and
introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it,
and discoursed of what they desired, and made

league of friendship with them. The senate ‘could not go into their armies, because they

also decreed, to grant them all they desired.

I add this decree itself, that those who read
the present work, may have ready by them a
demonstration of the truth of what we say.
The decree was this:—

10.	“ The decree of the senate, copied out
of the treasury, from the public tables be-
longing to the quaestors, when Quintus Ru-
tilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and
taken out of the second table of the first class,
on the third day before the ides of April, in the
temple of Concord. There were present at
the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpumius
Piso, of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papi-
nius Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius
Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe,
Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son
of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the
son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Pub-
lius Platius, the son of Publius, of the Papy-
rian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Mar-
cus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the
son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Marcus
Quintus Plancillus; the son of Marcus, of
the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. Pub-
lius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the con-
suls, made this reference to the senate, that
as to those things which, by the decree of the
senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the
Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree
been brought into the treasury, it is our will,
as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella
and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have
these decrees put into the public tables, and
brought to the city quaestors, that they may
take care to have them put upon the double
tables. This was done before the fifth of the
ides of February, in the temple of Concord.
Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the
high-priest were these:—Lysimachus, the son
of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodo-
rus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jona-
than, the son of Onias.”

11.	Hyrcanus sent also one of these am-
bassadors to Dolabella, who was then the
prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the
Jews from military services, and to preserve
to them the customs of their forefathers, and
to permit them to live according to them.
And when Dolabella had received Hyrca-
nus’s letter, without any farther deliberation,
he sent an epistle to all the Asiatic^, and par-
ticularly to the city of the. Ephesians, the me-
tropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of*
which epistle here follows:—

12.	“ When Artemon was prytanis, on the
first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella
imperator, to the senate and magistrates,
and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.

Alexander, the soil of Theodoras; the am-
bassador of Hyrcanus^ the son of Alexander,
the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, ap-
peared before me, to show that his countrymen

are not allowed to bear arms, or to travel on
the Sabbath-days, nor there to procure them-
selves those sorts of food which they have been
used to eat from the times of their forefathers,
—I do therefore grant them a freedom from
going into the army, as the former prefects
have done, and permit them to use the customs
of their forefathers, in assembling together for
sacred and religious purposes, as their law
.requires, and for collecting oblations necessary
for sacrifices; and my will is„ that you write
this to the several cities under your jurisdic-
tion.”

13.	And these were the concessions that
Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus
sent an embassage to him; but Lucius the
consul’s decree ran thus:—“I have at my
tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of
Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites,
and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into
the army, on account of the superstition they
are under. This was done before the twelfth
of the calends of October, when. Lucius Len-
tulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in
the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son
of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian
tribe; of Titus Tongius, the son of Titus, of
the Crustumino tribe; of Quintus Resius, the
son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus,
the son of Titus; of Caius Servilius, the son
of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Braccus
the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gal-
lus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe;
of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the
Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the
son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-pretor to the
magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephe-
sians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the
consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from
going into the armies, at my intercession for
them; and when I had made the same peti-
tion some time afterward to Phanius the im-
perator, and to Lucius Antonius the.vice-
qusestor, I obtained the privilege of them
also; and my will is, that you take care that
no one give them any disturbance.”

14.	The decree of the Delians. “ The an-
swer of the praetors, when Bcotus was archon;
on the twenjieth day of the month Thar-
geleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant
lived in our city, who was also appointed over
the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and
many other of the citizens, and gave order,
that if there be here any Jews who are Ro-
man citizens, no one is to give them any dis-
turbance about going into the army, because
Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the
Jews from going into the army, on account
of the superstition they are under,—you are

2 BANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS*

BOOK XIY

386

therefore obliged to submit to the pretor:”
—and the like decree was made by the Sar-
dians about us also.

15.	“ Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, im-
perator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos,
sendeth greeting. I would have you know
that the ambassadors of the Jews have been
with me, and desired they might have those
decrees which the senate had made about
them: which decrees are here subjoined.
My will is, that you have a regard to and
take care of these men, according to the se-
nate’s decree, that they may he safely con-
veyed home through your country!,”

16.	The declaration of Lucius Lentulus
the consul:—“1 have dismissed those Jews
who are I^oman citizens, and who appear to
me to have their religious rites, and to ob-
serve the laws of the Jews at Ephesus,. on
account of the superstition they are under.
This act was done before the thirteenth of the
calends of October.’*

17.	“ Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus,
vice-quaestor, and vice-pretor, to the magis-
trates, senate, and people of the. Sardians,
sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our
fellow-citizens of Rome, came to me, and'de-
monstrated that they had an assembly of their
own, according to the laws of their forefathers,,
and this from the beginning, as also a place
of their own, wherein they determined their
suits and controversies with one another.
Upon their petition therefore to me, that
these might be lawful for them, I give order
that these their privileges be preserved, and
they be permitted to do accordingly.”

18.	The declaration of Marcus Publius,
the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of
Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius:
—“ We went to the proconsul, and informed
him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida
of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought
good, he would dismiss those Jews who were
Roman' citizens, and were wont to observe
the rites of the Jewish religion, on account
of the superstition they were under. Ac-
cordingly he did dismiss them. This w’as
done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October.”

19.	“In the month Quintilis, when Lu-
cius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were con-
suls; and there were present Titus Appius
Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the
Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crus-
tumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quin-
tus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cor-
nelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus,
the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the
Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the
son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius
Teutius, the son of Caius, a military tribune,
of the Emilian tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus,
the son of Sextus, of the Esquilinc tribe,
Caius Pompeius, the son pf Caius, of the Sab-
batine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son

of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of
Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of
Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furiua
Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Me-
nas. In the presence of these it was that
Lentulus pronounced this decree; I have be-
fore the tribunal dismissed those Jews that
are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to
observe the sacred rites of the Jews at.Epher
sus, on account of the superstition they are
under.”

20.	“ The magistrates of the Laodicean*
to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the con-
sul, send^tgreeting. Sopater, the ambassa-
dor of Hyrcanus the high-priest, hath delivered
us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us
know that certain ambassadors were come
from Hyrcanus, the high-priest of the Jews*
and brought an epistle written concerning
their nation, wherein they desire that the
Jews may be allowed to observe their Sab-
baths and other sacred rites, according to the
laws of their forefathers, and that they may
be under no command, because they are our
friends and confederates: and that nobody
may injure them in our provinces. Now al-
though the Trallians there present contra-
dicted them, and were not pleased with these
decrees, yet didst thou give order that they
should be observed, and informed us that
thou hadst been desired to write this to us
about them. We therefore in obedience to
the injunctions we have received from thee,
have received the epistle which thou sentest
us, and have laid it up by itself among our
public records; and as to the other things
about which thou didst send to us, we will
take care that no complaint be made against
us.”

21.	“Publius Servilius, the son of Publius,
of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the ma-
gistrates, senate, and people of the Melesiaus,
sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Her-
mes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I
was at Tralles, and held a court there, and
informed me that you used the Jews in a way
different from my opinion, and forbade them
to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perforin the
sacred rites received from their forefathers,
and to manage the fruits of the earth accord-
ing to their ancient custom; and that he had
himself been the promulger of your decree,
according as your laws require; I would
therefore have you know, that upon hearing
the pleadings on both sides, 1 gave sentence
that the Jews should not be prohibited to
make use of their own customs.”

22.	The decree of those of Pergamus:—
At When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first
day of the month Desius, the decree of the
pretors was this: Since tbe Romans, follow-
ing the conduct of their ancestors, undertake
dangers for tbe common safety of all man-
kind, and are ambitious to settle their confe-
derates and friends in happiness, and in firmCHAP. X*

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

887

peace, and since the nation of the Jews, and
their high-priest Hyrcanus^ sent as ambassa-
dors to them, Strato, the Son of Theodatus,
and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and
Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus,
the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son
of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a
particular account of their affairs, the senate
thereupon made a decree about what they had
desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the
son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the
Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and
that the fortresses and the havens, and the
country, and whatsoever else he had taken
from them, should be restored to them; and
that it may be lawful for them to export their
goods out of their own havens; and that no
king nor people may have leave to export any
goods, either out of the country of Judea, or
out of their havens, without paying customs,
but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria,
because he is our confederate and friend; and
that, according to their desire, the garrison
that is in. Joppa may be ejected. Now Lu-
cius Pettius, ■ one of our senators, a worthy
and good man, gave order that we should
take care that these things should be done
according to the senate’s decree: and that we
should take care also that their ambassadors
might return home in safety. Accordingly
we admitted Theodorus into our senate and
assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands,
as well as the decree of the senate; and as he
discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and
described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity,
and how he was a benefactor to all men in
common, and particularly to every body that
comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our
public records; and made a decree ourselves,
that since we also are in confederacy with the
Romans, we would do every thing we could
for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree.
Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, de-
sired of our praetbrs, that they would send
Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also am-
bassadors to signify to him the affection of
our people to him, and to exhort them to
preserve and augment their friendship for us,
and be ready to bestow other benefits upon
us, as justly expecting to receive proper re-
quitals from us; and desiring them to remem-
ber that our ancestors* were friendly to the

* We have here a most remarkable and authentic at-
testation of the citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham was
the father of all the Hebrews; that their owi
. in the oldest times, the friends of those

ancestors

re,In the oldest times, the friends of those Hebrews;
and that the public acts of their city, then extant, con-
firmed the samewhich evidence is too strong to be
evaded by our present ignorance of the particular occa-
sion of such ancient friendship and alliance between
those people. See the like full evidence of the kindred
of the IAcedemonians and the Jews; and that because
they were both the posterity of Abraham, by a public epis-
tle of those people to the Jews, preserved in the first book
of the Maccabees, xil. 19— 23, and thence by Josephus,
Antiq. b. xii.ch.iv sect 10; both which authentic records
are highly valuable. It is also well worthy of observation,
what Moses Chorenensis, the principal Armenian histo-
rian. informs us of, p. 83, that Arsaces, who raised ttio

Jews, even in the days of Abraham, who was
the father of all the Hebrews, as-we have [also]
found it set down in our public records.”

23.	The decree of those of Halicarnassus,
“ When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by
descent, but by adoption of Euony mous, was
priest, on the *** day of the month Ariste-
rion, the decree of the people, upon the re-
presentation of Marcus Alexander, was tbis;
Since we h^ve ever a great regard to piety
towards,God, and to holiness; and since vve
aim to follow the people of thfe Romans, who
are the benefactors of all men, and what they
have written to us about a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance between the Jews
and our city, and that their sacred offices and
accustomed festivals and assembles may be
observed by them; we have decreed, that as
many open and women of the Jews as are
willing so to do, may celebrate tbeir Sab-
baths, and perform their holy offices, accord-
ing to the Jewish laws; and may make their
proseuchs at the sea-side, according to the
customs of their forefathers; and if any one,
whether be be a magistrate or a private per-
son, hindereth them from so doing, he shall
be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses
of the city.”

24.	The decree of the Sardians. “This
decree was made by the senate and people,
upon the representation of the prwtors:—
Whereas those Jews who are our fellow-citi-
zens, and live with us in this city, have ever
had great benefits heaped upon them by the
people, and have come ncjw into the senate,
and desired of the people, that upon the resti-
tution of their law and their liberty, by the
senate and people of Rome, they may assem-
ble together, according to tbeir ancient legal
custom, arid that we will not bring any suit
against them about it; and that a place may
be given them where they may have their con-
gregations with their wives and children, and
may offer, as did fheig forefathers, their pray-
ers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate
and people have decreed to permit them-to
assemble together on the days formerly ap-
pointed, and to act according to their own
laws; and that such a place be set apart for
them by the praetors, for the building und in-
habiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for
that purpose: and that those that take care of
the provisions for the city, shall take care that
such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their
eating, may be imported into the city.”

25.	The decree of the Ephesians. “When
Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of
the month Artemisius, this decree was made
oy the people:—Nicanor, the son of Eupbe-
mus, pronounced it. upon the representation
of the prcetors. Since the Jews that dwell

lid,

Gen. xvii. 6.ANTIQUITIES OF THE' JEWS.

BOOK XJT

388

in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius
Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul,
that they might be allowed to observe then
Sabbaths, and to act in all things according
to the customs of their forefathers, without
impediment from any body, the praetor hath
granted their petition. Accordingly, it was
decreed by the senate and people, that in this
affair that concerned the Romans, no one of
them should be hindered from, keeping the
Sabbath-day, nor be fined for so doing; but
that they may be allowed to do all things ac-
cording to their own laws.”

26. Now there are many such decrees of
the senate and imperators of the Romans,*
and those different from these before us, which
have been made in favour of Hyrcanus, and
of our nation; as also, there have been more
decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the prae-
tors to 6uch epistles as concerned our rights
and privileges: and certainly such as are not
ill-disposed to what we write, may believe that
they are all to this purpose, and that by the
specimens which we have inserted: for since
we have produced evident marks th^t may still
be 6een, of the friendship we have had with
the Romans, and demonstrated that those
marks are engraven upon columns and tables
of brass in the capitol, that are still in being,
and preserved to this day, we have omitted to
set them all down, as needless and disagree-
able; for I cannot suppose any one so per-
verse as not to believe the friendship we have
had with the Romans, while they have de-
monstrated the same by such a great number
of their decrees relating to us; nor will they
doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of these
decrees, since we have shown the same in
those we have produced. And thus have we
sufficiently explained that friendship and con-
federacy we at those times had with the Ro-
mans.

* If we compare Josephus’s promise in sect. 1, to pro-
duce all the public decrees of the Romans in favour of
the Jews, with his excuse here for omitting many of
them, we may observe, that when he came to transcribe
all those decrees he had collected, he found them so nu-
merous that he thought he should too much tire bis
readers if he had attempted it, which he thought a suf-
ficient apology for his omitting the rest of them; yet
do those by him produced afford such a strong confir-
mation to bis history, and give such great light to even
the Homan antiquities themselves, that I believe' the
curious are not a little sorry for such his omissions.

CHAPTER XL

BCW MARCUsf SUCCEEDED SEXTUS WHEN HE
HAD BEEN SLAIN BY BASSUS’S TREACHERY,
AND HOW, AFTER THE‘DEATH OF CiESAR,
CASSIUS CAME INTO SYRIA, AND DISTRESSED
JUDEA; AS ALSO, HOW MALICHUS SLEW
ANTIPATER, AND WAS HIMSELF SLAIN BY
HEROD.

§ 1. Now it so fell out that about this very
time the affairs of Syria were in great disor-
der, and this on the occasion following: Ce-
cilius Bassus, one of Pempey’s party, laid a
treacherous design against Sextus Cxsar, and
slew him, and then took his army, and got
the management of public affairs into his own
hand; so there arose a great war about Apa-
mia, while Cxsar’s generals came against him
with an army of horsemen and footmen; to
these Antipater sent also succours, and his
sons with them, as calling to mind the kind-
nesses they had received from Cxsar, and on
that account he thought it but just to require
punishment for him, and to take vengeance
on the man that had murdered him. And
as the war was drawn out into a great length,
Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s

government upon him: but Cxsar was slain
by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house,
after he had retained the government three
years tfhd six months. This fact, however,
is related elsewhere.

2. As the war that arose upon the death
of Cxsar was now begun, and the principal
men were all gone, some one way, and some
another, to raise armies, Cassius came from
Rome into Syria, in order to receive the
[army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and
having raised the siege, he brought over both
Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then
went over the cities, and got together wea-
pons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon
those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea,
and exacted of it seven hundred talents: but
Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so
great consternation and disorder, he divided
the collection of that sum, and appointed bis
sons to gather it; and §6 that part of it was
to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-dis-
posed to him, and part by others. And be-
cause Herod did exact what is required of
him from Galilee before others, be was in the
greatest favour with Cassius; for he thought
it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship
with the Romans, and to gain their good-will
at the expense of others; whereas the cura-
tors of the other cities, with their citizens,
were Bold for slaves; and Cassius reduced

+ For Marcus, this president of Syria, sent as succes.
aor to Sextus Caesar, the Roman historians require us ta
read ‘‘Mureus” in Josephus, and this perpetually, both
in these Antiquities and iu his History of the Wars, %i
the learned generally agree.CHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

four cities into a state of slavery, the two most
potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus;
and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay,
Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that
he had killed him (for he . assaulted him), had
not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater,
sent him an hundred talents of his own, and
thereby pacified, his anger against him.

3.	But after Cassius was gone out of Ju-
dea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as
thinking that his death would be the preser-
vation of Hyrcanus’s government; but his
design was not unknown to Antipater, which,
when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan,
and got together an army, partly of Arabs,
and partly of his own countrymen. How-
ever, Malichus being one of great cunning,
denied that he had laid any snares for him,
and made his defence with an oath, both to
himself and his sons f and said that while
Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and
Herod had the weapons of war in his custody,
he could never have thought of any such
thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress
that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him,
and made an agreement with him; this was
When Marcus was president of Syria; who
yet perceiving that this Malichus was ma-
king a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so
far that he had almost killed him; but still,
at the intercession of Antipater, he saved
him.

4.	However, Antipater little thought that
by saving Malichus, he had saved his own
murderer; for now Cassius and Marc.us had
got together an army, and intrusted the entire
care of it with Herod, and made him general
of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet
of ships, and an army of horsemen and foot-
men ; and promised him, that after the war
was over they would make him king of Judea;
for a war was already begun between Antony
and the younger Cssar; but as Malichus was
most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of
the way; and by the offer of money persuaded
the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they
were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This
being done, and he having armed men with
him, settled the affairs of the city. But when
Antipater’s sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were
acquainted with this conspiracy against their
father, and had indignation at it, Malichus
denied all, and. utterly renounced any know-
ledge of the m,urder. And thus died Antipa-
ter, a man that had distinguished himself for
piety and justice, and love to his country.
And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved
immediately to revenge their father’s death,
and was coming upon Malichus with an army
for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Pha-
saelus, thought it best rather to get this man
into their hands by policy, lest they should
appear to begin a civil war in the country;
50 he accepted of Malichus’s defence for him-
self, and pretended to believe him, that he had

389

had no hand in the violent death of Antipater
his father, but erected a fine inonument for
him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when
he found them in great distress, he revived
their spirits, apd composed their differences.

5.	However, a little after this, Herod,
upon the approach of a festival, came with his
soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus
was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not
to permit him to come into the city.- Hyr-
canus complied; and, for a pretence of exclud-
ing him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought
not to be admitted while the multitude were
purifying themselves. But Herod had little
regard to the messengers that were sent to him,
and entered the city in the night-time, and
affrighted Malichus, yet did he remit nothing
of his former dissimulation, but wept for Anti-
pater, and bewailed him as a friend of his,
with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends
thought it proper not openly to contradict
Malichus’s hypocrisy, but to give him tokens
of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his
suspicion of them.

6.	However, Herod sent to Cassius, and in-
formed him of the murder of his father; who
knowing what sort of a man Malichus was as
fo his morals, sent him back word, that he
should revenge his father’s death; and also
sent privately to the commanders of his army
at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the
execution* of a very just design of his. Now
when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all
went together to him, and carried him gar-
lands and money: and Herod thought that
Malichus might be punished while he was
there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of
the thing, and designed to make some great
attempt, and because his son was then an hos-
tage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved
to steal him away privately, and to march
thence into Judea: and as Cassius was in
haste to march against Antony, he thought to
bring the country to revolt, and to procure
the government for himself. But Providence
opposed his counsels; and Herod being a
shrewd man, and perceiving what his inten-
tion was, he sent thither beforehand a ser-
vant, in appearance indeed to get a supper
ready, for he had said before, that he would
feast them all there, but in reality to the com-
manders of the army, whom.he persuaded to
go out against Malichus, with their daggers.
So they went out and met the man near the
city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him.
Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at
what had happened, that his speech failed
him; and when, after some difficulty, he had
recovered himself, he asked Herod what the
matter could be, and who it was that slew
Malichus; and when he said that it was done
by the command of Cassius, he commended
the action; for that Malichus was a very
wicked man, and one that conspired against
his own country. And this was the punish-390

BOOK XIV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

ment that was inflicted on Malichus for what
he wickedly did to Antipater.

7. .But when Cassius was marched out of
Syria, disturbances arose in Judea: for Felix,
who was left at Jerusalem with an army,
made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and
the people themselves rose in arms; but He-
rod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus,
and was desirous to run to his brother’s assist-
ance, but was hindered by a distemper that
seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had
been too bard for Felix, and had shut him up
in the tower, and there, on certain conditions,
dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of
Hyrcanus, that although he had received a
great many benefits from them, yet did he
support their enemies; for Malichus’s brother
had made many places to revolt,-and kept gar-
risons in them, and particularly Masada, the
strongest fortress of them all. In the mean
time, Herod was recovered of his disease,
and came and took from Felix all the places he
had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dis-
missed him also.

CHAPTER XIL

HEROD EJECTS ANTIGONDS, THE SON OF
ARISTOBULUS, OUT OF JUDEA, AND GAINS
THE FRIENDSHIP OF ANTONY, WHO WAS
NOW COME INTO SYRIA, BY SENDING HIM
MUCH MONEY; ON WHICH ACCOUNT HE
WOULD NOT ADMIT OF THOSE THAT WOULD

have accused herod: and what it was

THAT ANTONY WROTE TO THE TYRIANS IN
BEHALF OF THE JEWS.

§ 1. Now* Ptolemy, the son of Menneus,
brought back into Judea, Antigonus, the son
of Aristobulus, who had already raised an arm^,
and had, by money, made Fabius to be his
friend, and this because he was of kin to
him. Marion also gave him assistance. He
had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over
Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized
on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way
of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Ga-
lilee, which lay in his neighbourhood, and
took three of its fortresses, and put garrisons
into them to keep them. But when Herod
came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian
garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner;

* In this and the following chapters the reader will
easily remark, how truly Gronovius observes, in his notes
on the Roman decrees in favour of the Jews, that their
rights and privileges were commonly purchased of the
Homans with money. Many examples of this sort,
both as to the Romans and others in authority, will oc-
cur in our Josephus, both now and hereafter, and need
not be taken particular notice of on the several occa-
sions in these notes. Accordingly, the chief captain con-
fesses to St Paul, that, ‘ with a great sum be had ob-
tained his freedom’ (Acts xxii, 28); as had St. Paul’s
ancestors, very probably, purchased the like freedom for
their family hy money, as the same author justly con-
duces also.

nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents
out of the good-will he bare to that city.
When he had dispatched these affairs, and
was gone to meet AntigonuB, he joined bat-
tle with him, and beat him, and drove him
out of Judea presently, when he was just
come into its borders; but when he was come
to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put
garlands about bis head; for he bad already
contracted an affinity with the family of Hyr-
canus by having espoused a descendant of his,<
and for that reason Herod took the greater
care of him, as being to marry the daughter
of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and
’the grand-daughter of Hyrcanus; by which
wife he became the father of three male and
two female children. He had also married
before this another wife, out qf a lower family
of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by
whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten
Cassius near Philippi, as others have related;
but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul
[Italy], and Antony marched for Asia, who
when he was arrived at Bithynia,' he had am-
bassadors that met him from all parts. The
principal men also of the Jews came thither,
to accuse Phasaelus and Herod, and they said
that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of
reigning, biit that these men had all the
power; but Antony paid great respect to
Herod, who was come to him to make his
defence against his accusers, on which ac-

count his adversaries could not so much as
obtain a bearing; which favour Herod bad
gained of Antony by money; but still, when
Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus,
the higb-priest, and our nation sent an em-
bassage to him, which carried a crown of gold
with them, and desired that he would write
to the governors of the provinces, to set those
Jews free who bad been carried captive by
Cassius, and this without their having fought
against him, and to restore them that coun-
try which, in the days of Cassius, had been
taken from them. Antony thought the Jews’
desires were just, and wrote immediately to
Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent,
at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians;
the contents of which were to the same pur-
pose.

3. “ Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyr-
canus the high-priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, sendeth greeting. If you be in health,
it is well; I am also in health, with the army.
Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Jose-
phus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander,
the son of Thcodorus, your ambassadors, met
me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embas-
sage which they had formerly been upon at
Rome, and have diligently acquitted them-
selves of the present embassage, which thou
and thy nation have intrusted to them, and
have fully declared the good-will thou hast
for us. I am therefore satisfied, both byCHAP. XII.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE jews;	391

your actions and your words, that you are
well disposed to us; and I understand that
your conduct of life is constant and religious;
so I reckon you as our own; but when those
that were adversaries to you, and:to the Ro-
man people, abstained neither from cities nor
temples, and did not observe the agreement
they had confirmed by oath, it was not only
on account of our contest with them, but on
account of all mankind in common, that we
have taken vengeance on those who have been
the authors of great injustice towards men,
and of great wickedness towards the gods;
for the sake of which we suppose that it was
that the sun turned away his light from us,*
as unwilling to view the horrid crime they
were guilty of in the case of Caesar. : We
have also overcome their conspiracies, which
threatened the gods themselves, which Mace-
donia received, as it i3 a climate peculiarly
proper for impious and insolent attempts;
and we have overcome that confused rout of
men, half mad with spite against us, which
they got together at Philippi, in Macedonia,
when they seized on the places that were pro-
per for their purpose, and, as it were, walled
them round with mountains to the very sea,
and where the passage was open only through
a single gate. This victory we gained, be-
cause the gods had condemned those men for
their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when
be had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by
us, and became a partaker of the same perdi-
tion with Cassius; and now these have re-
ceived their punishment, we suppose that we
may enjoy peace for the time to come, and
that Asia may be at rest from war. We
therefore make that peace which God hath
given us common to our confederates also,
insomuch that the body of Asia is now reco-
vered out of that distemper it was under by
means of our victory. I therefore, bearing
in mind both thee and your nation, shall take’
care of what may be for your advantage. I
have also sent epistles in writing to the seve-
ral cities, that if any persons, whether free-
men or bondmen, have been sold under the
opear by Caius- Cassius or his subordinate
officers, they may be set‘free; and I will
that you kindly make use of the favours
which I and Dolabella have granted you. I
also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence
with you; and for what places of the Jews
they now possess, I order them to restore
them. I have withal accepted of the crown
which thou sentest me.” '	'

4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the
magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, send-
eth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus,

* This clause plainly alludes to that well-known but
unusual and very lorn; darkness of the sun, which hap-
pened upon the murder of Julius Caesar by Brutus and
Cassius; which is greatly taken notice of by Virgil.
1’liny. and other Roman authors. See Vtrgi s Geor-
gies, book i. ju*t before the etui; mu Pliny’s Nat. ntsr.
l ook ii.ch. ux.

the high-priest and ethnarch [of the Jews],
appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me
that you are in possession of part of their
country, which you entered upon under the
government ot our adversaries. Since, there-
fore, we have undertaken a war for the ob-
taining the government, and have taken care
to do what was agreeable to piety and justice,
and have brought to punishment those that
had neither any remembrance of the kindness
they had received, nor have kept tbpir oaths,
I will that you be at peace with those that
are our confederates; as also, that what you
have taken by the m'eans of our adversaries
shall not be reckoned your own, but be re-
turned to those from whom you took them;
for none of them took their provinces or their
armies by the gift of the senate, but they
seized them by force, and bestowed them by
violence upon such as became useful to them
in their unjust proceedings. Since, there-
fore, those men have received the punishment
due to them, we desire that our confederates
may retain whatsoever it was that they for-
merly possessed without disturbance, and that
you restore all the places which belong to
Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of. the Jews, which
you have bad, though it were but one day
before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable
war against us, and entered into our pro-
vince; nor do you use any force against him,
\n order to weaken him, that he may not be
able to dispose of that which is his own; but
if you have any contest with him about your
respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to
plead your cause, when we come upon the
places concerned, for we shall alike preserve
the rights, and hear.all the causes, of our
confederates.”

5. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the
magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, send-
eth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of
which I will that ye take care that it be en-
graven on the public tables, in Roman and
Greek letters, and that it stand engraven iu
the most illustrious places, tbat it may be
read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator,
one of the triumvirate over the public affairs,
made this declaration:—Since Caius Cassius,
in this revolt he hath made/ hath pillag'ed
that province which belonged not to him, and
was held by garrisons there encamped, while
they were our confederates, and hath spoiled
that nation of the Jews which was in friend-
ship with the Roman people, as in war; and
since we have overcome his.madness by arms,
we now correct, by our decrees and judicial
determinations, what be bath laid waste, that
those things may be.restored to our confede-
rates; and as for what hath been sold of the
Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies cr
possessions, let them be released; the bodies
into that state of freedom they were origi-
nally in, and the possessions to their former
owners. I also w>ll, that he who shall not392

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK xrr.

comply with this decree of mine shall be
punished for his disobedience; and if such a
one be caught, I will take care that the offen-
ders suffer condign punishment.”

6. The same thing did Antony write to
the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the
Aradians. 4 We have produced these decrees,
therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth
of what we have said, that the Romans had a
greateconcern about our nation.

CHAPTER km.

BOW ANTONY MADE HEROD AND PHASAELUS
TETRARCH3," AFTER THEY HAD BEEN AC-
CUSED TO NO purpose; AND HOW THE PAR-
THIANS, WHEN THEY BROUGHT ANTIGONUS
INTO JUDEA, TOOK- HYRCANUS AND PHA-
SAELUS captives, herod’s flight; and
WHAT AFFLICTIONS HYRCANUS AND PHA-
SAELUS ENDURED.

§ 1. When after this, Antony came into Sy-
ria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought
him to fall in love with her. And there came
now also a hundred of the most potent of the
Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and
set the men of the greatest eloquence among
them to speak. But Messala contradicted
them, on behalf of the young men, and all this
in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was • He-
rod’s father-in-law* already. When Antony
had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked
Hyrcanus who they were that governed the
nation bestl He replied, Herod and his
friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the
old hospitable friendship he had made with
his father f Antipater], at that time when he
was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and
Phasaejus tetrarchs, 'and committed the public
affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters
to that purpose. He also bound fifteen, of
their adversaries, and was going to kill them,
but that Herod obtained their pardon.

2.	Yet did not these men continue quiet
when they were come back, but a thousand of
the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there,
whither the report was that he would come.
But Antony was corrupted by the money
which Herod and his brother had given him;
and so he gave order to the governor of the
place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who
were for making innovations, and to settle
the government upon Herod; but Herod went
out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with
him (for they 6tood upon the shore before the
city); and he charged them to go their ways,
because great mischief would befall them

* We may here take notice that espousals alone were
of old esteemed a sufficient foundation for affinity, Hyr-
eanus being here cMeA father-in-law to Herod, because
his grand-daughter Mariamne was betrothed to him,
although the marriage wan not completed till four
yean afterwards. See Matt. i. lft.

if they went on with their accusation. But
they did not acquiesce: whereupon the Ro-
mans ran upon them with their daggers, and
slew some, and wounded more of them, and
the rest fled away, and went home, and- lay
still in great consternation; apd when the
people made a clamour against Herod, Antony
was so provoked at it, that he slew the pn
soners.

3.	Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the
king of Parthia’s son, and Barzaphames, a
commander of the Parthians* possessed them-
selves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Men-
neus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his
son took his government, and made a league
of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aris-
tobulus: and in order to obtain it, made U6e
of that commander, who had a great interest
in him. Now Antigonus had promised to
give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five
hundred women, upon condition they would
take the government away from Hyrcanus,
and bestow it upon him, and withal kill He-
rod. And although he did not give them what
he had promised, yet did the Parthians make
an expedition into Judea on that account, and
carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went
along the maritime parts; but the commander
Barzapharnes, through the' midland. Now
the Tyrians excluded Pacorus; but the Sido-
nians, and those of Ptolemais, received him.
However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen
into Judea, to take a view-of the state of the
country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent
also the king’s butler, of the same name with
himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about
mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were
ready to march with him into Judea, Anti-
gonus hoped to get some part of the country
by their assistance. The place is called
Drymi; and when some others came and met
them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem;
and when some more were come to them, they
got together in great numbers, and came
against the king’s palace, and besieged it.
But as Phasaelus’s and Herod’s party came
to the other’s assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young
men beat their enemies, and pursued them
into the temple,-and sent some armed men
•into the adjoining houses, to keep them -in,
who'yet being destitute of such as should sup-
port them, were burnt, and the houses with
them, by the people who rose up against them.
But Herod was revenged on these seditious
adversaries of his a little afterward for this
injury they had offered him, when he fought
with them, and slew a great number of them.

4.	But while there were daily skirmishes,
the enemy waited for the coming of the mul-
titude out of the country to Pentecost, a feast
of ours so called; and when that day was
come, many ten thousands of the people were
gathered together about the temple, some in
armour, and some without. Now those thatCHAP, m

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

393

came, guarded both the temple and the city,
excepting what belonged to the palace, which
Herod guarded with a few of hie soldiers;
and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall,
while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied
out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs,
and fought courageously, and put many ten
thousands to flight, some flying into the city,
and some into the temple, and some into the
outer fortifications, for some such fortifica-
tions there were in that place. Phasaelus
came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus,
the general of the Parthians, at the desire of
Antigonus, admitted into the city with a few
of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if
he would still the sedition, but in reality to
assist Antigonus in obtaining the government.
And when Phasaelus met him, and received
him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go
himself as ambassador to Barzaphames, which
was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasae-
lus, suspecting no harm, complied with his
proposal, while Herod did not give his con-
sent to what was done, because of the perfi-
diousness of those barbarians, but desired
Phasaelus rather to fight those that were
come into the city.

5.	So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went
on the embassage; but Pacorus left with He-
rod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who
were called the freemen; and conducted the
others on their jojurney; and when they were
in Galilee, the governors of the cities there
met them in their arms. Barzaphames also
received them at the first with cheerfulness,
and made them presents, though he afterward
conspired against them; and Phasaelus with
his horsemen were conducted to the sea-side:
but when they heard that Antigonus had pro-
mised to give the Parthians a thousand talents,
and five hundred yvomen, to assist him against
them, they soon had a suspicion of the bar-
barians. Moreover, there was one who in-
formed them that snares were laid for them by
night, while a guard came about them secretly;
and they had then been seized upon, had they
not waited for the seizure of Herod by the Par-
thians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon
the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he
should have an intimation of it, and escape
out of their hands. And these were the cir-
cumstances they were now in; and they saw
who they were that guarded them. Some
persons indeed would have persuaded Pha-
saelus to fly away immediately on horseback,
and not to stay any logger; and there was
one Ophelliu6, who above all the rest, was
earnest with him to do so, for he had heard
of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest
of all the Syrians at that time, who also pro-
mised to provide him ships to carry him off;
for the sea was just by them: but he had no
mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his bro-
ther into danger: but he went to Barza-
phames, and told him he did not act justly

when he made such a contrivance against
them, for that if he wanted money, he would
give him more than Antigonus; and besides,
that it was a horrible thing to slay those that
came to him upon the security of their, oaths,
and that when they had done him no injury.
But the barbarian swore to him that there
was no truth in any of his suspicions, but
that he was troubled with nothing but
false proposals, and then went away to
Pacorus.

6.	But as soon as he was gone away, some
men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasae-
lus; while PhasaeluB greatly reproached the
Parthians &r their perjury. However, that
butler who was sent against Herod had it in
command to get him without the walls of the
city, and seize upon him; but messengers had
been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of
the perfidiousness of the Parthians; and when
he knew that the enemy had seized upon
them, he went to Pacorus, arid to the most
potent of the Parthians, as to the lords of the
rest, who although they knew the whole mat-
ter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way;
and said that he ohght to go out with them
before the walls, and meet those who were
bringing him his letters, for that they were
not taken by his adversaries, but were com-
ing to give him an account of the good suc-
cess Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give
credit to what they said; for.he had heard
that his brother was seized upon by others
also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose
daughter he had espoused, was his monitor
also [not to credit them], which made him
still more suspicious of the Parthians; for
although other people did not give heed to
her, yet did he believe her, as a woman of
very great wisdoip.

7.	Now while the Parthians were in con-
sultation what was fit to be done; for they
did not think it proper to make an open at-
tempt upon a person of his character; and
while they put off the determination to the
next day, Herod was under great disturbance
of mind; and rather inclining to believe the
reports he heard about his brother and the
Parthians^than to give heed to what was said
on the other side, he determined, that when
the evening came on, he would make use of
it for his flight, and not make any longer
delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were
not yet certain. He therefore removed with
the armed men whom he had with him; and
set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mo-
ther, and sister, and her whom he was about
to marry [Mariamne], the daughter of Alex-
ander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mo-
ther, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his
youngest brother, and all their servants, and
the rest of the multitude that was with him,
and without the enemy’s privity pursued his
way to Idumea: nor could any enemy of his
who then saw him in this case be so hard394

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIV.

hearted, but would have commiserated his
fortune, while the women drew along their
infant children, and left their own country,
and their friends in prison, with tears in their
eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation
of nothing but what was of a melancholy na-
ture.

8.	But for Herod himself, he raised his
mind above the miserable state he was in, and
was of good courage in the midst of his mis-
fortunes ; and, as he passed along, he bade
them every one to be of good cheer, and not
to give themselves up to sorrow, because that
would hinder them in their flight, which was

now the only hope of safety that they had___

Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience
the calamity they were under, as he exhorted
them to do; yet was he once almost going to
kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon,
and the danger his mother wus then in of be-
ing killed; and this on two accounts, because
of his great concern for her, and because he
was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should
overtake him in the pursuit; but as be was
drawing his sword, and going to kill himself
therewith, those that were present restrained
him, and being so nlany in number, were too
hard for him; and told him that he ought not
to desert them, and leave them a prey to their
enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave
man to free himself from the distresses he was
in, and to overlook his friends that were in
the same distress also. So he was compelled
to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of
shame at what they said to him, and partly
out of regard to the great number of those
that would not permit him to do what he
intended. So he-encouraged his mother, and
took all the care of her the time would allow,
and proceeded on the way he proposed to go
with the utmost haste, and that was to the
fortress of Masada. And as he had many
skirmishes with such of the Parthians as at-
tacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror
in them all.

9.	Nor indeed was he free from the Jews
all along as he was in his flight: for by the
time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the
city, and was upon the road, they fell upon
him, and fought hand to hand with him,, whom
he also put to flight, and overcame, not like
one that was in distress and in necessity, but
like one that was excellently prepared for war,
and had what he wanted in great plehty. And
in this very place where he overcame the Jews,
it was that he some time afterwards built a
most excellent palace, and a city round about
it, and called it Herodium. And when he
was come to Idumea, at a place called Thres-
sa. his brother Joseph met him, and be then
held a council to take.advice about all his af-
fairs, and what was fit to be done in his cir-
cumstances, since he had a great multitude
that followed him, besides his mercenary sol-
diers, and the place Masada, whither he pro-

posed to fly, was too small to contain so great
a multitude; so he sent away the greater part
of his company, being above nine thousand,
and bade them go, some one way and some
another, and so save themselves in Idumea,
and gave them what would buy them provi-
sions in their journey. But be took with him
those that were the least encumbered; and
Were most intimate with him, and came to the
fortress, and placed there his wives and his
followers, being eight hundred in number,
there being in the place a sufficient quantity
of corn and water, and other necessaries, and
went directly for Petra, in Arabia. ' But when
it was day, the PdrthiaAs plundered all Jeru-
salem, and the pa&ce, and abstained from no-
thing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was three
hundred talents. A great deal of Herod’s
money escaped, and principally all that the
man bad been so provident as to send into
Idumea beforehand: nor indeed did what was
in the city suffice the Parthians; but they
went out into the country, and plundered it,
and demolished the city Marissa.

10.	And thus was Antigonus brought back
into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and
received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his pri-
soners; but he was greatly cast down because
the women had escaped, whom be intended
to have given the enemy, as having promised
they should have them, with the money, for
their reward: but being afraid that Hyrcanus,
who was under the guard of the Parthians,
might have his kingdom restored to him by
the multitude, he cut off his ears, and there-
by took care that the.high-priesthood should
never come to him any more, because he was
maimed, while the law required that this dig-
nity should belong to none but such as had
all their members entire.* But now one can-
not but here admire the fortitude of Phasae-
lus, who, perceiving that he was to be put to
death, did not think death any terrible thing
at all; but to die thus by the means of his
enemy,'this he thought a most pitiable and
dishonourable thing, and therefore, since he
bad not bis hands at liberty, for the bonds he
was in prevented him from killing himself
thereby, he dashed his head against a great
stone, and thereby took away his own life,
which he thought to be the best thing he
could do in such a distress as be was in, and
thereby put it out of the power of the enemy
to bring him to any death he pleased. It is
also reported, that whejj he had made a great
wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians
to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse
poison into the wound, killed him. How-
ever, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite
dead, by a certain woman, that his brother
Herod bad escaped the enemy, underwent bis
death cheerfully, since he now left behind

* This law of Moses, that the priest* were to be
“without blemish,” as to all the parts of their bodies,
is in Levit. xxi. 17—.24.CHAP. XIV,

ANTIQUITIES,OF THE JEWS.

395

him one who would revenge his death, and
who was able to inflict punishment on his
enemies.

CHAPTER XIV.

BOW HEROD GOT AWAY FROM THE XING OF
ARABIA, AND MADE HASTE TO GO INTO
EGYPT, AND THENCE.WENT IN HASTE ALSO
TO ROME; AND HOW, BY PROMISING A
GREAT DEAL OF MONEY TO ANTONY, HE
OBTAINED OF THE SENATE AND OF C.ESAR
TO BE MADE KING OF THE JEWS.

§ 1. As for Herod, the great miseries, he was
in did not discourage him, but made him
sharp in discovering surprising undertakings;
for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom
he had formerly been very kind to, in order
to receive somewhat by way of requital ; now
he was in more than ordinary want of it, and
desired he would let him have some money,
either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on
account of the many benefits he had received
from him; for not kn.owing what was become
of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him
out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to
give three hundred talents for the price of his
redemption. He also took with him the son
of Phasaelus, who was a child $f but seven
years of age; for this very reason, that he
might be an hostage for the repayment of the
money. But there came messengers from
Malchus to meet him, by whom he waS de-
sired to be gone, for that the Parthians had
laid a charge upon him not to entertain He-
rod. This was only a pretence which he
made use of, that he might not be obliged to
repay him what he owed him; and this he
was farther induced to, by the principal men
among the Arabians, that they might cheat
him of What sums they had received from [his
father] Antipater, and which he had commit-
ted to their fidelity. He made answer, that
he did not intend to be troublesome to them
by his coming thither, but that he desired
only to discourse with them about certain
affairs that were to him of the greatest im-
portance.

2.	Hereupon he resolved to go away, and
did go very prudently the road to Egypt;
and then it was that he lodged in a certain
temple; for he had left a great many of his
followers there. On the next day he came to
Rhinocolura, and there it was that he heard
what hud befallen his brother. Though Mal-
chus soon repented of what he had done and
came running after Herod; but with no man-
ner of success-, for he was gotten a very great
way off, and made haste into the road to Pe-
lusium; and when the stationary ships that
lay there hindered him from sailing to Alex-
andria, he went to their captains, by whose

assistance, and that out of much reverence of,
and great regard to him, he was conducted
into the city [Alexandria], and was retained
there by Cleopatra, yet was she not able to
prevail with him to stay there, because he was
making haste to Rome, even though the wea-
ther was stormy, and he was informed that
the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous
and in great disorder.

3.	So he set sail from thence to Pamphy
lia, and falling into a violent storm, he had
much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss
of the ship’s burden; and there it was that
two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolcmeus,
met with him: and as he found that city very
much damaged in the war against Cassius,
though he were in necessity himself, he ne-
glected not to do it a kindness, but did what
he could to recover it to its former state. He
also built there a three-decked ship, and 6et
sail thence, with his frientW for Italy, and
came to the port of Brundunum: and when
he was come from thence to Rome, he first
related to Antony what had befallen him in
Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was
seized on by the Parthians, and put to death
by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained
captive by them, and how ^hey had made An-
tigonus king, who h^d promised them a sum
of money, no less than a thousand talents,
with five hundred women, who were to be of
the principal families, and of the Jewish stock;
and that he had carried off the women by
night; and that, by undergoing a great many
hardships, he had escaped the hands of his
enemies; as also, that his own relations were
in danger of being besieged and taken, and
that he had sailed through a storm, and con-
temned all these terrible dangers, in order to
come, as soon as possible, to him who was his
hope and only succour at this time.

4.	This account made Antony commiserate
the change that had happened in Herod's
condition;* and reasoning with himself that
this was a common case among those that
are placed in such great dignities, and that
they are liable to the mutations that come
from fortune, he was very ready to give him
the assistance he desired; and this because
he called to mind the friendship he had had
with Antipater, because Herod offered him
money to make him king, as he had formerly
given it to him to make him tetrarch, and
chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus,
for he took him to be a seditious person, and
an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also
the forwarder to raise Herod’s dignity, and
to give him his assistance in what he desired,
on account of the toils of war which he had

* Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time
when he was first made king at Rome, and'concerning
the time when he began his second reign, without a ri-
val, upon the conquest and slaughter of Antigonus, both
principally derived Iron) this and the two next chap*
ters in Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and ch- XT
sect. 10.396

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JETTS.

BOOK XIV.

himself undergone with Antipater his father
in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated
him withal, and the kindness he had always
shown him; as also to gratify Antony, who
was very zealous for Herod. So a senate
was convocated; and Messala first, and then
Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and en-
larged upon the benefits they had received
from his father, and put them in mind of the
good-will he had borne to the Romans. At
the same time, they accused Antigonus, and
declared him an enemy, not only because of
his former opposition to them, but that he had
now overlooked the Romans, and taken the
government from the Parthians. Upon this
the senate was irritated; and Antony informed
them farther, that it was for their advantage
in the Parthian war that Herod should be
king. This seemed good to all the senators;
and so they made a decree accordingly.

5.	And this wjp the principal instance of
Antony’s affection for Herod, that he not
only procured him a kingdom which he did
not expect (for he did not come with an in-
tention to ask the kingdom for himself, which
he did not suppose the Rom&ns would grant
him, who used to bestow it on some of the
royal family, but intended to desire it for his
wife’s brother, who was grandson by his father
to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mo-
ther), but that he procured it for him so sud-
denly, that he obtained what he did not expect,
and departed out of Italy in so few days as
seven in all. This young man [the grandson]
Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we
shall show in its proper place. But when the
senate was dissolved, Antony and Csesar went
out of the senate-house, with Herod between
them, and with the consuls and other magis-
trates before them, in order to offer sacrifices,
and to lay up their decrees in the capitol.
Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his
reign. And thus did this man receive the
kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred
and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Do-
mitius Calvinus was consul the second time,
and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].

6.	All this while Antigonus besieged those
that were in Masada, who had plenty of all
other necessities, but were only in want of
water,* insomuch that on this occasion Joseph,
Herod’s brother, was contriving tb run away
from it, with two hundred of his dependants,
to the Arabians; for he had heard that Mal-
chus repented of the offences he had been
guilty of with regard to Herod; but God, by
sending rain in the night-time, prevented his
going away, for their cisterns were thereby
filled, and he was under no necessity of run-
ning away on that account: but they were now
of good courage, and the more so, because the

* This grievous want of water at Masada, till the
place had like to have heen taken, by the- Parthians
(mentioned both here and Of the War, h. i. ch. xv. sect.
1), is an indication that it was now summer-time.

sending that plenty of water which they had
been in want of, seemed a mark of divine pro-
vidence ; so they made a sally, and fought hand
to hand with Antigonus’s soldiers (with some
openly, with some privately), and destroyed a
great number of them. At the 6ame time Ven-
tidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out
of Syria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and
marched after them into Judea, on pretence in-
deed to succour Joseph; but, in reality, the
whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in
order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitch-
ed their camp very near to Jerusalem, and strip-
ped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and
then he retired himself with the greater part
of the army; but, that the wickedness he’ had
been guilty of might not be found out, he left
Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers,
with whom also .Antigonus cultivated an ac-
quaintance, that he might cause him no dis-
turbance, and was still in hopes that the Par-
thians would come again and defend him.

CHAPTER XV.

HOW HEROD SAILED OUT OF ITALY TO JUDEA,
AND FOUGHT WITH ANTIGONUS; AND WHAl'
•OTHER THINGS HAPPENED JN JUDEA AB0U1
THAT TIME.

§ 1. By this time Herod had sailed out of
Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together
no small army, both of strangers and of his
own countrymen, and marched through Gali-
lee against Antigonus. Silo also, and-Ven-
tidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded
by Dellius, who was sent by Antony-to assist
in bringing back Herod. Now, for Ven-
tidius, he was employed in composing the
disturbances that had been made in the cities
by the means of the Parthians; and for Silo,
he was indeed in Judea, but corrupted by
Antigonus. However, as Herod went along,
his army increased every day, and all Galilee,
with some small exception, joined him; but
as he was marching to those that were in Ma-
sada (for he was obliged to endeavour to save
those that were in that fortress, now they
were besieged, because they were his rela-
tions), Joppa was & hinderance to him, for it
was necessary for him to take that place first,
it being a city at variance with him, that no
strong-hold might be left in his enemies’ hands
behind him when he should go to-Jerusalem.
And when Silo made this a pretence for rising
up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pur-
sued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with
a small body of men, and both put the Jews
to flight and saved Silo, when he was very
poorly able to defend himself; but when He-
rod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set
free those of his family that were in Masada.
Now of the people of the country, someCHAP. XV.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

80'

joined him because of the friendship they had
had with his father, and some because of the
splendid appearance he made, and others by
way of requital for the benefits they had re-
ceived from both of them; but the greatest
number came to him in hopes of getting
somewhat from him afterward, if he were
once firmly settled in the kingdom.

2.	Herod had now a strong army; and as
he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and
ambushes in the passes and places most pro-
per for them; but in truth he thereby did
little or no damage to the enemy: so Herod
received those of his family out of Masada,
and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for
Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with
Silo accompanied him all ajong, as did many
of the citizens, being afraid of his power:
and as soon as he had pitched his camp on
the west side of the city, the soldiers that
were set to guard that part shot their arrows,
and threw their darts at him; and when some
sallied put in a crowd, and came to fight
hand to hand with the' first ranks of Herod’s ■
army, he gave orders that they should, in the
first place, make proclamation about the wall,
that he came for the good of. the people, and
for the preservation of the city, and not to
bear *any old grudge at even his most open
enemies, but ready to forget the offences
which his greatest adversaries had done him;
but Antigonus, by way of reply to what He-
rod had caused to be proclaimed, and this
before the Romans, and before Silo also,
said, that they would not do justly if they
gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no
more than a private man, and an Idumean,
i. e. a half Jew,* whereas they ought to be-
stow it on one of the royal family, as their
custom was; for, thaj; in case they at present
bare an ill-will to him, and had resolved to
deprive him of the kingdom, as having re-
ceived it from the Parthians, yet were there
many others of his family that might by their
law take it, and these such as had no way
offended the Romans; and being of the sacer-
dotal family, it would be an unworthy thing
to put them by. Now while they said thus
one to another, and fell to reproaching on$
another on both sides, Antigonus permitted
his own men that were upon the wall to de-
fend themselves; who, using' their bows, and
showing great alacrity against their enemies,
easily drove them away from the towers.

3.	And now it was that Silo discovered that
* This affirmation of Antigonus, spoken in the days

of Herod, and in a manner to his face, that he was an
Idumean, i. e. a half Jew, seems to me of much greater
authority than that pretence of his favourite and flat-
terer Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived his pedi-
gree from Jews as far backward as the Babylonish cap-
tivity, cb. i. sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always
esteems him an Idumean, though he says his father
Antipater was of the same people with the Jews (ch.
viii. sect. 1), and a Jew by birth (Antiq. b. xx. ch. will,
sect. 7), as indeed all such proselytes of justice as the
Idumeans were In time esteemed the very same peo-
ple with the Jews.

he had taken bribes: for he set a great num-
ber of his soldiers to complain aloud of the
want of provisions they were in, and to re-
quire money to buy them food; and that it
was fit to let them go into places proper for
winter quarters, since the places near the city
were a desert, by reason that Antigonus’s
soldiers had carried all away; so he set bis
army upon removing, and endeavoured to
march away; but Herod pressed Silo not to
depart, and exhorted Silo’s captains and sol-
diers not to desert him, when Caesar and An-
tony, rad the senate, had sent him thither, for
that he would provide them plenty of all the
things they wanted, and easily procure them
a great abundance of what they required; af-
ter which entreaty, he immediately went into
the country, and left not the least pretence
to Silo for his departure, for he brought an
unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent
to those friends of his who inhabited about
Samaria, to bring down corn, and wine, and
oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, to
Jericho, that there might be no want of a
supply for the soldiers for the time to come.
Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent pre-
sently over the country such as might restrain
and lie in ambush for those that went out for
provisions. So these men obeyed the orders
of Antigonus, and got together a great num-
ber of armed men about Jericho, and sat up-
on the mountains, and watched those that
brought the provisions. However, Herod was
not idle in the meantime, for he took ten
bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the
Romans, and five of the Jews, with some
mercenaries among them, and with some few
horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they
found the city deserted, but that five hundred
of them had settled themselves on the tops of
the hills, with their wives and children, those
he took and sent away: but the Romans fell
upon the city, and plundered it, and found
the houses full of all sorts of good things.
So the king left a garrison at Jericho, aod
came back again, and sent the Roman army
to take their winter quarters in the countries
that were come over to him, Judea and Galilee,
and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus
gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that
part of the army should be quartered at Lyd-
da, in order to please Antony. So the Ro-
mans laid their weapons aside, and lived in
plenty of all things.

4.	But Herod was not pleased with lying
still, but sent out his brother Joseph against
Idumea with two thousand armed footmen,
and four hundred horsemen, while he himself
came to Samaria, and left his mother and his
other relations there, for they were already
gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee,
and took certain places which were held by the
garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on to
Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Anti-
gonus’s garrisons withdrew themselves, and398

had great plenty of provisions,
thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers
that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief
in the country ; so he sent a troop of horse-
men, and three companies of armed footmen,
against them. They ^rere very near to a vil-
lage called Arhela; and on the fortieth day
after, he came himself with his whole army:
and as the enemy sallied out bbldly upon him,
the left wing of his army gave way; hut he
appearing with a body of men, put those to
flight who were already conquerors, and re-
called his men that ran away. He also pressed
upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as
the river Jordan, though they ran away by
different roads. So he brought over to him
all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the
caves, and distributed money to every one
of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and
fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their
captains, and-sent them into winter quarters;
at which time Silo came to him, and his com-
manders with him, because Antigonus would
not give them provisions any longer; for he
supplied them for no more than one month;
nuy, he had sent to all the country round about,
and ordered them to carry off the provisions
that were there, and retired to the mountains,
that the Romans might have no provisions to
live upon, and so might perish by famine;
but Herod committed the care of that matter
to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered
him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly,
he quickly made the soldiers abound with
great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alex-
andrium, which had been before desolate.

5. About this time it was that Antony con-
tinued some time at Athens, and that Venti-
dius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo,
and commanded him to assist Herod, in the
first place, to finish the present war, and then to
send for their confederates for the war they were
themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he
went in haste against the robbers that were
in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidi-
us, while he marched against them. These
caves were in mountains that were exceeding
abrupt, and in their middle were no other
than precipices, with certain entrances into
the caves, and those caves were encompassed
with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers
lie concealed, with all their families - about
them; but the king caused certain chests to
be made, in order to destroy them, and to he
hung down, bound about with iron chains, by
an engine, from the top of the mountain, it
being not possible to get up to them, by rea-
son of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor
to creep down to them from above. Now
these chests were filled with armed men, who
had long books in their hands, by which they
might pull out such as resisted them, and
then tumble them down, and kill them by so
doing; but the letting the chests down proved
to be a matter of great danger, because of

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

He also went the vast depth they wer

BOOK XIY.

re to be let down, al-
though they had their provisions in the chests
themselves; but when the chests were let
down, and not one of those in the mouths
of the caves durst come near them, but lay
still out of fear, some of tbe armed men girt
on their armour, and by both their hands took
hold of the chain by which the chests were
let down, and went into the mouths of the
caves, because they fretted that such delay
was made by the robbers not daring to come
out of the caves; and when they were at any
of those mouths, they first killed many of
those that were in the mouths with their
darts, and afterwards pulled those to them
that resisted them with their hooks, and tum-
bled them down the precipices, and afterwards
went into the caves, and killed many more,
and then went into their chests again, and lay
still there; but upon this, terror seized the
rest, when they heard the lamentations that
were made, and they despaired of escaping;
however, when the night came on, that put
an end to the whole work; and as the king
proclaimed pardon by an herald to such as
delivered themselves up to him, many accepted
of the offer. The same method of assault
was made use of the next day; and they went
farther, and got out in baskets to fight them,
and fought them at their doors, and sent fire
among them, and set their caves on fire, for
there was a great deal of combustible matter
within them. Now there was one old man
who was caught within one of these caves,
with seven children and a wife; these prayed
him to give them leave to go out, and yield
themselves up to the enemy; but be stood at
the cave’s mouth, and always slew that child
of his who went out, till he had destroyed
them every one, and after that he slew his
wife, and cast their dead bodies down the
precipice, and himself after them, and< ‘so
underwent death rather than slavery; but
before he did this, he greatly reproached
Herod with tbe meanness of his family, al-
though he was then king. Herod also saw
what he was doing, and stretched out hi.
band, and offered him all manner of security
for his life: by which means all these cavei
were at length subdued entirely.

6. And when the king had set Ptolemy
over these parts of the country as his general,
he went to Samaria with six hundred horse-
men and three thousand armed footmen, as
intending to fight Antigonus: but still this
command of the army did not succeed well
with Ptolemy, hut those that bad been trou-
blesome to Galilee before attacked him, and
slew him; and when they had done this, they
fled among the lakes and places almost inaccev
sible, laying waste and plundering whatsoever
they could come at in those places; but He-
rod soon returned, and punished them for what
they had done; for some of those rebels he
slew, and others of them, who had fled to theCHAP. XV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

399

strong holds, he besieged, and both slew them
and demolished their strong holds; and when
he had thus put an end to their rebellion,
he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred
talents.

7.	In the mean time Pacorus was fallen
in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated,
when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assist-
ance of Herod, with two legions and a thou-
sand horsemen, while Antony encouraged
him to make haste; but Macheras, at the in-
stigation of Antigonus, without the approba-
tion of Herod, as being corrupted by money,
went about to take a view of his affairs; but
Antigonus, suspecting this intention of his
coming, did not admit him into the city, but
kept him at a distance, with throwing stones
at him, and plainly showed what he himself
meant; but when Macheras was sensible that
Herod had given him good advice, and that
he had made a mistake himself in not heark-
ening to that advice, he retired to the city
Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he
slew them, whether they,were enemies or
friends, out of the rage he was in at what
hardships he bad undergone. The king was
provoked at this conduct of his, and went to
Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about
these affairs, and to inform him that he stood
in no need of such helpers, who did him more
mischief than they did his enemies; and that
he was able of himself to beat Antigonus.
But Macheras followed him, and desired that
he would not go to Antony ; or, if he was
resolved to go that he would join his brother
Joseph with them, and let them fight against
Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Mache-
ras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly
he left Joseph there with his army, but char-
ged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with
Macheras.

8.	But for his own part, he made haste to
Antony (who was then at the siege of Samo-
sata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops,
both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries
to him; and when he came to Antioch, and
met there a great number of men gotten to-
gether that were very desirous to go to An-
tony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear,
because the barbarians fell upon men on the
road, and slew many, so he encouraged them,
and became their conductor upon the road.
Now, when they were within two days’ march
of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an am-
bush there to disturb those that came to An-
tony, and where the woods made the passes
narrow, as they led to the plains, there they
laid not a few of their horsemen, who were
to lie still until those passengers were gone
by into the wide place. Now as soon as the
first ranks were gone by (for Herod brought
on the rear), those that lay in ambush, who
were about five hundred, fell upon them on
the sudden, and when they had put the fore-
most to flight, the king came riding hard, with

the forces that'were about him, and immedi-
ately drove back the enemy; by which means
he made the minds of his own men courage-
ous, and emboldened them to go on, insomuch
that those who ran away before, now returned
back, and the barbarians were slain on all
sides. The king also went on killing them,
and recovered all the baggage, among which
were a great- number of beasts for burden,
and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march;
and whereas there were a great number of
those in the woods that attacked them, and
were near the passage that led into the plain,
he made a sally upon these also with a strong
body of men, and put them to flight, and
slew many of them, and thereby rendered the
way safe for those that came after; and these
called Herod their saviour and protector.

9.	And when he was near to Samosata, An-
tony sent out his army in all their proper ha-
biliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod
this respect, and because of the assistance he
had- given him; for he had heard what at-
tacks the barbarians had made upon him [in
J(udea],i; He also was very glad to see him
there, as having been made acquainted with
the great actions he had performed upon the
road;' so he entertained him very kindly, and
could not but admire his courage. Antony
also embraced him as soon as he saw him,
and saluted him after a most affectionate man-
ner, and gave him the upper hand, as having
himself lately made him a king; and in a
little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress,
and on that account this war was at an end;
then Antony committed the rest to Sossius,
and gave him orders to assist Herod, and
went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sossius
sent two legions before into Judea to the as-
sistance of Herod, and he followed himself
with the body of the army.

10.	Now Joseph was already slain in Judea,
in the manner following:—He forgot what
charge his brother Herod had given him when
he went to Antony; and when he had pitched
his camp among the mountains, for Macheras
had lent him five regiments, with these he
went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the
corn thereto belonging; and as the Roman
regiments were but newly raised, and were
unskilful in war, for they were in great part
collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the
enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty,
and was himself slain, as he was fighting
bravely, and the whole army was lost, for
there were six regiments slain. So when
Antigonus had got possession of the dead
bodies, he cut off Joseph’s head, although
Pheroras, his brother, would have redeemed it
at the price of fifty talents. After which de-
feat the Galileans revolted from their com-
manders, and took those of Herod's party,
and drowned them in the lake; and a great
part of Judea was become seditious: but Ma-
cheras fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].4(70

ANTIQUITIES OF T»E JEWS.

BOOK XIV*

11.	At this time messengers came to He-
rod, and informed him of what had been
done; and when he was come to Daphne by
Antioch, they told him of the ill-fortune that
had befallen his brother, which yet he expect-
ed, from certain visions that appeared to him
in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his
brother’s death. So he hastened his march;
and when he came to mount Libanus, he re-
ceived about eight hundred of the men of that
place, having already with him also one Ro-
man legion, and with these he came to Ptole-
mais. He also marched thence by night with
his army and proceeded along Galilee.. Here
it was that the enemy met him, and fought
him, and were beaten, and shut up in the
same place of strength whence they had sallied
out the day before. So he attacked the place
in the morning; but, by reason of a great
storm that was then very violent, he was able
to do nothing, but drew off his army into the
neighbouring villages; yet as soon as the
other legion that Antony sent him was come
to his assistance, those that were in garrison
in the place were afraid, and deserted it in
the night-time. Then did the king march
hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself
on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother;
and when he had pitched his tents, he made
a feast for the principal commanders, and
after this collation was over, and he had dis-
missed his guests, he retired to his own cham-
ber: and here may one see wbat kindness
God had for the king, for the upper part of
the house fell down when nobody was in it,
and so killed none, insomuch that all the peo-
ple believed that Herod was beloved of God,
since he had escaped such a great and surpris-
ing danger.

12.	But the next day six thousand of the
enemy came down from the tops of the moun-
tains to fight the Romans, which greatly ter-
rified them; and the soldiers that were in light
armour came near, and pelted the king’s
guards that were come out with darts and
stones, and one of them hit him on the side
with a dart. Antigonus also sent a comman-
der against Samaria, whose name was Pappus,
with some forces, being desirous to show the
enemy how potent he was, and that he had
men to spare ip his war with them: he sat
down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when
he had taken five cities, took such as were left
in them, being about two thousand, and slew
them, and burnt the cities themselves, and
then returned to go against Pappus, who was
encamped at a village called Isanas: and there
ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea,
near to which places he was, and the enemy
fell upon his men, so stout were they at this
time, and joined battle with them, but he beat
them in the fight; and in order to be reven-
ged on them for the slaughter of his brother,
he pursued them sharply, and killed them as
they ran away; and. as the houses were full

of armed men,* and many of them ran as far
as the tops of the houses, he got them under
his power, and pulled down the roofs of the
houses, and saw the lower rooms full of sol-
diers that were caught, and lay all on a heap:
so they threw stones down upon them as they
lay piled one upon another, and thereby kill
ed them: nor was there a more frightful spec-
tacle in all the war than this, where, beyond
the walls, an immense multitude of dead men
lay heaped one upon another. This action it
was which chiefly brake the spirits of the ene-
my, who expected row what would come; for
there appeared a mighty number of people
that came from places far distant, that were
now about the village, but then ran away;
and had it not been for the depth of winter,
which then restrained them, the king’s army
had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being
very courageous at this good success, and the
whole work bad been done immediately; for
Antigonus was already looking about how he
might fly away and leave the aity.

13- At this time the king gave order that
the soldiers should go to supper, for it was
late at night, while he went into a chamber to
use the bath, for he was very weary: and here
it Was that he was in the greatest danger,
which yet, by God!s providence, he escaped;
for as be was naked, and. had but one servant
that followed him, to be with him while he
was bathing in an inner room, certain of the
enemy, who were in-their armour, and had
fled thither out of fear, were then in the place,
and, as he was bathing, the first of them came
out with his naked sword drawn, and went
out at the doors, and after him a second, and
a third, armed in like manner, and were un-
der such a consternation, that they did no hurt
to the king, and thought themselves to have
come off very well in suffering no harm them-
selves in their getting out of the house. How-
ever, on the next day, he cut off the head of
Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it
to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their
brother had suffered by his means, for he was
the man that slew him with his own hand.

14. When the rigour of winter was over,
Herod removed his army and came near to
Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the
city. Now this was the third year since he
had been made king at Rome; and as he re-
moved his camp, and came near that part of
the wall where it could be most easily assault-
ed, he pitched that camp before the temple,
intending to make his attacks in the same
manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed
the place with three bulwarks, and erected

* It may be worth our observation here, that these
soldiers of Herod could not have gotten upon tbe tops of
these houses which were full of enemies, in order to pull
the upper floors and destroy them beneath, but by
ders from tbe outside; which illustrates some texts in
the Mew Testament, by which it appears that men used
to ascend tbitber by ladders on the outside. See Matt,
xxiv. 17; Markxiii.15; Luke v. 19; xvii.31.CHAP. XVI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

401

towers, and employed a great many hands
about the work, and cut down'the trees that
were round about the city; and when he had
appointed proper persons to oversee the works,
even while the army lay before the city, he
himself went to Samaria, to complete his mar-
riage, and to take to wife the daughter of
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had
betrothed her already, as I have before related.

CHAPTER XVI.

HOW HEBOD, WHEN HE HAD MABRIED MARI-
AMNE, TOOK JERUSALEM, WITH THE AS-
SISTANCE OF SOSIUS, BY FORCE; AND HOW
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ASAMONEANS
WAS PUT AN END TO.

§ 1. After the wedding was over, came
Sosins through Phoenicia, having sent out his
army before him over the midland parts. He
also, who was their commander, came himself,
with a great number of horsemen and foot-
men. The king also came himself from Sa-
maria, and brought with him no small army,
besides that which was there before, for they
were about thirty thousand; and they all met
together at the walls of Jerusalem, and en-
camped at the north wall of the city, being
now an army of eleven legions, armed men on
foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other
auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were
two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod,
and Herod on his own account, in order to
take the government from Antigonus, who
was declared an enemy to Rome, and that he
might himself be king, according to the de-
cree of the senate.

2. Now the Jews that were inclosed within
the walls of the city fought against Herod with
great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation
was gathered together); they also gave out
many prophesies about the temple, and many
things agreeable to the people, as if God
would deliver them out of the dangers they
were in; they had also carried off what was
out of the city, that they might not leave any
thing to afford sustenance either for men or
for beasts; and, by private robberies, they
made the want of necessaries greater. When
Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes
in the fittest places against their private rob-
beries, and he sent legions of armed men to
bring in provisions, and that from remote
places, so that in a little time they had great
plenty of provisions. Now the three bul-
warks were easily erected, because so many
hands were continually at work upon them; for
it was summer-time, and there was nothing
to hinder them in raising their works, neither
from the air nor from the workmen: so they
brought their engines to hear, and shook the
walisof tlie city, and tried a’.l manner of ways

to get in; yet did not those within discover
any fear, but they also contrived not a few
engines to oppose their engines withal. They
also sallied out, and burnt not only those en-
gines that were not yet perfected, but those
that were; and when they came hand to hand,
their attempts were not less bold than those
of the Romans, though they were behind them
in skill. They also erected new works when
the former were ruined, and making mines
under ground, they met each other, and fought
there; and making use of brutish courage
rather than of prudent valour, they persisted
in this war to the very last: and this they did
while a mighty army lay round about them,
and while they were distressed by famine and
the want of necessaries, for this happened to
be a Sabbatic Year. The first that scaled the
walls were twenty chosen men; the next were
Sosius’s centurions; for the first wall was
taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen
more, when some of the cloisters that were
about the temple were buUnt, which Herod
gave out to have been burnt by Antigonu^,
in order to expose him to the hatred of the
Jews. And when the outer court of the tem-
ple, and the lower city were taken, the Jews
fled into the inner court of the temple, and
into the upper city; but now fearing lest the
Romans should hinder them from offering
their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an em-
bassage, and desired that they would only
permit them to bring in beasts for sacri-
fices, which Herod granted, hoping they were
going to yield; but when he saw that they
did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly
opposed him, in order to preserve the king-
dom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon
the city, and took it by storm; and now all
parts were full of those that were slain, by the
rage of the Romans at the long duration of
the siege, and by the zeal of the iTews that
were on Herod’s side, who were not willing
to’leave one of their adversaries alive; so they
were murdered continually in the narrow
streets and in the houses by crowds, and as
they were flying to the temple for shelter, and
there was no pity taken of either infants or
the aged, nor did they spare so much as the
weaker sex; nay, although the king sent
about, and besought them to spare the people,
yet nobody restrained their hand from slaugh-
ter, but, as if they were a company of mad-
men, they fell upon persons of all ages, with-
out distinction; and then Antigonus, without
regard to either his past or present circum-
stances, came down from the citadel, and fell
down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity
of him, in the change of his fortune, but in-
gulfed him beyond'measure, and called him
Antigone [i. e. a woman, and not a man];
yet did he not treat him as if he were a woman,
by letting him go at liberty, but put him
into bonds, and kept him in close custody.

3. Ami now Herod having .overcome his

20402

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIV.

enemies, his care was to govern those fo-
reigners who had heen his assistants, for the
crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple,
and the sacred things in the temple; hut the
king thinking a victory to be a more severe
affliction than a defeat, if any of those things
which it was not lawful to see should be seen

Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him
on the same day, and this was after twenty-
seven years’ tirfie. So when Sosius had de-
dicated a crown of gold to God, he marched
away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus
with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod
was afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in

by them, used entreaties and threateni'.igs, j prison [only] by Antony, and that when he
and even sometime force itself, to restrain I was carried to Rome by him, he might get

them. He also prohibited the ravage that
w’as made in the city, and many timed asked
Sosius. whether the Romans would empty
the city both of money and men, and leave
him king of a desert; and told him, that he
esteemed the dominion over the whole habi-
table earth as by no means an equivalent satis-
faction for such a murder of his citizens: and
when he said that this plunder was justly to
be permitted the soldiers for the siege they
had undergone, he replied, that he would give
every one his reward out of his own money;
and by this means he redeemed what re-
mained of the city from destruction; and he
performed what he had promised him, for he
gave a noble present to every soldier, and a
proportionable present to their commanders;
but a most royaL present to Sosius himself,
till they all went away full of money.

4. This destruction befel the city of Jeru-
salem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius
Callus were consuls at Rome,* on the hun-
dred and eighty-fifth olympiad, on the third
month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a
periodical revolution of calamities had re-
turned since that which befel the Jews under

* Note here that Josephus fully and frequently as-
sures us, that there passed above three years between

Herod’s first obtaining the kingdom at R^jme and his
second obtaining it upon the taking of
death of Antigonus. The present histo
val twir.e mentions the army going into winter quarters,

eath of Antigonus. The present history of this inter-
e army going into wii ,	,

which perhaps belonged to two several winters (ch. xv.
sect J, 4); amd though Josephus says nothing how long
they lay in those quarters, yet does he give such an ac-
count of the long aDd studied delays of Ventidius, Silo,
and Macheras, who were to see Herod settled in his
new kingdom (but seem not to have had sufficient
forces for that purpose, and were for certain all cor-
rupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays possi-
ble}, and gives us such particular accounts of the many
great actions of Herod during the same interval, as
fairly imply that interval, before Herod went to Samo-
aata, to have been very considerable. However, what
is wanting in Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses Cho-

his cause to he heard by the senate, and might
demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal
blood, and Herod hut a private man, that
therefore it belonged to his sons, however, to
have the kingdom on account of the family
they were of, in case he had himself offended
the Romans by what he had done. Out of
Herod’s fear of this it was that he, by giving
Antony a great deal of money, endeavoured
to persuade him to have Antigonus slain,
which, if it were once done, he should be
free from that fear. And thus did the go-
vernment of the Asamoneans cease, a hun-
dred and twenty-six years after it was first set
up. This family was a splendid and an illus-
trious one, both on account of the nobility
of their stock, and of the dignity of the high-
priesthood, as also for the glorious actions
their ancestors had performed for our nation;
but these men lost the government by their
dissensions one with another, and it came to
Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no
more than a vulgar family, and of no emi-
nent extraction, but one that was subject to
other kings. And this is what history tells
us was the end of the Asamouean family.

renensis, the Armenian historian, in liis history of that
interval (b. ii. ch. xviii); where he directly assures us
that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal
manager of this Parthian war, reigned two years after
Herod was made king at Rome, and yet Antony did
not bear of his death, in that very neighbourhood, at
Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege it; after
which Herod brought him an army, which was three
hundred and forty miles’ march, and through a diffi-
cult country, full of enemies also, and joined with him
in the siege of Samosata till that cily was taken; then
Herod and 'Sosius marched back with their large armies
the same number of three hundred and forty miles;
and when, in a little time, tbey sat down to besiege Je-
rusalem, they were not able to take it but by a siege of
five months. All which put together, fully supplies
what is wanting in Josepbus, and secures the entire
chronology of these times beyond contradiction.403

BOOK XV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN TEARS

FBOM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF THE
TEMPLE BY HEROD.

CHAPTER I.

CONCERNING POLLIO AND SAMEAS. HEROD

SLAYS THE PRINCIPAL OF ANTfGQNUs’s

FRIENDS, AND SPOILS THE CITY OF ITS

WEALTH. ANTONY BEHEADS ANTIGONUS.

§ 1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem
by force; and besides that, how they took
Antigonus captive, has been related by us in
the foregoing book. We will now proceed in
the narration. And since Herod had now the
government of all Judea put into his hands,
he promoted such of the private men of the
city as had been of his party, but never left
off avenging and punishing every day those
that had chosen to be of the party of his ene-
mies; but Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a
disciple of his, were honoured by him above
all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged,
they advised the citizens to receive Herod
for which advice they were well requited.
But this .Pollio, at the time when Herod was
once upon his trial of life and death, foretold,
in way of reproach to Hyrcanus and the other
judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered
now to escape, would afterward inflict punish-
ment on them all; which had its completion
in time, while God fulfilled the words he had
spoken.

2. At this time Herod, now he had got
Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the
royal ornaments and spoiled the wealthy men
of what they had gotten; and when, by these
means, be had heaped together a great quan-
tity of silver and gold, he gave it all to An-
tony, and his friends that were about him.
He also slew forty-five of the principal men
of Antigonus’s party, and. set guards at the
gates of the city, that nothing might be car-
ried out together with their dead bodies._

They also searehed the dead, and whatsoever
was found, either of silver or gold, or other
treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was
there any end of the miseries he brought
upon them; and this distress was in part oc-
tasioned by the covetousness of the prince

regent, who was still in want of more, and in
part by the Sabbatic Year, which was still go*
ing on, and forced the country to lie still un-
cultivated, since we are forbidden to sow the
land in that year. Now when Antony had
received Antigonus as his captive, he deter-
mined to keep him against his triumph; but
when he heard that the nation grew seditious,
and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they
continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he
resolved to behead him at Antioch, for other-
wise the Jews could no way be brought to be
quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to
what I have said, when he thus speaks:—
‘Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be
brought to Antioch, and there to be behead-
ed; and this Antony seems to me to have
been the very first man who beheaded a king,
as supposing he could no other way bend the
minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod,
whom he had made king in his stead; for by
no torments could they be forced to call him
king, so great a fondness they had for their
former king; so he thought that this disho-
nourable death would diminish the value they
had for Antigonus’s memory, and at the same
time would diminish the hatred they bare to
Herod." Thus far Strabo.

CHAPTER II.

HOW HYRCANUS WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY THE
PARTHIANS, AND RETURNED TO HEROD;
AND WHAT ALEXANDRA. DID WHEN SHE
HEARD THAT ANANELUS WAS MADE HIGH-
PRIEST.

§ 1. Now after Herod whs in possession of
the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high-priest, who
was then a captive among the Parthians, came
to him again, and was set free from his cap-
tivity in the manner following:—Barzapbarnes
and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians,
took Hyrcanus, who was first made high-priest
and afterwards king, and Herod’s brother.404

BOCK XV.

ANTIQUITIES THE JEWS.

Pbasaelus, captives, and were carrying them
away into Parthia. Pbasaelus indeed could
not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and
thinking that death with glory was better
than any life whatsoever, he became his own
executioner, as I have formerly related.

2.	But when Hyrcanus was brought into
Parthia, the king Phraates treated him after a
very gentle manner, as having already ldarned
of what an illustrious family he was; on which
account he set him free from his bonds, and
gave him a habitation at Babylon,* where
there were Jews in great numbers. These
Jews honoured Hyrcanus as their high-priest
and king, as did all the Jewish nation that
dwelt as far as Euphrates, which respect was
very much to his satisfaction. But when he
was informed that Herod had received the
kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as hav-
ing been himself still of a kind disposition
towards him; and expecting that Herod would
bear in mind what favour he had received
from him, and when he was upon his trial, and
when he was in danger that a capital sentence
would be pronounced against him, he deli-
vered him from that danger, and from all
punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that
matter with the Jews that came often to him
with great affection; but they endeavoured to
retain him among them, and desired that he
would stay with them, putting him in mind of
the kind offices and honours they did him, and
that those honours they paid him were not at
all inferior to what they could pay to either
their high-priests or their kings: and what
was a greater motive to determine him, they
said, was this, that he could not have those
dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in
his body, which had been inflicted on him by
Antigonus; and that kings do not use to re-
quite men for those kindnesses which they
received when they were private persons, the
height of their fortune making usually no
Email changes in them.

3.	Now, although they suggested these
arguments to him for his own advantage, yet
did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod
also wrote to him, and persuaded him to de-
sire of Phraates and the Jews that were there
that they should not grudge him the royal
authority, which he should have jointly with
himself, for that now was the proper time for
himself to make him amends for the favours
he had received from him, as having been
brought up by him, and saved by him also,
as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. And
as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did be send
also Saramallas his ambassador to Phraates,
and many presents with him, and desired him,

* The city here called “ Babylon” by Josephus, seems
to be the one which was built by some of the Seleucid®,
upon the Tigris; which, lone after the utter desolation of
Old Babylon, was commonly so called, and I suppose
not far from Seleucia; just as the later adjoining city
Bagdat has been and is often called by the same old
name of Babylon till this very day.

in the most obliging way, that he would be no
hinderance to his gratitude towards his bene-
factor. But this zeal of Herod’s did not flow
from that principle, hut because he had been
made governor of that country without having
any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that
upon reasons good enough, of a change in his
condition, and so made what haste he could to
git Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put
him quite out of the way; which last thing
he effected afterwards.

4.	Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full
of assurance, by the permission of the king
of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews,
who supplied him with money, Herod received
him with all possible respect, and gave him
the upper place at public meetings, and set
him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby
deceived him. He called him his father, and
endeavoured, by all the ways possible, that he
might have no suspicion of any treacherous
design against him. He also did other things,
in order to secure his government, which yet
occasioned a sedition in his own family; for
being cautious how he made any illustrious
person the high-priest of God,]- he sent for
an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name
was Ananelus, and bestowed the high-priest-
hood upon him.

5.	However, Alexandra, the daughter of
Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus the king, who had also brought
Alexander [two] children, could not bear this
indignity. Now this son was one of the
greatest comeliness, and was called Aristo-
bulus ; and the daughter, Mariamne, was
married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty
also. This Alexandra was much disturbed,
and took this indignity offered to her son ex-
ceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one
else should be sent to have the dignity of the
high-priesthood conferred upon him. Accor-
dingly she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician
assisting her in taking care to have her letters
carried) to desire her intercession with An-
tony, in order to gain the high-priesthood for
her son.

6.	But as Antony was slow in granting this
request, his friend DelliusJ came into Judea
upon some affairs, and when he saw Aristobu-

+ Here we have an eminent example of Herod’s
worldly and profane politics, when by the abuse of his
unlawful and usurped power, to make whomjie pleased
high-priest, in the person of Ananelus, he occasioned
such disturbances in his kingdom, and in bis own fa-
mily, as suffered him to enjoy no lasting peace or tran-
quillity ever afterwards: and such is frequently the ef-
fect of profane court politics about matters of religion
in other ages and nations. The Old Testament is full
of the miseries of the people of the Jews derived from
such court politics, especially in and after the days of
Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, “ who made Israel to sin
who gave the most pernicious example of it; who brought
on the grossest corruption of religion by it; and the
punishment of whose family for it was most remarkable.
The case is too well known to stand'in need of particular
citations.

t Of this wicked Dellius, see the note on the War; b.i.
cb, xv. sect 3.CHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

406

lus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and; very young a child. Now when he had said

'1 this, not at random, but as he thought with
the best discretion he had, in order to deceive
the women, and those friends whom he had
taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of
the great joy she had at this unexpected pro-
mise, and out of fear from the suspicions she
lay under, fell a-weeping; and made the fol-
lowing apology for herself, and said, that as
to the [high] priesthood, she was very much
concerned for the disgrace her son was under,
and so did her utmost endeavours to procure
it for him, but that as to the kingdom, she
had made no attempts, and that if it were
offered her [for her son], she would not ac-
cept it; and that now she would be satisfied
with her son’s dignity, while he himself held
the civil government, and she had thereby the
security that arose from his peculiar ability in
governing, to all the remainder of her family:
that she was now overcome by his benefits,
and thankfully accepted of this honour shown
by him to her son, and that she would here-
after be entirely obedient; and she desired
him to excuse her, if the nobility of her fa-
mily, and that freedom Of acting which she
thought that allowed her, bad made her act
too precipitately and imprudently in this mat-
ter. So when they had spoken thus to one
another, they came to an agreement; and all
suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished
away.

handsomeness of the child, and no less at
Mariamne, the king’s wife, and was open in
his commendations of Alexandra, as the mo-
ther of most beautiful children: and when
she came to discourse with him, he persuaded
her to get pictures drawn of them both, and
to send them to Antony, for that when he saw
them, he would deny her nothing that she
would ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was ele-
vated with these words of his, and sent the
pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked ex-
travagantly, and said that thesechildren seemed
not derived from men, but from some god
or other. His design in doing so was to
entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them,
who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as
being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, be-
cause of the reproaches he should have from
Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in
the most decent manner be could, for the
young man; but added this withal, unless be-
thought it hard upon him so to do. When
this letter was brought to Herod, he did not
think it safe for him to send one so handsome
as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life,
for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble
a family, and particularly not to Antony, the
principal man among the Romans, and one
that would abuse him in his amours, and be-
sides, one that openly indulged himself in such
pleasures as his power allowed him, without
controul. He therefore wrote back to him,
that if this boy should only go out of the
country, all would he in a state of war and
uproar; because the Jews were in hopes of a
change in the government, and to have ano-
ther king over them.

7. When Herod bad thus excused himself
to Antony, he resolved that he would not en-
tirely permit the child of Alexandra to be
treated dishonourably; but bis wife Mariamne
lay vehemently at him to restore the high-
priesthood to her brother; and he judged it
was for his advantage so to do, because, if he
once had that dignity, he could not go out of
the country. So he called all his friends to-
gether, and told fliem that Alexandra privately
conspired against his royal authority, and en-
deavoured, by the means of Cleopatra, so to
bring it about, that be might be deprived of
the government, and that by Antony’s means
this youth might have the management of pub-
lic affairs in Bis stead; and that this proce-
dure of hers was unjust, since she would at
the same time deprive her daughter of the dig-
nity she now had, and would bring disturb-
ances upon the kingdom, for which he had
taken a great deal of pains, and bad gotten it
with extraordinary hazards: that yet, while
he well remembered her wicked practices, he
would not leave off doing what was right him-
self, but would even now give the youth1 the
bigh-priestbood; and that he formerly set up
Ananelus, because Aristobulus mbs then so

CHAPTER III

HOW HEROD, UPON HIS MAKING ARISTOBULUS
HIGH-PRIEST, TOOK CARE THAT HE SHOULD
BE MURDERED IN A LITTLE TIME; AND
WHAT APOLOGY HE MADE TO ANTONY
ABOUT ARISTOBULUS: AS ALSO CONCERN-
ING JOSEPH AND MARIAMNE.

§ 1. So king Herod immediately took the
high-priesthood away from Ananelus, who,
as we said before, was not of this country,
but one of those Jews that had been carried
captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not
a few ten thousands of this people that had
been carried captives, and dwelt about Baby-
lonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one
of the stock of the high-priestB,* and had been
of old a particular friend of Herod; and

• When Josephus says here that this Ananelus, the
■w high-priest, was “ of the stock of the high-priests,”
id since he had been just telling us that he was a
i obscure family or character (ch. ii. sect 4),
all probable that he could so soon say that
‘ the stock of the high-priests.” However,
ition, that
justly and

priest of ai
it is not at
be was “ of th<

Josephus here makes a remi
this Ananelus was the third that w;
wickedly turned out of the

no king or governor having ventured

sver,

arkable observation, that
that was ever unjustly and
high-priesthood by the civil
r having ventured to do so.

de Aristobulus, the first that took royal authority
>ng the Maccabees; and this tyrant king Herod the
at: although afterward that infamous practice be
frequent, till the very
the office of high-priestl

araon
Grei
came
when the office

amous practice be
destruction of Jerusalem
hood was at an end.406

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XT.

when lie was first made king, lie conferred
that dignity upon him, and now put him out
of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in
his family, though what he did was plainly
unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was
any one that had once been in that dignity
deprived of it. It was AntiochUs Epiphanes
who first broke that law, and deprived Jesus,
and made his brother Onias high-priest in his
stead. Aristobulus was the second that did
so, and took that dignity from his brother
[Hyrcanus]; and this Herod wras the third
who took that high office away [from Anane-
lus], and gave it to this young man, Aristo-
bulus, in his stead.

2. And now Herod seemed to have healed
the divisions in his family; yet was he not
without suspicion, as is frequently the case
of people seeming to be reconciled to one
another, hut thought that, as Alexandra had
already made attempts tending to innovations,
so did he fear that she would go on therein,
if she found a fit opportunity for so doing;
so be gave a command that she should dwell
in the palace, and meddle with no public af-
fairs: her guards also were so careful, that
nothing she did in private life every day was
concealed. All these hardships put her out
of patience, by little and little, and she began
to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a
woman to the utmost degree, she had great
indignation at this suspicious guard that was
about her, as desirous rather to undergo any
thing that could befal her than to be deprived
of her liberty of speech, and, under the no-
tion of an honorary guard, to live in a state
of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to
Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the
circumstances she was in, and entreated her
to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleo-
patra hereupon advised her to take her son
with her, and come away immediately to her
into Egypt. This advice pleased her; and
she had this contrivance for getting away:
She got two coffins ma£e, as if they were to
carry away two dead bodies, and put herself
into one, and her son into the other, and gave
orders to such of her servants as knew of her
intentions, to carry them away in the night-
time. Now their road was to be thence to
the sea-side; and there was a ship ready to
carry them into Egypt. Now iEsop, one of
her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion,
one of her friends, and spake of this matter
to him, as thinking he had known of it before.
When Sabion knew this (who had formerly
been an enemy of Herod, and had been
esteemed one of those that laid snares for and
gave the poison to [his father] Antipater), he
expected that this discovery would change
Herod’s hatred into kindness; so he told the
king of this private stratagem of Alexandra:
whereupon he suffered her to proceed to the
execution of her project, and caught her in
tho ▼ory feot; but still bs paasad by bar of-

fence: and though he had a great mind to
do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was
severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra
would not bear that he should have her ac-
cused, on account of her hatred to him; but
made a show as if it were rather the generosity
of his soul, and his great moderation, that
made him forgive them. However, he fully
proposed to himself to put this young man
out of the-way, by one means or other; but
he thought he might in all probability be bet-
ter concealed in doing it, if he did it not pre-
sently nor immediately after what had lately
happened.

3. And now, upon the approach of the
feast of tabernacles, ■which is a festival very
much observed among us, he let tho-oe days
pass over, and both he and the rest of the
people were therein very merry; yet did the
envy which at this time arose in him, cause
him to make haste to do what he was about,
and provoke him to it; for when this youth,
Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth
year of his age, went up to the altar, accord-
ing to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this
with the ornaments of his high-priesthood,
and when he performed the sacred offices,*
he seemed to be exceeding comely and taller
than men usually were at that age, and to ex-
hibit in his countenance a great deal of that
high family he was sprung from,— a warm
zeal and affection towards him appeared
among the people, and the memory of the
actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was
fresh in their minds; and their affections got
so far the mastery of them, that they could
not forbear to show their inclinations to him.
They at once rejoiced and were confounded,
and mingled with good wishes their joyful ac-
clamations which they made to him, till the
good-w'ill of the multitude was made too evi-
dent; and they more rashly proclaimed the
happiness they had received from his family
than was fit under a monarchy to have done.
Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete
w'hat he had intended against the young man.
When therefore the festival was over, and he
was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who
entertained him there, he w'as then very plea-
sant with the young man, and drew him into
a lonely place, and at the same time played
with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner.
Now the nature of that place was hotter that
ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of
a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as
they stood by the fish ponds, of which there
were large ones about the house, they went to
cool themselves [by bathing], because it was

* This entirely confutes the Talmudists, who pretend
that no one nnder twenty years of age could officiate as
bigh-priest among the Jews.

+ An Bebrew chronicle, cited by Reland, says this
drowning was at Jordan, not at Jericho, and this even
when he quotes Josephus. I suspect the transcriber ol
the Hebrew chronicle mistook the same, afid wrote
Jordan for .Tcriehq.CHAP. m.	ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.	407

in the midst of a hot day. At first they were
Only spectators of Herod’s servants and ac-
quaintance as they were swimming; but after
a while, the young man, at the instigation of
Herod, went into the water among them,
while such of Herod’s acquaintance as he had
appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swim-
ming, and plunged him under water, in the
dark of the evening, as if it had been done in
sport only; nor did they desist till he was en-
tirely suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus
murdered, having lived no more in all than
eighteen years,* and kept the high-priesthood
one year only; which high-priesthood Anane-
lus now recovered again.

4. When this sad accident was told the
women, their joy was soon turned into la-
mentation, at the sight of the dead body that
lay before them, and their sorrow was immo-
derate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon
the spreading of this news, was in very great
grief, every family looking on this calamity as
if it had not belonged to another, but that one
of themselves was slain: but Alexandra was
more deeply affected, upon her knowledge
that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her
sorrow was greater than that of others, by her
knowing how the murder was committed; but
she was under the necessity of bearing up un-
der it, out of her prospect of a greater mis-
chief that might otherwise follow; and she
sometimes came to an inclination to destroy
herself with her own hand, but still she re-
strained herself, in hopes she might live long
enough to revenge the unjust murder thus
privately committed; nay, she further resolved
to endeavour to live longer, and to give no
occasion to think she suspected that her son
was slain on purpose, and supposed that she
might thereby be in a capacity of revenging
it at a proper opportunity. Thus did she re-
strain herself, that she might not be noted for
entertaining any such suspicion. However,
Herod endeavoured that none abroad should
believe that the child’s death was caused by
any design of his; and for this purpose he did
not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, bui
fell into tears also, and exhibited a real con-
fusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were
overcome on this occasion, when he saw the
child’s countenance so young and so beauti-
ful, although his death was supposed to tend
to his own security. So far at least this grief
served as to make some apology for him; and
as for his funeral, that he took care should be
very magnificent, by making great preparation
for a sepulchre to lay his ■ body in, and pro-
viding a great quantity of spices, and burying
many ornaments together with him, till the
very women, who were in such deep sorrow,

* The reading of one of Josephus's Greek MSS. seems
here to be right, (hat Aristobulus was “ not eighteen years
old” when he was drowned, for he was not seventeen
when he was made high-priest (ch. ii.sect. 6; ch. iii. sect
3); and he continued in that office but one vear, as in the
place before us.

were astonished at it, and received in this way
some consolation.

5.	However, no such things could overcome
Alexandra’s grief; but the remembrance ot
this miserable case made her sorrow both deep
and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an
account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra,
and how her son was murdered; but Cleo-
patra, as she had formerly been desirous to
give her what satisfaction she could, and com-
miserating Alexandra’s misfortunes, made the
case her own, and would not let Antony be
quiet, but excited him to punish the child’s
murder: for that it was an unworthy thing
that Herod, who had by him been made a
king of a kingdom that no way belonged to
him, should be guilty of 6uch horrid crimes
against those that were of the royal blood in
reality. Antony was persuaded by these ar-
guments ; and when he came to Laodicea, he
sent and commanded Herod to come and
make his defence as to what he had done to
Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous de-
sign was not well done, if he had any hand in
it. Herod was now in fear, both of the ac-
cusation and of Cleopatra’s ill-will to him,
which was such that she was ever endeavour-
ing to make Antony hate him. He therefore
determined to obey his summons, for he had
no possible way to avoid it: so he left his uncle,
Joseph, procurator for his government and for
the public affairs, and gave him a private
charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also
should kill Mariamne immediately; for that
he had a tender affection for this his wife, and
was afraid of the injury that should be offered
him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty,
should be engaged to some other man: but
his intimation was nothing but this at the
bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with
her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of
her beauty. So when Herod had given Jo-
seph this charge, and had indeed no sure
hopes of escaping with his life, he went away
to Antony.

6.	But as Joseph was administering the
public affairs of the kingdom, and for that
reason was very frequently with Mariamne,
both because his business required it, and be-
cause of the respects he ought to pay to the
queen, he frequently let himself into discourses
about Herod’s kindness, and great affection
towards her; and when the women, especially
Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into
feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous
to demonstrate the king’s inclinations, that he
proceeded so far as to mention the charge he
had received, and thence drew his demonstra-
tion that Herod was not able to live without
her; and that if he should come to any ill
end, he could not endure a separation from
her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Jo-
seph. But the women, as was natural, did
not take this to be an instance of Herod’s
strcing affection for them, but of his severe408

NTIQtJITIES OF THE JEWS.

HOOK XV.

usage of them, that they could not escape de-
struction, nor a tyrannical death, even when
he was dead himself: and this saying [of Jo-
seph] was a foundation for the women’s se-
vere suspicions about him afterwards.

7.	At this time a report went about the
city of Jerusalem, among Herod’s enemies,
that Antony had tortured Herod, and put
him to death. This report, as is natural, dis-
turbed those that were about the palace, but
chiefly the women : upon which Alexandra
endeavoured to persuade Joseph to go out of
the palace, and fly away with them to the en-
signs of the Roman legion, which then lay en-
camped about th'e city, as a guard to the king-
dom, under the command of Julius; for that
by this means, if any disturbance should hap-
pen about the palace, they should he in greater
security, as having the Romans favourable to
them; and that besides they hoped to obtain
the highest authority, if Antony did hut once
see Mariamne, by whose means they should
recover the kingdom, and want nothing which
was reasonable for them to hope for, because
of their royal extraction.

8.	But as they were in the midst of these
deliberations, letters were brought from He-
rod about all his affairs, and proved contrary
to the report, and of what they before expec-
ted ; for when he was come to Antony, he
soon recovered his interest with him, by the
presents he made him, which he had brought
with lim from Jerusalem; and he soon in-
duced him, upon discoursing with him, to
leave offhis indignation at him, so that Cleo-
patra’s persuasions had less force than the ar-
guments and presents he brought to regain
his friendship: for Antony said, that it was
not good to require an account of a king, as
to the affairs of his government, for at this
rate he could be no king at all, but that those
who had given him that authority ought to
permit him to make use of it. He also said
the same things to Cleopatra, that it would
he best for her not busily to meddle with the
acts of the king’s government. Herod wrote
an account of these things; and enlarged
upon the other honours which he had received
from Antony: how he sat by him at his hear-
ing causes, and took his diet with him every
day, and that he enjoyed those favours from
him, notwithstanding the reproaches that
Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who
having a great desire of his country, and ear-
nestly entreating Antony that the kingdom
might he given to her, laboured with her ut-
most diligence to have him out of the way;
but that he still found Antony just to him,
and had no longer any apprehensions of hard
treatment from him; and that he was soon
upon his return, with a firmer additional as-
surance of his favour to him, in his reigning
and managing public affairs; and that there
was no longer any hope for Cleopatra’s covet-
ous temper, since Antony had given her Cele-

syria, instead of what she desired; by which
means he had at once pacified her, and got
clear of the entreaties which she made him
to have Judea beBtowed upon her.

9.	When these letters were brought, the
women left off their attempt for flying to the
Romans, which they thought of while Herod
was supposed to be dead; yet was not that
purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king
bad conducted Antony on his way against the
Parthians, he returned to Judea, when both
his sister Salome, and his mother, informed
him of Alexandra’s intentions. Salome also
added somewhat farther against Joseph, though
it was no more than a calumny, that he had
often had criminal conversation with Mari-
amne. The reason of her saying so was this,
that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for
when they had differences with one another,
Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproach-
ed the rest for the meanness of their birth.—
But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was
always very warm, was presently disturbed
at this, and could not bear the torments of
jealousy, but was still restrained from doing
any rash thing to her by the love he bad for
her: yet did his vehement affection and jea-
lousy together make him ask Mariamne by
herself about this matter of Joseph; but she
denied it upon her oath, and said all that an
ihnocent woman could possibly say in her
own defence; so that by little and little the
king was prevailed upon to drop the suspi-
cion, and left off his anger at her; and being
overcome with his passion for bis wife, he
made an apology to her for having seemed
to believe what he had heard about her,
and returned her a great many acknowledg-
ments of her modest behaviour, and professed
the extraordinary affection and kindness he
had for her, till at last, as is usual between
lovers, they both fell into tears, and em-
braced one another with a most tender affec-
tion. But as the king gave more and more
assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and
endeavoured to draw her to a like confidence
in him, Mariamne said, “ Yet was not that
command thou gavest, that if any harm came
to thee from Antony, I, who had been no
occasion of it, should perish with thee, a
sign of thy love to me ?’’ When these
words were fallen from her, the king was
shocked at them, and presently let her go out
of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair
with his own hands, and said, that now he
had an evident demonstration that Joseph had
bad criminal conversation with his wife; for
that he would never have uttered what he had
told him alone by himself, unless there had
been such a great familiarity and firm confi-
dence between them. And while he was in
this passion he had liked to have killed his
wife; hut being still overborne by his love to
her, he restrained this his passion, though not
without a lasting grief and disquietnesa ofCHAP. IV,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

mind. However, he gave order to slay Jo-
seph, without permitting him to come into
his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her,
and kept her in custody, as the cause of all
this mischief.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW CLEOPATRA, WHEN SHE HAD GOTTEN
FROM ANTONY SOME PARTS OF JUDEA AND
ARABIA, CAME INTO JUDEA; AND HOW HE-
ROD GAVE.HER MANY PRESENTS, AND CON-
DUCTED HER ON HER WAY BACK TO EGYPT.

§ 1. Now at this time the iffairs of Syria
were in confusion by Cleopatra’s constant
persuasions to Antony to make an attempt
upon every body’s dominions; for she per-
suaded him to take those dominions away
from their several princes and bestow them
upon her; and she had a mighty influence
upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to
her by his affections. She was also by na-
ture very covetous, and stuck at no wicked-
ness. She had already poisoned her brother,
because she knew that he was to be king of
Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years
old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be
slain, by the means of Antony, when she was
a supplicant at Diana’s temple at Ephesus;
for if there were but any hopes of getting mo-
ney, she would violate both temples and se-
pulchres. Nor was there any holy place that
was esteemed the most inviolable, from which
she would not fetch the ornaments it had in
it; nor any place so profane, but was to suf-
fer the most flagitious treatment possible from
her, if it could but contribute somewhat to
the covetous humour of this wicked creature;
yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a
woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she
still imagined that she wanted every thing
she could think of, and did her utmost to
gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony
on perpetually to deprive others of their do-
minions, and give them to her; and as she
went over Syria with him, she contrived to
get it into her possession; so he slew Lysa-
nias the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his
bringing the Parthians upon those countries.
She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea
and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired
him to take these countries away from their
present governors. As for Antony, he was
so entirely overcome by this woman, that one
would not think her conversation only could
do it, but that he was some way or other be-
witched to do whatsoever she would have him;
yet did the grossest parts of her injustice make
him so ashamed, that he would not always
hearken to her to do these flagrant enormi-
ties she would have persuaded him to. That
therefore he might not totally deny her, nor

409

by doing every thing which she enjoined him
appear openly to be an ill man, he took some
parts of each of those countries away from
their former governors, and gave them to her
Thus he gave her the cities that were withii
the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, except
ing Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have
been free cities from their ancestors, although
she pressed him very often to bestow those or
her also.

2. When Cleopatra had obtained thur
much, and had accompanied Antony in hir
expedition to Armenia, as far as Euphrates,
she returned back, and came to Apamia and
Damascus, and passed on to Judea; where
Herod met her, and farmed of her her parts
of Arabia, and those revenues that came to
her from the region about Jericho. This
country bears that balsam, which is the most
precious drug that is there, and grows there
alone. The place bears also palm-trees, both
many in number, and those excellent in their
kind. When she was there, and was very
often with Herod, she endeavoured to have
criminal conversation with the king: nor did
she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such
sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in
some measure a passion of love to him, or
rather, what is most probable, she laid a trea-
cherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such
adulterous conversation from him; however,
upon the whole she seemed overcome with
love to him. Now Herod had a treat while
borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing
that she was a woman irksome to all; and at
that time he thought her particularly worthy
of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of
lust; he had also thought of preventing her
intrigues by putting her to death, if such
were her endeavours. However, he refused
to comply with her proposals, and called a
counsel of his friends to consult with them
whether he should not kill her, now he had
her in his power; for that he should thereby
deliver all those from a multitude of evils to
whom she was already become irksome, and
was expected to be still so for the time to
come; and that this very thing woula be
much for the advantage of Antony himself,
since she would certainly not be faithful to
him, in case any such reason or necessity
should come upon him as that he should stand
in need of her fidelity. But when he thought
to follow this advice, his friends would not
let him; and told him, that, in the first place,
it was not right to attempt so great a thing,
and run himself thereby into the utmost dan-
ger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of
him to undertake nothing rashly, for that An-
tony would never bear it, no, not though any
one should evidently lay before his eyes that
it was for his own advantage; and that the
appearance of depriving him of her conversa-
tion, by this violent and treacherous method,
would probably set his affections more on a410

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XV.

flame than before. Nor did it appear that be
could oifer any thing of tolerable weight in
his defence, this attempt being against such a
woman as was of the highest dignity of any
of her sex at that time in the world; and as
to any advantage to be expected from such an
undertaking, il any such could be supposed
in this case, it would appear to deserve con-
demnation on account of the insolence he must
take upon him in doing it: which considera-
tions made it very plain, that in so doing he
would find hi's government filled with mis-
chiefs, both great and lasting, both to himself
and his posterity, whereas it was still in his
power to reject that wickedness she would
persuade him to, and to come off honourably
at the same time. So by thus affrighting He-
rod, and representing to him the hazards he
must, in all probability, run by this under-
taking, they restrained him from it. So he
treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her pre-
sents, and conductedher on her way to Egypt.

3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and
sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds,
with his children and procurators, to Egypt,
and made a present of them, and of all the
royal ornaments which he had taken out of
that kingdom, to Cleopatra; and Artaxias,
the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at
that time, took the kingdom of Armenia;
who yet was ejected by Archelaus and Nero
Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his
younger brother, to that kingdom: but this
happened a good while afterward.

4. But then, as to the tributes which He-
rod was to pay Cleopatra for that country
which Antony had given her, he acted fairly
with her, as deeming it not safe for him to
afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him.
As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute He-
rod bad undertaken to pay her, for some time
indeed he paid him as much as came to two
hundred talents; but he afterward became
very niggardly and slow in his payments, and
could hardly be brought to pay some parts
of it, and was not willing to pay even them
without some deductions.

CHAPTER V. -

HOW HEROD MADE WAR WITH THE KING OF
ARABIA, AND AFTER THEY HAD FOUGHT
MANY BATTLES, AT LENGTH CONQUERED
HIM, AND WAS CHOSEN BY THE ARABS TO
BE GOVERNOR OF THAT NATION; AS ALSO
CONCERNING A GREAT EARTHQUAKE..

§ 1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready
to go against*the king of Arabia, because of
his ingratitude to him, and because, after all,
he would do nothing that was just to him,
although Herod made the Roman war an
occasion of delaying his own; for the battle

of Actium was now expected, which fell into
the hundred and eighty-seventh olympiad,
where Caesar and Antony were to fight for
the supreme power of the world; but Herod
having enjoyed a country that was very fruit-
ful, and that now for a long time, and having
received great taxes and raised great armies
therewith, got together a body of men, and
carefully furnished them with all necessaries,
and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony;
but Antony said he bad no want of his assis-
tance; but he commanded him to punish the
king of Arabia, for he had heard, both from
him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he
was; for this was what Cleopatra desired,
who thought it, for her own advantage that
these two kings should do one another as
great mischief as possible.1 Upon this mes-
sage from Antony, Herod returned back, but
kept his army' with him in order to invade
Arabia immediately. So when his army of
horsemen and footmen was ready, he march-
ed to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came
also to meet them, for they were not unap-
prised of this war that was coming upon
them; and after a great battle had been
fought, the Jews had the victory; but after-
ward there were gotten together another nu-
merous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which
is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed
of this beforehand: so he marched against
them with the greatest part of the forces he
had; and when he was come near to Cana,
he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast
up a bulwark that he might take a proper
season for attacking the enemy; but as he
was giving those orders, the multitude of the
Jews cried out that he should make no delay,
but lead them against the Arabians. They
went with great spirit, as believing they were
in very good order; and those especially were
so that had been in the former battle, and bad
been conquerors, and had not permitted their
enemies so much as to come to a close fight
with them; and when they were so tumultu-
ous, and showed such great alacrity, the king
resolved to make use of that zeal the multi-
tude then exhibited; and when he had as-
sured them he would not be behindhand with
them in courage, he led them on, and stood
before them all in his armour, all the regi-
ments following him in their several ranks;
whereupon a consternation fell upon the Ara-
bians; for when they perceived that the Jews
were not to be conquered, and were full of
spirit, the greater part of them ran away,
and avoided fighting; and they had been
quite destroyed, had not Athenio fallen upon
the Jews, and distressed them; for this man
was Cleopatra’s general over the soldiers she
had there, and was at enmity with Herod,
and very wistfully looked on to see what the
event of the battle would be. He had also
resolved that in case the Arabians did any
thing that was brave and successful, he wouldCHAP. V.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

411

lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it
really happened, he would attack the Jews with
those forces he had of his own, and with those
that the country had gotteq together for him:
so he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when
they were fatigued, and thought they had al-
ready vanquished the enemy, and made a
great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had
spent their courage upon their known ene-
mies, and were about to enjoy themselves in
quietness after their victory, they were easily
beaten by these that attacked them afresh;
and in particular received a great loss in
places where the horses could not be of any
service, and which were very stony, and where
those that attacked them were better acquaint-
ed with the places than theraitelves; and when
the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians
raised their spirits after their defeat, and re-
turning back again, slew those that were al-
ready put to flight; and indeed all sorts of
slaughter were now frequent, and of those
that escaped, a few only returned into the
camp. So king Herod, when he despaired
of the battle, rode up to them to bring them
assistance, yet did he not come time enough
to do them any service, though he laboured
hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken,
so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most
glorious success, having gained that victory
which of themselves they were no way likely
to have gained, and slaying a great part of
the enemy’s army: whence afterward Herod
could only act like a private robber, and
make excursions upon many parts of Arabia,
and distress them by sudden incursions, while
he encamped among the mountains, and avoid-
ed by any means to come to a pitched battle;
yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his
assiduity, and the hard labour he took in
this matter. He also took great care of his
own forces, and used all the means he could
to restore bis affairs to their old state.

2. At this time it was that the fight hap-
pened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar
and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign
of Herod;* and then it was also that there
was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as
had not happened at any other time, and
which earthquake brought a great destruction
upon the cattle in that country. About ten
thousand men also perished by the fall of
houses; but the army, which lodged in the
field, received no damage by this sad acci-
dent. When the Arabians were informed of
this, and when those that hated the Jews, and
pleased themselves with .aggravating the re-
ports, told them of it, they raised their spirits,
as if their enemy’s country was quite over-

• The reader is here to take notice, that this seventh
year of the reign of Herod, and all the other years of bis
reign, in Josephus, are dated from the death of Antigo-
nus. or at the soonest from the conquest of Antigonus,
and the taking of Jerusalem, a few months before, and
never from his -flrst obtaining the kingdom at Rome,
above three years before, as come have very weakly and
injudiciously dona.

thrown, and the men were utterly destroyed,
and thought there now remained nothing that
could oppose them. Accordingly, they took
the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them
after all this had happened, to make peace
with them, and slew them, and came with
great alacrity against their army; but the
Jews durst not withstand them, and were so
cast down by the calamities they were under,
that they took no pare of their affairs, but
gave up themselves to despair, for they had
no hope that they should he upon a level
again with them in battles, nor obtain any as-
sistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home
were in such great distress also. When mat-
ters were in this condition, the king persua-
ded the commanders by his words, and tried
to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk:
and first he endeavoured to encourage and
embolden some of the better sort beforehand,
and then ventured to make a speech to the
multitude, which he had before avoided to
do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat,
because of the misfortunes which had happened;
so he made a consolatory speech to the mul-
titude in the manner following:—

3. “You are not unacquainted, my fellow-
soldiers, that we have had, not long since,
many accidents that have put a stop to what
we are about; and it is probable, that even
those that are most distinguished above others
for their courage, can hardly keep up their
spirits in such circumstances; but since we
cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath
happened is of such a nature but it may by
ourselves be recovered into a good state, and
this by one brave action only well performed,
I have proposed to myself both to give you
some encouragement, and, at the same time,
some information; both which parts of my
design will tend to this point, that you may
still continue in your own proper fortitude.
I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to
you, that this war is a just one on our side,
and that on this account it is a war of neces-
sity, and occasioned by the injustice of our
adversaries; for, if you be once satisfied of
this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you;
after which I will farther demonstrate, that
the misfortunes we are under are of no great
consequence, and that we have the greatest
reason to hope for victory. I shall begin
with the first, and appeal to yourselves as
witnesses to what I shall say. You are not
ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the
Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear
incredible to all other men, and to include
somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity
and ignorance of God. The chief things
wherein they have affronted us have arisen
from covetousness and envy; and they have
attacked us in an insidious manner, and on
the sudden. And what occasion is there for
me to mention many instances of such their
procedure? When they were in danger of412

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XV.

losing their own goremment of themselves,
rind of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others
were they that freed them from that fear? for
it was the friendship I had with Antony, and
the kind disposition he was in towards us,
that hath been the occasion that even these
Arabians have not been utterly undone, An-
tony being unwilling to undertake any thing
which might be suspected by us of unkind-
ness: but when he had a mind to bestow
some parts of each of our dominions on Cleo-
patra, I also managed that matter so, that by
giving him presents of my own, I might ob-
tain a security to both nations, while I under-
took myself to answer for the money, and
gave him two hundred talents, and became
surety for those two hundred more which
were imposed upon the land that was subject
to this tribute: and this they have defrauded
us of, although it was not reasonable that
Jews should pay tribute to any man living,
or allow part of their land to be taxable; but
although that was to be, yet ought we not to
pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have
ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they
who have professed (and that with great in-
tegrity and sense of our kindness) that it is
by our means that they keep their principa-
lity, should injure us, and deprive us of what
h our due, and this while we have been still
not their enemies but their friends. And
whereas observation of covenants takes place
among the bitterest enemies, but among
friends is absolutely necessary,—this is not
observed among these men, who think gain
to be the besf of all things, let it be by any
means whatsoever, and that injustice is no
harm, if they may but get money by it: is it
therefore a question with you, whether the
unjust are to be punished or not? when God
himself hath declared his mind that so it ought
to be, — and hath commanded that we ever
should hate injuries and injustice, which is
not only just but necessary in wars between
several nations; for these Arabians have done
what both the Greeks and Barbarians own to
be an instance of the grossest wickedness,
with regard to our ambassadors, whom they
have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that
such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable.*
And for ourselves, we have learned from God
the most excellent of our doctrines, and the
most holy part of our law, by angels or am-
bassadors; for this name brings God to the
knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to
reconcile enemies one to another. What
wickedness then can be greater than the
slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat
about doing what is right? And when such
have been their actions, how is it possible

• Herod says here, that as ambassadors were sacred
when they carried messages to others, so did the laws of
the Jews derive a sacred authority by being delivered
from God by angels [or divine ambassadors3; which is
H*U>*^1* eXpre“ioD about the samB laws* Gal- *“• 19;

they can either live securely in common life,
or be successful in war? In my opinion,
this is impossible. But perhaps some will say,
that what is holy, and what is righteous, is
indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are
either more courageous or more numerous
than we are. Now, as to this, in the first
place, it is not fit fur us to say so, for with
whom is what is righteois, with them is God
himself; now, where God is, there is both
multitude and courage. But to examine our
own circumstances a little, we were conquer-
ors in the first battle; and when we fought
again, they were not able to oppose us, but
ran away, and could not endure our attacks
or our courage; but when we had conquered
them, then came Athenion, and made war
against us without declaring it; and pray, is
this an instance oi their manhood, or is it not
a second instance of their wickedness and
treachery? Why are we therefore of less
courage, on account of that which ought to
inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are
we terrified at these, who, when they fight
upon a level, are continually beaten, and
when they seem to be conquerors, they gain
lit by wickedness? and if we suppose that
any one should deem them to be men of real
courage, will not he be excited by that very
consideration to do his utmost against them?
for true valour is not shown by fighting
against weak persons, but in being able to
overcome the most hardy. But then, if the
distresses we are ourselves under, and the mi-
series that have come by. the earthquake, have
affrighted any one, let him consider, in the
first place, that this very thing will deceive
the Arabians, by their supposal that what
hath befallen us is greater than it really is-
Moreover, it is not right that the same thing
that emboldens them should discourage us;
for these men, you see, do not derive their
alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their
own, but from their hope, as to us, that we
are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but
when we boldly march against them, we shall
soon pull down their insolent conceit of them-
selves, and shall gain this by attacking them,
that they will not be so insolent when we
come to the battle; for our distresses are not
so great, nor is wbat hath happened an indi-
cation of the anger of God against us, aa
some imagine; for such things are accidental*
and adversities that come in the usual course
of things; and if we allow that this was done
by the will of God, we must allow that it is
now over by his will also, and that he is sa-
tisfied with what hath already happened; for
had he been willing to afflict us still more
thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon-
And as for the war we are engaged in, he
hath himself demonstrated that he is willing
it should go on, and that he knows it to be a>
just war; for while some of the people ini
the country have perished, all you who wer&VKAP. VL

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

in arms have suffered nothing, but are all
preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain
to us, that if you had universally, with your
children and wives, been in the army, it had
come to pass that you had not undergone any
thing that would have much hurt you. Con-
sider these things, and, what is more than all
the rest, that you have God at all times for
your protector; and prosecute these men
with a just bravery, who, in point of friend-
ship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious,
towards ambassadors impious, and always in-
ferior to you in valour.”

4. When the Jews heard this speech, they
were much raised in their minds, and more
disposed to fight than before. So Herod,
when he had offered the sacrifices appointed
tty the law,* made haste, and took them, and
led them against the Arabians; and in order
to that, passed over Jordan, and pitched his
camp near to that of the enemy. He also
thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that
lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would
be for his advantage, and would the sooner
produce a battle; and that, if there were occa-
sion for delay, he should by it have his camp
fortified; and as the Arabians had the same
intentions upon that place, a contest arose
about it; at first they were but skirmishes,
after which there came more soldiers, and it
proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both
sides, till those of the Arabian side were
beaten, and retreated. This was no small
encouragement to the Jews immediately; and
ft'hen Herod observed that the enemy’s army
were disposed to any thing rather than to come
to an engagement, he ventured boldly to at-
tempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to
pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in
order to fight them; for when they were
forced out of their trenches, they went out in
disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or
hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to
hand, hecausc they were more in number than
the Jews, and because they were iu such a dis-
position of war that they were under a neces-
sity of coming on boldly; so they came to a
terrible battle, while not a few fell on each
side. However, at length the Arabians fled;
and so great a slaughter was made upon their
being routed, that they were not only killed
by their enemies, but became the authors of

* This piece of religion, the supplicating God with
•acriflces, by Herod, before be went to this fight with
the Arabians,, taken notice of also in the first book Of
the War, ch. xix. sect. 5, is worth remarking, because
it is the only example of this nature, so far as I remem-
ber, that Josephus ever mentions in all his large and
particular accounts of this Herod: and it was when he
kaJ been in mighty distress, and discouraged by a great
defeat of his former army, and by a very great earth-
quake in Judea, such times of affliction making men
most religious; nor was he disappointed of his hopes
here, but immediately gained a most signal victory over
the Arabians, while they who just before bad been so
great victors, and so much elevated upon the earthquake
111 Judea as to venture to slay the Jewish ambassadors,
were now under a strange consternation, and hardly
able to fight at alL	i

413

their own deaths also, and were trodden down
by the multitude, and the great current of
people in disorder, and were destroyed by their
own armour; so five thousand men lay dead
upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude
soon ran within the bulwark [for safety], but
had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their
want of necessaries, and especially of water.
The Jews pursued them, but could not get in
with hem, but sat round about the bulwark,
and watched any assistance that would get
into them, and prevented any there, that had
mind to it, from running away.

5. When the Arabians were in these cir-
cumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod,
in the first place, to propose terms of accom-
modation, and after that to offer him, so press-
ing was their thirst upon them, to undergo
whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them
from their present distress; but he would
admit of no ambassadors, of no price of re-
demption, nor of any other moderate terms
whatever, being very desirous to revenge those
unjust actions which they had been guilty of
towards his nation. So they were necessitated
by other motives, and particularly by their
thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up
to him, to be carried away captives; and in
five days’ time, the number of four thousand
were taken prisoners, while all the rest re-
solved to make a sally upon their enemies, and
to fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so
it must be, to die therein, than to perish gra-
dually and ingloriously. When they had
taken this resolution, they came out of their
trenches, but could no way sustain the fight,
being too much disabled, both in mind and
body, and having not room to exert them-
selves, and thought it an advantage to be
killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first
onset there fell about seven thousand of them,
after which stroke, they let all the courage
they had put on before fall, and stood amazed
at Herod’s warlike spirit under bis own cala-
mities; so for the future they yielded, and
made him ruler of their nation; whereupon
he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a suc-
cess, and returned home, taking great autho-
rity upon him, on account of so bold and
glorious an expedition as he had made.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW HEROD SLEW H7BCANUS, AND THEN
HASTED AWAY TO CiESAR, AND OBTAINED
THE KINGDOM FROM HIM ALSO; AND HOW,
A LITTLE TIME AFTERWARD, HE ENTER-
TAINED CAESAR IN ▲ MOST HONOURABLE
MANNER.

§ 1. Herod's other affairs were now very
prosperous, and he was not to be easily as-
saulted on any side. Yet did there come up-
on him a danger that would hazard his entireANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XV.

dominions, after Antony had been beaten at
the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octavian];
for at that time both Herod’s enemies and
friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not
probable that he would remain without pun-
ishment, who had shown so much friendship
for Antony. So it happened that his friends
despaired, and had no hopes of his escape;
but for his enemies, they all outwardly ap-
peared to be troubled at his case, but were
privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain
a change for the better. As for Herod him-
self, he saw that there was no one of royal
dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he
thought it would be for his advantage not to
suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any
longer; for that in case he himself survived,
and escaped the danger he was in, he thought
it was the safest way to put it out of the power
of such a man to make any attempt against
him at such junctures of affairs, as was more
worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in
case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy
prompted him to desire to slay him that would
otherwise be king after him.

2. While Herod had these things in his
mind, there was a certain occasion afforded
him; for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper,
both then and at other times, that he desired
not to meddle with public affairs, nor to con-
cern himself with innovations, but left all to
fortune, and contented himself with what that
afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter]
was a lover of strife, and was exceeding de-
sirous of a change of the government; and
spoke to her father not to bear for ever He-
rod’s injurious treatment of their family, but
to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely
might; and desired him to write about these
matters to Malchus, who was then governor
of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them
[from Herod], for that if they went away, and
Herod’s affairs proved to be, as it was likely
they would be by reason of Caesar’s enmity to
him, they should then be the only persons that
could take the government; and this, both on
account of the royal family they were of, and
on account of the good disposition of the
multitude to them. While she used these per-
suasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as
she showed that she was a woman, and a con-
tentious woman too, and would not desist
either night or day, but would always be
speaking to him about these matters, and
about Herod’s treacherous designs, she at last
prevailed with him to entrust Dositheus, one
of his friends, with a letter, wherein his re-
solution was declared; and he desired the
Arabian governor to send him some horsemen,
who should receive him, and conduct him to
the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds
of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he
did therefore trust Dositheus with his letter,
because he was a careful attendant on him,
and on Alexandra, and had no small occasion

| to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kins.
! man of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a
brother of those that were formerly slain at
Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives
induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this
affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from
the present king to those he had from him, he
gave Herod the letter. So he took his kind-
ness in good part, and bade him besides do
what he had already done, that is, go on in
serving him, by rolling up the epistle and
sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus,
and then to bring back the letter in answer to
it; for it would be much better if he could
know Malchus’s intentions also. And when
Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this
point also, the Arabian governor returned
back for answer, that he would receive Hyr-
canus, and all that should come with him, and
even all the Jews that were of his party: that
he would, moreover, send forces sufficient t.o
secure them in their journey; and that he
should be in no want of any thing he should
desire. Now as soon as Herod had received
this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus,
and questioned him about the league he had
made with Malchus; and when be denied it,
he showed his letter to the sanhedrim, and
put the man to death immediately.

3. And this account we give the reader, as it
is contained in the commentaries of king He-
rod: but other historians do not agree with
them, for they suppose that Herod did not find,
but rather made, this an occasion for thus put-
ting him to death, and that by treacherously lay-
ing a snare for him; for thus do they write:—
That Herod and he were once at a treat, and
that Herod had given no occasion to suspect
[that he was displeased at him], but put this
question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received
any letters from Malchus? and when he an-
swered that he had received letters, but those of
salutation only; and when he asked farther,
whether he had not received any presents from
him ? and when he had replied, that he had re-
ceived no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent him, they pretended
that Herod charged these upon him as the crimes
of bribery and treason, and gave order that he
should be led away and slain. And in order
to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no
offence, when he was thus brought to his end,
they allege how mild his temper had been;
and that even in his youth he had never given
any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and
that the case was the same when he came to
be king, but that he even then committed the
management of the greatest part of public
affairs to Antipater: and that he was now
above fourscore years old, and knew that He-
rod’s government was in a secure state. He
also came over Euphrates, and left those who
greatly honoured him beyond that river,
though he were to be entirely under Herod’s
government; and that it was a most incredibleCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

415

thing that he should enterprise any thing by
way of innovation, and not at all agreeable
to his temper, but that this was a plot of
Herod’s own contrivance.

4.	And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and
thus did he end his life, after he had endured
various and manifold turns of fortune in his
lifetime; for he was made high-priest of the
Jewish nation in the beginning of his mothef
Alexandra’s reign, who held the government
nine years; and when, after his mother’s
death, he took the kingdom himself, and held

'it three months, he lost it, by the means of
his brother Aristobulus. He was then re-
stored by Pompey, and received all sorts of
honour from him, and enjoyed them forty
years; but when he was again deprived by
Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he
was made a captive by the Parthians, and
thence returned home again after some time,
on account of the hopes that Herod had given
him; none of which came to pass according
to his expectation, but he still conflicted with
many misfortunes through the whole course
of his life; and, what was the heaviest cala-
mity of all, as we have related already, he
came to an end which was undeserved by
him. His character appeared to be that of a
man of a mild and moderate disposition, who
suffered the administration of affairs to be ge-
nerally done by others under him. He was
averse to much meddling with the public, nor
had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom:
and both Antipater and Herod came to their
greatness by reason of his mildness; and at
last he met with such an end from them as
was not agreeable either to justice or piety.

5.	Now Herod, as soon as he bad put flyr-
canus out of the way, made haste to Caesar;
and because he could not have any hopes of
kindness from him, on account of the friend-
ship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of
Alexandra, lest she should take this opportu-
nity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and
introduce a sedition into the affairs of the king-
dom; so he committed the care of every thing
to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother
Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole
faiinily, at Massada, and gave him a charge,
that if he should hear any sad news about
him, he should take care of the government:
but as to Mariamne his wife, because of the
misunderstanding between her and his sister,
and his sister’s mother, which made it impos-
sible for them to live together, he placed her
at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother,
and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of
Iturea, to take care of that fortress. These
two had been very faithful to him from the
beginning, and were now left as a guard to
the women. They also had it in charge, that
if they should hear any mischief had befallen
him, they should kill them both; and, as far
as they were able, to preserve the kingdom
for bis sons, and for his brother Pheroras.

6. When he had given them this charge,
he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar;
and when he had sailed to that city, he took
off his diadem, but remitted nothing else’ of
his usual dignity: and when, upon his meet-
ing him, he desired that he would let him
speak to him, he therein exhibited a much
more noble specimen of a great soul, for he
did not betake himself to supplications, as
men usually do upon such occasions, nor
offered him any petition, as if he were an
offender; but, after an undaunted manner,
gave an account of what he had done; for he
spake thus to Caesar:—That he had the
greatest friendship for Antony, and did every
thing he could that he might attain the go-
vernment: that he was not indeed in the
army with him, because the Arabians had
diverted him, but that he had sent him both
money_and corn, which was but too little in
comparison of what he ought to have done
for him; “for, if a man owns himself to be
another’s friend, and knows him to be a bene-
factor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to
use every faculty of his soul, every member of
his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him;
in which I confess I have been too deficient.
However, I am conscious to myself, that 60
far I have done right, that I have not deserted
him upon his defeat at Actium: nor upon
the evident change of his fortune have I trans-
ferred my hopes from him to another, but
have preserved myself, though not as a valu-
able fellow-soldier, yet certainly as a faithful
counsellor, to Antony, when I demonstrated
to him that the only way he had to save him-
self, and not lose all his authority, was to
slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead,
there would be room for him to retain his
authority, and rather to bring thee to make a
composition with him, than to continue at en-
mity any longer. None of which advices would
he attend to, but preferred his own rash reso-
lutions before them, which have happened un-
profitably for him, but profitably for thee.
Now, therefore, in case thou determinest
about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony,
according to thy anger at him, I own there is
no room for me to deny what I have done,
nor will I be ashamed to own, and that pub-
licly too, that I had a great kindness for him;
but if thou wilt put him out of the case, and
only examine how I behave myself to my be-
nefactors in general, and what sort of friend
I am, thou wilt find by experience that we
shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is
but changing the names, and the firmness of
friendship that we shall bear to thee, will not
be disapproved by thee.”

7. By this speech, and by his beha-
viour, which showed Caesar the frankness of
his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who
was himself of a generous and magnificent
temper, insomuch that those very actions,
which were the foundation of the accusation416

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XT

against him, procured him Caesar’s good-
will. Accordingly, he restored him his dia-
dem again; and encouraged him to exhibit
himself as great a friend to himself as he
had been to Antony, and then had him in
great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that
Quintus Didius had written to him that He-
rod had very readily assisted him in the affair
of the gladiators. So when he had obtained
such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his
hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely
and firmly settled upon him than ever, by
Caesar’s donation, as well as by that decree
of the Romans, whieh Caesar took care to pro-
cure for his greater security, he conducted
Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made pre-
sents, even beyond his ability, to both him
and his friends; and in general behaved him-
self with great magnanimity. He also desired
that Caesar would not put to death one
Alexander, who had been a companion of
Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to
death, and so he could not obtain that his pe-
tition: and now he returned to Judea again
with greater honour and assurance than ever,
and affrighted those that had expectations to
the contrary, as still acquiring from his very
dangers greater splendour than before, by the
favour of God to him. So he prepared for
the reception of Caesar as he was going ont
of Syria to invade Egypt; and when he came,
he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal
magnificence. He also bestowed presents on
the army, and brought them provisions in
abundance. He also proved to be one of
Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army-
in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had
a hundred and fifty men; well appointed in
all respects, after a rich and sumptuous man-
ner, for the better reception of him and his
friends. He also provided them with what
they should want, as they passed over the dry
desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine
nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the
greatest need of; and besides, he presented
Caesar with eight hundred talents, and pro-
cured to himself the good-will of them all, be-
cause he was assisting to them in a much
greater and more splendid degree than the
kingdom he had obtained could afford; by
which he more and more demonstrated to
Caesar the firmness of his friendship,, and his
readiness to assist him: and what was of the
greatest advantage to him was this, that his
liberality came at a seasonable time also; and
when they returned again out of Egypt, Ids
assistances were no way inferior to the good
offices he had formerly done them.

CHAPTER VEL

HOW HEROD SLEW 80HEMUS AND MARIAMNE,

AND AETERWARDS ALEXANDRA AND COSTO-

BARUS, AND HIS MOST INTIMATE FRIENDS,.

AND, AT LAST, THE SONS OF BABA ALSO.

§ 1. However, when he came into his king'
dom again, he found his house all in disorder,,
and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alex-
andra very uneasy; for, as they supposed,,
(what was easy to be supposed) that they were
not put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for
the security of their persons, but as into a
garrison for their imprisonment, and that they
had no power over any thing, either of others
or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy;
and Mariamne, supposing that the king’s love
to her was but hypocritical, and rather pre-
tended (as advantageous to himself) than real,
she looked upon it as fallacious. She also
was grieved that he would not allow her any
hopes of surviving him, if he should come to
any harm himself. She also recollected what
commands he had formerly given to Joseph,
insomuch that she endeavoured to please her
keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well ap-
prised how all was in his power; and at the
first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and ne-
glected none of the things he had given him
in charge. But when the women, by kind
words, and liberal presents, had gained his
affections over to them, he was by degrees
overcome, and at length discovered to them
all the king’s injunctions, and this on that ac-
count principally, that he did not so much as
hope he would come back with the same au-
thority he had before, so that he thought he
should both escape any danger from him, and
supposed that he did hereby much gratify the
women, who were likely not to be overlooked
in the settling of the government, nay, that
they wopld be able to make him abundant re-
compense, since they must either reign them-
selves, or be very near to him that should
reign. He had a farther ground of hope also,
that though Herod should have all the success
he could wish for, and should return again,
he could not contradict bis wife in what she
desired, for he knew that the king’s fondness
for his wife was inexpressible. These were
the motives that drew Sohemus to discovei
what injunctions bad been given him. So
Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear that
there was no end of the dangers she was un-
der from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at
it, and wished that he might obtain no favours
[from Caesar j, and esteemed it almost an in-
supportable task to live with him any longer;
and this she afterwards openly declared, with-
out concealing her resentment.

2. And now Herod sailed home with jpy,
at the unexpected good success he had had;CHAP. Til,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

417

and went first of all, as was proper, to this his
wife, and told her, and her only, the good
news, as preferring her before the rest, oh
account of his fondness for her, and the inti-
macy there had been between them, and sa-
luted her; but so it happened, that as he told
her of the good success he had had, she was
so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was
sorry for it; nor wa3 she able to conceal her
resentments, but, depending on her dignity,
and the nobility of her birth, in return for
his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared
evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced
at his success,—and this till Herod was dis-
turbed at her, as affording him, not only
marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of
her dissatisfaction. This much troubled him,
to see that this surprising hatred of his wife
to him was not concealed, but open; and he
took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear
it, on account of the fondness he had for her,
that he could not continue long in any one
mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and
sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by
always changing one passion for another, he
was still in great uncertainty, and thus was
entangled between hatred and love, and was
frequently disposed to inflict punishment on
her for her insolence towards him; but being
deeply in love with her in his soul, he was
not able to get quit of this woman. In
short, as he would gladly have her punished,
so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he
should, by putting her to death, bring a hea-
vier punishment upon himself at the same
time.

3. When Herod’s sister and mother per-
ceived that he was in this temper with regard
to Mariamne, they thought they had now got
an excellent opportunity to exercise their ha-
tred against her, and provoked Herod to wrath
hy telling him such long stories and calum-
nies about her, as might at once excite his
hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he will-
ingly enough heard their words, yet had not
he courage enough to do any thing to her as
if he believed them, but still he became worse
and worse disposed to her, and these ill pas-
sions were more and more inflamed on both
sides, while she did not hide her disposition
towards him;' and he turned his love to her
into wrath against her; but when he was just
going to put this matter past all remedy, he
heard the news that Caesar was the victor in
the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were
both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt;
whereupon he made haste to go to meet
Caesar, and left the affairs of his family in
their present state. However, Mariamne re-
commended Sohemus to him, as he was set-
ting out on his journey, and professed that she
owed him thanks for the care he had taken of
her, and asked of the king for him a place in
the government; upon which an honourable
employment was bestowed upon him accord-

ingly. Now, when Herod was come into
Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great
freedom, as already a friend of his, and re-
ceived very great favours from him; for he
made him a present of those four hundred
Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s guards,
and restored that country to him again, which,
by her means, had been taken away from him.
He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hip-
pos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the
maritime cities, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and
Strato’s Tower.

4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew
mote magnificent, and conducted Caesar as
far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much
as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign
additions that had been made him, so much
the greater were the distresses that came
upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the
affair of his wife, wherein he formerly ap-
peared to hare been most of all fortunate; for
the affection he had for Mariamne was no way
inferior to the affections of such as are on that
account celebrated in history, and this very
justly. As for her, she was in other respects
a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had
she somewhat of a woman rough by nature,
and treated her husband imperiously enough,
because she saw he was so fond of her as to
be enslaved to her. She did not also con-
sider seasonably with herself that she lived
under a monarchy, and that she was at ano-
ther’s disposal, and accordingly would behave
herself after a saucy manner to him, which
yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and
bore with moderation and good temper. She
would also expose his mother and his sister
openly, on account of the meanness of their
birth, and would speak unkindly of them, in-
somuch, that there was before this a disagree-
ment and unpardonable hatred among the
women, and it was now come to greater re-
proaches, of one another than formerly, which
suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year
after Herod returned from Caesar. How-
ever, these misfortunes, which had been kept
under some decency for a great while, burst
out all at once upon such an occasion as was
now offered ; for as the king was one day
about1 noon lain down on his bed to rest him,
he called for Mariamne, out of the great af-
fection he had always for her. She came in
accordingly, but would not lie down by him;
and when he was very desirous of her com-
pany, she showed her contempt of him; and
added, by way of reproach, that he had caused
her father and her brother to be slain ;* and
when he took this injury very unkindly, and

grandfather Hyrcanus, and not her father Alexander,
whom be caused to be slain (as Josephus himself in-
forms ns, ch. vi. sect. 2), we must either take Zonara’s
reading, which is here grandfather, rightly, or else we
must, as before (cb. i. sect 1), allow a slip of Josephus'*
pen or memory in the place before us.

2D418

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XV.

was ready to use violence to her, in a precipi-
tate manner, the king’s sister Salome, ob-
serving that he was more than ordinarily dis-
turbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer,
who had been prepared long beforehand for
such a design, and bade him tell the king how
Mariamne had persuaded him to give his as-
sistance in preparing a love-potion for him;
and if he appeared to be greatly concerned,
and to ask what that love-potion was, to tell
him that she had the potion, and that he was
desired only to give it him; but in case he
did not appear to be much concerned at this
potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he
did so, no harm should thereby come to him.
When she had given him these instructions,
she sent him in at this time to make such a
speech. So he went in, after a composed
manner, to gain credit to what he should say,
and yet somewhat hastily; and said, that
Mariamne had given him presents, and per-
suaded him to give him a love-potion; and
when this moved the king,he said thatthislove-
potion was a composition that she had given
him, whose effects he did not know, which
was the reason of his resolving to give him
this information, as the safest course he could
take, both for himself and for the king.
When Herod heard what he said, and was in
an ill disposition before, his indignation grew
more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of
Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to
be brought to torture about this potion, as
well knowing it was not possible that any
thing small or great could be done without
him; and when the man was under the ut-
most agonies, he could say nothing concern-
ing the thing he was tortured about, but so
far he knew, that Mariamne’s hatred against
him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohe-
mus had said to her. Now, as he was saying
this, Herod cried out aloud, and said, that
Sohemus, who had been at all other times the
most faithful to him, and to his government,
would not have betrayed what injunctions he
had given him, unless he had had a nearer
conversation than ordinary with Mariamne.
So he gave orders that Sohemus should be
seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed
his wife to take her trial; and got together
those that were most faithful to him, and
laid an elaborate accusation against her for
this love-potion and composition, which had
been charged upon her by way of calumny
only. However, he kept no temper in what
he said, and was in too great a passion for
judging well about this matter. Accordingly,
when the court was at length satisfied that
he was so resolved, they passed the sentence
of death upon her; but when the sentence
was passed upon her, this temper was sug-
gested by himself, and by some others of the
court, that she should not be thus hastily put
to death, but be laid in prison in one of the
fortresses belonging to the kingdom; but

Salome and her party laboured hard to have
the woman put to death; and they prevailed
with the king to do so, and advised this out
of caution, lest the multitude should be tu-
multuous if she were suffered to live; and
thus was Mariamne led to execution.

5.	When Alexandra observed how things
went, and that there were small hopes that
she herself should escape the like treatment
from Herod, she changed her behaviour to
quite the reverse of what might have beer
expected from her former boldness, and this
after a very indecent manner; for out of her
desire to show how entirely ignorant she was
of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she
leaped out of her place, and reproached her
daughter, in the hearing of all the people;
and cried out, that she had been an ill wo-
man, and ungrateful to her husband, and
that her punishment came justly upon her
for such her insolent behaviour, for that she
had not made proper returns to him who had
been their common benefactor. And when
she had for some time acted after this hypo-
critical manner, and had been so outrageous as
to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling
behaviour, as was to be expected, was greatly
condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it
was principally by the poor woman who was
to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a
word, nor was discomposed at her peevish-
ness, and only looked at her, yet did she, out
of a greatness of soul, discover her concern
for her mother’s offence, and especially for
her exposing herself in a manner so unbecom-
ing her: but as for herself, she went to her
death with an unshaken firmness of mind,
and without changing the colour of her face,
and thereby evidently discovered the nobility
of her descent to the spectators, even in the
last moments of her life.

6.	And thus died Mariamne, a woman of
an excellent character, both for chastity and
greatness of soul; but she wanted modera-
tion, and had too much of contention in her
nature, yet had she all that can be said in the
beauty of her body, and her majestic appear-
ance in conversation; and thence arose the
greatest part of the occasions why she did
not prove so agreeable to the king", nor live
so pleasantly with him as she might other-
wise have done; for while she was most in-
dulgently used by the king, out of his fond-
ness for her, and did not expect that he could
do any thing hard to her, she took too un-
bounded a liberty. Moreover, that which
most afflicted her, was what he had done to
her relations; and she ventured to speak of all
they had suffered by him, and at last greatly
provoked both the king’s mother and sister,
till they became enemies to her; and even he
himself also did the same, on whom alone she
depended for her expectations of escaping the
last of punishments.

7.	But when she was once dead, the king'sCHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

419

affections for her were kindled in a more out- more ready to lose their lives than to leare
rageous manner than before, whose old pas- > off that divine worship which they have been

sion for her we have already described; for
his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor
such as we usually meet with among other
husbands; for at its commencement it was of
an enthusiastic kind; nor was it, by their
long cohabitation and free conversation to-
gether, brought under his power to manage;
but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed
to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as
looked like divine vengeance upon him for
the taking away her life; for he would fre-
quently call for her, and frequently lament
for her, in a most indecent manner. More-
over, he bethought him of every thing he
could make use of to divert his mind from
thinking of her, and contrived feasts and as-
semblies for that purpose, but nothing would
suffice: he therefore laid aside the adminis-
tration of public affairs, and was so far con-
quered by his passion, that he would order
his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she
were still alive, and could still hear them;
and when he was in this way, there arose a
pestilential disease, and carried off the great-
est part of the multitude, and of his best and
most esteemed friends, and made all men sus-
pect that this was brought upon them by the
anger of God, for the injustice that had been
done to Mariamne. This circumstance af-
fected the king still more, till at length he
forced himself to go into desert places, and
there, under pretence of going a hunting, bit-
terly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne
his grief there many days before he fell into
a most dangerous distemper himself; he had
an inflammation upon him, and a pain in
the hinder part of his head, joined with mad-
ness; and for the remedies that were used,
they did him no good at all, but proved con-
trary to his case, and so at length brought
him to despair. All the physicians also that
were about him, partly because the medicines
they brought for his recovery could not at all
conquer the disease, and partly because his
diet could be no other that what his disease
inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever
he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes
they had of his recovery in the power of that
diet, and committed him to fortune. And
thus did his distemper go on, while he was at
Samaria, now called Sebaste.

8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at
Jerusalem; and being informed what condi-
tion Herod was in, she endeavoured to get
possession of the fortified places that were
about the city, which were two, the one be-
longing to the city itself, the other belonging to
the temple; and those that could get them into
their hands had the whole nation under their
power, for without the command of them it
was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and <
to think of leaving off those sacrifices, is to.
every Jew plainly impossible, who are still,

wont to pay unto God. Alexandra, there-
fore, discoursed with those that had the keep-
ing of these strongholds, that it was proper
for them to deliver the same to her, and to
Herod’s sons, lest, upon his death, any pther
person should seize upon the government;
and that upon his recovery none could keep
them more safely for him than those of his
own family. These words were not by them
at all taken in good part; and, as they had
been in former times faithful [to Herod],
they resolved to continue so more than ever,
both because they hated Alexandra, and be-
cause they thought it a sort of impiety to de-
spair of Herod’s recovery while he was yet
alive, for they had been his old friends;
and one of them, whose name was Achiabus,
was his cousin-german. They sent messen-
gers, therefore, to acquaint him with Alex-
andra’s design; so he made no longer delay,
but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it
with difficulty, and after he had endured great
pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He
was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and
body, and made very uneasy, and readier than
ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment
upon those that fell under his hand. He also
slew the most intimate of his friends, Costo-
barus, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was
also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and
that upon the following occasion.

9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth,
and one of principal dignity among them,
and one whose ancestors had been priests to
the Koze, whom the ldumeans had [formerly]
esteemed as a god; but after Hyrcanus had
made a change in their political govern-
ment, and made them receive the Jewish cus-
toms and law, Herod made Costobarus go-
vernor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him
his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon
his slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had
that government before, as we have related
already. When Costobarus had gotten to be
so highly advanced, it pleased him, and was
more than he hoped for, and he was more
and more puffed up by his good success, and
in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and
did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their
ruler, commanded him, or that the ldumeans
should make use of the Jewish customs, or
be subject to them. He therefore sent to
Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idu-
means had been always under his progenitors,
and that for the same reason it was but just
that she should desire that country for him of
Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his
friendship to her: and this he did not be-
cause he was better pleased to be under Cleo-
patra's government, but because he thought
that, upon the diminution of Herod’s power,
it would not be difficult for him to obtain
himself the entire government over the IdtirANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS..

BOOK XV.

420

means, and somewhat more also; for lie raised
his hopes still higher, as having no small
pretences, both by his birth and by these
riches which he had gotten by his constant
attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it
was not a small matter that he aimed at. So
Cleopatra desired this country of Antony,
but failed of her purpose. An account of
this was brought to Herod, who was there-
upon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the
entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave
him, and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely,
though he still had a suspicion of him after-
ward for this his attempt.

10. But some time afterward, when Sa-
lome happened to quarrel with Costobarus,
she sent him a bill of divorce,* and dissolved
her marriage with him, though this was not
according to the Jewish laws; for with us it
is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife,
if she departs from her husband, cannot of
herself be married to another, unless her for-
mer husband put her away. However, Sa-
lome chose not to follow the law of her coun-
try, but the law of her authority, and so
renounced her wedlock; and told her brother
Herod, that she left her husband out of her
good-will to him, because she perceived that
he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Do-
sitheus, were raising a sedition against him:
as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case
of the sons of Babas, that they had been by
him preserved alive already for the interval of
twelve years, which proved to be true. But
when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it,
he was greatly surprised at it, and was the
more surprised, because the relation appeared
incredible to him. As for the fact relating to
these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly
taken great pains to bring them to punish-
ment, as being enemies to his government;
but they were now forgotten by him, on ac-
count of the length of time [since he had or-
dered them to be slain]. Now the cause of
his ill-will and hatred to them arose hence:
that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with
his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem,

* Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a hill
of divorce to her husband, though in the days of Jose-
phus it was not esteemed lawful for a woman so to do.
See the like amon~	L :-

s. 6. Howeve:
vorce for adultery

to divorce her guilty husband, as well as the innocent
husband to divorce bis guilty wife,
shepherd of Hermas (Mand. b. iv.),
apology of ,1 ustin Martyr,wbereapei

istians upon such a divorce; and 1 think
nitted it at that time

as we learn from the
and from the second
•gy of Justin Martyr, where a persecution was brought
the Christians upon such a dive---	’

at that time, a

Now this Babas, who was one of

upon

the Roman laws permitted it at that time, as well as the
laws of Christianity. Now this Babas, who was one of
the race of the Asamoneans or Maccabees, as the latter

i ifiavuauccgt as me

end of this section informs us, is related by tbe Jews, as
Dr. Hudson here remarks, to have been so eminently re-
ligious in the Jewish way, that, except the day following
the tenth of Tisri, tbe great day of atonement, when he
Beems to have supposed all his sics entirely forgiven, he
used every day of the whole year to oiler a sacrifice for
his sins ot ignorance, or such as he supposed he had been
guilty of, but did not distinctly remember. See some-
what like it of A^rippa tbe Great, Antiq. b. xix. cb. iii.
sect 3: and Job v 4, 5.

where the distress and miseries which the
besieged endured were so pressing, that the
greater number of them invited Herod into
the city, and already placed their hopes on
him. Now, the sons of Babas were of great
dignity, and had power among the multitude,
and were faithful to Antigonus, and were al-
ways raising calumnies against Herod, and
encouraged the people to preserve the govern
ment to that royal family which held it by
inheritance. So these men acted thus politi-
cally, and, as they thought, for their own ad-
vantage; but when the city was taken, and
Herod had gotten the government into his
own hands, and Costobarus was aopointed to
hinder men from passing out at the gates, and
to guard the city, that those citizens that were
guilty, and of the party opposite to the king,
might not get out of it,—Costobarus being
sensible that the sons of Babas were had in
respect and honour by the whole multitude,
and supposing that their preservation might
be of great advantage to him in the changes
of government afterward, he set them by them-
selves, and concealed them in his own farms,
and when the thing was suspected, he assured
Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing
of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions
that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the
king had publicly proposed a reward for the
discovery, and had put in practice all sorts of
methods for searching out this matter, he
would not confess it; but being persuaded
that when he had at first denied it, if the men
were found, he should not escape unpunished,
he was forced to keep them secret, not only
out of his good-will to them, but out of a ne-
cessary regard to his own preservation also.
But when the king knew the thing, by his
sister’s information, he sent men to the places
where he had the intimation they were con-
cealed, and ordered both them and those that
were accused as guilty with them, to be slain,
insomuch that there were now none at all left
of the kindred of Hyrcanus; and the king-
dom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and
there was nobody remaining of such dignity
as could put a stop to what he did against the
Jewish laws.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW TEN MEN OF THE CITIZENS [OF JERUSA-
LEM] MADE A CONSPIRACY AGAINST HEROD,
FOR THE FOREIGN PRACTICES HE HAD IN-
TRODUCED, WHICH WAS A TRANSGRESSION
OF THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY. CON-
CERNING THE BUILDING OF SEBASTE AND
CESAREA, AND OTHER EDIFICES OF HEROD.

§ 1. On this account it was that Herod
revolted from the laws of his country, and
corrupted their ancient constitution, by theCHAP. vm.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

421

introduction of foreign practices, which consti-
tution yet ought to have been preserved in-
violable; by which means we became guilty
of great wickedness afterward, while those
religious observances which used to lead the
multitude to piety, were now neglected: for,
in the first place, he appointed solemn games
to be celebrated every fifth year, in honour of
Caesar, and built a theatre at Jerusalem, as
also a very great amphitheatre in the plain.
Both of them were indeed costly works, but
opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have
had no such shows delivered down to us as
fit to be used or exhibited by us, yet did he
celebrate these games every five years, in the
most solemn and splendid manner. He also
made proclamation to the neighbouring coun-
tries, and called, men together out of every
nation. The wrestlers, and the rest of those
that strove for the prizes in such games, were
invited out of every land, both by the hopes
of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by
the glory of victory to be there gained. So
the principal persons that were the most emi-
nent in these sorts of exercises, were gotten
together, for there were very great rewards for
victory proposed, not only to those that per-
formed their exercises naked, but to those
that played the musicians also, and were
called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to
induce all persons, the most famous for such
exercises, to come to this contest for victory.
He also proposed no small rewards to those
who ran for the prizes in chariot-races, when
they were drawn by two, or three, or four
pair of horses. He also imitated every thing,
though ever so costly or magnificent, in other
nations, out of an ambition that he might
give most public demonstration of his gran-
deur. Inscriptions also of the great actions
of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which
he had conquered in his wars, and all made
of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the
theatre itself: nor was there any thing that
could be subservient to his design, whether it
were precious garments, or precious stones set
in order, which was not also exposed to sight
in these games. He had also made a great
preparation of wild beasts, and of lions them-
selves in great abundance, and of such other
beasts as were either of uncommon strength,
or of such a sort as were rarely seen. These
were prepared either to fight with one ano-
ther, or that men who were condemned to
death were to fight with them. And truly
foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted
at the vastness of the expenses here exhi-
bited, and at the great dangers that were here
seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better
than a dissolution of these customs for which
they had so great a veneration.* It appeared

• These grand plays, and shows, and Thymelici, or
music-meetings, and chariot-races, when the chariots were
drawn by two, three, or four pair of horses, &c. insti.
fitted by Herod in hi. theatres, were still, as we see here,

also no better than an instance of barefaced
impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the
affording delight to the spectators; and it
appeared an instance of no less impiety, to
change their own laws for such foreign exer-
cises : but, above all the rest, the trophies gave
most distaste to the Jews; for as they ima-
gined them to be images, included within the
armour that hung round about them, they
were sorely displeased at them, because it was
not the custom of their country to pay ho-
nours to such images.

2.	Nor was Herod unacquainted with the
disturbance they were under; and, as be
thought it unseasonable to use violence with
them, so he spoke to some of them by way of
consolation, and in order to free them from
that superstitious fear they were under; yet
could not he satisfy them, but they cried out
with one accord, out of their great uneasiness
at the offences they thought he had been guilty
of, that although they should think of bearing
all the rest, yet would they never bear images
of men in their city, meaning the trophies,
because this was disagreeable to the laws of
their country. Now when Herod saw them
in such a disorder, and that they would not
easily change their resolution unless they re-
ceived satisfaction in this point, he called to
him the most eminent men among them, and
brought them upon the theatre, and showed
them the trophies, and asked them, what sort
of things they took these trophies to be; and
when they cried out that they were the images
of men, he gave order that they should be
stripped of these outward ornaments which
were about them, and showed them the naked
pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now
without any ornament, became matter of great
sport and laughter to them, because they had
before always had the ornaments of images
themselves in derision.

3.	- When therefore Herod had thus got
clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the
vehemency of passion under which they had
been, the greatest part of the people were dis-
posed to change their conduct, and not to be
displeased at him any longer; but still some
of them continued in their displeasure against
him, for his introduction of new customs,
and esteemed the violation of the laws of their
country as likely to be the origin of very
great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed
it an instance of piety rather to hazard them-
selves [to be put to death], than to seem as if
they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the
change he had made in their government,

looked on by tbe sober Jews as beatbenisn sports, and
tending not only to corrupt the manners of the Jewish
nation, and to bring them in love with paganish idolatry
.ganish conduct of life, but to the dissolution of

and pagamsn conduct of lire, but to tue dissolution of
the law of Moses, and accordingly were greatly and
justly condemned by them, as appears here and every-
where else in Josephus. Nor is the case of our modern
masquerades, plays, operas, and the like “ pomps and
vanities of this wicked world,” of any better tendency
under Christianity.422	ANTIQUITIES. OF THE.JEWS.	BOOK XV.

introduced such customs, and that in a violent
manner, which they had never been used to
before, as indeed in pretence a king, but in
reality one that showed himself an enemy to
their whole nation; on which account ten
men that were citizens [of Jerusalem], con-
spired together against him, and sware to one
another to undergo any dangers in the at-
tempt, and took daggers with them under
their garments [for the purpose of killing
Herod]. Now there was a certain blind man
among those conspirators who had thus sworn
to one another, on account of the indignation
he had against what he heard to have been
done; he was not indeed able to afford the
rest any assistance in the undertaking, but
was ready to undergo any suffering with them,
if so be they should come to any harm, in-
somuch that he became a very great encou-
rager of the rest of the undertakers.

4. When they had taken this resolution,
and that by common consent, they went into
the theatre, hoping that, in the first place,
Herod himself could not escape them, as they
should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and
supposing, however, that if they missed him,
they should kill a great many of those that
were about him; and this resolution they
took, though they should die for it, in order
to suggest to the king what injuries he had
done to the multitude. These conspirators,
therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand,
went about their design with great alacrity;
but there was One of those spies of Herod that
were appointed for such purposes, to fish out
and inform him of any conspiracies that
should be made against him, who found out
the whole affair, and told the king of it, as
he was about to go into the theatre. So when
he reflected on the hatred which he knew the
greatest part of the people bore him, and on
the disturbances that arose upon every occa-
sion, he thought this plot against him not to
be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into
his palace, and called those that were accused
of this conspiracy before him by their several
names; and as, upon the guards falling upon
them, they were caught in the very fact, and
knew they could not escape, they prepared
themselves for their ends with all the decency
they could, and so as not at all to recede from
their resolute behaviour, for they showed no
shame for what they were about, nor denied
it; but when they were seized, they showed
their daggers, and professed, that the conspi-
racy they had sworn to was a holy and a pious
action; that what they intended to do was
not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their
passions, but principally for those common
customs of their country, which all the Jews
were obliged to observe, or to die for tbem.
This was what these men said, out of their
undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So
they were led away to execution by the king’s
guards that stood about them, and patiently

underwent all the torments inflicted on them
till they died. Nor was it long before that
spy'who had discovered them, was seized on
by some of the people, out of the hatred they
bore to him; and was not only slain by them,
but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and
given to the dogs. This execution was seen
by many of the citizens, yet would not one
of them discover the doers of it, till upon
Herod’s making a strict scrutiny after them,
by bitter and severe tortures, certain women
that were tortured confessed what they had
seen done; the authors of which fact were so
terribly punished by the king, that their en-
tire families were destroyed for this their rash
attempt; yet did not the obstinacy of the peo-
ple, and the undaunted constancy they showed
in the defence of their laws, make Herod
a.iy easier to them, but he still strengthened
himself after a more secure manner, and re-
solved to encompass the multitude every way,
lest such innovations should end in an open
rebellion.

5. Since, therefore, he had now the city for-
tified by the palace in which he lived, and by
the temple which had a strong fortress by it,
called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself,
he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for
himself also against all the people, and called
it Sebaste, supposing that this place would be
a stronghold against the country, not inferior
to the former, So he fortified that place,
which was a day’s journey distant from Jeru-
salem, and which would be useful to him in
common, to keep both the country and the
city in awe. He also built another fortress
for the whole nation: it was of old called
Strata's Tower: but was by him named Ce-
sarea. Moreover, he chose out some select
horsemen, and placed them in the great plain;
and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called
Gaba, with Hesebonitis, in Perea; and these
were the places which he particularly built
while he always was inventing somewhat far
ther for his own security, and encompassing
the whole nation with guards, that they might
by no means get from under his power, nor
fall into tumults, which they did continually
upon any small commotion; and that if they
did make any commotions, he might know of
it, while some of his spies might be upon them
from the neighbourhood, and might both be
able to know what they were attempting, and
to prevent it; and when he went about build-
ing the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring
thither many of those that had been assisting
to him in his wars, and many of the people
in that neighbourhood also, whom he made
fellow-citizens with the rest. This he did, out
of an ambitious desire of building a temple,
and out of a desire to make the city more emi-
nent than it had been before, but principally
because he contrived that it might at once be
for his own security, and a monument of his
magnificence. He also changed its name.CHAP. IX.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	433

and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted
the adjoining country, which was excellent in
its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria,
that they might be in a happy condition, upon
their first coming to inhabit. Besides all
which, he encompassed the city with a wall
of great strength, and made use of the accli-
vity of the place for making its fortifications
stronger; nor was the compass of the place
made now so small as it had been before, but
was such as rendered it not inferior to the
most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs
in circumference. Now within, and about
the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a
furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned
it with all sorts of decorations, and therein
erected a temple, which was illustrious, on
account of both its largeness and beauty; and
as to the several parts of the city, he adorned
them with decorations of all sorts also; and
as to what was necessary to provide for his
own security, he made the walls very strong
for that purpose, and made it for the greatest
part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the
buildings, it was taken care of also, that he
might leave monuments of the fineness of his
taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages.

CHAPTER IX.

CONCERNING THE FAMINE THAT HAPPENED
IN JUDEA AND SYRIA; AND HOW HEROD,
AFTER HE HAD MARRIED ANOTHER WIFE,
REBUILT CESAREA, AND OTHER GRECIAN
CITIES.

§ 1. Now on this very year, which was the
thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very
great calamities came upon the country; whe-
ther they were derived from the anger of God,
or whether this misery returns again natu-
rally in certain periods of time;* for, in the
first place, there were perpetual droughts, and
for that reason the ground was barren, and
did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits
that it used to produce; and after this barren-
ness of the soil, that change of food which the
want of corn occasioned, produced distempers
in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease
prevailed, one misery following upon the
back of another; and these circumstances,
that they were destitute both of methods of
cure and of food, made the pestilential dis-
temper, which began after a violent manner,
the more lasting. The destruction of men
also, after such a manner, deprived those that

• Here we have an eminent example of the language
of Josephus in his writing to Gentile*, different from
that when he wrote to Jews; in his writing to whom he
still derives all such judgments from the anger of God;
but because he knew many of the Gentiles thought they
might naturally come in certain periods, he complies
with them in the following sentence See the note on
tbe War (b. i. cb. xxxiiL sect. S).

survived of all their courage, because they
had no way to provide remedies sufficient for
the distresses they were in. When therefore
the fruits of that year were spoiled, and what-
soever they had laid up beforehand was spent,
there was no foundation of hope for relief re-
maining, but the misery, contrary to what
they expected, still increased upon them; and
this, not only on that year, while they had
nothing for themselves left [at the end of it],
but what seed they had sown perished also,
by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits
on the second year.f This distress they were
in made them also, out of necessity, to eat
many things that did not use to be eaten:
nor was the king himself free from this dis-
tress any more than other men, as being de-
prived of that tribute he used to have from
the fruits of the ground; and having already
expended what money he had, in his liberality
to those whose cities he had built; nor had
he any people that were worthy of his assist-
ance, since this miserable state of things had
procured him the hatred of his subjects; for it
is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still
laid to the account of those that govern.

2. In these circumstances, he considered
with himself how to procure some seasonable
help; but this was a hard thing to be done,
while their neighbours had no food to sell
them; and their money also was gone, had it
been possible to purchase a little food at a
great price. However, he thought it his best
way, by all means, not to leave off his endea-
vours to assist his people; so he cut off the
rich furniture that was in his palace, both of
silver and gold, insomuch that he did not
spare the finest vessels he had, or those that
were made with the most elaborate skill of
the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius,
who had been made prefect of Egypt by
Caesar; and as not a few had already tied
to him under their necessities, and as he was
particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous
to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave
to them, in the first place, to export corn, and
assisted them every way, both in purchasing
and exporting the same; so that he was the
principal, if not the only peison, who afforded
them what help they had. And Herod, ta-
king care the people should understand that

+ This famine for two years that affected Judea and
Syria, the thirteenth and fourteenth years of Herod,

»rs be.
errible

Syria, the thirteenth and fourteenth years ot t
which are the twenty-third and twenty-fourth yea
fore the Christian era, seems to have been more te
during this time than v
xli. xlii. And what m

, seems to have been more terrible
was that in the days of Jacob, Gen.
cakes the comparison the more re-
well as then, the relief

markable is this;—That now, i
they bad was from Egypt also; then from Joseph the go-

vernor of Egypt, under Pharaoh king of Egypt; and now
from Petronius the prefect of Egypt, under Augustus, the
Roman emperor. See almost the like case, Antiq b. xx.
ch. ii. sect 6. It is also well worth our observation here,
that these two years were a Sabbatic Year, and a year of
jubilee, for which Providence, during the theocracy, used
to provide a triple crop beforehand; but which became
now, when the .lews bad forfeited that blessing, the
greatest years of famine to them ever since the day* of
Abab. 1 Kings, xvil xviii.	.424

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XV

this help came from himself, did thereby not I
only remove the ill opinion of those that for-
merly hated him, but gave them the greatest 1
demonstration possible of his good-will to
them, and care of them: for, in the first place,
as for those who were able to provide their
own food, he distributed to them their pro-
portion of corn in the exactest manner; but
for those many that were not able, either by
reason of their old age, or any other infirmity,
to provide food for themselves, he made this
provision for them, that the bakers should
make their bread ready for them. He also
took care that they might not be hurt by the
dangers of winter, since they were in great
want of clothing also, by reason of the utter
destruction and consumption of their sheep
and goats, till they had no wool to make use
of, nor any thing else to cover themselves
withal. And when he had procured these
things for his own subjects, he went farther,
in order to provide necessaries for their neigh-
bours; and gave seed to the Syrians; which
things turned greatly to his own advantage
also, this charitable assistance being afforded
most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that
every one had now a plentiful provision of
food. Upon the whole, when the harvest of
the land was approaching, he sent no fewer
than fifty thousand men, whom he had sus-
tained, into the country; by which means he
both repaired the afflicted condition of his own
kingdom with great generosity and diligence,
and lightened the afflictions of his neighbours,
who were under the same calamities; for there
was nobody who had been in want, that was
left destitute of a suitable assistance by him:
nay, farther, there were neither any people,
nor any cities, nor any private men, who were
to make provision for the multitudes; and on
that account were in want of support, and
had recourse to him, but received what they
stood in need of, insomuch that it appeared,
upon a computation, that the number of cori
of wheat, of ten Attic medimni a-piece, that
were given to foreigners, amounted to ten
thousand; and the number that was given in
his own kingdom was fourscore thousand.
Now it happened that this care of his, and
this seasonable benefaction, had such influ-
ence on the Jews, and was so cried up among
other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred
which his violation of some of their customs,
during his reign, had procured him among
all the nation, and that this liberality of his
assistance in this their greatest necessity was
full satisfaction for all that he had done of
that nature, as it also procured him great
fame among foreigners; and it looked as
if these calamities that aflflicted his land to a
degree plainly incredible, came in order to
raise his glory, and to be to his great advan-
tage: for the greatness of his liberality in
these distresses, which he now demonstrated
beyond all expectation, did so change th dis-

position of the multitude towards him, that
they were ready to suppose he had been
from the beginning not such a one as they
had found him to be by experience, but
such a one as the care he had taken of them
in supplying their necessities proved him now
to be.

3.	About this time it was that he sent five
hundred chosen men out of the guards of his
body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom ASlius
Gallus* led to the Red Sea, and who were oJ •
great service to him there. When therefore
his affairs were thus improved, and were again
in a flourishing condition, he built himself a
palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to
a very great height, and adorning them with
the most costly furniture of gold, and marble
seats, and beds; and these were so large that
they could contain very many companies ot
men. These apartments were also of distinct
magnitudes, and had particular names given
them; for one apartment was called Caesar’s,
another Agrippa’s. He also fell in love again,
and married another wife, not suffering his
reason to hinder him from living as he pleased.
The occasion of this his marriage was as fol-
lows:— There was one Simon, a citizen of
Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen
of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there:
this man had a daughter, who was esteemed
the most beautiful woman of this time; and
when the people of Jerusalem began to speak
much in her commendation, it happened that
Herod was much affected with what was said
of her: and when he saw the damsel, he was

l smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely
reject the thoughts of using his authority to
abuse her; as believing, what was the truth,
that by so doing he should be stigmatized for
violence and tyranny: so he thought it best
to take the damsel to wife. And while Simon
was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to
him, but still too considerable to be despised,
he governed his inclinations after the most
prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity
of the family, and making them more honour-
able; so he immediately deprived Jesus the
son of Phabet of the high-priesthood, and
conferred that dignity on Simon, and so
joined in affinity with him [by marrying his
daughter],

4.	When this wedding was over, he built
another citadel in that place where he had
conquered the Jews, when he was driven out
of his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it.
This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about
threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature,
and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a
moderate hill, raised to a farther height by
the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a

• This ^Elius Gallus seems to he no other than that
TElins Largus, whom Dio Bpeaks of as conducting an
expedition that was about this time made into Arabia
Fel'ix, according to Petavius. who is here cited by Span-
htim. bee a lull account of this expedition in Prideaux,
at the years 23 aud 24.CHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.	425

woman’s breast. It is encompassed with cir-
cular towers, and hath a straight ascent up
to it, which ascent is composed of steps of
polished stones, in number two hundred.
Within it are royal and very rich apartments,
of a structure that provided both for security
and for beauty. About the bottom there are
habitations of such a structure as are well
worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also
on account of the water which is brought
thither from a great way off, and at vast ex-
penses; for the place itself is destitute of
water. The plain that is about this citadel
is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in
largeness, and having the hill above it in the
nature of a castle.

5. And now, when all Herod’s designs
had succeeded according to his hopes, he had
not the least suspicion that any troubles could
arise in his kingdom, because he kept his
people obedient, as well by the fear they stood
in of him, for he was implacable in the inflic-
tion of his punishments, as by the provident
care he had shown towards them, after the
most magnanimous manner, when they'were
under their distresses: but still he took care
to have external security for his government,
as a fortress against his subjects; for the ora-
tions he made to the cities were very fine, and
full of kindness; and he cultivated a season-
able good understanding with their govern-
ors, and bestowed presents on every one of
them, inducing them thereby to be more
friendly to him, and using his magnificent
disposition so as his kingdom might be the
better secured to him, and this till all his
affairs were every way more and more aug-
mented. But then, this magnificent temper
of bis, and that submissive behaviour and
liberality which he exercised towards Ccesar,
and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged
him to transgress the customs of his nation,
and to set aside many of their laws, by build-
ing cities after an extravagant manner, and
erecting temples,—not in Judea indeed, for
that would not have been borne, it being for-
bidden for us to pay any honour to images,
Dr representations of animals, after the man-
ner of the Greeks; but still he did this in
the country [properly] out of our bounds,
and in the cities thereof.* The apology

* One may here take notice, that how tyrannical and
extravagant soever Herod were in himself, and in his
Grecian cities, as to those plays, and shows, and temples
for idolatry, mentioned above (ch. viii. sect. I). and here
also, yet durst even he introduce v^ry few of them into
the cities of the Jews, who, as Josephus here notes,
would not even then have borne them, so zealous were
they still for many of the laws of Moses, even under so
tyrannical a government as this was of Herod the Great)
which tyrannical government puts me naturally in mind
of Dean Prideaux’s honest reflection upon the like am-
bition alter such tyrannical power in rompey and Coe-
oar: — “One of these (says he, at the year 80), could not
bear an equal, nor the other a superior; and through
this ambitious humour and thirBt after more power in
these two men, the whole Homan Empire being divided
into two opposite factions, there was produced hereby
the most destructive war that ever afflicted it; and the

which he made to the Jews for these things
was this: — That all was done, not out of his
own inclinations, but by the commands and
injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar
and the Romans; as though he had not the
Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had
the honour of those Romans, while yet he
had himself entirely in view all the while, and
indeed was very ambitious to leave great
monuments of his government to posterity;
whence it was that he was so zealous in build-
ing such fine cities, and spent such vast sums
of money upon them.

6. Now upon his observation of a place
near the sea, which was very proper for con-
taining a city, and was before called Strato’s
Tower, he set about getting a plan for a mag-
nificent city there, and erected many edifices
with great diligence all over it, and this of
white stone. He also adorned it with most
sumptuous palaces, and large edifices for con*
taining the people; and what was the great-
est and most laborious work of all, he adorned
it with a haven, that was always free from the
waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less
than the Pyrieum [at Athens]; and had to-
wards the city a double station for the ships.
It was of excellent workmanship; and this
was the more remarkable for its being built
in a place that of itself was not suitable to
such noble structures, but was to be brought
to perfection by materials from other places,
and at very great expenses. This city is situ-
ate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to
Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are
lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens,
on account of the impetuous south winds that
beat upon them, which, rolling the sands tbat
come from the sea against the shores, do not
admit of ships lying in their station; but the
merchants are generally there forced to ride
at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod
endeavoured to rectify this inconvenience,
and laid out such a compass towards the land
as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the
great ships might lie in safety; and this he
effected by letting down vast stones of above
fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in
breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fa-
thoms deep; and as some were lesser, so
were others bigger, than those dimensions.
This mole which he built by the sea-side was
two hundred feet wide, the half of which was
opposed to the current of the waves, so as to

like folly too much reigns in all
about thirty men be persua '
without enterprising upon

s in all other places. Could
laded to live at home in peace,
l the rights of each other, for

rights of each other,

vain glory of‘conquest, and the enlargement of
power, the whole world might be at quiet; but their
ambition, their follies, and their humour, leading them
ntly to encroach upon and quarrel with each
involve all that are under them in the mis

constai
other, the

other, they involve al
chiefs thereof, and
Yearly perish by it

are under them in the i
ny thousands are they' which
o that it may almos

ley

it; so that it may almost rail
e t
le

calamities which it suiters
administrations of those that manage it”

yearly perish by it; so that it may almost raise
doubt, whether the benefit which the world receivi
from government be sufficient to make amends for tl
:alamities which it suiters from tbe follies aud mal*

vea

theANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XV.

426

keep off those waves which were to break
upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or
the first breaker of the waves; but the other
half had upon it a wall, with several towers,
the largest of which was named Drusus, and
was a work of very great excellence, and had
its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Cae-
sar, who died young. There were also a^
great number of arches, where the mariners
dwelt: there was also before them a quay
[or landing-place], which ran round the en-
tire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to
such as had a mind to that exercise; but the
entrance or mouth of the port was made on
the north quarter, on which side was the still-
est of the winds of all in this place: and the
basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as
you enter the port, supported a round turret,
which was made very strong, in order to re-
sist the greatest waves; while, on the right
hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and
those each of them larger than the turret,
which was over-against them: these stood
upright, and were joined together. Now there
were edifices all along the circular haven,
made of the most polished stone, with a certain
elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that
was seen a great way off by those that were
sailing for that haven, and had in it two
statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar.
The city itself was called Cesarea, which was
also itself built of fine materials, and was of
a fine structure; nay, the very subterranean
vaults and cellars had no less of architecture
bestowed on them than had the buildings
above ground. Some of these vaults carried
things at even distances to the haven and to
the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and
bound all the rest together, that both the rain
and the filth of the citizens were together car-
ried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the
flux of the tide from without, came into the
city, and washed it all clean. Herod also
built therein a theatre of stone; and on the
south quarter, behind the port, an amphi-
theatre also, capable of holding a vast num-
ber of men, and conveniently situated for a
prospect of the sea. So this city was thus
finished in twelve years;* during which time
the king did not fail to go on both with the
work, and to pay the charges that were ne-
cessary.

• Cesarea being here said to be rebuilt and adorned in
twelve years, and soon afterwards in ten years (Antiq.
b. xvi. cb. v. sect. 1), there must be a mistake in one of
the places as to the true number; but in which of them,
it is hard positively to determine.

CHAPTER X.

HOW HEROD SENT HlS SONS TO ROME; HOW
ALSO HE WAS ACCUSED BY ZENODORUS AND
THE GADARENS, BUT WAS CLEARED OF
WHAT THEY ACCUSED HIM OF, AND WITHAL
GAINED TO HIMSELF THE GOOD-WILL OF
CAESAR. CONCERNING THE PHARISEES,
THE ESSENS, AND MANAHEM.

§ 1. When Herod was engaged in such mat-
ters, and when he had already re-edified Se-
baste [Samaria], he resolved to send his sons
Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to en-
joy the company of Caesar; who, when they
came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio,f
who was very fond of Herod’s friendship:
and they had leave to lodge in Caesar’s own
palace, for he received these sons of Herod
with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to
give his kingdom to which of his sons he
pleased; and, besides all this, he bestowed on
him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis,
which he gave him on the occasion following:
—One Zenodorusf had hired what was called
the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not
satisfied with its revenues, became a partner
with the robbers thatinhabited the Trachonites,
and so procured him a larger income; for the
inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way,
and pillaged the country of the Damascenes,
while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but
partook of the prey they acquired. Now,
as the neighbouring people were hereby great
sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was
then president [of Syria], and entreated him
to write to Caesar about this injustice of Ze-
nodorus. \yhen these matters were laid be-
fore Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy
those nests of robbers, and to give the land
to Herod, that by his care the neighbouring
countries might be no longer disturbed with
these doings of the Trachonites, for it was not
an easy thing to restrain them, since this way
of robbery had been their usual practice, and
they had no other way to get their living, be-
cause they had neither any city of thfir own,
nor lands in their possession, but only some
receptacles and dens in the earth, and there
they and their cattle lived in common toge-
ther: however, they had made contrivances to
get pools of water, and laid up corn in gra-
naries for themselves, and were able to make
great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden
against any that attacked them; for the en

+ This Pollio, with whom Herod’s sons lived at Rome
was not Pollio the Pharisee, already mentioned by Jose-
phus (cb. i sect. 1), and again presently after this (ch. x.
sect 4), but Asinius Pollio, the Roman, as Spanbeim
here observes.

t The character of this Zenodorus is so like that of a
famous robber of the same name in Strabo, and that
about this very country, and about this very time also,
that I think Ur. Hudson hardly Deeded to have put a
perhaps to jbis determination that they were the same.CHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

427

trances of their caves were narrow, in which
but one could come in at a time, and the
places within incredibly large, and made, very
wide; but the ground over their habitations
was not very high, but rather on a plain, while
the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to
be entered upon, unless any one gets into the
plain road by the guidance of another, for
these roads are not straight, but have several
revolutions. But when these men are hin-
dered from their wicked preying upon their
neighbours, their custom is to prey one upon
another, insomuch that no sort of injustice
comes amiss to them. But when Herod had
received this grant from Caesar, and was come
into this country, he procured skilful guides,
and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and
procured peace and quietness to the neigh-
bouring people.

2.	Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the
first place, because his principality was taken
away from him, and still more so, because he
envied Herod, who had gotten it; so he went
up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back
again without success. Now Agrippa was
[about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in
the government of the countries beyond the
Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when
he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had
been his particular friend and companion, and
thefl: returned into Judea again. However,
some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and
accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to
the king, without giving them the hearing:
but still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will
to Herod’s government, were nettled, and at
that time attempted to raise a sedition in his
dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more
justifiable occasion; for Zenodorus, despairing
already of success as to his own affairs, pre-
vented [his enemies], by selling to those Ara-
bians a part of his principality, called Aura-
nitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as
this was included in the donations of Caesar,
they contested the point with Herod, as un-
justly deprived of what they had bought.
Sometimes they did this by making incursions
upon him, and sometimes by attempting force
against him, and sometimes by going to law
with him. Moreover, they persuaded the
poorer soldiers to help them, and were trouble-
some to him, out of a constant hope that they
should reduce the people to raise a sedition;
in which designs those that are in the most
miserable circumstances of life are still the
most earnest; and although Herod had been
a great while apprized of these attempts, yet
did not he indulge any severity to them, but
by rational methods aimed to mitigate things,
as not willing to give any handle for tu-
mults.

3.	Now when Herod had already reigned
seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at
which time the greatest part of the inhabitants
af Gadara clamoured against Herod, as one

that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyran-
nical. These reproaches they mainly ven-
tured upon by the encouragement of Zenodo-
rus, who took his oath that he would never
leave Herod till he had procured that they
should be severed from Herod’s kingdom,
and joined to Caesar’s province. The Gada-
rens were induced hereby, and made no small
cry against him; and that the more boldly,
because those that had been delivered up by
Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who
let them go, and did them no harm; for in-
deed he was the principal man in the world
who appeared almost inexorable in punishing
crimes in his own family; but very generous
in remitting the offences that were committed
elsewhere. And while they accused Herod
of injuries and plunderings, and subversion
of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was
ready to make his defence. However, Caesar
gave him his right hand, and remitted no-
thing of his kindness to him, upon this dis-
turbance by the multitude; and indeed these
things were alleged the first day, but the hear-
ing proceeded no farther; for as the Gada-
rens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his
assessors, and expected, as they had reason to
do, that they should be delivered up to the
king, some of them, out of a dread of the tor-
ments they might undergo, cut their own
throats in the night-time, and some of them
threw themselves down precipices, and others
of them cast themselves into the river, and de-
stroyed themselves of their own accord; which
accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation
of the rashness and crimes they had been
guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer
delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he
was accused of. Another happy accident
there was, which was a farther great advan-
tage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus’s
belly burst, and a great quantity of blood is-
sued from him in his sickness, and he there-
by departed this life at Antioch in Syria; so
Caesar bestowed his country, which was no
small one, upon Herod; it lay between
Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha,
and Paneas, and the country round about.
He also made him one of the procurators of
Syria, and commanded that they should do
every thing with his approbation; and, in
short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that
whereas there were but two men that governed
the vast Roman empire, first Caesar and then
Agrippa, who was his principal favourite,
Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides
Agrippa; and Agrippa made no one his
greater friend than Herod beside Caesar; and
when he had acquired such freedom, he beg-
ged of Caesar a tetrarchy* for his brother

* A tetrarchy properly and originally denoted the
fourth part of an entire kingdom or country, and a te-
trarch one that was ruler of such a fourth part, which
always implies somewhat less extent of dominion °"d
power than belong to a kingdom and to a king.428

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XV.

Plieroras, while he did himself bestow upon
him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his
own kingdom, that, in case he came to any
harm himself, his brother might be in safety,
and that his sons might not have dominion
Over him. So when he had conducted Caesar
to the sea, and was returned home, he built
him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest
stone in Zenodorus’s country, near the place
called Panium. This is a very fine cave in a
mountain, under which there is a great cavity
in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and
prodigiously deep, and full of a still water;
over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the
caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan.
Herod adorned this place, which was already
a very remarkable one, still farther by the
erection of this temple, which he dedicated
to Csesar.

4. At which time Herod released to his
subjects the third part of their taxes, under
pretence indeed of relieving them, after the
dearth they had had; but the main reason was,
to recover their good-will, which he now
wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because
of the innovations he had introduced in their
practices, of the dissolution of their religion,
and of the disuse of their own customs; and
the people everywhere talked against him,
like those that were still more provoked and
disturbed at bis procedure; against which
discontents he greatly guarded himself, and
took away the opportunities they might have
to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always
at work; nor did he permit the citizens either
to meet together, or to walk, or eat together,
but watched every thing they did, and when
any were caught, they were severely punished;
and many there were who were brought to
the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly,
and were there put to death; and there were
spies set everywhere, both in the city and in
the roads, who watched those that met toge-
ther; nay, it is reported that he did not him-
self neglect this part of caution, but that he
would oftentimes himself take the habit of a
private man, and mix among the multitude,
in the night-time, and make trial what opinion
they had of his government; and as for those
that could no way be reduced to acquiesce
under his scheme of government, he persecuted
them all manner of ways; but for the rest of
the multitude, he required that they should be
obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and
at the same time compelled them to swear
that they would bear him good-will, and con-
tinue certainly bo to do, in his management
of the government; and indeed a great part
of them, either to please him or out of fear
of him, yielded to what he required of them;
but for such as were of a more open and ge-
nerous disposition, and had indignation at the
force he used to them, he by one means or
other made way with them. He endeavoured
also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and 6a-

meas, and the greatest part of their scholars,
to take the oath; but these would neither sub-
mit so to do, nor were they punished together
with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to
Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect
of ours, were excused from this imposition.
These men live the same kind of life as do
those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans;
concerning whom I shall discourse more fully
elsewhere. However, it is but fit to set down
here the reasons wherefore Herod had these
Essens in such honour, and thought higher of
them than their mortal nature required: nor
will this account be unsuitable to the nature
of this history, as it will show the opinion men
had of these Essens.

5. Now there was one of these Essens,
whose name was Manahem, who had this tes-
timony, that he not only conducted his life
after an excellent manner, but had the fore-
knowledge of future events given him by
God also. This man once saw Herod when
he was a child, and going to school, and sa-
luted him as king of the Jews; but he, think-
ing that either he did not know him, or
that he was in jest, put him in mind that he
was but a private man; but Manahem smiled
to himself, and clapped him on his backside
with his hand, and said, “ However that be,
thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign
happily, for God finds thee worthy of it; and
do thou remember the blows that Manahem
hath given thee, as being a signal of the
change of thy fortune; and truly this will be
the best reasoning for thee, that thou love
justice [towards men], and piety towards God,
and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I
know how thy whole conduct will be, that
thou wilt not be such a one, for thou wilt ex-
cel all men in happiness, and obtain an ever-
lasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and
righteousness; and these crimes will not be
concealed from God at the conclusion of thy
life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful
of them, and punish thee for them.” Now
at that time Herod did not at all attend to
what Manahem said, as having no hopes of
such advancement; but a little afterward,
when he was so fortunate as to be advanced
to the dignity of king, and was in the height
of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and
asked him how long he should reign. Ma-
nahem did not tell him the full length of bis
reign; wherefore, upon that silence of bis,
he asked him farther, whether he should reign
ten years or not? He replied, “ Yes, twenty,
nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the
just determinate limit of his reign. Herod
was satisfied with these replies, and gave Ma-
nahem his hand, and dismissed him; and
from that time he continued to honour all the
Essens, We have thought it proper to re-
late these facts to our readers, how strange
soever they be, and to declare what hath
happened among us, because many of theseCHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITJB8 OF THE JEWSi

429

Essens have, by their excellent virtue, been this temple to God Almighty, yet does it

thought worthy of this knowledge of divine
revelations.	,

CHAPTER XL

HOW HEROD REBUILT THE TEMPLE, AND
■RAISED IT HIGHER, AND MADE IT MORE
MAGNIFICENT THAN IT WAS BEFORE; AND
ALSO CONCERNING THAT TOWER WHICH HE
CALLED ANTONIA.

§ 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year
of his reign, and after the acts already men-
tioned, undertook a very great work, that
is, to huild of himself the temple of God,*
and make it larger in compass, and to raise it
to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming
it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as
it really was, to bring it to perfection, and
that this would be sufficient for an everlast-
ing memorial of him; but as he knew the
multitude were not ready nor willing to as-
sist him in so vast a design, he thought to
prepare them first by making a speech to
them, and then set about the work itself; so
he called them together, and spake thus to
them:-^-“I think 1 need not speak to you,
my countrymen, about such other works as I
have done since I came to the kingdom, al-
though I may say they have been performed
in such a manner as to bring more security
to you than glory to myself; for I have nei-
ther' been negligent in the most difficult
times about what tended to ease your ne-
cessities, nor have the buildings 1 have .made
been so proper to preserve me-as yourselves
from injuries; and I imagine that, with God’s
assistance, I have advanced the nation of
the Jews to a degree of happiness which
H>ey never had before; and for the particu-
lar edifices belonging to your own country,
and to your own cities, as also to those cities
that we have lately acquired, which we have
erected and greatly adorned, and thereby aug-
mented the dignity of your nation, it seems
to me a needless task to enumerate them to
you, since you well know them yourselves;
but as to that undertaking which 1 have a
mind to set about at present, and which will
be a work of the greatest piety and excellence
that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will
now declare it to you. Our fathers, indeed,
when they were returned from Babylon, built

« We may here observe, that the fancy of the modern
Jews, in calling this temple, which was really the third
of their temples, the second temple, followed so long by
later Christian

ms, seems

The reason why the Christians In

i prophecy of Haggai (li. t
and of the Messiah’s coming to the

owed so long by
ny solid foundation,
ans here follow the Jews is.
hecy of Haggai (ii. 6. 9), which they
s coming to the second or Zoro-
they suppose this of Herod to be
only a continuation, which is meant. I think, of his prun-
ing to the fourth and last temple, or to that luture, lar-
gest.and most gloriousone,describe d by ( zekiel; whence
I take the former notion, how geneia! soever, to be a great
mistake, bee Lit Accompi of Propb. p. 84-

ns' to be without an

:ason why the
because of the prop!
expound of the Mest
babel’s temple, of which

waul sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude;
for so much did that first temple which Solo-
mon built exceed this temple: nor let any
one condemn our fathers for their negligenoe
or want of piety herein, for it was not tneir
fault that the temple was no higher; for they
were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystas-
pes, who determined the measures for its re-
building; and it hath been by reason of the
subjection of those fathers of ours to them
and to their posterity, and after them to the
Macedonians, that they had not the opportu-
nity to follow the original model of this pious
edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient alti-
tude; but since I am now, by God’s will,
your governor, and I have had peace a long
time, and have gained great riches and large
revenues, and, what i9 the principal thing of
all, 1 am at amity with and well regarded by
the Romans, who, if I may so say, see the
rulers of the whole world, I will do my endea-
vour to correct that imperfection, which hath
arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and
the slavery we have been under formerly, and
to make a thankful return, after the most
pious manner, to God, for what blessings I
have received from-him, by giving me this
kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as
complete as I am able.”

2.	And thiB was the speech which Herod
made to them: but still this speech affrighted
many of the people, as being unexpected by
them, and because it seemed incredible, it did
not encourage them, but put a damp upon
them, for they were afraid that he would pull
down the whole edifice, and not be able to
bring his intentions to perfection for its re-
building; and this danger appeared to them
to be very great, and the vastness of the
undertaking to be such as could hardly be ac-
complished. But while they were in this dis-
position, the king encouraged them, and told
them he would not pull down their temple till
all things were gotten ready for buildiqg it up
entirely again. And as he promised them
this beforehand, so he did not break his word
with them, but got ready a thousand waggons,
that were to bring stones for the. building,
and chose out ten thousand of the most skil-
ful workmen, and bought a thousand sacer-
dotal garments for as many of the priests, and
had some of them taught the arts of stones
cutters, and others of carpenters, and then,
began to build; but this not till every thing
was well prepared for the work.

3.	So Herod took away the old foundations,
and laid others, and erected the temple upon
them, being in length a hundred cubits, and.
in height twenty additional cubits, which
[twenty], upon the sinking of their founda-
tions, f fell down: and this part it was that

+ Some of our modem students in architecture have
made a strange blunder here, when they imagine that
Josephus affirms tba entire foundation of the temple430

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWiS.

BOOK XV.

Nero. Now the temple was built of stones
that were white and Vtrong, and eacu of their
length was twenty-five cubits, their height
was eight, and their breadth about twelve;
and the whole structure, as also the structure
of the royal cloister, was on each side much
lower, but the middle was much higher, till
they were visible to those that dwelt in the
country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly
to such as lived over-against them, and those
that approached to them. The temple had
doors also at the entrance, and lintels "over
them, of the same height with the temple it-
self. They were adorned with embroidered
veils, with their flowers of purple, and pil-
lars interwoven-' and over these, but under
the crown-work, was spread out a golden vine,
with its branches hanging down from a great
height, the largeness and fine workmanship
of whicl|iavas a surprising sight to the spec-
tators, to see what vast materials there were,
and with what great skill the workmanship
was done. He also encompassed the entire
temple with very large cloisters, contriving
them to be in a due proportion thereto; and
he laid out larger sums of money upon them
than had been done before him, till it seemed
that no one else had so greatly adorned the
temple as he had done. There was a laTge
wall to both the cloisters; which wall was
itself the most prodigious work that was ever
heard of by man. The hill was a rocky
ascent, that declined by degrees towards the
east parts of the city, till it came to an ele-
vated level. This hill it was which Solomon,
who was the first of our kings, by divine reve-
lation, encompassed with a wall; it was of ex-
cellent workmanship upwards, and round the
top of it. He also built a wall below, begin-
ning at the bottom, which was encompassed
by a deep valley; and at'the south side he
laid rocks together, and bound them one to
another with lead, and included some of the
inner part^ till it proceeded to a great height,
and till both thejargeness of the square edi-
fice and its altitude were immense, and till
the vastness of the stones in the front were
plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the
inward parts were fastened together with iron,
and preserved the joints immoveable for all

or holy home sunk down into the rocky mountain on
which it stood, no less than twenty cubits, whereas he
is clear that they were the foundaU >ns of the additional
twenty cubits only above the hundred (made perhaps
weak, on purpose, and only for show and grandeur), that
sunk or tell down, as Dr. Hudson rightly understands
him i nor is the thing itself possible in the other seose.
Agrippa’s preparation for hutiding the inner parts of the
temple twenty cqbits higher (History of the War, b. v.
ch L sect. 5), must in a)I probability refer to this mat-
ter, since Josephus says here, that this which had fallen
down Was designed to he raised up again under Nero,
tion. But whut

we resolved to raise again in the days of future times. When this work [for the foun-
" • ■ —	-	-	dation] was done in this manner, and joined

together as part of the hill itself to the very
top of it, he wrought it all into one outward
surface, and filled up the hollow places which
were about the wall, and made it a level on
the external upper surface, and a smooth level
also. This hill was walled all round, and in
compass four furlongs, [the distance of] eqcb
angle 'containing in length a furlong: but
within this wall, and on the very top of all,
there ran anot her wall of stone also, having, on
the east; quarter, a double cloister, of the §ame
length with the wall; in the midst of which
was the temple itself. This cloister looked
to the gates of the temple; and it had been
adorned by many kings in former times; and
round about the entire temple were fixed the
spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these
had been dedicated to the temple by Herod,
with the addition of these he had taken from
the Arabians.

4. Now on the north side [of the temple]
was built a citadel, whose walls were square,
and strong, and of extraordinary firmness.
This citadel was built by the kings of the
Asamonean race, who were also high-priests
before Herod, and they ealled it the Tower, in
which were reposited the vestments of the
high-priest, which the high-priest only put on
at the time when he was to offer sacrifice.
These vestments king Herod kept in that
place; and after his death they were under the
power of the Romans, until the time of Ti-
berius Caesar; under whose reign Vitellius, the
president of Syria, when he once came to Je-
rusalem, and had been most magnificently re-
ceived by the multitude, he had a mind to
make them some requital for the kindness
they had shown him; so, upon their petition
to have those holy vestments in their own
power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Cae-
sar, who granted his request: and this their
power over the sacerdotal vestments continued
with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa;
but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was
president of Syria, and Cuspius Fades, who
was procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews
to reposit those vestments in the tower of An-
tonia, for that they ought to have them in their
power, as they formerly had. However, the
Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to
intercede with him for them; upon whose
coming, king Agrippa, junior, being then at
Rome, asked for and obtained the power fiver
them from the emperor; who gave command
to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria,
to give them it accordingly. Before that tirtie
they were kept under the seal of the high-
priest, and of the treasurers, of the temple;
which treasurers the day before a festival,
went up to the Roman captain of the temple-
guards, and viewed their own seal, and
received the vestments; and again when the
festival was over, they brought it to the same

under whom Aerippa made that prepai
Josephus sayapresehlly, that Solomon was the first king
of the Jrws, appears by the parallel place, Antiq. b. xx
cb. ix. Sect; 7, an# other places, to be meant only the
Crst^ David’s posterity, and the first builder of the431

CHAP. XI.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS;

place, and showed tbe captain of the temple-
guards their.seal, which corresponded with his
seal, and reposited them there. And that
these tilings were so, the afflictions that hap-
pened to us afterward [about them] are suffi-
cient evidence: but for the tower itself, when
Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it
more firmlythan before, in order to secure and
guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who
was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then
gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia.

5.	Now, in the western quarter of the en-
closures of the temple there were four gates;
the first led to the king’s palace, and went to
a passage over the intermediate valley; two
more led to the suburbs of the city; and the
last led to the other city, where the road de-
scended down into the valley by a great num-
ber of steps, and thence up again by the as-
scent; for the city lay over-again6t the temple
in the manner of a theatre, and was encom-
passed with a deep valley along the entire
south quarter; but the fourth front of the
temple, which was southward, had indeed it-
self gates in its middle, as also it had the
royal cloisters, with three walks, which reached
in length from the east valley unto that on
the west, for it was impossible it should
reach any farther: and this cloister deserves
to be mentioned better than any other undey
the sun; for while the valley was very deep,
and its bottom could not be seen, if you
looked from above into the depth, this farther
vastly high elevation of the cloister stood
upon that height, insomuch that if any one
looked down froip the top of the battleipents,
or down both those altitudes, he would be
giddy, while his sight could not reach to such
an immense depth. This cloister had pillars
that stood in four rows one over-against the
>ther all along, for the fourth row was inter-
woven into the wall, which [also was built of
stone]; and the thickness of each pillar was
such, that three men might, with their arms
extended, fathom it round, and join their
hands again, while its length was twenty-
seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis;
and tbe number of all the pillars [in that
court] was an hundred and sixty-two. Their
obapiters were made with sculptures after the
Corinthian order, and caused an amazement
[to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur
of the whole. These four rows of pillars in-
cluded three intervals for walking in the mid-
dle of this cloister; two of which walks were
made parallel to each other, and were con-
trived after the same manner; the breadth of
each of them was thirty feet, the length was
a furlong, and the height fifty feet: but the
breadth of the middle part of . the cloister was
one and a half of the other, and the height
was double, for it was much higher than those
on each side; but the roo were adorned
with deep sculptures in wood, representing
■any so ts of figures: the middle was much

higher than the. rest, and the wall of the front
was adorned with l^eams, resting upon pillars,
that were interwoven into it, and that front
was all of polished stone, insomuch that its
fineness, to such as had not seen it, was in-
credible, and to such as had seen it, was
greatly amazing. Thus was the first enclo-
sure. In the midst of which, and not far
from it, was the second, to be gone up to by
a few steps: this was encompassed by a stone
wall for a partition, with an inscription, which
fprbade any foreigner to go in, under pain of
death. Now this inner enclosure had on its
southern and northern quarters three gates
[equally] distant from one another; but on
the east quarter, towards the sun-rising, there
was one large gate through which such as
were pure came in, together with their wives;
but the temple farther inward in that gate
was not allowed to the women; but still more
inward was there a third [court of the] tem-
ple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but
the priests alone to enter. The templedtself
was within this; and before that temple was
the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices
and burnt-offerings to God. Into none of
these three did king Herod enter,* for he was
forbidden, because he was hot a priest. How-
ever, he took care of the cloisters and the outer
enclosures; and these he built in eight years.

6.	But the temple itself was built by the
priests in a year and six months,—upon which
all the people were full of joy; and presently
they returned thanks, in the first place, to
God; and in the next place, for the alacrity
the king had shown. They feasted and cele-
brated this rebuilding of the temple: and for
the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to
God; as did the rest, every one according to
his ability: the number of which sacrifices is
not possible to set down; for it cannot be
that we should truly relate it; for at the same
time with this celebration for the work about
the temple, fell also the day of the king’s
inauguration, which he kept of an old custom
as a festival, and it now coincided with the
other; which coincidence of them both made
the' festival most illustrious.

7.	There was also an occult passage built
for the king: it led from Antonia to the in-
ner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he
also erected for himself a tower, that he might
have the opportunity of a subterraneous as-
cent to the temple, in order to guard against
any sedition which might be made by the peo-
ple against their kings. It is also reported,!

• “ Into none of these three did king Herod enter.” i. e.
1. Not into the court of the priests; £ Nor into the holy
house itself; 3. Nor into the separate place belonging to
the altar, as the words following imply; for none but
priests, or their attendants the Levites, might come into

tes,

any of them. See Antiq. b. xvi. cb. iv. sect. 6, when
Herod goes into tbe temple, and makes a speech in it to
the people; but that could only be into the couri
rael, whither the people could come to hear him.

+ This tradition which Josepbus here mcnti

delivered down from fathers

epbus here mcnUons, as
to their children, of tUs434

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVI,

The inclination of the king .was of -great
weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who
was himself ready to do good; for he made a
reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at
whom he was angry, and paid what money the
oeople of Chius owed Caesar’s procurators,
and discharged them of their tributes; and
helped all others, according as their several
necessities required.

3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod
were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who
dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying
hold of the opportunity and the liberty now
given them, laid before them the injuries
which they suffered, while they were not per-
mitted to use their own laws, but.were com-
pelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill
usage of the judges, upon their holy days,
and were deprived of the money they used to
lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the
army, and upon such other offices as obliged
them to spend their sacred money; from
which burdens they always used to' be freed
by the Romans, who had still permitted them
to live according to their own laws. When
this clamour was made, the king desired of
Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and
assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead
for those their privileges. Accordingly, when
Agrippa had called the principal of the Ro-
mans, and such of the kings and rulers as
were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood
up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows: —
‘ It is of necessity incumbent on such as are
in distress to have recourse to those that have
it in their power to free them from those in-
juries they lie under; and for those that now
are complainants, they approach you with
great assurance; for as they have formerly
often obtained your favour, so far as they have
even wished to have it, they now only entreat
that you, who have been the donors, will take
care that those favours you have already grant-
ed them may not be taken away from them.
We have received these favours from you, who
alone have power to grant them, but have
them taken from us by such as are no greater
than ourselves, and by such as we know are
as much subjects as we are; and certainly, if
we have been vouchsafed great favours, it is
to our commendation who have obtained them,
as having been found deserving of such great
favours; and if those favours be but small
ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not
to confirm them to us: and for those that are
the hinderance of the Jews, and use them re-
proachfully, it is evident that they affront both
the receivers, while they will not allow those
to be worthy men to whom their excellent
rulers themselves have borne their testimony,
and the donors,,^hile they desire those favours
already granted may be abrogated. Now if
any one should ask these Gentiles themselves,
which of the two things they would choose to
part with, their lives, or the customs of their

forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices,
their festivals, which they celebrate in honour
of those they suppose to be' gods? I know
very well that they would choose to suffer any
thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of
any of the customs of their forefathers; for
a great many of them have rather chosen to
go to war bn that account, as very solicitous
not to transgress in those matters: and indeed
we take an estimate of that happiness which
all mankind do now enjoy by your means
from this very thing, that we are allowed every
one to worship as our own institutions require,
and yet to live [in peace]; and although they
would not be thus treated themselves, yet do
they endeavour to compel others to comply
with them, as if it were not as great an in-
stance of impiety, profanely-to dissolve the
religious solemnities of any others, as to be
negligent in the observation of their own to-
wards their gods. And let us mow consider
the one of these practices: — Is there-any
people, or city, or community of men, to whom
your government and the Roman power does
not appear to be the greatest blessing? Is
there any one that can desire to make void the
favours they have granted? No one is cer-
tainly so mad; for there are no men but such
as have been partakers of their favours, both
public and private; ’ and indeed those that take
away what you have granted, can have no
assurance, but every one of their own grants
made them by you may be taken from them
also; which grants of yours can yet never be
sufficiently valued; for if they-consider the
old governments under kings, together with
your present government, besides the great
number of benefits which this government
hath bestowed on them, in order to their hap-
piness, this is instead of all thq rest, that^hey
appear to be no longer in a state of slavery,
but of freedom. Now the privileges we de-
sire, even when we are in the best circumstan-
ces, are not Such as deserve to be envied, for
we are indeed in a prosperous state by your
means, but this is only in common with others;
and it is no mor.e than this which we desire,
to preserve our religion without any prohibi-
tion, which, as it appears not in itself a privi-
lege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage
of those that grant it to us: for if the Divi-
nity delights in being honoured, he must de-
light in those that permit him to be honoured.
And there are none of our customs which are
inhuman, but all tending to piety, and de,-
voted to the preservation of justice; nor do
we conceal those injunctions of ours by which
we govern our lives, they being memorials of
piety, and of a friendly conversation among
men. And the seventh day we set apartfrom
labour; it is dedicated to the learning of our
customs and laws/ we thinking it proper to

• We may here observe the ancient practice of the
Jews, of dedicating the Sabbath-day, not to idleness
but to the learning their sacred rite* and religiuuCHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

435

reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing
else, in order to onr avoiding of sin. If any
one, therefore, examine into our observances,
he will iind they are good in themselves, and
that they are ancient also, though some think
otherwise, insomuch that those who have re-
ceived them cannot easily be brought to de-
part from them, out of that honour they pay
to the length of time they have religiously
enjoyed them and observed them. Now our
adversaries take these our_privileges away in
the way of injustice; they violently seize upon
that money of ours which is offered to God,
and called sacred money, and this openly, after
a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tri-
butes upon us, and bring us before tribunals
on holy days, and then require other like debts
of us, not because the contracts require it,
and for their own advantage, but because they
would put an affront on our religion, of
which they are conscious as well as we, and
have indulged themselves in an unjust, and
to them involuntary, hatred; for your govern-
ment over all is one, tending to the establish-
ing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will
among such as are disposed to it. This is
therefore what we implore from thee, most ex-
cellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill treat-
ed; that We may not be abused; that we may
not be hindered from making use of our own
customs, nor be despoiled of our goods; nor
be forced by these men to do what we our-
selves force nobody to do: for these privileges
of ours are not only according to justice, but
have formerly been granted us by you: and
we are able to read to you many decrees of
the senate, and the tables that contain them,
Which are still extant in the capitol concern-
ing these things, which, it is evident, were
granted after you had experience of our fide-
lity towards you, which ought to be valued,
though no such fidelity had been; for you
have hitherto preserved what people were in
possession of, not to us only, but almost to
nil men, and have added greater advantages
than they could have hoped for, and thereby
your government is become a great advantage
to them. And if any one were able to enu-
merate the prosperity you have conferred on
every nation, which they possess by your
means, he could never put an end to his dis-
course; but that we may demonstrate that we
are not unworthy of all those advantages we
have obtained, it will be sufficient for us to
say nothing of other things, but to speak
freely of this king who now governs us, and
is now one of thy assessors: and indeed in
what instance, of good-will, as to your house,
hath he been deficient? What mark of fide-
lity to it hefth he omitted? What token of
honour hath he not devised? What occasion
for his assistance of you hath he not regarded

customs, and to tbe meditation on tbe law of Moses. The
like to wbioh we meet with elsewhere in Josephus also,
•gainst Apion- b. L seot 32.

at the very first? What hindereth, therefore,
but that your kindnesses may be as numerous
as his so great benefits to you'have been?
It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass
over in silence the valour of his father Anti-
pater, who, when Caesar made an expedition
into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand
armed men, and proved inferior, to none,
neither in the battles on land, nor in the ma-
nagement of the navy; and what need 1 say
any thing of bow great weight those soldierB
were at that juncture ? or how many, and how
great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar?
And truly I ought before now to have men-
tioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the se-
nate; and how Antipater had honours, and the
freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon
him; for these are demonstrations both that we
have received these favours by our own deserts,
and do on that account petition thee for thy
confirmation of them, from whom we had rea-
son to hope for them, though they had not been
given us before, both out of regard to our
king’s disposition towards you, and your dis-
position towards him; and farther, we have
been informed by those Jews that were there,
with wbat kindness thou earnest into our coun-
try, and how thou offeredst the most perfect
sacrifices to God, and honouredst him with
remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the
people a feast, and accepterist of their own hos-
pitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem
all these kind entertainments made both by our
nation and our city, to a man who is tbe ruler
and manager of so much of the public affairs,
as indications of that friendship which thou
hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which
hath been procured them by tbe family of He-
rod. «So we put thee in mind of these things in
the presence of the king, now sitting by thee,
and make our request for no more but thie,
that what you have given us yourselves, you
will not see taken away by others from us.”
4. When Nicolaus had made this speech,
there vVtis no opposition made to it by the
Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as
in a court of justice, but an intercession to
prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any
ionger; nor did the Greeks makenny defence
of themselves, or deny what it vras supposed
they had done. Their pretence was no more
than this, that while the Jews inhabited in
their country, they were entirely unjust to
them'[in not joining^in their worship]; but
they demonstrated their generosity in this,
that though they worshipped according to
their own institutions, they did nothing that
ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa
perceived that they had been oppressed by
violence, he made this answer: — That, on
account of Herod’s good-will and friendship,
he was ready to grant tbe Jews whatsoever
they should ask him, and that their requests
seemed to him in themsqlves just; and that
if they requested any thing farther, he should432

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVI

that during the time that the temple was
building, it did not rain in the day-time, but
that the showers fell in the nights, so that the
work was not hindered. And this our fathers

have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if
any have regard to the manifestations of God.
And thus was performed the work of the
rebuilding of the temple.

BOOK XVI.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE YEARS.

FROM THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH
OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS.

CHAPTER I.

A LAW OF HEROD’S ABOUT THIEVES. SALOME
AND PHEKORAS CALUMNIATE ALEXANDER
AND ARISTOBULUS, UPON THEIR RETURN
FROM ROME, FOR WHOM HEROD VET PRO-
VIDES WIVES.

§ 1. As king Herod was very zealous in the
administration of his entire government, and
desirous to put a stop to particular acts of in-
justice which were done by criminals about
the city and country, he made a law, no way
like our original laws, and which he enacted
of himself, to expose housebreakers to be
ejected out of his kingdom; which punish-
ment was not only grievous to be borne by
the offenders, but- contained in it a dissolu-
tion of the customs of our forefathers; tor
this slavery to foreigners, and such us did not
live after the manner of Jews, and this neces-
sity that they were under to do whatsoever
such men should command, was an offence
against our religious settlement, rather than a
punishment to such as were found to have
offended, such a punishment being avoided in
our original laws; for those laws ordain, that
the thief shall restore fourfold; and that if he
have not so much, he shall be sold indeed,
■but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under
perpetual slavery, for he must have been
released after six years. But this law, thus

particular remarkable circumstance relating to the build-
ing of Herod’s temple, is a demonstration that such its
building was a known thing in J udea at this time. He
s born but forty-six years alter it is related to have
n finished, and might himself have seen and spo!,en
with some of the builders themselves, and with a great
number of those who had seen its building. The doubt
therefore about the truth of this history of the pulling
down and rebuilding this temple by Herod, which some
weak people have indulged, was not then much greater
than it soon may be, whether or not St Paul’s church in
LoDdon was burnt down in the fire of London, a m KitiO,
and rebuilt by Sir Christopher VVren a lithe afterward.

enacted in order to introduce a severe and ille-
gal punishment, seemed to be a piece of inso-
lence in Herod, when he did not act as a king
hut as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously,
and without any regard to his subjects, did he
venture to introduce such a punishment.
Now this penalty thus brought into practice,
was like Herod’s other actions, and became a
part of his accusation, and an occasion of the
hatred he lay under.

2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to
Italy, as very desirous to meet with Ctesar,
and to see his sons who lived at Rome;
and Cresar was not only very obliging to him
in other respects, but delivered him bis sons
again, that he might take them home with
him, as having already completed themselves
in the sciences; but as soon as the young men
were come from Italy; the multitude were
very desirous to see them, and they became
conspicuous among them all, as adorned with
great blessings of fortune, and having the
countenances of persons of royal dignity.
So they soon appeared to be the objects of
envy to Salome, the king’s sister, and to such
as had raised calumnies against Mariamne;
for they were suspicious, that when these
came to the government, they should be pun-
ished lor the wickedness they had been guilty
of against their mother; so they made this
very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies
against them also. They gave it out that
they were not pleased with their father’s
company, because he had put their mother to
death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to
appear to converse with their mother’s mur-
derer. Now, by carrying these stories, that
had indeed a true foundation [in the factj,
but were only built on probabilities as to the
present accusation, they were able to do them
mischief, and to make Herod take away that
kindness from his sons which he had beforeCHAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

433

borne to them, for tney did not say these
things to him openly, but scattered abroad
such words among-the rest-of the multitude;
from which words, when carried to Herod, he
was induced [at last] to hate them, and which
natural atfection itself, even in length of time,
was not able to overcome; yet was the king
at that time in a condition to prefer the natu-
ral affection of a father before all the suspi-
cions and calumnies his sons lay under:
so he respected them as he ought to do, and
married them to wives, now they were of an
age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave
for a wife Bernice, Salome’s daughter; and
to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Ar-
chelaus, king of Cappadocia.

CHAPTER II.

HOW HEROD TWICE SAILED TO AGRIPPA; AND
HOW, UPON THE COMPLAINT OF THE JEWS
IN IONIA AGAINST THE GREEKS, AGRIPPA
CONFIRMED THE LAWS OF THE JEWS TO
THEM.

§ 1. When Herod had dispatched these af-
fairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa
had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he
made haste to him, and besought him to come
to him into his kingdom, and to partake of
what he might justly expect from one that
had been his guest, and was his friend. This
request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa
agreed, and came into Judea: whereupon
Herod omitted nothing that might please him.
He entertained him in his new-built cities,
and showed him the edifices he had built, and
pravided all sorts of the best and most costly
dainties for him and his friends, and that at
Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he
had built, and at the fortresses which he had
erected at great expenses, Alexandrium, and
Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted
him to the city Jerusalem, where all the
people met him in their festival garments, and
received him with acclamations. Agrippa
also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God;
and feasted the people, without omitting any
of the greatest dainties that could be gotten.
He also took so much pleasure there, that he
abode many days with them, and would will-
ingly have staid longer, but that the season
of the year made him make haste away; for,
as winter was coming on, he thought it not
safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of
necessity to return again to Ionia.

2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod
had bestowed on him, and on the principal of
those that were with him, many presents;
but king Herod, when he had passed the win-
ter in his own dominions, made hast.e to get
to him again in the spring, when he knew he
designed to go to a campaign at the Bosphorus.

So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by
Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he
should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he
was taken short here by a north wind, which
hindered his ship from going to the shore;
so he continued many days at Chius, and
there he kindly treated a great many that
came to him, and obliged them by giving
them royal gifts. And when he saw that the
portico of the city was fallen down, which as
it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and
was a very large and fine building, so was it
not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest,
yet did he furnish a sum not only large enough
for that purpose, but what was more than
sufficient to finish the building; and ordered
them not to overlook that portico, but to re-
build it quickly, that so the city might recover
its proper ornaments. And when the high
winds were laid, he sailed to Mitylene, and
thence to Byzantium; and when be heard
that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean
rocks, he made all the haste possible to over-
take him, and came up with him about Si-
nope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by
the shipmen most unexpectedly, but appeared
to their great joy; and many friendly saluta-
tions there were between them, insomuch that
Agrippa thought he had received the greatest
marks of the king’s kindness and humanity
towards him possible, since the king had come
so long a voyage, and at a very proper sea-
son, for his assistance, and had left the govern-
ment of his own dominions, and thought it
more worth his while to come to him. Ac-
cordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa,
in the management of the war, and a great
assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him
counsel as to particular matters. He was
also a pleasant companion for him when he
relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him
in all things; in troubles because of his kind-
ness; and in prosperity, because of the re-
spect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as
those affairs of Pontus were finished, for. whose
sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not
think fit to return by sea, but passed through
Paphlagonia and Cappadocia;, they then tra-
velled thence over great Phrygia; and came
to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephe-
sus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed
a great many benefits on every city that he
came to, according as they stood in need of
them; for as for those that wanted either mo-
ney or kind treatment, he was not wanting to
them; but he supplied the former himself out
of his own expenses: he also became an in-
tercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought
after his favour, and he brought things so
about, that the petitioners failed in none of
their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of
a good disposition, and of great generosity
and ready to grant all such requests as might
be advantageous to the petitioners, provided
they were not to the detriment of others.
2 E438	ANTIQUITIES <

his father against his brethren, under pretence
indeed of a deep concern for his preservation,
but in truth, such as his malicious mind dic-
tated, in order to purchase a greater hope of
the succession, which yet was already great
in itself: and thus he did till he had excited
such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was
already become very ill disposed towards the
young men; but still, while he delayed to
exercise so violent a disgust against them, and
that he might not either be too remiss or too
rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail
to Rome, and there accuse his sons before
Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such
crime as might be heinous enough to be sus-
pected of impiety. But as he was going up
to Rome, it happened that he made such haste
as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei:*
so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he
asked for a time for hearing this great cause,
wherein he thought himself very miserable,
and presented his sons there, and accused
them of their mad actions, and of their
attempts against him:—That they were ene-
mies to him; and, by all the means they were
able, did their endeavours to show their hatred
to their own father, and would take away
his life, and'so obtain his kingdom, after the
most barbarous manner: that he had power
from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity,
but by choice, to him who shall exercise the
greatest piety towards him; while these my
bond are not so desirous of ruling, as they are,
upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their,
own life, if so be they may but deprive their
father of his life; so wild and polluted is their
mind by time become, out of their hatred to
him: that whereas he had a long time borne
this his misfortune, he was now compelled to
lay it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears
with such language; while he himself wants
to know what severity they have ever suffered
from him, or what hardships he had ever laid
upon them, to make them complain of him;
and how they can think it just that he should
not be lord of that kingdom which he, in a
long time, and with great danger, had gained,
and not allow him to keep it and dispose
of it to him who should deserve best; and
this, with other advantages, he proposes as a
reward for the piety of such a one as will here-
after imitate the care he hath taken of it, and
that such h one may gain so great a requital
as that is: and that it is an impious thing
for them to pretend to meddle with it before-
hand, for he who hath ever the kingdom in

• Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was
this accusation of his sons deferred till they came to Rome,
as s. 3 assures us, and as we are particularly informed in
the History of the War, b. i c. xxiii. s. 3. though what he
here says belonged distinctly to Alexander, the elder bro-
ther, 1 mean his being brought to Rome, isherejustly ex-
tended to both the brothers,and that not only in ourcopies,
but in that of Zunaras also: nor is there reason to doubt
but they were both at this solemn hearing by Augustus, al-
though the defence was made by A lexander alone, who
was the eldest brother, and one that could speak very well.

OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XVI,

his view, at the same time reckons upon pro*
curing the death of his father, because other-
wise he cannot come at the government: that
as for himself, he had hitherto given them all
that he was able, and what was agreeable to
such as are subject to the ro^al authority,
and the sons of a king; what ornaments they
wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and
had married them into the most illustrious
families, the one [Avistobulus] to his sister’s
daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of
king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest
favour of all, when their crimes were so very
bad, and he had authority to punish them,
yet had he not made use of it against them,
but had brought them before Caesar, their
common benefactor, and had not used the
severity which either as a father who had been
impiously abused, or as a king who had been
assaulted treacherously, he might have done,
but made them stand upon the level with
him in judgment: that, however, it was ne-
cessary that all this should not be passed over
without punishment, nor himself live in the
greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their
own advantage to see the light of the sun
after what they had done, although they
should escape at this time, since they had
done the vilest things, and would certainly
suffer the greatest punishments that ever were
known among mankind.

2.	These were the accusations which He-
rod laid with great vehemency against his
sons before Caesar. Now the young men,
both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his
concluding, wept, and were in confusion.
Now as to themselves, they knew in their own
conscience they were innocent, but because
they were accused by their father, they were
sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for
them to make their apology, since though
they were at liberty to speak their minds
freely as the occasion required, and might with
force and earnestness refute the accusation,
yet was it not now decent so to do. There
was therefore a difficulty how they should be
able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep
groan followed, while they were afraid, that
if they said .nothing, they should seem to be
in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt,
—nor had they any defence ready, by reason
of their youth, and the disorder they were
under; yet was not Caesar unapprised, when he
looked upon them in the confusion they were
in, that their delay to make their defence did
not arise from any consciousness of great
enormities, but from their unskilfulness and
modesty. They were also commiserated by
those that were there in particular; and they
moved their father’s affections in earnest till
he had much ado to conceal them,

3.	But when they saw there was a kind
disposition arisen both in him, and in Caesar,
and that every one of the rest did either shed
tears, or at least did dll grieve with them, theCHAP. IV.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	439

one of them, whose name was Alexander, called
to his father, and attempted to answer his
accusation, and said,T‘‘ 0 father, the benevo-
lence thou hast showed to us is evident, even
in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou
any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst
-not produced us here before the common
saviour of all, for it was in thy power, both
as a king and as a father, to punish the
guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and
making Caesar himself a witness to what is
done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to
save us; for no one that hath a design to slay
a man will bring bim to the temples, and to
the altars: yet are our circumstances still
worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves
any longer, if it. be believed that we have
injured such a father; nay, perhaps it would
be worse for us to live with this suspicion
upon us, that we have injured him, than to die
without such guilt: and if our open defence
may be taken to be true, we shall be happy,
both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the
danger we are in; but if this calumny so
prevails, it is more than enough for us that
we have seen the sun this day; whjch why
should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon
us? Now it is easy to say of young men,
that they desired to reign; and to say farther,
that this evil proceeds from the case of our
unhappy mother. This is abundantly suffi-
cient to produce our present misfortune out of
the former; but consider well, whether such an
accusation does not suit all such young men,
and may not be said of them all promiscuous-
ly; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if
he have children, and their mother be dead,
but the father may have a suspicion upon all
his sons, as intending some treachery to him:
but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such
an impious practice. Now let any man say,
whether we have actually and insolently at-
tempted any such thing, whereby actions other-
wise incredible used to be made credible?
Can any body prove that poison hath been
prepared ? or prove a conspiracy of our
equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters
written against thee? though indeed there are
none of those things but have sometimes been
pretended by way of calumny, when they
were never done; for a royal family that is
at variance with itself is a terrible thing;
and that which thou callest a reward of piety,
often becomes, among very wicked men, such
a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no
sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one
lay any wicked practices to our charge; but
as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put
an end to them, who will not hear what we
nave to say? Have we talked with too great
freedom? yes; but not against thee, for that
would be unjust, but against those that never
conceal any thing that is spoken to them.
Hath either of 11s lamented our mother? yes;
»ut not because she is dead, but because she

was evil spoken of by those that had no reason
so to do. Are we desirous of that domi-
nion which we know our father is possessed
of? For what reason can we do so? If we
already have royal honours, as we have, should
not we labour in vain? And if we have them
imt, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or
supposing that we had killed thee, could we
expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither
the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the
sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as
that: nay, the religion of all your subjects,
and the piety of the whole nation, would have
prohibited parricides from assuming the go-
vernment, and from entering into that most
holy temple which was built by thee.* But
suppose we had made light of other dangers,
can any murderer go off unpunished while
Caesar is aliye? We are thy sons, and not so
impious, or so thoughtless as that comes to,
though perhaps more unfortunate than is con
venient for thee. But in case thou neither
findest any causes of complaint, nor any
treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence
hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours
credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but
then what befel her might be an instruction
to us to caution, and not an incitement to
wickedness. We are willing to make a larger
apology for ourselves; but actions never done
do not admit of discourse: hay, we will make
this agreement with thee, and that before
Ciesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator
between us, if thou, O father, canst bring thy-
self, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind-
free from suspicion concerning us, let us live,
though even then we shall live in an un-
happy way, for to be accused of great acts of
wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing;
but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue
thou on in thy pious life, we will give this
reason for our own conduct; our life is not
so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it
tend to the harm of our father who gave it
us.”

4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Cae-
sar, who did not before believe so gross a
calumny, was still more moved by it, and
looked intently upon Herod, and perceived
he was a little confounded: the persons there
present were under• an anxiety about the
young men, and the fame that was spread
abroad made the king hated, for the very

• .Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild
suspicion, as we have supposed already (Antiq b. xv.
ch. xi- sect-7,. that Josephus’s history of Herod’s re-
building the temple is no better than a table, it may not
be amiss to take notice of this occasional clause in the
speech of Alexander before bis father Herod, iu bis and
htB brother’s vindication, which mentions the temple at
known by every body to have been built by Herod, See
John ii 20. See also another speech of Herod’s own to
the young men that pulled down his golden eagle from
the front of the temple^.where be takes notice how the
building of the temple'cost him a vast sum; and that
the Asamoneans, in those one hundred and twenty-Uve
years they held the government, were not able to per-
form so great a work, to the honour of God ae this
Anliq. b. xvii. ch, vL sect 3.440	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XVI.

incredibility of the calumny, and the commi-
•erationof the flower of youth, tbe beauty of
body, which w ere in the young men, pleaded
strongly for assistance, and the more so on
this account, that Alexander had made their
defence^with dexterity and prudence; nay,
they did not themselves any longer continue
in their former countenances, which had been
bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to
the ground, but now there arose in them hope
of the best: and the king himself appeared
not to have had' foundation enough to build
such an accusation upon, he having no real
evidence wherewith to convict them. Indeed
he wanted some apology for making the
accusation; but Csesar, after some delay, said,
that although the young men were thoroughly
innocent of that for which they were calum-
niated, yet had they been so far to blame,
that they had not demeaned themselves towards
their father bo as to prevent that suspi-
cion which was spread abroad concerning
them. He also exhorted Herod to lay all
such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to
bis sons; for that it was not just to give any
credit to such reports concerning his own
children; and that this repentance on both
sides might heal those breaches that had hap-
pened between them, and might improve that
their good-will to one another, whereby those
on both sides, excusing the rashness of their
suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater
degree of affection towards each other than
they had before. After Caesar had given
them this admonition, he beckoned to the
young men. When, therefore, they were
disposed to fall down, to make intercession to
their father, he took them up, and embraced
them, as they were in tears, and took each
of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of
those that were present, whether freeman or
•lave, but was deeply affected with what they
saw.

5.	Then did they return thanks to Caesar,
and went away together; and with them went
Antipater, with an hypocritical pretence that
be rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the
last days they were with Caesar, Herod made
him a present of three hundred talents, as he
was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the
people of Rome: and Caesar made him a pre-
sent of half the revenue of the copper mines
in Cyprus, anil committed' the care of the
other half to him, and honoured him with
other gifts and incomes: and as to his own
kingdom, he left it in his power to appoint
which of his sons he pleased for his successor,
or to distribute it in parts to every one, that
the dignity might thereby come to them all;
and when Herod was disposed to make such
ftsettleinent immediately, Cesar said he would
not give him leave to deprive himself, while
he was alive, of the power over his kingdom,
or oyer his sons.

6.	After this, Herod returned to Judea

again; but during his absence, no small part
of his dominions about Trachou had revolted,
whom yet the commanders he left there had
vanquished, and compelled to a Submission
again. Now, as Herod was sailing with hjs
sons, and was come over-against Cilicia, to
[the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed
its name for Sebaste, he met with Arcbelaus,
king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly,
as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons,
and that the accusation against Alexander,
who had married his daughter, was at an end.
They also made one another such presents as
it became kings to make. From thence
Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where
h.e made a speech to the people concerning
what had been done in this his journey: he
also discoursed to them about Caesar's kind-
ness to him, and about as many of the parti-
culars he had done as he thought it for his
advantage other people should be acquainted
with. At last he turned his speech to the ad-
monition of his sons; and exhorted those that
lived at court, and the multitude, to concord;
and informed them that his sons were to reign
after him; Antipat^r first, and then Alexan-
der and Aristobulus, the sous of Mariamne;
but he desired that at present they should all
have regard to himself, and esteem him king
and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered
by old age, but was in that period of life when
he must be the most skilful in governing; and
that he was not deficient in other arts of ma-
nagement that might enable him to govern the
kingdom well, and to rule over bis children
also. He farther told the rulers under him,
and the soldiery, that in case they would look
upon him alone, their life would be led in a
peaceable manner, and they would make one
another happy; and when he had said this, he
dismissed the assembly. Which speech was
acceptable to the greatest part of the audience,
but not so to them all; for the contention
among his sons, and the hopes he had given
them, occasioned thoughts and desires of in-
novations among them.

CHAPTER V.

HOW HEROD CELEBRATED THE GAMES THAT
WERE TO RETURN EVERY FIFTH YEAR,
UPON THE BUILDING OF CESAREA; AND
HOW HE BUILT AND ADORNED MANY OTHEtl
PLACES AFTER A MAGNIFICENT MANNER;
AND DID MANY OTHER ACTIONS GLORI-
OUSLY.

§ 1. About this time it was that Cestrea
Sebaste, which he hud built, was finished. The
entire building being accomplished in tbe
tenth year, tbe solemnity of it fell into the
twenty-eighth year of Herod’s reign, aft/i into
the hundred and ninety-second olympiad*CH AP, V,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS*

444

there was accordingly a great festival, and
most sumptuous, preparations made presently,
in order to its dedication; for he had appoint-
ed a contention' in music, and games to be
performed naked; he had also gotten ready a
great number, of* those that fight single com-
bats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse-
races also, and the most chargeable of such
sports and shows as used to be exhibited at
Rome, and in other places. He consecrated
this combat to Caesar, and Ordered it to be
celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all
sorts of ornaniehtB for it out of his own fur-
niture, that it might want nothing to make it
deceut; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great
part of her most valuable furniture [from
Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any
thing; the sum of .them all was estimated at
five hundred talents. Now when a great
multitude was come to that city to see the
shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other
people sent, on account of the benefits they
had received [fram_Herod], he entertained
them all in the .public inns, and at public
tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solem-
nity having in the day-tirqp the diversions of
the tights, and in the night-time such merry
meetings as cost vagi sums of money,- and
publicly demonstrated the generosity of his
soul; for in all bis undertakings he was am-
bitious to exhibit wB»t exceeded whatsoever
bad been done before of the same kind; and
it is related that Caesar and Agrippa often
said, that the dominions of Herod were too
little for the greatness of his soul; for that
he deserved to have both all the kingdom of
Syria, and that of Egyp&also.

2. After this solemnity and these festivals
were over, Herod erected another city in the
plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out
a fit place, both for plenty of water and good-
ness of soil, and proper for the production of
what was there planted,yhere a river encom-
passed the city itself, anj^grove of the best
trees for magnitude was round about it; this
he named Antipatris, from his father Antipa-
ter. He also built upon another spot of
ground above Jericho, of the same name with
bis mother, a place of great security, and very
pleasant for habitation, and called it Cyprus.
He also dedicated the finest monuments to
his brother Phasaelus, on account of the great
natural affection there had been between them,
by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less
than the tower of Pharos, Which he named
Phasaelus, which was at ’once a part of the
strong defences of the city, and a memorial
for him that was deceased, because it bare his
name. He also built a' city of the same name
in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it
northward, whereby he rendered the neigh-
bouring ^untry more fruitful, by the culti-
vation its inhabitants introduced; and this
also he called Phasaelus.

8. But as for his other benefits, it is lmpps-

sible to reckon them up, those which he be-
stowed o cities, both in Syria and in Greece,
and in all the places he came to in his voy-
ages; for he seems to have conferred, and
that after a most plentiful manner, what would
minister to many necessities, and the build-
ing of public works, and gave them the
'money that was necessary "to such works as
wanted it, to support them upon the failure
of their other revenues; but what was the
greatest and most illustrious of all his works,
he erected Apollo’s temple at Rhodes, at his
own expenses, and gave them a great num-
ber of talents of silver for the repair of their
deet. He also built the greatest part of the
public edifices for the innauitants of Nicopo-
lis, at Actium ;* and for the Antiochians, the
inhabitants of the principal city of Syria,
where a broad street cuts through the place
lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both
sides, and laid the open road with polished
stone; which was of very great advantage to
the inhabitants; and as to the Olympic games,
which were in a yery low condition, by
reason of the failure of their revenues, he
recovered their reputation, and appointed
revenues for their maintenance, and made that
solemn meeting more venerable, as to the
sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason
of this vast liberality, he was generally de-
clared in their inscriptions to be one of the
perpetual managers of those games.

4. Now some there are who stand amazed
at the diversity of Herod’s nature and pur-
poses; for when we have respect to his mag-
nificence, and the benefits which be bestowed
on all mankind, there is no possibility for
even those that had the least respect for him
to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had
a nature vastly beneficent: but when any one
looks upon the punishments he indicted, and
the injuries he did, not only to his subjects,
but to his nearest relations, and takes notice
of his severe and unrelenting disposition there,
he will be forced to allow that he was brutish,
and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch
that these men suppose his nature to be dif-
ferent, and sometimes at contradiction with
itself; but I am myself of another opinion,
and imagine that the occasion of both these
sorts of actions was- one and the same; for
being a man ambitious of honour, and quite
overcome by Jihat passion, he was induced to
be magnificent, wherever there appeared any
hopes of a future memorial, or of reputa-
tion at present ; and as his expenses were
beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to
be harsh to his subjects; for the persons
on whom he expended his money were so
many, that they made him a very bad procurer

* Or. Hudson here gives us the words of Suetonius
concerning this Nicopolis,'when Augustus rebuilt its—

And that the memory of the victory at Actium might
be celebrated the more afterward, he built Mcopolis at
Actium. ami appointed public shows to be there exhibited
every fifth year." . In August sect 18.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVL

442

of it; and because he was conscious that
he was hated by those under him, for the
injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy
thing to amend his offences, for that was
inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore
strove on the other side to make their ill-will
an occasion of his gains. As to his own
court, therefore, if any one was not very
obsequious to him in .his language, and would
not confess himself to be his slave, or but
seemed to think of any innovation in his go-
vernment, he was not able to contain himself,
but prosecuted his very kindred and friends,
and punished them as if they were enemies;
and this wickedness he undertook out of a
desire that he might be himself alone honoured.
Now for this my assertion about that passion
of his, we have the greatest evidence, by
what he did to honour Caesar and Agrippa,
and his other friends; for with what honours
he paid his respects to them who were his
superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to
himself; and what he thought the most ex-
cellent present he could make another, he
discovered an inclination to have the like pre-
sented to himself; but now the Jewish nation
is by their law a stranger to all such things,
and accustomed to prefer righteousness to
glory; for which reason that nation was not
agreeable to him, because it was out of their
power to flatter the king’s ambition with sta-
tues or temples, or any other such perform-
ances; and this seems to me to have been at
once the occasion of Herod’s crimes as to his
own courtiers and counsellors, and of his bene-
factions as to foreigners and those that had no
relation to him.

CHAPTER VL

AN EIOASSAGE OF THE JEWS IN CYRENE AND
ASIA TO C-ffiSAR, CONCERNING THE COM-
PLAINTS THEY HAD TO MAKE AGAINST
THE GREEKS; WITH COPIES OF THE EPIS-
TLES WHICH C-dESAR AND AGRIPPA WROTE
TO THE CITIES FOn THEM.

§ 1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in
Asia, and all those also of the same nation
which lived in Libya, which joins to Cyrene,
while the former lungs had given them equal
privileges with the other citizens; but the
Greeks affronted them at this time, and that
so far as to take away their sacred money,
and to do them mischief on other particular
occasions. When, therefore, they were thus
afflicted, and found no end of the barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks,
they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those
accounts; who gave them the same privileges
as they had before, and sent letters to the
same purpose to the governors of the pro-
vinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as

testimonials of the ancient favourable dispo»
sition the Roman emperors had towards us.

2.	“ Caesar Augustus, high-priest and tri-
bune of the people, ordains thus i— Since the
nation of the Jews have been found grateful
to the Roman people, not only at this time,
but in times past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus
the high-priest, under my father,* Caesar the
emperor, it seemed good to me and my coun-
sellors, according to* the sentence and oath of
the people of Rome, that the Jews have
liberty to make use of their own customs,
according to the law of their forefathers,
as they made use of them under Hyrcanus, the
high-priest of Almighty God; and that their
sacred money be not touched, but be sent to
Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the
care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that
they be not obliged to go before any judge
on the Sabbath-day, nor on. the day of the
preparation to it, after the ninth hour;f but if
any be caught^ stealing their holy books, or
their sacred money, whether it be out of the
synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed
a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall
be brought into tljp public treasury of the
Romans. And I give order, that the testi-
monial which they have -given me, on account
of my regard to that piety which I exercise
toward all mankind, agd out of regard to
Caius Marcus Censorious, together with the
present decree, be proposed in that most emi-
nent place which hath been consecrated to me
by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And
if any one transgress any part of what is
•above decreed, he shall be severely punished.”
This was inscribed upo^a pillar in the temple
of Caesar.

3.	“Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth
greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever
they be, who have been used, according to
their ancient custom, to send their sacred
money to* JerusaleoL^do the same freely.’’
These were the decays of Caesar.

4.	Agrippa also dia himself write, after the
manner following, on behalf of the Jews:—
“Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I
will that the care and custody of the sacred
money that is carried to the temple at Jeru-
salem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with
it according to their ancient custom; and that
such as steal that sacred money of the Jews,
and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence
and delivered to the Jews, by the same law
that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I
have also written to Sylvanus the pretor, that
no one compel the Jews to come before a
judge on the Sabbath-day.”

• Augustus here calls Julius Cesar his father, though
by birth he was only his uncle, ou account of hij adoption
by him. See the same, Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiv. sect. 4. .

+ This is authentic evidence that the Jews, in the days
of Augustus, began to prepare for the celebration of th«
Sabbath at the ninth hour on Friday, as the tradition Qt
of the elders did, it seems, then require of them.CHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

443

5.	*• Marcus Agrippa to tbe magistrates, se-
nate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting.
The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me
for the performance of what Augustus sent
orders about to Flavius, the then pretor of
Libya, and to the other procurators of that
province, that the sacred money may be sent
to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom
from their forefathers, they complaining that
they are abused by certain informers, and, un-
der pretence of taxes which were not due, ure
hindered from sending them; which I com-
mand to be restored without any diminution
or disturbance given to them: and if any of
that sacred money in the cities be taken from
their proper receivers,. I farther enjoin, that
the same be exactly returned to the Jews in
that place.”

6.	“ Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul,
to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth
greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and
commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how
many soever they be, from assembling toge-
ther according to the custom of their fore-
fathers, nor from sending their money to
Jerusalem: I have therefore written to you,
that you may know that both Caesar and I
would have you act accordingly.”

7.	Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul,
write otherwise. “ To the magistrates, se-
nate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth
greeting. As I was dispensing justice at
Ephesus, on the ides of February, the Jews
that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that
Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them
to use their own laws and customs, and to
offer those their first-fruits, which every one of
them freely offers to the Deity on account of
piety, and to carry them in a company toge-
ther to Jerusalem without disturbance. They
also petitioned me, that I would confirm
what had been granted by Augustus and
Agrippa by my own sanction. I would there-
fore have you take notice, that, according to
the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit
them to use and do according to the customs
of their forefathers without disturbance.”

8.	I have been obliged to set down these
decrees, because the present history of our
own acts will go generally among the Greeks;
and I have hereby demonstrated to them, that
we have formerly been in great esteem, and
have not been prohibited by those governors
we were under from keeping any of the laws
of our forefathers; nay, that we have been
supported by them, while we followed our
own religion, and the worship we paid to God:
and I frequently make mention of these de-
crees, in order to reconcile other people to us,
anff to take away tbe causes of that hatred
which unreasonable men bear to us. As for
our customs,* there is no nation which always

• The remaining part of this chapter is remarkable,
as Justly distinguishing natural Justice, religion, and
nomlity, from positive institutions, in all countries,

makes use of the same, and in every city
almost we meet with them different from one
another; but natural justice is most agreeable
to the advantage of all men equally, both
Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws
have the greatest regard, and thereby render
us, if we abide in them after a pure manner,
benevolent and friendly to all men: on which
account we have reason to expect the like
return from others, and to inform them that
they ought not to esteem difference of positive
institutions, a sufficient cause of alienation,
but (join with us in] the pursuit of virtue
and probity, for this belongs to all men in
common, and of itself alone is sufficient for
the preservation of human life. I now return
to the thread of my history.

CHAPTER VII.

how, upon herod’s going down into

david’s sepulchre, the sedition in his

FAMILY GREATLY INCREASED.

§ 1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums
about the cities, both without and within his
own kingdom: and as he had before heargl
that Hyrcanus, who had been king before
him, had opened David’s sepulchre, and taken
out of it three thousand talents of silver, and
that there was a much greater number left
behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his
wants, he had a great while an intention
to make the attempt; and at this time he
opened that sepulchre by night, and went into
it, and endeavoured that it should not be
at all known in the city, but took only his
most faithful friends with him. As for any
money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done,
but that furidture of gold, and those precious
goods that were laid up there; all which he
took away. However, he had a great desire
to make a more diligent search, and to go
farther in, even as far as the very bodies of
David and Solomon; where two of his guards
were slain, by a flame that burst out upon
those that went in, as the report was. So he
was terribly affrighted, and went out, and
built a propitiatory monument of that fright
he had been in; and this of white stone, at
the mouth of the sepulchre, and that at ~
great expense also. And even Nicolaus]' his

the latter,
nder tbe Old
apostles always under

and evidently preferring the former before
as did the true prophets of God always un<

Testament, and Christ and his apostles always
the New; whence our Josephus seems to have been at
this time nearer Christianity than were the Scribes and
Pharisees of bis age; who, as we know from the New
Testament, were entirely of a different opinion and
practice,

+ It is

phus was as to the discovery of tn
since he would not follow Nicolaus of Damascus him-

here worth our observation, how careful Jose-
as to the discovery of truth in Herod’s history,
is him-
self, so great an historian, where there was great reason
tect that he had flattered Herod; which impar-
lephll

of which impartiality he has given mom

to suspect that he had flattered Herod; which impar-
tiality in history Josephus here solemuly professes, and
, „ L •------L-------------'—-------n demonstration*444

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XVI.

historiographer makes mention of this monu-
ment built by Herod, though he does not
mention his going down into the sepulchre,
as knowing that action to be of ill repute;
and many other things he treats of in the
same manner in his book; for he wrote in
Herod’s lifetime, and under his reign, and
so as to please him, and as a servant to him,
touching upon nothing but what tended to his
glory, and openly excusing many of his noto-
rious crimes, and very diligently concealing
them. And as he'was desirous to put hand-
some colours on the death of Mariamne and
her sons, which were barbarous actions in the
king, he tells falsehoods about the inconti-
nence of Mariamne, and the treacherous
designs of his sons upon him; and thus he
proceeded in his whole work, making a pom-
pous encomium upon what just actions he had
done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust
ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a
great deal to say by way of excuse for Nico-
laus, for he did not so properly write this as a
history for others, as somewhat that might be
subservient to the king himself. As for our-
selves, who come of a family nearly allied to
the Asamonean kings, and on that account
Jiave an honourable place, which is the priest-
hood, we think it indecent to say any thing
that is false about them, and accordingly we
have described their actions after an unble-
mished and upright manner. And although we
reverence many of Herod’s posterity, who
still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to.
truth than to them, and this though it some-
times happens that we incur their displeasure
by so doing.

2. And indeed Herod’s troubles in his
family seemed to be augmented, by reason of
this attempt he made upon David’s sepulchre;
whether divine vengeance increased the cala-
mities he lay under, in order to render them
incurable, or whether fortune made an assault
upon him, in those cases, wherein the season-
ubleness of the cause made it strongly believed
that the calamities came upon him for his
mpiety; for the tumult was like a civil war
n his palace; and their hatred towards one
another was like that where each one strove
to exceed another in calumnies. However,
Antipater used stratagems perpetually against
his brethren, and that very cunningly: while
broad he loaded them with accusations, but
still took upon him frequently to apologize
for them, that this apparent benevolence to
them might make him be believed, and for-
ward his attempts against them; by which
means he, after various manners, circumvented
his father, who believed that all he did was
for his preservation. Herod also recommended
Ptolemy, who was a great director of the

than almost any other historian) but as to Herod’9
taking greut wealth out of David’s sepulchre, though I
cannot prove it, yet do I strongly suspect it from this
Very history.

affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and
consulted with his mother about the public
affairs also. And indeed these were all in
all, and did what they pleased; and made the
king angry against any other persons, as they
thought it might be to their own advantage:
but still the sons of Mariamne were in a
worse and worse condition perpetually; and
while they were thrust out, and set in a more
dishonourable rank, who yet by birth were the
most noble, they could not bear the disho-
nour. And for the women, Glaphyra, Alex-
ander’s wife, the daughter of Archelaus,
hated Salome, both because of her love to her
husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to
behave herself somewhat insolently towards
Salome’s daughter, who was the. wife of
Aristobulus, which 6. Uality of hers to herself
Glaphyra took very impatiently.

3. Now, besides this second contention that
had fallen among them, neither did the king’s
brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble,
but had a particular foundation for sus-
picion and hatred; for he was overcome with
the charms of his wife, to such a degree
of madness, that he .despised the king’s daugh-
ter, tp whom he had been betrothed, and
wholly bent his mind to the other, who had
been but a servant. Herod also was grieved
by the dishonour that was done him, because
he had bestowed many favours upon hipi,
and had advanced him to that height of power
that he was almost a partner with him in
the kingdom; and saw that he had not made
him a due return for his favours, and esteemed
himself unhappy on that account. So upon
Pheroras’s unworthy refusal, he gave the
damsel to Phasaelus’s son; but after some
time, when he thought the heat of his bro-
ther’s affections was over, he blamed him for
his former conduct, and desired him to take
his second daughter, whose name was Cypros.
Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affront-
ing his brother, and to forsake her whom ho
had loved, for that it was a base thing to be
so enamoured of a servant, as to deprive him-
self of the king’s good-will to him, and be-
come an occasion of his trouble, and make
himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that
this advice would be for his own advantage,
particularly because he had been accused
before, and forgiven; so he put his wife away,
although he already had a son'by her, and
engaged, to the king that he . would take his
second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth
day after should be the day of marriage; and
sware he would have no. farther conversation
with her whom he had put away; but when
the thirty days were over, he was such a slave
to his affections, that he no longer performed
any thing he had promised, but continued
still with his former wife. This occasioned
Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry,
while the king dropped one word or other
against Pheroras perpetually; and many madeCHAP. YII.	ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.	445

the king's auger an opportunity for raising
calumnies against him. Nor had the king
any longer a single quiet day or hour, but
occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose
among his relations, and those that were dear-
est to him; for Salome was of a harsh tem-
per, and ill-natured to Mariamne’s sons; nor
would she suffer her own daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young
men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but
persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing
to her in private, and when any misunder-
standing happened, as is common, she raised
a great many suspicions out of it: by which
means she learned all their concerns, and
made the damsel ill-natured to the young
man. And in order to gratify her mother,
she often said that the young men used to
mention Mariamne when they were-by them-
selves; and that they hated their father, and
were continually threatening, that if they had
#nce got the kingdom, they would make He-
rod’s sons, by his other wives, country-school-
masters, for that the present education which
was given them, and their diligence in learn-
iijg, fitted them for such an employment.
And as for the. women, whenever they 6aw
them adorned with their mother’s clothes, they
threatened, that instead of their present gaudy
apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth,
and confined so closely that they should not
see the light of the sun. These stories were
presently carried by Salome to the king, who
was troubled to hear them, and endeavoured
to make up matters: but these suspicions
afflicted him, and, becoming more and more
uneasy, he believed every body against every
body. However, upon his rebuking his sons,
°.nd hearing the defence they made for them-
selves, he was easier for a while, though a
little afterwards much worse accidents came
upon him.

4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the
husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of
Archelaus, as we have already told you, and
said that he had heard from Salome, that
Herod was enamoured of Glaphyra, and that
his passion for her was incurable. When
Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from
his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the
instances of Herod’s obliging behaviour to
her, which were very frequent, for the worse,,
which came from those suspicions he had on
account of that word which fell from Phero-
ras; nor could he conceal his grief at the
thing, but informed him what words Phero-
ras had said. Upon which Herod was in a
greater disorder than ever; and not bearing
such a false calumny, which was to his shame,
was much disturbed at it: and often did he
lament the wickedness of his domestics, and
how good he had been to them, and how ill
requitals they had made him. So he sent for
Pheroras, and reproached him, and said,
“Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to

that unmeasurable and extravagant degree
of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such
things of me, but to speak of them? I now
indeed perceive what thy intentions are: it is
not thy. only aim to reproach me, when thou
usest such words to my son, but thereby to
persuade him to plot against me, and get me
destroyed by poison; and who is there, if he
bad not a good genius at his elbow, as hath
my son, that would bear such a suspicion of
his father, but would revenge himself upon
him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only
dropped a’ word for him to think of, and
not rather hast put a sword into his hand to
slay his father? And what dost thou mean,
when thou really hatest both him and his
brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in
order to raise a reproach against me, and talk of
such things as no one but such an impious
wretch, as thou art could either devise in their
mind, or declare in their words? Begone,
thou that art such a plague to thy benefactor
and thy brother; and may that evil con-
science of thine go along with thee; while I
still overcome jny relations by kindness, and
am so far from avenging myself of them as
they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits
upon them than they are worthy of.”

5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon

Pheroras, who was caught in the very act of
his villany, said, that, “it was Salome who
was the framer of this plot, and that the words
came from her;” but as soon as she heard
that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like
one that would be believed, that no such thing
ever came out of her mouth; that they all
earnestly endeavoured to make the king hate
her, and to make her away, because of the good-
will she bore to Herod, and because she was
always foreseeing the dangers that were com-
ing upon him, and that at present there were
more plots against him than usual: for while
she was the only person who persuaded her
brother to put away the wife he nowr had, and
to take the king’s daughter, it was no wonder
if she were hated by him.. As she said this,
and often tore her hair, and often beat her
breast, her countenance made her denial to be
believed, but the perverseness of her manners
declared at the same time her dissimulation
in these proceedings; but Pheroras wras caught
between them, and had nothing plausible to
offer in his own defence, while he confessed that
he had said what was charged upon him, but
was not believed when he said he had heard
it from Salome; so the confusion among them
was increased, and their quarrelsome words
one to another. At last the king, out of his
hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both
away; and when he had commended the
moderation of his son, and that he had him-
self told him of the report, he went in the
evening to refresh himself. After suph a
contest as this had fallen out among them,
Salome’s reputation suffered greatly, since she446	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XVI.

was supposed to hare first raised the calumny;
and the king’s wives were grieved at her, as
knowing she was a very ill-natured woman,
and would sometimes be a friend, and some-
times an enemy, at different seasons; so they
perpetually said one thing or another against
her; and-somewhat that now fell out, made
them the bolder in speaking against her.

6. There Was one Obodas, king of Arabia,
an inactive and slothful man in his nature;
but Syllcus managed most of his affairs for
him. He was a shrewd-man, although he
was but young, and was handsome withal.
This Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to
Herod, and supping with him,
and set his heart upon her: and
ing that she was a widow, he discoursed with
her. Now because Salome was at this time
less in favour with her brother, she looked
upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very
earnest to be married to him; and on the days
following there appeared many, and those
very great, indications of their agreement to-
gether. Now the women carried this news to
the king, and laughed at the indecency of it;
whereupon Herod inquired about it farther
of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them
at supper, how their behaviour was one towards
another; who told him, that by the signals
which came from their heads and their eyes,
they both were evidently in love. After this,
Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went
away, but came again in two or three months
afterwards, as it Were on that very design,
and spake to Herod about it, and desired that
Salome might be given him to wife; for that
his affinity might not be disadvantageous to
his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the go-
vernment of which country was already in
effect under his power, and more evidently
would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when
Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and
asked her whether she were disposed to this
match, she immediately agreed to it; but
when Syjleus was desired to come over to the
Jewish religion, and then he should marry
her, and that it was impossible to do it on any
other terms, he could not bear that proposal,
and went his way; for he said, that if he
should do so, he should be stoned by the
Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome
for her incontinency, as did the women much
more; and said that Sylleus had debauched
her. As for that damsel which the king had
betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had
not taken her, as I have before related, be-
cause he was enamoured of hi6 former wife,
Salome desired of Herod she might be given
to her son by Costobarus: which match he
was very willing to, but was dissuaded from
it by Pheroras, who pleaded, that this young
man would not be kind to her since his father
had been slain by him, and that it was more
rust that his son, who was to be his successor
in the tetrarchy, should have her: so he

saw Salome,
understand-

begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do
so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change
of her espousals, was disposed of to this
young man, the eon of Pheroras, the king
giving for her portion a hundred talents.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW HEEOD TOOK UP ALEXANDER, AND
BOUND HIM; WHOM VET ARCHELAUS, KING
OF CAPPADOCIA, RECONCILED TO HIS FA-
THER HEROD AGAIN.

§ 1. But still the affairs of Herod’s family
were no better, but perpetually more trouble-
some. Now this accident happened, which
arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded
so far as to bring great difficulties upon him.
There were certain eunuchs which the king
had, and on account of their beauty was vary
fond of them; and the care of bringing him
drink was entrusted to one of them; of bring-
ing him his supper, to another; and of putting
him to bed, to the third, who also ma-
naged the principal affairs of the government;
and there was one told the king that these
eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the
king’s son, by great sums of money: and when
they were asked whether Alexander had had
criminal conversation with them, they con-
fessed it, but said they knew of no farther
mischief of his against his father; but when
they were more severely tortured, and were
in the utmost extremity, and the tormentors,
out of compliance with Antipater, stretched
the rack to the very utmost, they said that
Alexander bare great ill-will and innate hatred
to his father; and that he told them that
Herod despaired to live much longer; and that,
in order to cover 4us great age, he coloured
his hair black, and endeavoured to conceal
what would discover bow old he was; but that
if he would apply himself to him, when he
should attain the kingdom, which in spite oi
his father, could come to no one else, he
should quickly have the first place in that
kingdom under him, for thdt he was now
ready to take the kingdom, not only as his
birthright, but by the preparations he had
made for obtaining it, because a great many
of the rulers, and a great many of his friends,
were of his side, and those no ill men neither,
ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever
should come on that account.

2. When Herod heard this confession, he
was all over anger and fear, some parts
seeming to him reproachful, and some made
him suspicious of dangers that attended him,
insomuch, that on both accounts he was
provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more
heavy plot was laid against him than he should
be then able to escape from; whereupon be
did not now make an open search, but sentCHAP. Vili	ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.	447

■bout spies to watch such as he suspected,
for he was now overrun with suspicion and
hatred against all about him; and indulging
abundance of those suspicions, in order to his
preservation, he continued to suspect those
that were guiltless: nor did he set any bounds
to hiAself; but supposing that those who
staid with him had the most power to hart
him, they were to him very frightful; and
for those that did .not use to come to him, it
seemed enough to narft them [to make them
suspected], and he thought himself safer when
they were destroyed: and at last his domes-
tics were come to that pass, that beiri'g no way
secure of escaping themselves, they fell to
accusing-one another, and imagining that he
who first accused another was most likely to
save himself; yet, when any had overthrown
others, they were hated; -and they were
thought to suffer justly, who unjustly accused
others; and they only thereby prevented "their
own accusation; nay, they now executed their
own private enmities by this means, and when
they were caught, they were punished in the
same way. Thus these men contrived to
make use of this opportunity as an instrument
and a snare against their enemies;'-yet, when
they tried it, were themselves caught also in
the same snare which they laid for others:
and the king soon repented of what he had
doiie, because he had no clear evidence of the
guilt of those whom he had slain; and yet
what was still more severe in him, he did not
make use of his repentance, in order to leave
off doing the like again, but in order to inflict
the same punishment upon their accusers.

3.	And in this state of disorder were the
affairs of the palace; and he had already told
many of his friends directly, that they ought
not to appear before him, nor come into the
palace; and the reason of this injunction was,
that [ when they were there] he had less free-
dom of acting, or a greater restraint on him-
self on their account; for at this time it was
that he expelled Andromachus and Gemellus,
men who had of old been his friends, and
been very useful to him in the affairs of his
kingdom, and been of advantage to his family,
by their embassages and counsels; and had
been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner
the first degree of freedom with him. He
expelled Andromachus, because his son De-
metrius was a companion to Alexander; and
Gemellus, because he knew that he wished
him well, which arose from his having been
with him in his youth, when he was at school,
and absent at Rome. These be expelled out
of his palace, and was willing enough to have
done worse by them; but that he might not
seem to take such liberty against men of so
great reputation, he contented himself with
depriving them of their dignity, and of their
power to hinder his wicked proceedings.

4.	Now it was Antipater who was the
cause of all this; who when be knew what a

mad and licentious way of acting his father
was in, and had been a great while one of his
counsellors, he hurried him on, and then
thought he should bring him to do somewhat
to purpose, when every one that could oppose
him was taken away. When therefore An-
dromachus and his friends were driven away,
and had no discourse nor freedom with the
king any longer, the king, in the first place,
examined by torture all whom he thought to
be faithful to Alexander, whether they knew
of any of his attempts against him; but these
died without having any thing to say to that
matter, which made the king more zealous
[after discoveries], when he could not find
out what evil proceedings he suspected them
of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious
to raise a calumny against those that were
really innocent, as if their denial was only
their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander],
and thereupon provoked Herod to discover
by the torture of great numbers, whtft at-
tempts were still concealed. Now there was
a certain person among the many that were
tortured, who said that he knew that the
young man had often said, that when he was
commended as a tall 1nan in his body, and a
skilful marksman, and that in his other com-
mendable exercises he exceeded all men, these
qualifications, given him by nature, though
good in themselves, were not advantageous to
him, because his father was grieved at them,
and envied him for them: and that when he
walked along with his father, be endeavoured
to depress and shorten himself that he might
not appear too tall; and that when he shot at
any thing as he was hunting, when his father
was by, he missed his mark on purpose; for
he knew how ambitious his father was of
being superior in such exercises. So when the
man wras tormented about this saying, and
had ease given his body after it, he added,
that he had his brother Aristobulus for hi3
assistance, and contrived to lie in wait for their
father, as they were hunting, and kill him;
and when they had done so, to fly to Rome,
and desire to have the kingdom given them.
There were also letters of the young man
found, written to his brother; wherein he
complained that his father did not act justly
in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly]
revenues amounted to ten hundred talents.
Upon these confessions Herod presently
thought he had somewhat to depend on, in
his own opinion, as to bis suspicion about his
sons: so he took up Alexander and bound
him; yet did he still continue to be uneasy,
and was not quite satisfied of the truth of
what he had heard; and wrhen he came to
recollect himself, he found that they had only
made juvenile complaints and contentions, and
that it was an incredible thing, that when his
son should have slain him, he should openly
go to Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he
was desirous to have some surer mark of his448

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK X?I.

eon’s wickedness, and was very solicitous
alwjut it, that he might not appear to have
condemned him to be put in prison too rashly ;
so he tortured the principal of Alexander’s
friends, and put not a few of them to‘death,
withqiit getting any of the things out of them
whi h he suspected. And while Herod was
very busy about this matter, and the palace
was full of terror and trouble, one of the
younger sort, when he was in the utmost
agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his
friends at Rome, and desired that he might
be quickly invited thither by Caesar, and that
he could discover a plot against him; that
Jj^lithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined
in friendship with his father against the Ro-
mans, and that he had a poisonous potion
ready prepared at Askelon.

5. To these accusations Herod gave credit,
and enjoyed hereby, in bis miserable case,
some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rash-
ness, as flattering himself with finding things
in so bad a condition; but as for the poison-
ous potion, which he laboured to find, he
could find rone. As for Alexander, be was
very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes
he was under, so he pretended not to deny the
accusations, but punished the rashness of his
father with a greater crime of his own; and
perhaps he was willing to make his father
ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies;
be aimed especially, if he could gain belief to
his story, to plague him and his whole king-
dom; for he wrote four letters and sent them
to him, that “ he did not need to torture any
more persons, for he had plotted against him,
and that he had for his partners, Pberoras, and
the most faithful of his friends; and that Sa-
lome came in to him by night, and that she
lay with him whether he would or not; and
that all men were come to be qf one mind to
make away with him as soon as they could, and
so get clear of the continual fear they were in
from him.” Among these were accused Pto-
lemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faith-
ful friends to the king. And what more can
be said, but that those who before were the
most intimate friends, werebeaome'wild beasts
to one another, as if a certain madness had
fallen upon them, while there was no room
for defence or refutation, in order to the dis-
covery of the truth, but all were at random
doomed to destruction I so that some lamented
those that were in prison, some those that were
put to death, and others lamented that they
were in expectation of the same miseries; and
a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom
deformed, and quite the reverse of that happy
Btate it was formerly in. Herod’s own life
also was entirely disturbed; and, because he
could trust nobody, he was sorely punished by
the expectation of farther misery; for he often
landed in his imagination, that his son had
&Uen upon him, or stood by him with a sword
in his hand; and thus was Ms mind night and

day intent upon this thing, and revolved it over
and over, and uo otherwise: than if he were
under a distraction And this was the sad
condition Herod was now in.

6. But when Arcbelaus, king of Cappado-
cia, heard of the state that Herod was in, and
being in great distress about his daughter, and
the young man [her husband], and grieving
with Herod, as with a man that was his friend,
on account of so great a disturbance as he
was under, he came [to Jerusalem] on pur-
pose to compose their differences; and, whefl
be found Herod in such a temper, he thought
it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to
pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for
that be should thereby naturally bring him to
dispute the point with him, and by still more
and more apologizing for himself to be the
more irritated: he went, therefore, another
way to work, in order to correct, the former
misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young
man, and said that Herod had been so very
mild a man that he had not acted a rash part
at all:	He also said he would dissolve bis

daughter’s marriage with Alexander, nor
could in justice spare his own daughter, if
she were: conscious of any thing, and did not
inform Herod of it. When Arcbelaus appear-
ed to be of this temper, and otherwise than
Herod expected or imagined, and for the mala
took Herod’s part, and was angry on hii ac-
count, the king abated- of his harshness, and
took occasion from his appearing to have acted
justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put
on the affection of a father, and was on both
sides to be pitied; for when some persons
refuted the calumnies that were laid on the
young man, he was thrown into a passion;
but when Archelaus joined in the accusation,
he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after
an affectionate manner. Accordingly, he de-
sired that he would not dissolve his son's mar-
riage, and became not so angry as' before for
his offences. So when Archelaus had brought
him to a more moderate temper, he transferred
the calumnies upon bis friends; and said it
must be owing to them that so young a man,
and one unacquainted with malice, was cor-
rupted; and be supposed that there was more
reason to suspect the brother than the son.
Upon which Herod was very much displeased
at Pheroras, who indeed now had no one that
could make a reconciliation between him and
his brother. So when he saw that Archelaus
had the greatest power with Herod, he betook
himself to him in the habit of a mourner, and
like one that had all the signs upon him of an
undone man. Upon this Archelaus did not
overlook the intercession he made to him, nor
yet did he undertake to change the king’s
disposition towards him immediately; and he
said that it was better for him to come himself
to the king, and confess himself the occasion
of all; that this would make the king’s anger
not to be extravagant towards him, and thatCHAP. IX.,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

449

point with both of them; and the calumnies
raised against the young man were, beyond
all expectation, wiped off. And Archelaus,
as soon, as he had made the reconciliation,
went then away to Cappadocia, having proved
at this juncture of time the most acceptable
person to Herod in the world; on which
account he gave him the richest presentSj as
tokens'of his respects ta^him, and being on
other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed
him one of his dearest friends. He also made
an agreement with him that he would go to
Rome, because he had written to Ca:sar about
these affairs; so they went together as far as
Antioch, and there Herod made a recon-
ciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the
president of Syria, who had been greatly at
variance, and so returned back to Judea.

then lie would be present to assist him. When j ceived that his dominions had greatly suffered
he had persuaded him to this, he gained his j by them, and since he could not reach the
- ’	11 n ■’	J	1	‘ robbers themselves, because of the secure

retreat they had in that country, and vhich the
Arabian government afforded them, and yet
being very uneasy at the injuries they had
done him, he went all over Trachoiiitis, and
slew their relations; whereupon these robbers
were more angry than before, it being a law
among them to be avenged on the murderers
of their relations by all possible means; so
they (continued to tear and rend everything
under Herod’s dominion with impunity; then
did he discourse about these robberies to
Satuminus and Volumnius, and required that
they should be punished; upon which occa-
sion they still the more confirmed themselves
in their robberies, and became more numerous,
aqd made very great disturbances, laying
waste the countries and villages that belonged
to Herod’s kingdom, and killing those men
whom they caught, till these unjust proceedings
came to be like a real war, for the robbers
were now become about a thousand;—at
which Herod was sore displeased, and required
the robbers, as well as the money which he
had lent Obodas, by’Sylleus, which was sixty
talents, and since the time of payment was
now past, he desired to have it paid him: but
Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and
managed all by himself, denied that the robbers
were in Arabia, and put off the payment of
the money; about which there was a hearing
before Satuminus and Volumnius, who were
then the presidents of Syria.* At last, he,
by their means, agreed, that within thirty
days’ time Herod should be paid his money
and that each of them should deliver up the
other’s subjects reciprocally. Now, as to
Herod, there was not one of the other’s sub-
jects found in his kingdom, either as doing
any injustice, or on any other account; but i*
was proved that the Arabians had the robbers
amongst them.

2. When the day appointed for payment of
the money was past, without Sylleus’s per-
forming any part of his agreement, and he
was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the pay-
ment of the money, and that the robbers that
were in Arabia should be delivered up; and,
by the permission of Satuminus and Volum-
nius, executed the judgment himself upon
those that were refractory. He took an army
that he .had, and led it into Arabia, and in
three days’ time marched seven mansions;
and when he came to the garrison wherein
the jobbers were, he made an assault upon
them, and took them all, and demolished the
place, which was called Raepta, but did no
harm to any others. But as the Arabians
came to their assistance, under Naceb their

CHAPTER IX.

CONCERNING THE REVOLT OF THE TRACHON-
ITES; HOW SYLLEUS ACCUSED HEROD BE-
FORE CjESAR; AND HOW HEROD, WHEN
CAESAR WAS ANGRY AT HIM, RESOLVED TO
SEND NICOLAUS TO ROME.

§ 1. When Herod had been at Rome, and
was come back again, a war arose between
him and the Arabians, on the occasion follow-
ing:— The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after
Caesar had taken the country away from
Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now
power to rob, but were forced to plough the
land, and to live quietly, which was a thing
they did not like; and when they did take
that pains, the ground did not produce much
fruit for them. However, at the first the king
would mot permit them to rob; and so they
abstained from that Unjust way of living
upon their neighbours, which procured Herod
a great reputation for his care. But when he
was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when
he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to
commit Antipater to Csesar’s protection, the
Trachonites spread a report as if he were
dead, and revolted from his dominion, and
betook themselves again to their accustomed
way of robbing their neighbours; at which
time the king’s commanders subdued them
during his absence: but about forty of the
principal robbers, being terrified by those that
had been taken, left the country, and retired
into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after
he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave
them a place of strength, in which they dwelt.
So they overran not only Judea, but all Cele-
gyria also, and carried off the prey, while
Sylleus afforded them places of protection and
quietness during their wicked practices. But
when Herod eomc buck from Rome, he per-

* These joint presidents of Syria. Satuminus and Vo-BOOK XVI*

450	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

captain, tliere ensued a battle, wherein a few
of Herod’s soldiers, and Naceb, the captain
of the Arabians, and about twenty of his sol-
diers fell, while the rest betook themselves to
flight. So when he had brought these to pun-
ishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans
in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the rob-
bers that were there. He also sent an account
to the captains that were about Phoenicia, and
demonstrated that he had done nothing but
what he ought to do, in punishing the refrac-
tory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry,
they found to be no more than what was true.

3. However, messengers were hasted away
to Sylleus to Rome, and informed him what
had been done-, and, as is usual, aggravated
every thing. Now Sylleus had already in-
sinuated himself into the knowledge of Ciesar,
and was then about the palace; and as soon
as he heard of these things, he changed his
habit into black, and .went in, and told Cae-
sar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and
that all his kingdom was in great confusion,
upon Herod’s laying it waste with his army;
and he said, with tears in his eyes, that
two thousand five hundred of the principal
men among the Arabians had been destroyed,
and that their captain Nacebus, bis familiar
friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the
riches that were at Raepta were carried off;
and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm
state of body rendered him unfit.for war; on
which account, neither he nor the Arabian
army were present. When Sylleus said so,
and added invidiously, that he would not him-
self have come out of the country, unless he
had believed that Caesar would have provided
that they should all have peace one with ano-
ther, and that, had he been there, he would
have taken care that the war should not have
been to Herod’s advantage. Caesar was pro-
voked when this was said; and asked no more
than this one question, both of Herod’s friends
that were there, and of his own friends, who
were come from Syria, Whether Herod had
led an army thither? And when they were
forced to confess so much, Caesar, without
staying to hear for what reason he did it, and
how it was done, grew very angry, and wrote
to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle
was this, that whereas of old he had used him
as bis friend, he should now use him as his
subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of this
to the Arabians, who were so elevated with
it, that they neither delivered up the robbers
that had fled to them, nor paid the money
that was due: they retained those pastures
also which they had hired, and kept them
without paying their rent, and all this because
the king of the Jews was now in a low con-
dition, by reason of Caesar's anger at him.
Those of Trachonitis also made use of this
opportunity, apd rose up against the Idumcan
garrison, and followed the same way of rob-
bing with the Arabians, who had pillaged

their country, and were more rigid in their
unjust proceedings, not only in order to get
by it, but by way of revenge also.

4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this,
that confidence of his being quite-gone with
which Caesar’s favour used to inspire him;
for Caesar would not admit so much as an
embassage from him, to make an apology for
him; and when they came again, he sent
them away without s.uccess: so he was cast
into sadness and fear; and Sylleus’s circum-
stances grieved him exceedingly,. Who was
now believed by Caesar, and was present at
Rome, nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now
it came to pass that Obodas was dead: and
JEneas, whose name was afterward changed
to Aretas,* took the government, for Sylleus
endeavoured by calumnies to get him turned
out of his principality, that he might himself
take it; with which design he gave much
money to the courtiers, and promised mucl^
money to Caesar, who indeed was angry that
Aretas had not sent to him first before he
took the kingdom, yet did iEneas send an
epistle and presents to Caesar, and a crown of
gold, of the weight of many talents. Now
that epistle accused Sylleus as haying been a
wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by
poison; and that while he was alive, he had
governed him as he pleased; and had also
debauched the wives of the Arabians; and
had borrowed money, .in order .to obtain the
dominion for himself: yet did not Caesar give
heed to these accusations, but sent his ambas-
sadors back, without receiving any of his pre-
sents. But in the mean time the affairs of
Judea and Arabia became worse and worse,
partly because of the anarchy they were un-
der, and partly because, bad as they were,
nobody had power to govern them; for of
the two kings, the one was not yet .confirmed
in his kingdom, and so had not authority suf-
ficient to restrain the evil doers; and as for
Herod, Caesar was immediately angry at him
for having avenged himself, and so he was
compelled to bear all the injuries that were
offered him. At length, when he saw no end
of the mischief which surrounded him, he
resolved to send ambassadors to Rome again,
to see whether his friends had prevailed to
mitigate Caesar, and to address themselves to
Ciesar himself; and the ambassador he sent
thither was Nicolaus of Damascus.

* This Aretas was now become so established a name
for the kings uf Arabia [at Petra and Damascus^, that
when the crown came to this JEneas, he changed his
name to Aretas, as Havercamp here justly observes.
See Anti<j. b. xiii. ch. xv. sect 2.CHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

451

CHAPTER X.

HOW EURYCLES FALSELY ACCUSED HEROD’S
SONS; AND HOW THEIR FATHER BOUND
THEM, AND WROTE TO CiESAR ABOUT
THEM. OF SYLLEUS; AND HOW HE WAS
ACCUSED BY NICOLAUS.

§ 1. The disorders about Herod’s family and
children about this tim,e grew much worse; for
it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen
beforehand, that fortune threatened the great-
est and most insupportable misfortunes pos-
sible to his kingdom. Its progress and
augmentation at this time arose on the occasion
following: — One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian
(a person of Dote there, but a man of a per-
verse mind, and so cunning in his ways of
voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge
both, and yet seem to indulge neither of
them), came in his travels to Herod, and
made him presents, but so that he received
more presents from him. He also took such
proper seasons for insinuating himself into
his friendship, that he became one of the most
intimate of the king's friends. He had his
lodgingjn Antipater’s house; but he had not
only access, but free conversation, with Alex-
ander, asifflfletending tQ him that he was in
great favtfbf with Archelaus, the king of
Cappadocia; whence he pretended much re-
spect to Glaphyra, and, in an occuit manner,
cultivated a friendship with them all. but
alwuys attending to what was said and done,
that he might be furnished with calumnies to
please them all. In short, he behaved himself
so to every body in his conversation, as to
appear to be his particular friend, and he
made others believe that his being anywhere
was for that person’s advantage. So be won
upon Alexander, who was but young; and
persuaded him, that he might open his
grievances to him with assurance, and with
nobody else. So he declared his grief to him,
how his father was alienated from him. He
related to him also the affairs of his mother,
and of Antipater; that he had driven them
from their proper dignity, and had the power
over every thing himself; that no part of this
was tolerable, since his father was already
come to hate them; and he added, that he
would neither admit them to his table nor to
his conversation. Such were the complaints,
as was but natural, of Alexander about the
things that troubled him: and these discourses
Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him,
he did not inform him of this on his own
account, but that being overcome by his kind-
ness, the great importance of the thing obliged
him to do it: and he warned him to have a
care of Alexander, for that what he said was
spoken with vehemency, and that, in conse-
quence of what he said, he would certainly
kill him with his "own hand. Whereupon

Antipater, thinking him to be his friend
by this advice, gave him presents upon all
occasions, and at length persuaded him to
inform Herod of what he had heard. So
when he related to the king Alexander’s ill
temper, as discovered by the words he had
heard him speak, he was easily believed by
him; and he thereby brought the king to
that pass, turning him about by his words,
and irritating him, ti^. he increased his hatred
to him, and made him implacable, which he
showed at that very time, for he immediately
gave Eurycles a present of fifty talents; who,
when he had gotten them, went to Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia, and commended Alex-
ander before him, and told him that he had
been many ways of advantage to him, in
making a reconciliation between him and his
father. So he got money from him also,
■and went away, before his pernicious prac-
tices were found out; but when Eurycles was
returned to Lac^demon, he did not leave off
doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of in-
j ustice, he was banished from his own country.

2.	But as for the king of the Jews, he was
not now in the temper he was in formerly
towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he
had been content with the hearing their
calumnies when others told him'of them, but
he was now come to that pass as to hate them
himself, and to urge men to speak against
them, though they did not do it of themselves.
He also observed all that was said, and put
questions, and gave ear to every one that
would but speak, if they could but say any
thing against them, till at length he heard that
Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alex
ander; which'thing to Herod was the most
agreeable and sweetest news imaginable.

3.	But still a greater misfortune came
upon the young men; while the calumnies
against them were continually increased, and,
as a man may say, one would think it was
every one’s endeavour to lay some grievous
thing to their charge, which might appear to
be for the king’s preservation. There were
two guards of Herod’s body, who were in
great esteem for their great strength and tall-
ness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men
had been cast off. by Herod, who was dis-
pleased at them; these now used to ride along
with Alexander, and for their skill in their
exercises were in great esteem with him, and
had some gold and other gifts bestowed on
them. Now the king, having an immediate
suspicion of these men, had them tortured; whq
endured the torture courageously for a long
time; but at last confessed that Alexander
would have persuaded them to kill Herod
when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts,
that it might be said he fell from his horse,
and wa9 run through with his own spear, for
that he had once such a misfortune formerly.
They aUo showed where there was money
hidden in the stable, under ground •, and these452

ANTIQUITIES OF TEB1EWS4

BOOK XVt.

convicted the king’s chief hunter, that he had
given the young men the royal hunting-spears
and weapons to Alexander’s dependants, and
at Alexander’s command.

4.	After these, the commander of the gar-
rison of Alexandrium was caught and tortured;
for he was accused to have promised to
receive the young men into his fortress, and
to supply them with that money of the king’s
which was laid up in that Jartress, yet did not
he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but
his son came in, and said it was so, and deli-
vered up the writing, which, so far as could
be guessed, was in Alexander’s hand. Its
contents were these: — “ When we have
finished, by God’s help, all that we have
proposed to do, we will come to you; but do
your endeavours, as you have promised, to re-
ceive us into your fortress.” After this writ-
ing was produced, Herod had no doubt about
the treacherous designs of his sons against
him; but Alexander said th^ Diophantus,
the scribe, had imitated his hand, and that the
paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater;
for Diophantus appeared to be very cunning
in such practices; and as he was afterward
convicted of forging other papers, he was
put to death for it..

5.	So the king produced those that had been
tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in
order to have them accuse the young men,
which accusers many of the people stoned to
death; and when they were going to kill
Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king
would not permit them to do so, but restrained
the multitude, by means of Ptolemy and
Pheroras. However, the young men were
put under a guard, and kept in custody, that
nobody might come at them; and all that
they did or said was watched, and the re-
proach and fear they were in was little or
nothing different from those of condemned
criminals; and one of them, who was Aristo-
bulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought
Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-
law, to lament with him for his calamities, and
to hate him who had suffered things to come
to that pass; when he said to her, “ Art thou
not in danger of destruction also, while the
report goes that thou hadst disclosed before-
hand all our affairs to Sylleus, when thou
wast in hopes of being married to him ?”
But she immediately carried those words to
her brother: upon this he was out of patience,
and gave command to bind him; and enjoined
them both, now they were kept separate one
from the other, to write down all the ill
things they had done against their father, and
bring the writings to him. So when this was
enjoined them, they wrote this: that they had
laid no treacherous designs, nor made any
preparations against their father, but that they
had intended to fly away; and that by the
distress' they were in, their lives being now
uncertain and tedious to them.

6.	About this time there came an ambassa-
dor out of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose
name was Melas; he was one of the prin-
cipal rulers under him. So Herod being
desirous to show Archelaus’s ill-will to hit..,
called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds,
and asked him again concerning his flight,
whether and how they had resolved to retire:
Alexander replied,— To Archelaus, who had
promised to send them away to Rome; but
that they had no wicked or mischievous de-
signs against their father, and that nothing of
that nature which their adversaries had charged
upon them was true; and that their desire
was, that he might have examined Tyrannus
and Jucundus more strictly, but that they
had been suddenly slain by the means of An-
tipater, who put liis own friends among the
multitude [for that purpose],

7.	When this was said, Herod commanded
that both Alexander nnd Melas should he
carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus’s daughter, and
that she should be asked, whether she did not
know somewhat of Alexander’s treacherous
designs against Herod ? Now as soon as
they were come to her, and she saw Alexander
in bonds, she beat her head, and in great con-
sternation, gave a deep and a moving groan.
The young man also fell into tears. This was
so miserable a spectacle to those present, that,
for a great while, they were not able to say or
to do any thing; but at length Ptolemy, who
was ordered to bring Alexander, bade him
say whether his wife were conscious of liis
actions. He replied, “ How is it possible that
she, whom I love better than my own sdul,
and by whom I have had children, should not
know what I do?” Upon which she cried
out, that she knew of no wicked designs of
his; but that yet, if her accusing herself
falsely would tend to his" preservation, she
would confess it all. Alexander replied,
“ There is no such wickedness as those (who
ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which
either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but
this only, that we had resolved to retire to
Archelaus, and from thence to Rome.” "Which
she also confessed. Upon which Herod,
supposing that Archelaus’s ill-will to him was
fully proved, sent^a letter by Olympus and
Volumnius; and bade them, as they sailed by,
to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Arche-
laus the letter. And that when they had
expostulated with him, that he had a hand
in his son’s treacherous design against him,
they should from thence sail to Rome; and
that, in case they found Nicolaus had gained
any ground, and that Cssar was no longer
displeased at him, he should give him his let-
ters, and the proof which he had ready to show
against the young men. As to Archelaus, he
made this defence for himself, that he had
promised to receive the young'men, because
it was both for their own and their father’s
advantage so to do, lest some too severeCHAP. X.

procedure should be gone upon in that anger
and disorder they were in ori occasion of the
present suspicions; hut that stiil he had not
promised to send them to Caesar'; and that tie
had not promised any thing else to the young,
men that could show any ill-will to him.

8. When these ambassadors were come to
iionie, they had a fit opportunity of delivering
their letters to Caesar, because they found him
reconciled to Herod ; for the circumstances
o: Nicolaus’s embassage had been as follows:—
As soon as be was come to Rome, and was
about the court, he did not first of all set
about what be was come for only, but he
thought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now, the
Arabians, even before he came to talk with
tVem, were quarrelling one with another; and
some of them left Sylleus’s party, and joining
themselves to Nicolaus, informedhim of all the
wicked things that had been done; and pro-
duced to him evident demonstrations of the
slaughter of a great number of Obodas’s
friends by Sylleus; for when these men left
Sylleus, they had carried off with them those
letters whereby they could convict him. When
Nicolaus saw ^guch an opportunity afrorded
him, he made use of it, in order to gain his
own point afterward, and endeavoured imme-
diately to make a reconciliation between
Ciesar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied,
that if he. should desire to make a defence for
Herod directly, he should not be allowed that
liberty; hut that if he desired to accuse Syl-
leiis, there would an occasion present itself
of speaking oil Herod’s behalf. So when the
cause was ready for a hearing, and the day
was appointed, Nicolaus, while. Aretas’s am-
bassadors were preset t, accused Sylleus, and
‘said that he imputed to him the destruction
of the king [Obodas], and of many others of
the Arabians: that he bad borrowed money
for no good design; and he proved that he
ftad been guilty of adultery, not only with the
Arabian, but Roman women also. And he
added, that above all the rest he had alienated
Ciesar from Herod; and that all that he had
said about the actions of Herod were falsi-
ties. When Nicolaus was come to this topic,
Caesar stopped him from going on, and
desired him only to speak to this affair of
Herod, and to show that he had not led an
army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand five
hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor
pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus
made this answer: — “I shall principally
demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but
a very little, of those imputations are true, of
which thou hast been, informed; for had they
been true, thou mightest justly have been still
more angry at Herod.’’ At this strange as-
sertion, Caesar was very attentive; and Nico-
laus said, that there was a debt due to Herod
of five hundred talents, and a bopd, wherein
t was written, that if the time appointed be
elapsed, it should be lawful to make a seizure

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW?.

out of any part of his country. “ As for the
pretended army,” he said, “ it was no army,
hut a party sent out to require the just pay-
ment o"f the money: that this was not sent
immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed,
hut that Sylleus bad frequently coine before

Saturninus and Volurnnius, the presidents of
Syria: and that at last he had sworii at Be-
rytus, by thy fortune,* that he would cer-
tainly pay the money iwithin thirty days, and
deliver up the fugitives that were under his
dominion. Ami that when Sylleus had per-
formed nothing of this, Herod came again
before the presidents; and upon their per-
mission to make a seizure for his money, he,
with dilficulty, went out of bis country with
a partySpf soldiers for that purpose. - And
this is all the war which these men so tragi-
cally describe; and this is the affair of the
expedition into Arabia. And how can this
he called a war, when thy presidents permit-
ted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was
not executed till thy name, O Ciesar, as well
as that of the other gods, bad been profaned?
And now 1 must speak in order about the
captives. There were robbers that dwelt in
Trachonitis:—at first their number was no
more than forty, hut they became more after-
wards, and they escaped the punishment He-
rod would have inflicted on them, by making
Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them,
and supported them with food, that they might
be mischievous to all mankind; and gave them
a country to inhabit, and himself received the
gains they made by robbery; yet did he pro-
mise that be would deliver up these men, and
that by the same oaths and same time that he
sware and fixed for payment of bis debt: nor
can he by any means show that any other per-
sons have at this time been taken out of Ara-
bia besides these, and indeed not all these
neither, but only so many as could not con-
ceal themselves. And thus does the calumny
of the captives, which hath been so odiefusly
represented, appear to be no better than a
fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke
thy indignation; for I venture to affirm, that
when the forces of the Arabians came upon
us, and one or two of Herod’s party fell, he
then only defended himself, and there fell
Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-
five others, and no more; whence Sylleus,
by multiplying every single soldier to a
hundred, he reckons the slain to have been
two thousand five hundred.”

9. This provoked Caesar more than ever;
so he turned to Sylleu9 full of rage, and asked
him how many of the Arabians were slain.
Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been
imposed upon. The covenants weve also read
about the money he had borrowed, and the

+ This oath.-ii/ the fortune of Ceesar, was put to
Polycarp, a bishop of Smyrna. hy the Homan governor,
to try whether tie were a Christian, as they were then

in. as

esteemed who refused to swear that
Pol yea rp. sect. tt.

hey were
atb. ftlt

artyv.454

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

book xn

letters of the presidents of Syria, and the
complaints of the several cities, so many as
had been injured by the robbers. The con-
clusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned
to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to
Herod, and owned his repentance for what
severe things he had written to h*tn, occasioned
by calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that
he had compelled him, by his lying account
of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against
a man that was his friend. At the last all
came to this, — Sylleus was sent away to
answer Herod’s suit, and to repay the debt that
he owed, and after that to be punished [with
death]; but still Caesar was offended with
Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the
government, without his consent first obtained,
for he had ’ determined to bestow' Arabia
upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent
hindered him from so doing; for Olympus
and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was
now become favourable to Herod, thought fit
immediately to deliver him'the letters they
were commanded by Herod to give him con-
cerning bis sons. When Caesar had read them,
he thought it would not be proper to add
another government to him, now he was old,
and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so
he admitted Aretas’s ambassadors; and after
he had just reproved him for his rashness, in
not tarrying till he received the kingdom from
him, he accepted of his presents, and con-
firmed him in his government.

CHAPTER XI.

HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM CAESAR,
ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE AN ASSEMBLY
OF JUDGES AT BERYTUS; AND WHAT TERO
BUFFERED, FOR USING A BOUNDLESS AND
MILITARY LIBERTY OF SPEECH. CONCERN-
ING ALSO THE DEATH OF THE YOUNG MEN,
At&i THEIR BURIAL AT ALEXANDRIUM.

§ 1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod,
and wrote thus to him:—That he was grieved
for him on account of his sons; and that in
case they had been guilty of any profane and
insolent crimes against him, it would behove
him to punish them as parricides, for which he
gave him power accordingly; but if they had
only contrived to fly away, he would have
him give them an admonition, and not pro-
ceed to extremity with them. He also ad-
vised him to get an assembly together, and to
appoint some place near Berytus,* which is a
city belonging to the Romans, and to take
the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus, king

lpny placed there by Augustus. Whence Ulpian, De Cena.
be], L. T. xv. The colony of Berytus was rendered
famous bytbe benelits of Cesar: and thence it Is, that
among the coins of Augustus, we meet with some having
this inscription: The nappy colony of Augustus at I)e-

rytns.”

of Cappadocia, and as many more ns he
thought to be illustrious for their friendshiO
to him, and the dignities they were in. and
determine what should be done by theif
approbation. These were the directions that
Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when
the letter was brought to him, was immediately
very glad of Caesar’s reconciliation to him.
and very glad also that he had a complete
authority given him over his sons. And n
strangely came about, that whereas before, m
bis adversity, though he had indeed shown
himself severe, yet had he not been very rash,
nor hasty, in procuring the destruction of his
sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advan-
tage of this change for the better, and the
freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred
against them, after an unheard-of manner;
he therefore sent and called as many as he
thought fit to this assembly, excepting Arche-
laus; for as for him, he either hated him, so
that he would not invite him, or thought he
would be an obstacle to his designs.

2. When the presidents, and the rest that
belonged to the cities were come to Berytus,
he kept his sons in a certain village belonging
to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city,
that if they were called he might produce
them, for he did not think fit to bring them
before the assembly: and when there were
one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod
came by himself alone, and accused his sons,
and in such a way as if it were not a melan-
choly accusation, and not made but out of
necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was
under; indeed, in such a way as was very
indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he
was very vehement and disordered when he
came to the demonstration of the crime they
were accused of, and gave the greatest signs
of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer
the assessors to consider of the weight of the
evidence, but asserted them to be true by his
own authority, after a manner most indecent
in a father against bis sons, and read himself
what they themselves had written, wherein
there was no confession of any plots or con-
trivances against him, but only how they
had contrived to fly away, and containing
withal certain reproaches against him, on
account of the ill-will he bare them.; and when
he came to those reproaches, he cried out
most of all, and exaggerated what they said,
as if they had confessed the design ajgainst
him,—and took his oath that he had rather
lose his life than hear such reproachful words.
At last he said that he had sufficient authority,
both by nature and by Caesar’s grant to him,
[to do what he thought fit.] He also added
an allegation of a law of their country, which
enjoined this:—That if parents laid their
hands on the head of him that was accused,
the standers by were obliged t.o cast stones at
him, and thereby to slay him; which though
he were ready to do in his own country, andCHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

455

kingdom, yet did he wait for their determina-
tion; and yet they came thither not so much
as judges, to condemn them for such manifest
designs against him, whereby he had almost
perished by his sons’ means, but as persons
thjt had an opportunity of showing their de-
testation of such practices, and declaring how
unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the
most remote, to pass over such treacherous
designs [without punishment].

8. When the king had said this, and the
young men had not been produced to make
any defence for themselves, the assessors per-
ceived there was no room for equity and re-
conciliation, so they confirmed his authority.
And in the first place, Saturninus, a person
that had been consul, and one of great dignity,
pronounced hi3 sentence, but with great
moderation and trouble; and said, that he
condemned Herod’s sons; but did not think
they should be put to death. He had sons
of his own; and to put one’s son to death, is
a greater misfortune than any other that could
b'efal him by their means. After him Satur-
ninus’s sons', for he had three sons that fol-
lowed him,-and were his legates, pronounced
the same sentence with their father. On the
contrary, Volumnius’s sentence was to inflict
death on such as had been so impiously un-
dutifnl to their father; and the greatest part
of the rest said the same, insomuch that the
conclusion seemed to be, that the young men
were condemned to die. Immediately after
this, Herod came away from thence, and took
his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in
his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired,
after he had related to him what had passed at
Berytus, what his sentiments were about his
sons, and what his friends at Rome thought
of that matter.' His answer was, “ That what
they had determined to do to thee was im-
pious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in
prison; and if thou thinkest any thing farther
necessary, thou mayest indeed so punish them,
that thou mayest not appear to indulge thy
anger more than to govern thyself by judg-
ment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side,
thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps thy
misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this
is the opinion of the greatest part of thy
friends at Rome also.” Whereupon Herod
was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and
bade Nicolaus sail along with him.

4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every
body was there talking of Herod’s sons; and
the kingdom was in suspense, and the people
ill great expectation of-what would become
of them, for a terrible fear seized upon all
men, lest the ancient disorders of the family
should come to a sad conclusion, and they
were in great trouble about their sufferings;
nor was it without danger to say any rash
thing about this matter, nor even to hear ano-
ther saying it, but men’s pity was forced to
Oe rduil up in themselves, which rendered the

excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very
silent; yet was there an old soldier of Herod’s,
whose name was Tero, who had a son of the
same age as Alexander, and his friend, who
was so very free as openly to speak out what
others silently thought algout that matter; and
was forced to cry out often among the mul-
titude, and said, in the most unguarded
manner, that truth was perished, and justice
taken away from men, while lies and ill-will
prevailed, and brought such a mist before
public affairs, that the offenders were not
able to see the greatest mischiefs that can
befal men. ' And as he was so bold, he seemed
not to have kept himself out of danger, by
speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of
what he said moved men to regard him as
having behaved himself with great manhood,
and this at a proper time also, for which
reason every one heard what he said with
pleasure: and although they first took care of
their own safety by keeping silent themselves,
yet did they kindly receive the great freedom
he took; for the expectation they were in
of so great an affliction, put a force upon
them to speakof Tero whatsoever theypleased.

5. This man had thrust himself into the
king’s presence with the greatest freedom, and
desired to speak with him by himself alone,
which the king permitted him to do; where he
said this:—“ Since I am not able, O king, to
bear up under so great a concern as I am under,
I have preferred the use of this bold liberty
that I now take, which may be for thy advan-
tage, if thou mind to get apy profit by it,
before my own safety. Whither is thy under-
standing gone, and left thy soul empty?
Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine
gone, whereby thou hast performed so many
and such glorious actions? Whence comes this
solitude, and desertion- of thy friends and rela-
tions? Of which I cannot but determine that
they are neither thy friends nor relations, while
they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy
once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive
what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young
men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished
with every virtue in the highest degree, and
leave thyself destitute in thy old 'age, but
exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed
the hopes thou hast given him, and to relations,
whose death thou hast so often resolved on
thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the
very silence of the multitude at once sees the
crime, and abhors the fact? The whole army
and the officers have commiseration on the
poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those
that are the actors in this matter.’’—These
words the king heard, and for some time with
good temper. But what can one say? When
Tero plainly touched upon the bad behaviour
and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was
moved at it; but Tero ivent on farther, and.
by degrees used an unbounded military free-
dom of speech, nor was he so well disciplined456

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVI.

as to accommodate himself to the time: so
Herod was greatly disturbed, and seemed to'
be rather reproached by this speech, than to
be hearing what was for his advantage, 'while
he learned thereby that both the soldiers
abhorred the thing he was about, and the offi-
cers had indignation at it, he gave order that
all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself,
should be bound and kept in prison.

6. When this was over, one Trypho, who
was the king’s barber, took the opportunity,
and came and told the king that Tero would
often have persuaded him, when he trimmed
him with a razor,- to cut his throat, for that
by this means he should be among the chief
of Alexander’s friends, and receive great re-
wards from him. When he had said this, the
king gave order that Tero, and his son, and
the barber, should be tortured, which was done
accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself,
his son, seeing his father already in a sad case,
and wi^h no hope of deliverance, and perceiv-
ing what would be the cosequence of his
terrible sufferings,-said, that if the king would
free him and his father from these torments
for what he should say, he would tell the
truth. And whon the Icing had given his
word to do so, he said that there was an agree-
ment made, that Tero should lay violent hands
on the king, because it was easy for him to
come when he was alone; and that if, when he
had done the thing, he should suffer death for
it, as was' not unlikely, it would be an act of
generosity done in favour of Alexander. This
was what Tero’s son said, and thereby freed
his father from the distress he was in; but un-
certain it is whether he had been thus forced to
speak what was true, or whether itnvere a ■con-
trivance of his, in order to procure his own and
his father’s deliverance from their miseries.

4tt As for Herod, if h#had before any doubt
about the slaughter of his sons, there was now
no longer any room left in his soul for it; but
he had Banished away whatsoever might
afford him the least suggestion of reasoning
better about this matter, so he already made
haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion.
He also brought out three hundred of the
officers that were under an accusation, as also
Tero and his son, and the barber that accused
them, before an assembly, and brought an
accusation against them all; whom the multi-
tude stoned with whatsoever came to band,
and thereby slew them. Alexander «lso and
Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their
father’s command, and there strangled; but
their dead bodies were, in the night-time, car-
ried to Alexandrium, where their uncle, by
the mother’s side, and the greatest part of
their ancestors, had been deposited.

8. * And now perhaps it may not seem un-

* The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is
entirely wanting in the old Latin version, as Spanheiin
truly observes; nor is there any other reason for it. I sup-
pose, than Ini- Rival iti;iic.:!t» ,.f on (jsaci traii.iittion.

reasonable to some, that such an inveterate
hatred might increase so much [on both
sides], as to proceed farther, and overcome
nature; but it may justly deserve considera-
tion, whether it be to be laid to the charge of
the yoting men, that they gave such an occa-
sion to their father’s anger, and led him ft)
do what he did, and by going on long in the
same way, put.things past remedy, and brought
him to use them so unmercifully; or whether
it be to be laid to the father’s charge, that he
was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in
the desire of government, and of other things
that would tend to his glory, that he would
take no one intoja, partnership with him, that
so whatsoever he would have done himself
might continue immoveable; or, indeed, whe-
ther fortune has not greater power than all
prudent reasonings: whence we are persuaded
that human actions are thereby determined
beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we
call her Fate, because there is nothing which
is not done by her; wherefore I suppose it
will be sufficient to compare this notion with
that other, which attributes somewhat to our-
selves, and renders men not unaccountable
for the different conducts of their lives; which
notion is no other than the philosophical de-
termination of our ancient law. Accordingly,
of the two other causes of this sad event,
any body may lay the blame bn the young
men,*-who acted by youthful vanity, and pride
of their royal birth, that they should bear to
hear the calumnies that were raiseff’ against
their father, while certainly they were not
equitable judges of the actions of his life, but
ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in
speaking of it, and on both accounts easily
caught by those that observed them, and re-
vealed them to gain favour; yft cannot their
father be thought worthy of excuse, as to that
horrid impiety which he was guilty of about
them, while he ventured, without any certain
evidence of their treacherous designs against
him, and without any proofs that they had
made preparations for such an attempt, to kill
his own sons, who were of very comely bodies
and the great darlings of other "men, and no
way delicient in their conduct,, whether it
were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in
speaking upon occasional topics of discourse;
for in all these they were skilful, and espe-
cially Alexander, who was the eldest; for
certainly it had been sufficient, even though he
had condemned them, to have kept them alive
in bonds, or to let them live at a distance
from- his dominions in banishment, while he
was surrounded by the Homan forces, which
were a strong security to him, whose help
would prevent his suffering any thing by a
sudden onset, or by open force; but for him
to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify
a passion that governed him, was a demon-
stration of insufferable impiety. He also was
guilt\ oi so gnat a crime in his older age;CHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES

nor will the delays that he made, and the
length of time in which the thing was done,
plead at all for his excuse; for when a man
is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of
mind, and then commits a wicked action,
although this be a heavy crime, yet it is a thing
that frequently happens; but to do it upon
deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and
as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at
last, and accomplish it, was the action of a
murderous mind, and such as was not easily

OP THE JEWS.	457

moved from that which was evil: and this
temper he showed in what he did afterward,
when he did not spare those that seemed to
be the best-beloved of his friends that were
left, wherein, though the justice of the pun-
ishment caused those that perished to be the
less pitied, yet was the barbarity of 'the man
here equal, in that he did not abstain from
their slaughter also. But of those persons
we shall have occasion to discourse more
hereafter.

BOOK XVII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL.OF FOURTEEN YEARS.

FROM ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS'S DEATH TO THE
BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS.

CHAPTER I.

HOW ANTIPATER WAS HATED BY ALL THE NA-
TION THE JEWS] FOR THE SLAUGHTER
OF HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, FOR THAT
REASON, HE GOT INTO PECULIAR FAVOUR
WITH HIS. FRIENDS AT ROME, BY GIVING
THEM MANY PRESENTS; AS HE DID ALSO
WITH S ATURNLNUS, THE PRESIDENT OF
SYRIA, AND THE GOVERNORS WHO WERE
UNDER HIM; AND CONCERNING HEROD’S
WIVES AND CHILDREN.

§ 1. When Antipater had thus taken off bis
brethren, and had brought his father into the
highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted
with furies for what he had done, his hopes
did not succeed to his mind, as to the rest of
his life; for although he was delivered from
the fear of his brethren being his rivals as to
the government, yet did lie find it a very
hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come
at the kingdom, because the hatred of the
nation against him on that account was become
very great; and, besides this very disagree-
able circumstance, the affairs of the soldiery
grieved him still more, who were, alienated
from him, from which “yet these kings de-
rived all the safety which they had, whenever
they found the nation desirous of innova-
tion: and all this danger was drawn upon
him by his destruction of his brethren. How-
ever, he governed the nation jointly with his J above all, to Saturninus, the president of
htber, being indeed no other than a king | Syria. He also hoped to gain the favour e4
dready; and. he was for that very reason | Saturninus’s brother with the large presents he

trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for
which he ought himself to have been put to
death, as appearing to have betrayed his“bre-
thren out of his concern for the pre'servation
of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will
to them, and before them, to his father him-
self; arid this was the accursed state he was
in. Now, all Antipater’s contrivances tended
to make his way to take off Herod, that he
might have nobody to accuse him in the vile
practices he was devising; and that Herod
might have no refuge, nor- any to afford him
their assistance, since they must thereby have
Antipater for their open enemy; insomuch
that the very plots he had laid against his bre-
thren, were occasioned by the hatred he bore
his father. But at this time he was more
than ever set upon the execution of his
attempts against Herod, because, if he were
once dead, the government would now be
firmly secured to him; but if he were suffered
to live any longer, he should be in danger
upon a discovery of that wickedness of which
he had been the contriver, and his father
would then of necessity become his enemy.
And on this account it was that he became
very bountiful to his father’s friends, and
bestbwed great sums on several of them, in
order to surprise men with his good deeds, and
take off their hatred against them. And he
sent great presents to his friends at Rome
particularly, to gain their good-will; and,458

BOOK XY'II

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

.bestowed on him; as also he used the same
art to [Salome] the king’s sister, who had
married one of Herod’s chief friends. And,
when he counterfeited friendship to those
with whom he conversed, he was very subtle
in gaining their belief, and very cunning to
hide his hatred against any that he really did
hate. But he could not impose upon his
aunt, who understood him of a long time, an.i
was a woman not easily to be deluded, espe-
cially while she had already used all possible
caution in preventing his pernicious designs.
Although Antipater’s uncle by the mother’s
side was married to her daughter, and this by
his "own connivance and management, while
she had before been married to Aristobulus,
and while Salome’s other daughter by that
husband was married to the son of Calleas;
yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who
knew how wicked he was, in her discovering
his designs, as her former kindred to him
could not prevent her hatred of him. Now
Herod had compelled Salome, while she Was
in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had
taken a fondness to him, to marry Alexas;
which match was by her submitted to at the
instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not
to refuse it,, lest she should herself be their
open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he
would never be friends with Salome if she
would not accept of Alexas for her husband;
so she submitted to Julia, as being Caesar’s
wife; and besides that, she advised her to
nothing hut what was very much for her own
advantage. At this time also it was that
Herod sent back king Archelaus’s, daughter,
who had been Alexander’s wife, to her father,
returning the portion he had with her out of
his own estate, that there might be no dispute
between them about it.

2. Now Herod brought up his sons’ chil-
dren with great care; for Alexander had two
sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three
sons by Bernice, Salome’s daughter, and
two daughters; and as his friends were once
with him, he presented the children before
them-; and deploring the hard fortune oT his
own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune
would befal these who were their children,
but that they might improve in virtue, and
obtain what they justly deserved, and might
make him amends for his care of their edu-
cation. He also caused them to be betrothed
against they should come to the proper age
of marriage; the elder of Alexander’s sons
to Pheroras’s daughter, and Antipater’s daugh-
ter to Aristobulus’? eldest son. He also
allotted one of Aristobulus’s daughters to
Anti pater’s son, and Aristobulus’s other
daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who
was born to him by the high-priest’s daughter:
for it is the ancient practice among us to
have many wives at the same time. Now,
the king trade these espousals for the chil-
dren, out ol commiseration of them now they

were fatherless, as endeavouring to render
Antipater kind to them by these intermar-
riages. But Antipater did not fail to bear
the same temper of mind to his brothers
children which he had borne to his brothers
themselves; and his father’s concern about
them provoked his indignation against them
upon his supposal, that they would become
greater than ever his brothers had been; while
Archelaus, a king, would Support his daugh-
ter’s sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, woulf
accept of 6ne of the daughters as a wife to
his son. What provoked him also was this,
that all the multitude would so commiserate
these fatherless children, and so hate him [for
making them fatherless], that all would come
out, since they were no strangers to his vile
disposition towards his‘brethren. He con-
trived, therefore, to b’verturn his father’s set-
tlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that
they should be so related to him, and be so
powerful withal. So Herod yielded to him,
and changed his resolution' at his entreaty;
and the determination now was, that Aritipatei
himself should marry Aristobulus’s daughter,
and Antipater’s son should marry Pheroras’s
daughter. So the espousals for the marriages
were changed after this manner, even without
the king’s real approbation.

3. Now Herod* the king had at this time
njne wives; one of them Antipater’s mother,
and another the high-priest’s daughter, by
whom he had a son of his own name. He had
also one who was his brother’s daughter, and
another his sister’s daughter; which two had
no children. One of his wives also was of the
Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas
and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olym-
pias; which daughter was afterward married
to Joseph, the king’s brother’s son; but
Archelaus and Antipas were brtmght up with
a certain private man at Rome. Herod had
also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by
her he had his sons Herod and Philip; which
last was also brought up at Rome; Pallas
also was one of his wives, who bare him his
son Phasaelus; and besides these, he had for
his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had
his daughters Roxana and Salome. As for
his elder daughters by the same mother with
Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Phe-
roras neglected to marry,-he gave the one in
marriage to Antipater, the king’s sister’s son,
and the other to Phasaelus, his brother’s son;
—and this was the posterity of Herod.

* Those who have a mind to know ail the family and
descendants of Antipater the Idumean, and of Herod the
Great, his son, and have a memory to preserve them all
distinctly, may consult Josephus, Antiq. b. xviik ch.*v.
sect. “1; and Of the War, b. i. ch. xxviii, sect. 4j and
(Soldius in liavercamp’s edition, p.336; and Spanheim,
ib. p. 402—405; and Keland, Palestin.parti.p. 176,176.CKAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

CHAPTER II.

CONCERNING ZAMARIS, THE BABYLONIAN

JEW; CONCERNING THE PLOTS LAID BY

ANTIPATER AGAINST HIS FATHER; AND

SOMEWHAT ABOUT THE PHARISEES.

'■§ 1. And now it was that Herod, being de-
sirous to secure himself on the side of the
Trachonites, resolved to build A village as
large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of
that eountry, which might make his own
country difficult to be assaulted, and whence
lie might be at hand to make sallies upon
them, and do them a mischief Accordingly,
when he understood that there was a man
that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with
five hundred horsemen, all of whom could
shoot their arrows as they rode on horseback,
and, with a hundred of his relations, had
passed over Euphrates, and now abode at
Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturni-
nus, who was then president, had given them
a place for habitation, called Valatha, he sent
for this man, with the multitude that fol-
lowed him, and promised to give him land in
the toparchy called Batanea, which country
is bounded with Trachonitis, as desirous to
make that his habitation a guard to himself.
He also engaged to let him hold the country
free from tribute, and that they should dwell
entirelywvithout paying such customs as used
to be paid, and gave it him tax-free.

2. The Babylonian was induced by these
offers to come hither; so he took possession
of the land, apd built in it fortresses and a
village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby
this man became a safeguard to the inhabi-
tants against the Trachonites, and preserved
those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer
their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt
by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great
number came to him from all those parts
where the ancient Jewish laws were observed,
and the country became full of people, by rea-
son of their universal freedom from taxes.
This continued during the life of Herod; but
when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him,
took the government, he made them pay some
small taxes, and that for a little while only;
and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the
same name, although they harassed them
greatly, yet would they not take their liberty
away. From whom, when the Romans have
now taken the government into their own
hands, they still gave- them the privilege of
their freedom, but oppress them entirely with
the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I
shaJ treat more accurately in the progress
of this history.*

*). At length, Zamaris the Babylonian, to

• Thii is now wanting.

459

whom Herod had given that country for a post
session, died; having lived virtuously, and
left children of a good character behind him;
one of whom was Jacim, who was famous
for his valour, and taught his Babylonians
how to ride their horses; and' a, troop of
them were guards to the fore-mentioiiedkings;
and when Jacim was dead in his old age, he
left a son, whose name was Philip, one of
great strength in his hands, and in other re-
spects also more eminent for his valour than
any of his contemporaries; on which account
there was a confidence and firm friendship
between nim and king Agrippa. He had also
an army which he maintained, as great as that
of a king; which he exercised and led where-
soever he had occasion to march.

4. When the affairs of Herod were in the
condition I have described, all -the public af-
fairs depended upon Antipater; and his po,wer
was such, that he could do good turns to
as many as he pleased, and this by his father’s
concession, in hopes of his good-will and
fidelity to him; and this till he ventured to
use his power still farther, because his wicked
designs were concealed from his father, and
he made him believe every thing he said.
He was also formidable to all, not so much
on account of the power and authority he
had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts
beforehand; but he who principally cultivated
a friendship with him was Pheroras, who
received the like marks of his friendship;
while Antipater had cunningly encompassed
him about by a company of women, whom he
placed as guards about him; for Pheroras
was greatly enslaved to his wile, and to her
mother, and to her sister; and this notwith-
standing the hatred he bare them, for the in-
dignities they had offered to his virgin daugh-
ters. Yet did he bear them; and nothing
was to be done without the women, who had
got this man into their circle, and continued
still to assist each other in' all things, inso-
much that Antipater was entirely addicted to
them, both by bimself and by his mother;
for these four women* said all one and the
same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras
and Antipater were different in some points
of no **consequence. But the king’s sister
[Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good
while had looked about all their affairs, and
was apprised that this their friendship was
made, in order to do Herod some mischief, and
was disposed to inform the king of it; km)
since these people knew that their friendship
was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending
to do him a mischief, they contrived that thejt
meetings should not be discovered; so they
pretended to hate one another, and abuse one
another when time served, and especially when
Herod was present, or when any one was

* Pheroras’s wife, and her mother and •liter, and
Doris, Antipater’s mother.BOOK X<ri.,

460	ANTIQUITIES

there that would tell hiui; but still their
intimacy was tinner than ever, when they were
private; and this was the course they took.
But they could not conceal from Salome
neither their iirst contrivance, when they set
about these their intentions., nor when the>
had made some progress ill them; but she
searched out every thing, and, aggravating
the relations to her brother, declared to him,
as well their secret assemblies and compota-
tions, as their counseU'-taken in a clandestine
manner, which, if they were not in order to
destroy him, they might well enough have
been open and public; but to -appearance
they are at variance, and speak about one
another as if they intended one another a
mischief, but' agree so well together when
they are out of the sight of the multitude;
for when they are alone by themselves they
act in concert, and profess that they will
never leave ofr their friendship, hut will light
against those. from whom they conceal their
designs: and thus did she search out these
things, and get a perfect knowledge of them,
and then told her brother of them, who un-
derstood also of himself a great deal of what
she said, hut still durst not depend upon it,
because of the suspicions he had of his sister’s
calumnies; for there was a certain sect of
men that were Jews, who valued themselves
highly upon the exact skill they had in the
law of their fathers, and made men believe
they were highly favoured by God, by whom
this set of women were inveigled. These
are those that are called the sect of the Pha-
risees, who were in a capacity of greatly
opposing kings. A cunning sect they were,
and soon elevated to a pitch of open lighting
and doing mischief. Accordingly, when all
the people of the Jews gave assurance of
their good-will to Ciesar, and to the king's
government, these very men did not swear,
being above six thousand; and when the
ting imposed a line upon them, Pheroras’s
wife paid their line for them. In order to
requite which kindness of hers, since they
were believed to have the foreknowledge ot
things to come by divine inspiration, they
foretold how God had decreed that Herod’s
government should cease, and his posterity
should be deprived of it; but that the king*
dom should come, to her and Pheroras, and
to their children. These predictions were
not concealed from Salome, but were toiu
the king; as also how they had perverted
some persons about the palace itself. So the
king slew such of the Pharisees as were prin-
cipally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and
one Curus, who excveued all men of that
time in comeliness, and one that was his
catamite. He slew also all those of Ins oun
family who iiad consented to what the Phari-
sees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been
puffed up by them, as though he should be
named the father and the benefactor of him

OF THE JEWS.

wiie, by the prediction, was foretold to bf
their appointed king; lor that mis kin$
would have all things in his ' power, am:
would enable Bagoas to marry, and to havt
children of his own body begotten.

CHAPTER III.

CONCERNING THE ENMITY BETWEEN IIEnOD
AND FHERORAS; HOW HEROD SENT ANTI-
PATER TO CAsSAR; AND OF THE DEATH OF
l'HERORAS.

§ 1. When Herod bad punished those Pha-
risees who had been convicted of ihe loie-
going crimes, he gathered an assembly together
of his friends, and accused Pheroras’s wite;
and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the
impudence of that woman, brought an accu-
sation against her for the dishonour she had
brought upon them: that she had stutiiou.-ly
introduced a quarrel' between him and bts
brother; and, by her ill temper, had brought
them into a state’ of war, both by her v\ords
and actions: that tbe lines which he had laid
had not been paid, and the otfenimrs had
escaped punishment by her means; and that
nothing which had of late been done, had
been none without*her: “for which reason
Pheroras wuulu do well, if he would ot his
own accord, aitd by his owu command, and
not at tny entreaty, or as following my
opinion, put this Ills wife away, as one that
will still he the occasion of war between met
and me. And now, Pheroras, if thyu valucst
thy relation to me, put this wite of ti.ine
away; tor by this means thou wilt continue
to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in ihy
love to me." Then said Pheroras ^although
he was pressed hard by the former words), luat
as he would not do so unjust a thing as to
i enounce his brotherly relation to him, so
vvoulu he not leave off his affection fur his
wife; that he woulu i at her choose to die, than
to live-mill be utpriveu of a wile that was so
dear unto him. Hereupon Heiod put olf
his anger against Pheroras on these accounts,
although he himscll thereby underwent a very
uneasy punishment. However, he forbade
A mi pater aim his mother to have any conver-
sation with Pneroias, and banc them to take
caie to avoiil the assemblies of the women:
willed they promised to do, but still got
together when occasion served; and' both
Pneroias and Antipater had their own merry
meetings. The report went also, that Antipatcr
Dad criminal conversation with Pheroras’s
wife, aim that they were brought together by
Antipater’s mother.

2: But Anti pater had now a suspicion of
his father, aim nas afraid that the elfccts of
his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote
to his friends at Rome, and bade them sendCHAP. tv.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

to Herod, that he would immediately send
Antipaterto Caesar; which, when it was done,
Herod sent'Antipater thither, and sent most
noble presents along with him; as also his
testament, wherein Antipater was appointed
to be his successor: and that if Antipater
should die first, his sqn [Herod Philip], by
the high-priest’s daughter, shotild succeed.
And, together with Antipater, there went to
Rome; Sylleus the Arabian, although he had
done nothing qJ’ all that Caesar had enjoined
him. Antipatei also accused him of the same
crimes of which he had been formerly accused
by Herod/ Sylleu- was also accused by Are-
tas, that without his consent he had slain
many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra;
and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved
to be 'honoured by all men, and that he had
slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These
were the things of which Sylleus was accused,
and that on the occasion following: —There
was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of
the guards of the king’s body, and one who
was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had per-
suaded this man with the offer of a great sum of
money t* kill Herod; and he had promised to do
it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted
with this, for' Sylleus had himself told him
of it, he informed the king of it; who taught
Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and
thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy.
He also caught two other Arabians, who were
discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of
a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who
both tVere by the king brought to the torture,
and confessed that they were come to encou-
rage Corinthus not to fail of doing what he
had undertaken to do; and to assist him. with
their own bands in the murder, if need should
require their assistance. So Saturninus, upon
Herod’s discovering the whole to him, sent
them to Rome.

3. At this time Herod commanded Phe-
roras, that since he was so obstinate in his
affection for his wife, he should retire into his
own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly,
and sware many oaths that he would not come
again till he heard that Herod was dead.
And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king,
he was desired to come to him before he died,
that be might entrust him-with some of his
injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath,
that he would not come to him; yet did not
Herod so retain his hatred to Pheroras, but
remitted of his purpose [not to see him] which
he before bad, and that for such great causes
as haye been already mentioned: but as soon
as he became to be ill he came to him, and this
without being sent for; and when he was
dead he took care of his funeral, and had his
body brought to Jerusalem, and buried there,
nd appointed a solemn mourning for him.
I’his [death oi Pheroras] became- the origin
of Antipater’s misfortunes, although he had
already sailed for Rome, God now being

461

about to punish him for the murder of his
brethren. I will explain the history of this
matter very distinctly, that it may be for
a- warning, to mankind, that they tike ^:are
of conducting their whole lives by the rules
of virtue.

CHAPTER IV.

pheroras’s wife is accused by his freed-

MEN AS GUILTY OF POISONING HIM; AND
HOW HEROD, UPON EXAMINING OF THE
MATTER BY TORTURE, FOUND THE POISON;
BUT SO THAT IT HAD BEEN PREPARED FOR
HIMSELF BY HIS SON ANTIPATER; AND,
UPON AN INQUIRY BY TORTURE, HE DIS-
COVERED THE DANGEROUS DESIGNS OF
ANTIPATER.

§ 1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his
funeral was over, two of Pheroras’s freedmen,
who were much esteemed by him, came to
Herod, and entreated him not to leave the
murder of his brother without avenging it,
but to examine into such an unreasonable and
unhappy death. When he was moved with
.these words, for they seemed to him to be
true, they said that Pheroras supped with his
wife the day'before he fell sick, and that a
certain potion was brought him in such a
sort of- food as he was not used to eat; but
that when he had eaten be died of it: that
this potion was brought out of Arabia by a
woman, tlhder pretence indeed as a love-
potion, for that was its name, but in reality to
kill PEeroras; for that the Arabian women
are skilful in making such poisons: and the
woman to whom they ascribe this, was con-
fessedly a most intimate friend of one of Syl-
leus’s mistresses; and that both the mother
and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at
the place where she lived, and had persuaded
her to sell them this potion, and had come
back and brought it with them the day before
that of his supper. Hereupon the king was
provoked, and put the women-slaves to the
torture, and some that were free with them;
and as the fact did not yet appear, because
none of them would confess it, at length one
of them, under the utmost agonies, said no
more but this, that she prayed that God
would send the like agonies upon Antipater’s
mother, who had been the occasion of these
miseries to all of them. This prayer induced
Herod to increase the women’s tortures, till
thereby all was discovered: their merry meet-
ings, their secret assemblies, and the disclos-
ing of what be had said to his son alone unto
Pheroras’s * women. (Now what Herod had
charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of
a hundred talents to him, not to have any
conversation with Pherora9.) And what

• His wife, her mother, and sister.402	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XVII.

hatred he bore to hi9 father; and that he com*
plained to his mother how very long his
father lived, and that he was himself almost
an (fid man, insomuch that if the kingdom
should come to him, it would not aiford him
any great pleasure; and that there were a great
many of his brothers, or brothers’ children,
bringing up, that might have hopes of the
kingdom as well as himself; all which made
his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even
now, if he should himself not live, Herod
had ordained that the government should be
conferred, not on his son, but rather on a
brother. He also had accused the king of great
oarbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons;
and that it was out of the fear he was under,
lest he should do the like to him, that made
him contrive this his journey to Rome, and
Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy.*
2. These confessions agreed with what his
sister had told him, and tended greatly to
corroborate her testimony, and to free her
from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him.
So the' king having satisfied himself of the
spite which Doris, Antipater’s mother, as Well
as himself, bore to him, took away from her
all her fine ornaments, which were worth many
talents, and then sent her away, and entered
into friendship with Pheroras’s women. But
he who most of all irritated the king against
his son, was one Antipater, the procurator of
Antipater the king’s son, who, when he was
tortured, among other things, said that Anti-
pater had prepared a deadly potion, and given
it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would
give it to his father during his absence, and
when he was too remote to have the least
suspicion cast upon him thereto relating; that
Antiphilus, one of Antipater’s friends, brought
that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent
to Pheroras by Theudion, the brother of the
mother-of Antipater, the king’s son, and by
that means came to Pheroras’s wife, her hus-
band having given it her to keep. And when
the king asked her about it, she confessed it;
and as she was running to fetch it, she threw
herself down from the house-top, yet did she
not kill herself, because she fell upon her
feet: by which means, when the king had
comforted her, and had promised her and her
domestics pardon, upon condition of their
concealing nothing of the truth from him,
but had threatened her with the utmost mise-
ries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed
any thing]; so she promised him, and swore
that she would speak out every thing, and tell

pater bad perai

(cb. v. s. 1), which would tall to the ground if he were

«.•---_ ------ -jj,

i 1

al
l.'
m

‘ een brought lor her husband to po;
the future examinations demonstrate.

_roui

himself poisoned: nor could the poisoning,.of Pheroras

ird; it was
this love-
ttoPhero-

raa s wire, was made use oi lor poisoning him; whereas it
appears to have been brought for her husband to

ett poisoned: nor could the poisomng,.of PI
: any design tli^t appears now going forward;
the supposal of two of his freedmen. that this

serve

only the suppoi
potion, or poisoi
ras's wife, was made use

ward; it was
at this love-
n. which they knew was brought to Phero-

n. tl
brou

Herod withal,

oison

after what manner every thing was done; and
said what many took to be entirely true, that
the potion was brought out of Egypt by
Antiphilus, and that his brother, who was a
physician, had procured it; and that, “when
Theudion brought it us, she kept it upon
Pheroras’s committing it to her; and that it
was prepared by Anti pater for thee. When,
therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou
earnest.to him and tookest care of him, and
.when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him,
his mind was overborne thereby. So he called
me to him, and said to me, ‘O woman 1
Antipater hath circumvented me in this affair
of his father and my brother, by persuading
me to have a murderous intention to him, and
procuring a potion to be subservient thereto:
do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion
(since my brother appears to have still the
same virtuous disposition towards me which
he had formerly, and I do not expect to live
long myself, and that I may not defile my
forefathers by the murder of a brother) and
burn it before my face:’ that accordingly she
immediately brought it, and did as her husband
bade her; and that she burnt the greatest
part of the potion; but that a little of it was
left, that if the king, after Pheroras’s death,
should treat her ill, she might poison herself,
and thereby get cImt of her miseries.” Upon
her saying thus, she brought out the potion,
and the box in which it was, before them all.
Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus,
and his mother also, who, by the extremity of
pain and torture, confessed the same things,
and owned the box [to be that which had
been brought out of Egypt]. The high-
priest’s daughter also, who was the king’s
wife, Was accused to have been conscious of
all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for
which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted
her son out of his testament, wherein he had
been mentioned as one that was to reign after
him; and he took the high-priesthood away
from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of
Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of
Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to
be high-priest in his room.

3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also,
Antipater’s freedman, came from Rome, and
upon the torture was found to have brought
another potion, to give it into the hands of
Antipater’s mother, and of Pheroras, that if
the former potion did not operate upon the
king, this at least might carry him off. There
came also letters from Herod’s friends at
Rome, by the approbation aDd at the sugges-
tion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and
Philip, as if they calumniated their father on-
account of the slaughter of Alexander and
Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their
deaths, and as if, because they were sent for
home (for their father had already recalled
them), they’concluded they were themselves
also to be destroyed. These letters had beenCHAP. y.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	463

procured by great rewards, by Antipater’s
friends; but Antipater himself wrote to his
father about them, and laid the heaviest things
to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse
them of any guilt, and said they were but
young men, and so imputed their words to
their youth. But he said that he had him-
self been .very busy in the affair relating to
Sylleus, and in getting interest among the
great men; and on that account had bought
splendid ornaments tojpresent them withal,
which cost him two hundred talents. Now,
one may wonder how it came about, that
while so many accusations were laid against
him in Judea during seven months before this
time, he was not made acquainted with any
of them. The causes of which were, that
the roads were exactly guarded, and that men
hated Antipater; for there was nobody who
would run any hazard himself, to gain him
any advantages.

CHAPTER V.

ANTIPATER’s NAVIGATION FROM ROME TO HIS
FATHER; AND HOW HE WAS ACCUSED BY
NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS, AND CONDEMNED
TO DIE BY HIS FATHER, AND BY QUIN-
TII.IUS VARUS, WHO WAS THEN TRESIDFNT
OF SYRIA; AND HOW HE WAS THEN BOUND
TILL C.£SAR SHOULD BE INFORMED OF HIS
CAUSE.

§ 1. Now Herod, upon Antipater’s writing
to him, that having done all that he was to
do, and this in the manner he was to do it,
he would suddenly come to him, concealed
his anger against him, and wrote back to him,
and bade him not delay his journey, lest any
harm should befal himself in his absence.
At the same time also he made'1'some little
complaint about his mother, but promised that
he would lay those complaints aside when he
should return. He withal expressed his en-
tire affection for him, as fearing lest he should
have some suspicion of him, and defer his
journey to him; and lest, while he lived at
Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom,
and, moreover, do something against himself.
This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but
had received an account of Pheroras’s death be-
fore at Tarentum. This last ne ws affected him
deeply; not out of any affection for Phero-
ras, but because he was dead without having
murdered his father, which he had promised
him to do. And when he was at Celendris
in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with him-
self about his sailing home, as being much
grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now,
some of his friends advised him that he should
tarry a while somewhere, in expectation of
farther information. But others advised him
to sail home without delay; for that if he

were once come thither, he WOtild Boon put an
end to all accusations, and that nothing afford-
ed any weight to bis accusers at present but
his absence. He was persuaded by these last,
and sailed on, and landed at the haven called
Sebastus, which llerod had built at vast ex-
penses in honour of Csesar, and called Sebas-
tus. And now was Antipater evidently in a
miserable condition, while nobody came to
him nor saluted him, as they did at bis going
away, with good wishes or joyful acclama-
tions; nor was there now any thing to hinder
them from entertaining him, on the contrary,
with bitter curses, while they supposed he
was come to receive his punishment for the
murder of his brethren.

2.	Now Quintilius Varus was at this time
at Jerusalem^fbeing sent to succeed Saturni-
nus as president of Syria, and wus come as
an assessor to Herod, who had desired his
advice in his present affairs; and as they were
sitting together, Antipater came upon them,
without knowing any thing of the matter; so
he came into the palace clothed in purple.
The porters indeed received him in, but ex-
cluded his friends. And now be was in great
disorder, and presently understood the condi-
tion he was in, while, upon his going to
salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who
called him a murderer of his brethren, and a
plotter of destruction against himself, and
told him that Varus should be his auditor and
his judge the very next day; so he found,
that what misfortune he now heard of was
already upon him, with the greatness of which
he went away in confusion; upon which bis
mother and his wife met him (which wife was
the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of
the Jews before Herod), from whom he
learned all circumstances which concerned
him, and then prepared himself for his trial.

3.	On the next day Varus and the king
sat together in judgment, and both their
friends were also called in, as also the king’s
relations, with his sister Salome, and as many
as could discover any thing, and such as had
been tortured; and besides these, some slaves
of Antipater’s mother, who were taken up a
little before Antipater’s coming, and brought
with them a written letter, the sum of which
was this: That he should not come back, be-
cause all was come to his father’s knowledge,
and that Caesar was the only refuge he had
left to prevent both his anddaer deliver into
his father’s hands. Then did ^ntfpater fall
down at his father’s feet,besought him
not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be
first heard by his father, and that his father
would keep himself still unprejudiced. So
HerOd Ordered him to be brought into the
midst, and then lamented himself about his
children, from whom he had suffered such great
misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon

him in bis old age. He also reckoned up
what maintenance, and what education he had464

BOOK XVII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

given them; and what seasonable supplies of
wealth he had afforded them, according to
their own desires; none of which favours had
hindered them from contriving against him,
and from bringing his very life into danger in
order to gain his kingdom, after an impious
manner, by taking away his life before the
course of nature, their father’s wishes, or
justice, required that that kingdom should
come to them; and that he wondered what
hopes could elevate. Antipater to such a pass
as to be hardy enough to attempt such things;
that he had by his testament in writing de-
clared him his successor in the government;
and while he was alive, he was in no respect
inferior to him, either in his illustrious dig-
nity, or in power and authority, he having no
less than fifty talents for his yearly income,
and had received for his journey \o Rome no
fewer than thirty talents. He also objected
to him the case of his brethren whom he had
accused; and if they were guilty, he had
imitated their example; and if not, he had
brought him groundless accusations against
his near relations; for that he had been
acquainted with all those things by him, and
by nobody else, and had done what was done
by his approbation, and whom he now
absolved from all that was criminal, by be-
coming the inheritor of the guilt of such
their parricide.

4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell,
a-weeping, and was not able to say any more;
but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being
the king’s friend, and always conversant with
him, and acquainted with whatsoever be did,
and with the circumstances of his affairs, pro-
ceeded to what remained, and explained all
that concerned the demonstrations and evi-
dences of the facts. Upon which Anti pater,
in order to make his legal defence, turned
himself to his father, and enlarged upon the
many indications he had given of his good-
will to him; and instanced in the honours
that had been done him, which yet had not
been done, had he not deserved them by his
virtuous concern about him ; for that he had
made provision for every thing that was fit to
be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his
W'isest advice; and whenever there was occa-
sion for the labour of his own hands, he had
not grudged any such pains for him. And
that it was almost impossible that he, who had
delivered his father from so many treacherous
contrivances laid gainst him, should be him-
self in a plot against him, and so lose all the
reputation he had gained for hjs virtue, by
hb wickedness which succeeded it; and this
while he had nothing to prohibit him, who
was already appointed his successor, to enjoy
the royal honour with his father also at present;
and that there was no likelihood that a person
who had the one half of that authority without
any danger, and with a good character, should
hunt after the whole with infamy and danger,

and this when it was doubtful whether he
could obtain it or not; and when he saw the
sad example of his brethren before him, and
was both the informer and the accuser against
them, at a time when they might not other-
wise have been discovered; nay, was the
author of the punishment inflicted upon them,
when it appeared evidently that they were
guilty of a wicked attempt against their father;
and that even the contentions that were in
the king’s family, were indications that he
had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest
affection to his father. And as to what he
had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness
thereto, who was yet no more to be imposed
upon than God himself; of whose opinions
his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence:
and that it was not reasonable to prefer the
calumnies of such as proposed to raise dis-
turbances, before those letters; the greatest
part of which calumnies had been raised
during his absence, which gave scope to his
enemies to forge them, which they had not
been able to do if he had been there. More-
over he showed the weakness of the evidence
obtained by torture, which was commonly
false; because the distress men are in under
such tortures, naturally obliges them to say
many things, in order to please those that
govern them. He also offered himself to the
torture.

5. Hereupon there was a change observed
in the assembly, while they greatly pitied
Antipater, who, by weeping and putting on
a countenance suitable to his sad case, made
them commiserate the same; insomuch that
his very enemies were moved to compassion;
and it appeared plainly that Herod himself
was affected in his own mind, although he
was not willing it should be taken notice of.
Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what
the king had begun, and that with great
bitterness; and summed up all the evidence
which arose from the tortures, or from the
testimonies. He principally and largely criea
up the king’s virtues, which he had exhibited
in the maintenance and education of his sons:
while he never could gain any advantage
thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to
another. Although he owned that he was
not so much surprised with that thoughtless
behaviour of his former sons, who were
but young, and were besides corrupted by
wicked counsellors, who. were the occasion
of their wiping out of their minds all the
righteous dictates of nature, and this out of
a desire of coming to the government sooner
than they ought to do; yet that he could not
but justly stand amazed at the horrid wicked-
ness of Antipater, who, although he had not
only had great benefits bestowed on him by
his father, enough to tame his reason, yet
could not be more tamed than the most
envenomed serpents; whereas even those crea-
tures admit of some mitigation, and will notCHAP. V.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	465

bite their benefactors, while Antipater hath
not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any
hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to imi-
tate their barbarity notwithstanding* “Yet
wast thou, O Antipater 1 (as thou hast thy-
self confessed) the informer as to what wicked
actions they had done, and the searcher out
of the evidence against them, and the author
of the punishment they underwent upon their
detection. Nor do we say this as accusing
thee for being so zealous in thy anger against
them, but are astonished at thy endeavours to
imitate their profligate behaviour; and we
discover thereby, that thou didst not act thus
for the safety of thy*father, but for the de-
struction of thy brethren, that by such outside
hatred of their impiety thou mightest be
believed a lover of thy father, and mightest
thereby get thee power enough to do mischief
with the greatest impunity; which design thy
actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou
tookest tby brethren off, because thou didst
convict them of their wicked designs; but
thou didst not yield up to justice those who
were their partners; and thereby didst make
it evident to all men that thou madest a cove-
nant with them against thy father, when thou
chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as
desirous to gain to thyself alone this advan-
tage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so
to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy
of thy evil disposition, — which thou hast
openly shown against thy brethren; on which
account thou didst rejoice, as having done a
most famous exploit, nor was that behaviour
unworthy of thee; but if thy intention were
otherwise, thou art worse ^han they: while
thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery
against thy father, thou didst hate them; not
as plotters against thy father, for in that case
thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like
crime, but as successors of his dominions, and
more worthy of that succession than thyself.
Thou wouldest kill thy father after thy bre-
thren, lest thy lies raised against them might
be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer
what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou
hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy
unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort
of uncommon parricide as the world never
yet saw;—for thou who art his son didst not
only lay a treacherous design against thy
father, and didst it while he loved thee, and
had been thy benefactor,—had made thee in
reality his partner in the kingdom, and had
Openly declared thee his successor, while thou
-wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of
authority already, and hadst the Arm hope of
what was future by thy father’s determination,
and the security of a written testament; but
for certain, thou didst not measure these things
according to thy father’s various disposition,
but according to thy own thoughts and incli-
nations; and wast desirous to take the part
that remained away from tby too indulgent

father, and soughtest to destroy him with tby
deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to
preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked
thyself, but thou filledst f^y mother’s -bead
with thy devices, and raisedst disturbance
among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to
call thy father a wild beast;, while tholi hadst
thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent,
whence thou sentest out that poison among
thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors,
and invitedst them to assist thee and guard
thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides
by the artifices of both men and women,
against an old man,—as though that mind ot
thine was not sufficient of itself to support so
great a hatred a$ thou barest to him; and
here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-
men, of domestics, of men and women, which
have been examii^l on thy account, and
after the informations of thy fellow-conspira-
tors, as making haste to contradict the truth;
and hast thought on ways not only how to
take thy father out of the world, but to disan-
nul that written law which is against thee,
and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of
justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine
on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to
be put to the torture thyself, while thou
allegest that the tortures of those already
examined thereby have made them tell lies;
that those that have been the deliverers of thy
father may not be allowed to have spoken the
truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed
the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, Q
Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of
his kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this
wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kind-
ness to his father, in order to destroy his bre-
thren; while yet he is himself alone ready to
carry off the kingdom immediately, and ap-
pears to be the most bloody butcher to him
of them all? for thou art sensible that par-
ricide is a general injusy both to nature and
to common life; and that the intention of
parricide is not inferior to its preparation ;
and he who does not punish it, is injurious to
nature itself.”

6. Nicolaus added farther what belonged
to Antipater’s mother, and whatsoever she
had prattled like a woman; as also about the
predictions and the sacrifices relating to the
king; and whatsoever Antipater had" done
lasciviously in his cups and his amours among
Pberoras’s womgp; the examination upon
torture; and whatsoever concerned the tes-
timoniesof the witnesses, which were many,and
of various kinds; some prepared beforehand,
and others were sudden answers, which farther
declared and confirmed the foregoing evi-
dence. For those men who were not ac-
quainted with Antipater’s practices, but had
concealed them out of fear, when they saw
that he was exposed to the accusations ot tDe
former witnesses, and that his great good tor
tune, which bad supported him hitherto, had
* G466

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII

now evidently betrayed him into the bands of
hi9 enemies, who were now insatiable in their
hatred to him, told all they knew of him; and
his ruin was now.jiastened, not so much by
th'eenmityof those that were his accusers, as by
his gross, impudent, and wicked contrivances,
and by*-his ill-will to his father and his
brethren; while he had filled their house with
disturbance, and caused them to murder one
another; and was neither fair in his hatred
nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as
served his own turn. Now, there were a
$reat number who for-along time beforehand
had seen all this, and especially such as were
naturally disposed to judge of matters by the
rules of virtue, because they were used to de-
termine about affairs without passion, but had
been restrained from making any open com-
plaints before; these, upqp the leave now
given them, produced all that they knew
before the public. The demonstrations also of
these wicked facts could no way be disproved;
because the many witnesses there were did
neither speak out of favour to-Herod, nor
were they obliged to keep what they had to
say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they
were in; but they spake what they knew,
because they thought such actions very wicked,
and that Antipater deserved the greatest
punishment; and indeed not so much for
Herod’s safety, as on account of the man’s own
wickedness. Many things were also said,
and those by a great number of persons, who
were no way obliged to say them: insomuch
that Antipater, who used generally to be very
shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not
able to say one word to the contrary* When
Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had pro-
duced the evidence, Varus bade Antipater to
betake himself to the making his defence, if
he had prepared any thing whereby it might
appear that he was not guilty of the crimes
he was accused of; for that, as he was himself
desirous, so did he know that his father was
in like manner desirous also to have him found
entirely innocent; but Antipater fell down
on his face, and appealed to God and to all
men, for testimonials of his innocency, desiring
that God would declare, by some evident
signals, that he had not laid any plot against
his father. This being the usual method of
all men destitute of virtue, that, when they
set about any wicked undertakings, they fall
to work according to their oa&i inclinationSj
as if they believed that God was uncon-
cerned in human affairs; but when once they
are found out, and are in danger of undergo-
ing the punishment due to their crimes, they
endeavour to overthrow all the evidence
against them, by appealing to God; which was
the very thing which Antipater now did; for
whereas he had done every thing as if there
were no God in the world, when he was on all
sides distressed by justice, and when he had
no other advantage to expect from any legal

proofs, by which be might disprove the aocu
sations laid against him, he impudently abused
the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his
power, that he hath been preserved hitherto;
and produced before them all what difficulties
he had ever undergone in his bold acting for
his father’s preservation.

7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater
what he had to say for himself, found that he
had nothing to say besides his appeal to God,
and saw that there was no end of that, he
bade them bring the potion before the court,
that he might see what virtue still remained
in it; and when it was brought, and one that
was condemned to die had drank it by Varus’s
command, he died presently. Then Varus
got up, and departed out of the court, and
went away the day following to Antioch,
where his usual residence was, because that
was the palace of the Syrians; upon which
Herod laid his son in bonds: out what were
Varus’s discourses to Herod, was not known
to the generality, and upon what words it was
that he went away; though it was also gene-
rally supposed, that whatsoever Herod did
afterward about his son, was done with his
approbation: but when Herod had bound bis
son, he sent letters to Rome to Csesar about
him, and such messengers withal as should,
by word of mouth, inform Csesar of Autipater’s
wickedness. Now, at this very time, there
was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to
Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived thrfe);
and, when it was opened by the king, it was
found to contain what follows:—“ I have sent
thee Acme’s letter, and hazarded my own life;
for thou knowest that I am in danger from
two families, if I be discovered. I wish thee
good success in thy affair.” These were the
contents of this letter; but the king made
inquiry about the other letter also, for it did not
appear; and Antiphilus’s slave, who brought
that letter which had been read, denied that
he had received the other: but while the king
was in doubt about it, one-of Herod’s friends
seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the slave,
and a doubling of the cloth (for he had two
coats on) he guessed that the letter might be
within that doubling; which accordingly
proved to be true. So they took out the
letter; and its contents were these:—“Acme
to Antipater. I have written such a letter to
thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also
taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from
Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which when thou
readest, I know that Herod will punish Salome,
as plotting against him.” Now, this pretended
letter of Salome to her lady was composed
by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to
its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The
letter was this: — “Acme to king Herod.
1 have done my endeavour that nothing that
is done against thee should be concealed from
thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salome
written to my lady against thee, I haveCHAP. YL

407

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

written out a copy and sent it to thee; with
hazard to myself, but for thy advantage. The
reason why she wrote it was this,—that she
had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do
thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I
may not come into danger of my life.” Now
Acme had written to Antipater himself, and
informed him, that in compliance with his
command, she had both herself written to He-
rod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot en-
tirely against him, and had herself sent a copy
of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her
lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a
servant to Julia, Ctesar’s wife; and did this
out of her friendship for Antipater, as having
been corrupted by him with a large present of
money, to assist in his pernicious designs
against his father-vnd his aunt.

8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the
prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he
was ready to have ordered him to be slain im-
mediately, as a turbulent person in the most
important concerns, and as one that had laid
a plot not only against himself, but against
his sister also; and even corrupted Caesar’s
own domestics. Salome also provoked him to
it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her,
if he could produce any credible testimony
that she had acted in that manner. Herod
also sent for his son, and asked him about
this matter, and bade Him contradict it if he
could, .and not suppress any thing he had to
say for himself; and when he had not one
word to say, he asked him, sincere was every
way caught in his villany, that he would make
no farther delay but discover his associates
in these his wicked designs. So he laid all
upon Antiphilus; but discovered nobody else.
Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that
he was ready to send his son to Rome to
Caesar, there to give an account of these his
wicked contrivances. But he soon became
afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance
of his friends; escape the danger he was in:
so he kept him bound as before, and sent
more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to
accuse his son, and an account of what as-
sistance Acme had given him in his wicked
designs, with copies of the epistles before-
mentioned.

CHAPTER VI.

CONCERNING THE DISEASE THAT HEROD FELL
INTO, AND THE SEDITION WHICH THE JEWS
RAISED THEREUPON; WITH THE-PUNISH-
HENT OF THE SEDITIOUS.

§ 1. Now Herod’s ambassadors made haste to
Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand,
what answers they were to make to the ques-
tions put to them. They also carried the

epistles with them. But Herod now fell into
a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed
his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest
son; and this out of that hatred to Archelaus
and Philip, which the calumnies of Anti-
pater had raised against them. He also be-
queathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and
five hundred to Julia, C:esar’s wife, to Cae*
sar’s children, and friends, and freedmen
He also distributed among his sons and thei.
sons his money, his revenues, and his lands.
He also made Salome, his sister, very rich,
because she had continued faithful to him in
all his circumstances, and was never so rash
as to do him any harm. And as he despaired
of recovering, for he was about the seven-
tieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and in-
dulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions;
the cause whereof was this, that he thought
himself despised, and that the nation was
pleased with his misfortunes; besides which,
he resented a sedition which some of the
lower sort of men excited against him, the
occasion of which was as follows: —

2. There was one Judas, the son of Sari-
pheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus
two of the most eloquent men among the
Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters oi
the Jewish laws, and men well-beloved by
the people, because of their education of theii
youth; for all those that were studious ol
virtue frequented their lectures every day.
These men, when they found that the king’s
distemper was incurable, excited the young
men that they would pull down all those
works which the king had erected contrary to
the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain
the rewards which the law will confer on
them for such actions of piety; for that it
was truly on account of Herod’s rashness in
making such things as the law had forbidden,
that his other misfortunes, and this distemper
also, which was so unusual among mankind,
and with which he was now afflicted, came
upon him: for Herod had caused such things
to be made, which were contrary to the law,
of which he was accused by Judas and Mat-
thias; for the king had erected over the great
gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of
great value, and had dedicated it to the tem-
ple. Now, the law forbids those that pro-
pose to live according to it, to erect images,*
or representations of any living creature. So
these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to
pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that
■although they should incur any danger which
might bring them to their deaths, the virtue
of the action now proposed to them would
appear much more advantageous to them
than the pleasures of life; since they would
die for the preservation and observation of
the law of their fathers; since they would also

* That the making f images, without an intention
to warship them, was not unlawful t-the Jews, see the
note on Antiq. b. viii, ch. vii. sect- 6-468

BOOK XVII.

ANTIQUITIES

acquire an everlasting fame and commenda-
tion; since they would be both commended
by the present generation, and leave an
example of life that would never be forgotten
to posterity; since that common calamity of
dying cannot be avoided by our living so as
to escape any such dangers: that therefore it
is a right thing for those who are in love with
a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour
by such a behaviour as may. carry them out
of the world with praise and honour; and
that this will alleviate death to such a degree,
thus to come at it by the performance of
brave actions, which bring us into danger of
it; and at the same time to leave that repu-
tation behind them to their children, and to
all their relations, whether they be men or
women, which will be of great advantage to
them afterward.

3. And -with such discourses as this did
these men excite the young men to this
action; and a report being come to them that
the king was dead, this was an addition to the
wise men’s persuasions; so, in the very middle
of the day they got upon the place, they
pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces
with axes, while a great number of the people
were in the temple. And now the king’s
captain, upon hearing what the undertaking
was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher
nature than it proved to be, came up thither,
having a great band Of soldiers with him, such
as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude
of those who pulled down what was dedicated
to God: so he fell upon them unexpectedly,
and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a
foolish presumption rather than a cautious
circumspection, as is usual with the multi-
tude, and while they were in disorder, and
incautious of what was for their advantage,—
60 he caught no fewer than forty of the young
men, who had the courage to stay behind
when the rest ran away, together with the
authors of this bold attempt, Judas ^nd Mat-
thias, who thought it an ignominious thing to
retire upon his approach, and led them to the
king. And when they were come to the king,
and he had asked them if they had been so
hold as to pull down what he had dedicated
to God, “ Yes (said they) what was contrived
we contrived, and what hath been performed,
we performed it; and that with such a vir-
tuous courage as becomes men; for we hare
given our assistance to those things which
were deuicated to the majesty of God, and we
have provided for what we have learned by
hearing the law; and it ought not to be worn
dered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses
had suggested to him, and were taught him
byu'od, and which he wrote and left behind
him, more worthy of observation than thy
commands. Accordingly, we will undergo
deatn, and all sorts of punishments which
tbou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since
we are conscious to ourselves that we shall

OF THE JEWS.

die, not for any unrighteous bctions, but foi
our love to •religion." And thus they all said,
and their courage vtfas still equal to«their pro-
fession, and equal to that with which they
readily set about this undertaking. And when
the king had ordered them to be bound, he
sent them to Jericho, and called together the
principal men among the' Jews; and when
they were come, he made them assemble in
the theatre, and because he could not himself
stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated
the many labours that he had long endured
on their account, and his building of the tem-
ple, and what a vast charge that was to him;
while the Asamoneans, during the hundred
and twenty-five years of their government,
had not been able to perform any so great a
work fo'r the honour of God-as that was: that
he had also adorned it with very valuable
donations; on which account he hoped that he
had left himself a memorial, and procured
himself a reputation after his death. He
then cried out, that these men had not
abstained from affronting him, even in his
life-time, but that, in the very day-time, and
in the sight of the multitude, they had abused
him to that degree, as to fall upon what he
had dedicated, and in that way of abuse, had
pulled it down to the ground. They pre-
tended, indeed, that they did it to affront him;
but if any one consider the thing truly, they
will find that they were guilty of sacrilege
against God therein.

4. But the people, on account of Herod’s
barbarous temper, and for fear he should be
so cruel as to inflict punishment on them, said
what was done, was done without approbation,
and that it seemed to them that the actors
might well be punished for what they had
done. But as for Herod, he dealt more
mildly with others [of the assembly]; but he
deprived Matthias of the high-priesthood, as in
part an occasion of this action, and made
Joazar, who was Matthias’s wife’s brother,
high-priest in his stead. Now it happened,
that during the time of the high-priesthood
of this Matthias, there was another person
day, that very
as a last. .The
occasion was this: — This Matthias the high-
priest, on the night before that day when the
fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream,’*

* This fact, that one Joseph was made high-priest for
a single day. on occasion of the action here specitied. that
befel Matthias, the real high-prlest, in his sleep, the
night before the great day of expiation, is attested to both
in the tiishna and Talmud, as Ur. Hudson here inlurms
us. And indeed from this fact, thus lolly attested, we
may confute that pretended rule in the Talmud here
mentioned, and endeavoured to be excused by Reland,
that the high-priest was not suffered to sieep the night
before that great day of expiation; which watching would
surely rather unlit him for the many important duties lie
was to perform on that solemn day, than dispose him
duly to perform them. Mur do such Talmudical rules,
when unsupported by better evidence, much less when
contradicted thereby, seem to me of weight enough to
deserve that so great a mau as Keland should spend tug
lime in endeavours at their viudicalion.

made high-priest for a single
day which the Jews observedCHAP. Yfc

ANfiatJITfES op the jews.

469

to have conversation with his wife; and
because he could not officiate himself on that
account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kins-
man, assisted him in that sacred office. But
Herod deprived this Matthias of the high-
priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who
had raised the sedition, with his companions,
alive. And that very night there was an.
eclipse of the moon.*

5. But now Herod’s distemper greatly
increased upon him after a severe manner,
and this by God’s judgment upon him for his
sjns: for a fife glowed in him slowly, which
did not so much appear to the touch out-
wardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly;
for it brought upon him a vehement appetite
to eating, which he could not avoid to supply
with one sort of food or other. His entrails
were also exulcerated, and the chief violence
of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and
transparent liquor also had settled itself about
his feet, and a like matter .afflicted him at
the bottom of his belly. Nay, farther, his
privy-member was putrified, and produced
worms; and when he sat upright he had a
difficulty of breathing, which was very loath-
some, on account of the stench of his breath,
and the quickness of its returns; he had also
convulsions in all parts of his body, which in-
creased his strength to an insufferable degree. ____________________,_______________D_____

It wa^said by those who pretended to divine, I mourning at his funeral, and such as never

men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever
they lived, should be called' to him. Accor-
dingly, there were a great number that caine,
because the whole nation was called, and all
men heard of this call, and death was the
penalty of such as should despise the epistles
that were sent to call them. And now the
.king was in a wild rage against them all, the
innocent as well as those that had afforded him
ground ror accusations; aud when they were
*come, he ordered them all to be shut up in
the hippodrome,f and sent for his sister
Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake
thus to them:—“ I shall die in a little time, so
great are my pains; which death ought to be
cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all
men; but what principally troubles me is
this, that I shall die without being lamented,
and without such mourning as men usually
expect at a king's death.” For that he was
not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews,
that his death would be a thing very desirable,
and exceedingly acceptable to them; because
during his lifetime they were ready to revolt
from him, and to abuse the donations he had
dedicated to God: that it therefore was their
business to resolve to afford him some allevi-
ation of his great sorrows on this occasion;
for that, if they do not refuse him their con-
sent in what he desires, he shall have a great

and who yvere endued with wisdom to fore-
tell such things, that God inflicted this pun-
ishment on the king on account of his great
impiety; yet was. he stiff in hopes of recover-
ing, though his afflictions seemed greater than
any one could bear. He also sent for physi-
cians, and did not refuse to follow what they
prescribed for his assistance-; and went beyond
the river Jordan, and bathed himself in warm
baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, besides
their other general virtues, were also fit
to drink; which water runs into thp lake
called Asphaltitis. And when the physicians
once thought fit to have him bathed in a
vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was
just dying; but, upon the lamentable cries of
his domestics, he revived; and having no
longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave
order that every soldier should be paid fifty
drachmae; and he also gave a great deal to
their commanders, and to his friends, and
came again to Jericho, where he grew so cho-
leric, that it brought him to do all things like
a madman; and though he were near his
death, he contrived the following wicked
designs. He commanded that all the principal

* This eclipse of the moon (which is the only eclipse
of either nf the luminaries mentioned by our Josephus in
any of his writings) is of the greatest consequence fur the
drtrnuiuaiiuu of (tie time lor the deulh of Herod und > n-
tipa'er. and fur the birth and entire chronology of Jesus
Christ. It happened March IJili. in the yearol the Julian
period 4<‘10 aud the 4th >ear before the Christian atra.
See its calculation by the rules of astronomy, at the end
of the Astronomical Lectures, edit Lat. p. 451, 462.

any king had before him; for then the whole
nation would mourn from their very soul,
which otherwise would be done in sport and
mockery only. He desired therefore that as
soon as they see he hath given up the ghost,
they shall plac,e soldiers round the hippodrome,
while-they do not know that be is dead; and
that they shall not declare his death to the
multitude till this is done, but that they shall
give orders to have those that are in custody
shot with their darts; and that this slaughter
of them all will cause that he shall not miss
to rejoice on a double account; that as he is
dying, they will make him secure that his will
shall be executed in what he charges them to
do; and that he shall have the honour of a
memorable mourning at his funeral. So he
deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes,
and obtested them by the kindness due from
them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they
owed to God, and begged of them that they
would not hinder him of this honourable
mourning at his funeral. So they promised
him not to transgress his commands.

6. Now any one may easily discover the
temper of this man’s mind, which not only
took pleasure in doing what he had done
formerly against his relations, out of the love
of life, but by those commands of his which
savoured of no humanity; since he took care,
when be was departing out of this life, that
the whole nation should be put into mourning

t A place for the horse-races.470

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII.

and indeed made desolate of their dearest
kindred, when he gave order that one out
of every family should be slain, although
they had done nothing that was unjust, or
against him, nor were they accused of any
other crimes; while it is usual for those who
have any regard to virtue, to lay aside their
hatred at such a time, even with respect tq |
those they justly esteemed their enemies. i

CHAPTER VII.

HEROD HAS THOUGHTS OF KILLING HIMSELF
WITH HIS OWN HAND; AND A LITTLE AF-
TERWARDS HE ORDERS ANTIPATER TO BE
SLAIN.

§ 1. As he was giving these commands to his
relations, there came letters from his ambas-
sadors, who had been sent to Rome unto
Caesar, which when they were read, their pur-
port was this: — That Acme was slain by Cae-
sar, out of his indignation at what hand she
had in Antipater’s wicked practices; and that
as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to He-
rod to act as became a father and a king, and
either to banish him or to take away his life,
which he pleased. When Herod heard this,
he was somewhat better, out of the pleasure
he had from the contents of the letters, and
was elevated at the death of Acme, and at
the power that was given him over his son;
but, as his pains were become very great, he
was now ready to faint for want of something
to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife;
for it was his custom formerly to pare, the
apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it,
and eat it. When he had got the knife, he
looked about, and had a mind to stab himself
with it; and he had done it, had not his first
cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held
his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon
a woful lamentation echoed through the pa-
lace, and a great tumult was made, as if the
king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who
verily believed his father was deceased, grew
bolc^in his discourse, as hoping to be imme-
diately and entirely released from his bonds,
and to take the kingdom into his hands, with-
out any more ado; so he discoursed with the
jailor about letting him go, and in that case
promised him great things, both now and
hereafter, as if that were the only thing now
in question; but the jailor did not only
refuse to do what Antipater would have him,
but informed the king of his intentions, and
how many solicitations he had had from him
[of that nature]. Hereupon Herod, who
had formerly no affection or good - will to-
wards his son to restrain him, when he heard
what the jailor said, he cried out, and beat
his head, although he was at death’s-door,
and raised himself upon his elbow, and sent

for some of his guards, and commanded them
to kill -Antipater without any farther delay,
and to do it presently, and to bury him in
an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONCERNING HEROp’s DEATH, AND TESTA-
MENT, AND BURIAL.

§ 1. And now Herod altered his testament
upon the alteration of his mind; for he ap-
pointed Antipas, to whom he had before left
the kingdom, to be tetrarch of Galilee and Be-
rea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaus.
He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis,
and Paneas, to Philip, who was his son, but
own brother to Archelaus,* by the name of a
Tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jamnia, and Ash-
dod, and Phasaelis, to Salome his sifter, with
five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver
that was coined, He also made provision for
all the rest of his kindred, by giving them
sums of money and annual revenues, and so
left them all in a wealthy condition. He be-
queathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drach-
mae] of coined money; besides both vessels
of^gold and silver, and garments exceeding
costly, to Julia, Caesar’s wife; and t£ certain
others, five millions. When he had done
these things, he died the fifth day after he
had caused Antipater to be slain; having
reigned, since he had procured Antigonusf to
be slain, thirty-four.years; but since he had
been declared king by the Romans, thirty-
seven.—A man he was of great barbarity
towards all men equally, and a sl£ve to his
passion; but above the consideration of what
was right; yet was he favoured by fortune as
much as any man ever was, for from a private
man he became a king; and though he were
encompassed with ten thousand dangers, be
got clear of them all, and continued his life
till a very old age; but then, as to the affairs
of his family and children, in which, indeed,
according to his own opinion, he was also
very fortunate, because he was able to conquer
his enemies; yet, in my opinion, he was
herein very unfortunate.

2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the

• When it is said that Philip the tetrarch, and Arche-
Ians the king, or ethnarch, were AJtApo; ytr>not, or
genuine brothers, if those words mean own brothers, oi
born

TS, I

of the same father and mother, there must be bt-re
some mistake; because they bad indeed the same lather,
Herod, but different mothers: the former, Cleopatra,—
and Archelaus, Malthace. They were indeed brought
e like own brothers; and Philip
ve his king-
ect. 5. and Of

the War, b. ii. ch. ii. sect. 1); which intimacy is perhaps

up altogether at Home like own brothers ;
was Archelaus’s deputy when he went to bav
dam-confirmed to him at Rome (ch. ix. sect,
the War, b. ii. ch. ii. sect. 1); which intimacy is perhaps
all that Josephus intended by the words before us.

+ These numbers of years for Herod’s reign, 34 and 37,

Harm, of the Evan page 150—155.CHAP. IX.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	471

king's death was made known, dismissed those
that were shut up in the hippodrome, and
told them that the king ordered them to go
away to their own lands, and take care of
their own affairs, which was esteemed by the
nation a great benefit; and now the king’s
death was made public, when Salome and
Alexas gathered the soldiery together in the
amphitheatre at Jericho; and "the first thing
they did was, they read Herod’s letter, writ-
ten to the soldiery, thanking them for their
fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting
them to' afford his son Archelaus, whom he
had^ppointed for their king, like fidelity and
gotmlwill. After which Ptolemy, who had
the .king’s seal intrusted to him, read the
king’s testament, which was to be of force
no otherwise than as it should stand when
Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently
an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king;
and the soldiers came by bands, and their
commanders with them, and promised the
same good-will to him, and readiness to serve
him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and
they prayed God to be assistant to him*

3.	After this was over, they prepared for
his funeral, it being Archelaus’s care that the
procession to his father’s sepulchre should be
very sumptuous. Accordingly he brought
out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of
the funeral. The body was carried upon a
golden bier, embroidered with very precious
stones of great variety, and it was covered
over with purple, as well as the body itself;
lie had a'diadem upon his head, and above it
a crown of gold; he also had a sceptre in his
right hand. About the bier were his sons
and his numerous relations; next to these was
the ^oldiery distinguished according to their
several countries and denominations; and
they were put into the following order: —
First of all went his guards; then the band
of Thracians; and after them the Germans;
and next the band of Galatians, every one in
their habiliments of war; and behind these
marched the whole army in the same manner
as they used to go out to war, and as they
used to be put in array by their muster-
masters and centurions: these were followed by
five hundred of his domestics, carrying spices.
So they went eight furlongs,* to Herodium;
for there, by his own command, he was to be
buried;—and thus did Herod end his life.

4.	Now Archelaus paid him so much
respect, as to continue his mourning till the
seventh day; for so many.days are appointed
for it by the "law of our fathers; and when
he had given a treat to the multitude, and
left off his mourning, he went up into the
temple; he had also acclamations and praises

• At eight stadia or furlongs a-day, as here, Herod’s
funeral, conducted to Herodium* (which lay at the dis-
tance from Jericho, where lie died, of 200 stadia or fur-
■ongs, Of the War, b. i ch. xxxiii. sect 0), must have
t^ken up no less than twenty-live days.

given him, which way soever he went, every
one striving with the rest who should*appear
to use the loudest acclamations. So he
ascended a high elevation made for him, and
took his seat, in a throne made of gold, and
spake kindly to the multitude, and declared
with what joy he received their acclamations,
and the mark? of the good-will they showed
to him: and returned them thanks that they
did not remember the injuries his father had
done them, to his disadvantage; and promised
them he would endeavour not to be behind
hand with them in rewarding their alacrity in
his service, after a suitable manner; but that
he should abstain'at present from the name
of King; and that he should have the honour
of that dignity, if Caesar should confirm and
settlfe that testament which his father had
made; and that it was on this account, that
when the army would have put the diadem
on him at Jericho, he would not accept of
that honour, which is usually so much desired,
because it was not yet evident that he who
was to be principally concerned in bestowing
it, would give it him; although, by his accep-
tance of the government, he should not want
the ability of rewarding their kindness to
him; and that it should be his endeavour, as
to all things wherein they were concerned, to
prove in every respect better than his father.
Whereupon the multitude, as it is usual with
them, supposed that the first days of those
that enter upon such governments, declare
the intentions of those that accept them; and
so by how much Archelaus spake the more
gently and civilly to them, by so much did
they more highly commend him, and made
application to him for the grant of what they
desired. Some made a clamour that he would
ease them of some of their annual payments;
but others desired him to release those that
were put into prison by Herod, who were
many, and had been put there at several times;
others* of them required that he would take
away those taxes which had been severely laid
upon what was publicly sold and bought. So
Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since
he pretended to do all things so as to get the
good-will of the multitude to him, as look-
ing upon that good-will to be a great step-
towards his preservation of the government.
Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to
God, and then betook himself to feast with
his friends.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW THE PEOPLE RAISED A SEDITION AGAINST
ARCHELAUS, AND HOW HE SAILED TO ROMS.

§ 1.. At this time also it was that some of the
Jews got together, out of a desire of innova
tion. They lamented Matthias, and those472

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII.

that were slain with him.by Herod, who had
not any respect paid them by a funeral mourn-
ing. out of the fear men were in of that man;
they were those who had been condemned for
pulling down the golden eagle. • The people
made a great clamour and lamentation here-
upon, and cast out some reproaches against
the king also, as if that tended to alleviate
the miseries of the deceased. The people
assembled together, and desired of Archelaus,
that, in way of revenge on their account, he-
would inflict, punishment on those who had
been honoured by Herod; and that, in the
first and principal place, he would deprive
that high-priest whom Herod had made, and
would choose one more agreeable to the lavv,
and of greater purity, to officiate as high-
priest. This was granted by Archelaus,
although he was mightily offended at their
importunity, because he proposed to himself
to go to Rome immediately, to look after Cae-
sar’s determination about him. However, he
sent the general of hia forces to use persua-
sions, and to tell them” that the death which
was inflicted on their friends, was according
to the law; and to represent to them, that
their petitions about these things were carried
to a great height of injury to him; that the
time was not now proper for such petitions,
but required their unanimity until such time
as he should be established in the govern-
ment by the consent of Csesar, and shoald
then be come back to them; for that he would
then consult with them in common concern-
ing the purport of their petitions; but that
they ought at present to be quiet, lest they
should seem seditious persons.

2. So when the king had suggested these
things, and instructed his general in what he
was to say, he sent him away to the people;
but they made a clamour, and would not give
him leave to speak, and put him in danger of
his life, and as many more as were desirous to
venture upon saying openly any thing which
might reduce them to a sober mind, and pre-
vent their going on in their present courses,
— because they had more concern to have all
their own wills performed than to yield obe-
dience to their governors; thinking it to be a
thing insufferable that, while Herod was alive,
they should lose those that were the most dear
to them, and that when he was dead, they
could not get the actors to be punished. So
they went on with their designs after a vio-
lent manner, and thought all to be lawful and
right which tended to please them, and being
unskilful in foreseeing what dangers they in-
curred; and when they had suspicion of such
a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took
in the punishment of those they deemed their
enemies over weigh all such considerations;
and although Archelaus sent many to speak
to them, yet they treated them not as messen-
gers sent by him, but as persons that came of
their own accord to mitigate their anger, and

would not let one of them speak. The
sedition, also, was made by such as were in a
great passion; and it was evident that they
were proceeding farther in seditious practices,
by the multitude running so fast upon them.

3. Now, upon tne approach of th it feast
of unleavened bread, which the law of their
fathers had appointed for the Jews at this
time, which fSast is called the Passover,* and
i3 a memorial of their deliverance out of
Egypt (when they offer sacrifices with great
alaerity; and when they are required to slay
more sacrifices in number than at. anyjother
festival; and when an innumerable muurtude
came thither out of the country, nay^rom
beyond its limits also, in order to worship
God), the seditious lamented Judas and Mat-
thias, those teachers of the laws, and kept to-
gether in the temple, and had plenty of food,
because these seditious persons were not
ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was
afraid lest some terrible thing should spring
up by means of these men’s madness, he sent
a regiment of armed men, and with them a
captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent
efforts of the seditious, before the whole mul-
titude should be infected with the like mad-
ness ; and gave them this charge, that if they
found any much more openly seditious than
others, and more busy in tumultuous prac-
tices, they should bring them to him. But
those that were seditious on account of those
teachers of the law,- irritated the people by
the noise and clamours they used to encou-
rage the people in their designs; so they made
an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to
them, and stoned the greatest part of them,
although some of them ran away wounded,
and their captain among them; and wh^j they
had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices
which were already in tbrcir hands. Now
Archelaus thought there was no way to pre-
serve the entire government, but by cutting
off those who made this attempt upon it; so
he sent out the whole army upon them, and
sent the horsemen to prevent those that had
their tents without the temple, from assisting
those that were within the temple, and to kill
such as ran away from the footmen when
they thought themselves out of danger; which
horsemen slew three thousand men, while the
rest went to the neighbouring mountains.
Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be
made to them all, that they should retire to
their own homes ; so they went away and left
the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse
which would follow, although they had been so
bold by reason of their want of instruction. So
Archelaus went down to the sea with his mo-
ther, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptole-
my, and many others of his friends, and left

* Tliis passover, when the sedition here mentioned was
moved against Archelaus, was not ODe, but thirteen
months after the eclipse of the moon, already mentioned.CHAP. IXi	ANTIQUITIES *OE THE iJBWS.

governor of all things governor; but, if there were

473

Philip his brother as
belonging both to his own family and to the
public. There went out also with him
Salome, Herod's sister, who took with her her
children, and many of her kindred were with
her; which kindred of hers went, as they pre-
tended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the king-
dom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly
to make loud complaints of what he had done
in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar’s steward
for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste
into Judea, to preserve Herod’s effects;1 met
with Archelaus at Caesarea; but Varus (pre-
sident «f Syria) came at that time, and
restrained him from meddling with them, for
he was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the
means: of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of
regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any
of the castles that were among the Jews, nor
did he seal up the treasures iu them, but per-
mitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar
should declure his resolution about them; so
that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at
Caesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for
Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch,
Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seised on the
king’s palace. He also sent for the keepers
of the garrisons, and for all those that had
the charge of Herod's effects, and declared
publicly that he should require them to give
an account of what they had: and he disposed
of the castles in the manner he pleased: but
those who kept them did not neglect what
Archelaus had given them in command, but
continued to keep all things in the manner
they bad been enjoined them; and their pre-
tence was, that they kept them all for Caesar.

4. At the 6ame time also did Antipas,
another of Herod’s sons, soil to Rome, in order
to gain the government; being buoyed up by
Salome with promises that he should take
that government; and that he was a much
honestcr and fitter roan than Archelaus for
that authority, since Herod had, in his former
testament, deemed him the worthiest to be
made king; which ought to be esteemed more
valid than his latter testament. Antipas Also
brought with him bis mother, and Ptolemy
the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been
Herod's most honoured friend, and was now
■ealous for Antipas: but it was Ireneus the
orator, and one who, on account of his repu-
tation for sagacity, was intrusted with the
affairs of the kingdom, who most of all
mcouraged him to attempt to gain the king-
dom; by whose means it was that, when some
advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his
elder brother, and who had been declared
king by their father's tost will, he would not
submit so to do. Anu when he was come
to Rome, all his relations revolted to him;
not out of their good-will to biin, but out
of their hatred to Archelaus ; though indeed,
they were most of all desirous of gaining
their liberty, and to be put under a Roman

too great an
opposition made to that,' they thought Antipas
preferable to Archelaus, arid so join'ed with
him, in order to procure the kingdom for him.
Sabinus also, by letters,-accused Archelaus ta
Ca:sar.

5. Now when Archelaus bad sent in his
papers to Gesur, wherein be -pleaded his right
to the kingdom, and his fathers testament,
with the accounts of Herod’s monej'. Ahd with
Ptolemy, who brought HerodV'SeaL' he ‘so
expected the event; but when Ctt&ruaii ref?-
these papers, and Varus’s and Sabin UsVlefrter#'.
with the accounts of the money, aitfbwbfcf
were the annual incomes of the kingdom,
and understood that Antipas had also' sent
letters to lay claim to the kingdom,
summoned his friends together, to know thro
opinions, and with them Caius, the son ‘et
Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he
had adopted, and took him, mid made him sit
first of all, and desired such as pleased to
speak their minds about the affairs now before
them. Now, Antipater, Salome’s son, a very
subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus,
spake first to this purpose:—That it was ridi-
culous in Archelaus to plead now to have the
kingdom given him, since be had, in reality,
taken already the power over it to himself,
hefore Cffiaar had granted it: to him; and
appealed to those bold actions of his, in
destroying so many at the Jewish festival; add,
if the men bad acted unjustly, it was but fit
the punishing of them should have been re-
served to those that were out of the country, but
had the power to punish them, and 1»ot been
executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a
king, he did an injury to Ciesar, by usurping
that authority before it was determined for
him by Caesar; but, if he owned himself to
be a private person, his case was much worse,
since he who was putting in for the kingdom,
could by no means expect to have that power
granted him, of which he had already deprived
Caesar [by taking it to himgelf], He also
touched sharply upon him, and appealed to
bis changing the commanders in the army,
and his sitting in the royal throne before-
hand, and his determination of law-suits; all
done' Us if he were no other than a king. Hi
appealed also to his concessions to those that
petitioned him on a public account, and indCeif
doing* such things, than which be codli^
devise no greater if he bad been already
settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He- (fisc
ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoneil
that were in the hippodrome, and mSrfy otih^
things, that either had been certainly :dWie
him, or were believed to be done; add
might be believed to have been-dohe; betSiuA6
they were of such a nature as' tO be-Ustafify
done by young men, ond by such «$,
desire of ruling, seize apod the
too soon. He also charged- ’hint'' ■with *'hits
neglect of the funeral inburniay for hfe’&fthetfANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVlt

474

a#4-i;yrith .raving merry meetings the very
night,ih ^bieh he-died; and that it was
thence the multitude took the handle of rais-
ing a tumult; and if Archelaus could thU6
requitehis dead father, who had bestowed such
benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great
things to him, by pretending to shed tears’for
him in the day-time, like* an actor on the
stage, but every night making mirth for hav-
ing gotten the government, he would'appear
to be the same Archelaus with regard to Cte-
sar, if he granted him .the kingdom* which he
hath been to his father; since he had then
dancing and singing*, as though an enemy of
his were fallen, and not as though a man were
carried to bis funeral tbat was so nearly related,
and b«d been so great a benefactor to him.
But he said that the greatest crime of all was
this, that he came now before Caesar to
obtainrthe government by his grant, while he
bad before acted in all things as he could have
acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had
fixed him firmly in the government. And
what he most aggravated in his pleading* was
the slaughter of those about the temple, and
the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and
how they were slain like sacrifices themselves,
Borne of whom were foreigners, and others of
their Own country, till the temple was full of
dead bodies: and all this was done, not by
an alien, but by one who pretended to the
lawful title of a king, that he might complete
the wicked tyranny which his nature prompt-
ed him to, and which is hated by &U men.
On which account his father never so much
as dreamed of making him his successor in
the kingdom, when he was of a. sound mind,
because he knew his disposition; and,-in his
former and -mope -authentic! testament, tie
appointed his antagonist. Antipas to>succeed;
but,that Archelaus-was; colled by his father to
that, dignity, when, he was in a dying condi-
tion, both of body end mind; while Antipas
was called ..when he was ripest in his judg-
ment,, apd of,‘such, strength of body as mode
him . capable;,qf managing , his own affairs :
end if his father - had the like notion of him
formerly that he; bath now shoyyn, yet hath he
given-a su&cdent specimen what a king he is
likely to be,when he hath [in effect] deprived
Caesar of’that^posyer.of disposing of the king-
dom, which1; he, justly ^tb, and hath not ab-
stained .from .making, a terrible slaughter of
his fcllow-citizens.in the,temple, while he was
but a private person.

6. So when Antipater had made this speech,
and bad confirmed what he'had said by.produ-
cing many witnesses from ;«nong Archelaus’s
own relations, he made so. end of his pleading.
Upon which Nicolaus arose, up to plead for
Archelaus, and said, “ That, what had been
done at the temple was rather.tobe attributed
to the mind of those that bad been killed,
titan to the authority of Archelaus; for that
those who were the authors of such things,

are not only wicked in the injuries they do of
themselves, but in forcing sober persons to
avenge tbeinselves upon them. Now, it is
evident that what these did in way of opposi-
tion was done under pretence, indeed against
Archelaus, but in reality against Csesar him-
self, for they, after an injurious manner,
attacked and slew those who were sent by Ar-
cbelaus, and who came only to put a stop to
their doings. They had no regard, either to
God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is
not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out
of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or
out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For
as: to those who begin such tumults, and first
set about such unrighteous actions, they are
the men who force those that punish them to
betake themselves to arms even against their
will. So that Antipater in effect‘ascribes the
rest of what was done to all those who were
of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which
is here accused of injustice has been done,
but what was derived from them as its au-
thors; nor arc those things evil in themselves,
but so represented only, in order to do harm
to Archelaus. Such is these men’s inclina-
tion to do an injury to a man that is of their
kindred, their father’s benefactor, and familiarly
acquainted with them, and that hath ever
lived iu friendship with them; for that, as to
this testament, it was made by the king when
he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be
of more authority than his former testament;
and that for this reason, because Caesar is
therein left to be the judge an^ disposer of
all therein contained; and for Caesar, he will
not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust pro-
ceedings of those men, who, during Qerod’a
whole life, had on all occasions been joint-
partakers of power with him, and yet do
zealously endeavour to injure his determine-
tion, while they have not themselves had the
same regard to their kinsman [which Arcbe-
laus had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul
the testament of a man whom he had entirely
supported, of his friend and confederate, and
that which is committed to him in trust to
ratify; nor will Caesar’s virtuous and upright
disposition, which is known and unconteBted
through all the habitable world, imitate the
wickedness of these men in condemning a
king as a roadman, and as having lost his rea-
son, while he bath bequeathed the succession
to a good son of his, and to one who flies to
Ciesar’s upright determination for refuge;
Nor can Herod at any time have been mis-
taken in his judgment about a successor,
while he showed so much prudence as to sub -
mit all to Caesar's determination.”

7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these
things before Cssar, he ended his plea;
whereupon Cesar was so obliging to Arche*
laus, that be raised , him up when he had caat
himself down at his feet, and said, that hi:
well deserved the kingdom; and he soon’letCHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

475

them know that be was so far moved in his
favour, that he would not act otherwise than
hip father’s testament directed, and than was
for the advantage of Archelaus. However,
■ while he gave this encouragement to Arche-
laus to depend upon him securely, he made no
full determination about him; and, when the
assembly was broken up, he considered by
himself whether he should confirm the king-
dom to Archelaus, or whether he should part
it among all Herod’s posterity; and this
because they all stood in need of much
assistance to support them.

CHAPTER X.

A SEDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST SABINUS;

AND HOW VARUS BROUGHT THE AUTHORS

Or IT TO PUNISHMENT.

§ 1.’ But before these things could be brought
to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother,
fell into a distemper, and died of it; and
letters came from Varus the president of
Syria, which informed Csesar of the revolt of
the Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the
whole nation was in a. tumult. So Varus,
since he was there himself, brought the
authors of the disturbance to punishment;
and when he had restrained them for the most
port from this sedition, which was a great one,
he took his journey to Antioch, leaving one
legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep
the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of
innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to
put an end to that their sedition, for, after
Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Cmsar’s pro-
curator, staid behind, and greatly distressed
the Jew3, relying on the forces that were left
there, that they would by their multitude
protect him; for he made use of them, and
armed them as his guards, thereby so oppress-
ing the Jews, and giving them so great
disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for
he used force in seizing Jhe citadels, and
zealously pressed on the search after the king’s
money, m order to seize upon it by force, oij
account of his love of gain, and his extraordi-
nary covetousness.

*2. But on the approach of Pentecost, which
is a festival of purs, so called from the days
of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands
jf men got together; nor did they come only
<o celebrate the festival, but out of their
indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at
the injuries he offered them. A great num-
ber there was of Galileans, and Idumeans,
And many men from Jericho, and others who
had passed over the river Jordan, and inha-
bited those parts. This whole multitude
joined themselves to all the rest, and were
more zealous than the others in making an
^Mault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged

on him; so they parted themselves into three
bands, aud encamped themselves in the places
following; — somcpf them seized on the kip*
podrome; and of the other two bauds, one
pitched themselves from the northern part of
the temple to the southern, on. the east quar-
ter; but the third band held the; western part
of the city, where the king’s palace was.
Their work tended entirely to besiege the
Romans, and to enclose them on all sides.
Now Sabinus was afraid of. these men’s num-
ber, and of their resolution, who had little
regard to their lives, but were very desirous
not to be overcome, while they thought
point of puissance to overcome tb.eir eiie-
mies; so he sent immediately a letter to
Varus, and, os he used to do, was very pressing
with him, and entreated him to come quickly
to his assistance; because the forces he had
left were in imminent danger, and would
probably, in no long time, be seia-.d upon,
and cut to.pieces; while be did himself get
up to the highest tower of the fortress Pha<-
saelus, which had been built in honour of
Phasaelus, king Herod’s brother, and called
so when the .Partbians had brought him to
his death.* $o. Sabinus, gave*thence a signal
to tho Romans to fall upon the Jews, although
he did not himself venture ho much as to
come down to, iis friends,' and thought ha
might expect that the others, should expose
themselves first to die, on account, of his .ava-
rice, However, the Romans ventured to
make a sally out of the place, and a terrible
battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the
Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not
the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even
when they had the sight of that terrible
slaughter that wa3 made of them; but they
went round about, and got upon those clois-
ters which encompassed the outer court of the
temple, where a great fight was still continued,
and they cast stones at the Romans, partly
with their hands, and partly with slings, as
being much used to those exercises. All the
archers also in array did the Romans a great
deal of mischief, because they used their hands
dexterously from a place superior to the others,
and because the others were at an utter loss
what to do; for when they tried to shoot their
arrows against the Jews upwards, these
arrows could not reach them, insomuch that
the Jews,were easily too hard for their ene-
mies. And this sort of fight lasted a great
while, till at last the Romans, who we£»
greatly, distressed by what was done, setfirt
to the. cloisters so privately, that those who
were gotten upon them did not perceive it.
This fire.f being fed by a great deal of com-

• See Antlq. b. xlv.ch.xllL sect-IOj and Of the Wax,
b. it ch. xii. seot 9.

+ These peat devastations made about'the tempt*
here, and Of the War, b. ii ch. lit sect. 3, seem not to
have been fully re-edUled In tbe days of Netoj till
whose time there were eighteen, thousand workmen
continually employed in x«build[pg aad repaixiog ttmt476

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII.

bustiblfe matter, caught Lold immediately 'oh; pected that Varus was coming, he still bore
the toot* of the cloisters; so the wood, which
full of pitch and wax, and Whose gold
was laid on it with wax, yielded to the'flame
presently, and those vast works, which were
•of the highest value a^ esteem, were de-
stroyed utterly, while those that Were On the
•roof unexpectedly perished at the same time;

"for as the roof tumbled down; some of these
men tumbled down with it, and others of
them were killed by their enemies who en-
compassed them. There^Wks a great number
more, who, out of desparrdfeaving their lives,
and out of astonishment at the misery that
surrounded them, did either cast themselves
into the lire, or throw themselves upon their
own swords, and so got but of their misery.

But as to those that retired behind the same
way by which they asceiided, and thereby
escaped, they were all killed by the Romans,
as {being unarmed men, aird their courage
fatyiog them; their wild fury being now not'
able to help them, because they were desti-
tute of armour, insomuch that of those that
went up to the top of the roof, not one es-
caped. The Romans also rushed through the
fire, where it gave them room so to do, and
seised on that treasure where the sacred mo-
ney Was reposited: a great part of which was
stolen by the soldiers; and Sabiuus got openly
four-hundred talents.

3. But this calamity of the Jews’ friends,
who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did
also this plundering of the money dedicated
to Qod in the temple. Accordingly, that body
bf them which continued best together, and
Was the most warlike, encompassed the palace,

®nd threatened to set lire to it, and' kill all
that Were .in it. Yet still they commanded
them to go but:presently, and promised: that
if they would do- So, they would not hurt
them, nor SabinUs neither; at which time the
greatest part of the king’s troops deserted to
them;’while'Rufus and Gratus, who bad three
thtoUBind of the most warlike bf Herod’s
army /-with them, who were men of active
bodies, wentover to the Romans. There was
also a band of horsemen under the command
of Rtfua, Which itself went over to the Ro-
mans alsbr ' Hbwbver, the Jevvs went on with
the siege;-and >dug niines under the palace-
walls, and besought'those teat were gone over
to the other side, not’to be their hinderance,
now they had such- a pitoper opportunity for
the recovery of theif ctohhti'y'B ancient liberty;
and for Sabinus, truly-heiVviis desirous of go-
ing away with 'his soldiers;' but was not able
to trust himself with the'enemy, on account
of what mischief he had. already done them;
and he took this great [pretended] lenity of
theirs for an argument ~why..he should not
comply with them; and so, because he ex-

temple, eu> Joseph ns Informs as, Antl^ b. xx. ch. lx*
Mt 7. See the note on that pluce. ‘

the siege.

4.	Now, at this time there were ten, thou-
sand other disorders in Judea, which were
like tumults, because a great number put
themselves into a warlike posture, either out
of hopes of gain to themselves, or out bf
'enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thou-
sand of Herod’B old soldiers, who had been
already disbanded, got together in Judea itself,
and fought against the king’s tro; ps, although
Achiabus, Herod’s first cousin, opposed their ;
but as he was driven out of the plains into!
the mountainous parts by the military skill oi
those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses
that were there, and saved what he could.

5.	There was also Judas,* the sontof that
Ezekias who had been head of the robbers;
which Ezekias was a very strong man. and
had with great difficulty been caifgnt by He-
rod. This Judas having gotten together a
multitude of men of a profligute character
about Scpplioris in Galilee, made an as-
sault upon the palace [there], and seized upon
all the weapons that were laid up in it, and
with them armed every one of those that were
with him, and carried away what money wa,
left there; artd he became terrible to all men,
by tearing and rending those tbut came near
him; and all this in order to raise himself,
and out of an ambitious desire of the royal
dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the
reward, not of his virtuous skill in war, but
of his extravagance in doing injuries.

6.	There was also Simon, who had been a
slave of Herod the king, but in other respects
a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he
was one that was much superior to othcrsofhis
order, and bad bad great things committed to
bis care. This man was elevated at the dis-
orderly state of things, and was so bold as to
put a diadem on his head, while a certain
number of the people stood by him, and by
them he was declared to be king, und thought
himself more worthy of that dignity than any
one else. He burnt down the royal palace
at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it:
He also set fire to many others of the king’s
houses in several places of the country, and
utterly destroyed them, and permitted tbosei
that were with him to take what was left in

• Unless this Judas, the son of EzcMss, be the same
with that Theudas, mentioned Acts v. 36. Josephus mast
have omitted him; for that other Theudas, whom he
afterwards mentions onder Fndus, the Itomah governor,
b. xx. cb. v. sect. 1, is much too late to correspond to
him that is mentioned in the Acts. Tbe names Theu-
das, Thaddaus, aud Judos diHtr but little. £ee Arch-
bishop Usher’s Annals, at a. U. -4001. However, since
Josephns does not pretend to reckon up tbe beads cf all
these ten thousand disorders.in Judea, which Im tells us
were then abroad, see sect. 4 and Ft, the The ini as of the
Acts might be at the bead of one of those seditions,
though not particularly named by him. Tbos he in»
forms us here, sect. 6. and of the War, b. iL eh. fy,
sect, 2, that certain of tne'se'ditjoui came and hurst the
royal tnlaveat Am ethos, or liellraramphtn, upon th*
river Jordan. I'erhaps their leader, who is not nemtl
by Josephus, might be this TiWuda*.CHAP. X.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	477

them for a prey; and he would have done
greater things, unless care had been taken to
repress him immediately;, for Gratus, when
he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers,
took the forces he had with him, and met
Simon, and after a great and a long fight, no
small part of those that came from Perea,
who were a disordered body of men, and
fought rather in a bold than in a skilful
manner, were destroyed; and although Simon
had saved himself ‘by flying away through a
certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and
cut off his head. The royal palace also, at
Am at fill S, by the river Jordan, was burnt
down by a party of men that were got toge-
ther, as were those belonging to Simon. And
thus did a great and wild fury spread itself
over the nation, because they had no king to
keep the multitude in good order; and
because those foreigners, who came to reduce
the seditious to sobriety, did, on the contrary,
set them more in a flame, because of the
injuries they offered them, and the avaricious
management of their affairs.

7. But because Athronges, a person nei-
ther eminent by tha dignity of progenitors, nor
for any great wealth he was possessed of, but
one that had in all respects been a shepherd
only, and was not known by any body; yet
because be was a tall man, and excelled
others in the strength of his hands, he was so
bold as to set up for king. This man thought
it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary
injuries to others, that although he should be
killed, he did not much care if he lost his life
in so great a design. He bad also four
brethren, who were tall men themselves, and
were believed to be superior to others in the
strength of their hands, and thereby were
encouraged to aim at great things, and thought
that strength of theirs would support them in
retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled
over a band of men of their own; for those
that got together to them were very numerous.
They were every one of them also com-
manders; but, when they came to fight, they
were subordinate to him, and fought for him,
while he put a diadem about his head, and
assembled a council to debate about what
things should be done; and all things were
done according to his pleasure. And this man
retained his power a great while; he was also
called king, and had nothing to hinder him
from doing what he pleased. He also, as
well as his brethren, slew a great many both
of the Romans and of the king’s forces, and
managed matters with the like hatred to each
of them. The king's forces they fell upon,
because of the licentious conduct they had
been allowed under Herod’s government;
and they fell upon the Romans, because of
the injuries they had so lately received from
them. But in process of time they grew
more cruel to all sorts of men; nor could any
one escape from one or other of these seditions,

since they slew some out of the hopes of
gun, and others from a mere custom of slay-
ing men. They once attacked a company
of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing
corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon
Arius, the centurion, who commanded the
company, and shot forty of the best of his foot-
soldiers; but the rest of them were affrighted
at their slaughter, and left their dead behind
them, but saved themselves by the means of
Gratus, who came with the king’s troops that
were about him to their assistance. Now,
these four brethren continued the war a long
while by such sort of expeditions, and much
grieved the Romans (but did their own nation
also a great deal of mischief); yet were
they afterwards subdued; one of them in a
fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy;
Archelaus also took the eldest of them pri-
soner ; while the last of them was so dejected
at the others’ misfortune, and saw so plainly
that he had no way now left to save himself,
his army being worn away with sickness and
continual labours, that he, also delivered him-
self up to Archelaus, upon his promise and
oath to God to [preserve his life]. But
these things came to pass a good while after-
ward.	1

8.	And now Judea was full of robberies;

, and, as the several companies of the seditious
| lighted upon any one to head them, be was

created a king immediately, in order to do mis-
chief to the public. They were in some small
measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful
to the Romans, but the murders they commit-
ted upon their own people lasted a long while.

9.	As soon as Varus was once informed of
the state of Judea by Sabinus’s writing to
him, he was afraid for the legion he had left
there; so be took the two other legions (.for
there were three legions in all belonging to
Syria), and four- troops of horsemen, with
the several auxiliary forces which either the
kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded
him, and made what haste he could to assist
those that were then besieged in Judea. He
also gave, order, that all that were sent out
for this expedition should make haste to
Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus aho gave
him fifteen hundred auxiliaries, as he passed
through their city. Aretas also, the king of
Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Herod,
and in order to purchase the favour of the
Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides
their footmen and horsemen: and, when he
had now collected all his forces together,
he committed part of them to his son, and
to a friend of his, and sent them upon an
expedition into Galilee, which lies in the
neighbourhood of Ptolemais; who made an
attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight,
and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants
slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus him-
self pursued his march to Samaria with his
whole army: yet did not he meddle with the478

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII,

city of that name, because it had not at all
joined with the seditious, but pitched his
camp at a certain village that belonged to
Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the
Arabians burnt, out of their hatred'to Herod,
and out of the enmity they bore to his friends;
whence they marched to another village, whose
name was Sainpho, whijh the Arabians plun-
dered and burnt, although it was a fortified
and strong place; and all along this march
nothing escaped them, but all places were full
of fire and of slaughter. Einmaus was also
burnt by Varus's order, after its inhabitants
had deserted it, that he might avenge those
that had there been destroyed. From thence
be now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon
those Jews, whose camp lay there, and who
had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing
the coming of this army, left the siege im-
perfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when
Varus reproached them bitterly for what had
been done, they cleared themselves of the ac-
cusation ; and alleged that the conflux of the
people was occasioned by the feast; that the
war was not made with theirapprobation, but by
the rashness of the strangers; while they were
on the side of the Romans, and besieged
together with thenf, rather than having any
inclination to besiege them. There also came
beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-
german of king Herod, as also Gratus and
Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with
them, together wdth those Romans who had
been besieged: but Sabinus did not come
into Varus’s presence, but stole out of the
city privately, and went to the sea-side.

10. Upon this, Virus sent a part of bis
army into the country, to seek out those that
bad been the authors of the revolt; and w'hen
they were discovered, he punished some of
them that were most guilty, and some he dis-
missed: now the number of those that were
crucified on this accdunt were two thousand:
after which he disbanded his army, which hp
found nowise useful to him in the affairs he
came about; for they behaved themselves very
disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and
what .Varus desired them to do; and this out
of regard to that gain which they made by the
mischief they did. As for himself, when he
was informed that ten thousand Jews had
gotten together, he made haste to catch them;
but they, did not proceed so fur as to fight
him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they
came together, and delivered themselves up
to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime
of revolting to the multitude, but sent their
several commanders to Ciesar, many of whom
Ctesar dismissed; but for the several rela-
tions of Herod who bad been among these
men in this war, they were the only persons
whom he punished, who, without the least
regard to justice, fought against their own
kindnd.

CHAPTER XL

AN EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO C.X9AR; AND

HOW C-dESAR CONFIRMED HEROD’S TESTA-
MENT.

§ 1. So when Varus had settled these affairs,
and had placed the former legion at Jerusa-
lem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for
Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble
come upon him at Rome, on the occasions
following: for an embassy j of the Jews XW
come to Rome, Varus having permitted the
nation to send it, that they might petition for
the liberty of living by their own laws. *
Now, the number of the ambassadors that
were sent by the authority of the nation was
fifty, to which they joined above eight thou-
sand of the Jews that were at Rome already.
Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and
the chief men among the Romans, in the tem-
ple of Apollo,f which he had built at a vast
charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a
multitude of the Jews that were there already
came with them, as did also Archelaus and his
friends; but as for the several kinsmen which
Archelaus bad, they would not join them-
selves with him, out of their hatred to him;
and yet they thought it too gross aching for
them to assist the ambassadors [against him],
as supposing it would be a disgrace to them
in Cffisar’s opinion to think of thus acting in
opposition to a man of their own kindred:
Philip J also was come hither out of Syria, by
the persuasion of Varus, with this principal
intention to assist his brother [Archelaus];
for Varus was his great friend: but still so,
that if there should any change happen in the
form of government (which V.arus suspected
there would), and if any distribution should be
made on account of the number that desired
the liberty of living by their own laws, that
he might not be disappointed, but might have
his share in it.

2. Now, upon the liberty that was given to
the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who
hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly
government betook themselves to accuse He-
rod of his iniquities; and they declared that
he was indeed in name a king, but that he
had taken to himself that uncontrollable
authority which tyrants exercise over their
subjects, and had made use of that authority
for the destruction of the Jews, and did not
abstain from making many innovations among
them besides, according to his own inclina-
tions; and that whereas there were a great
many who perished by that destruction he
brought upon 'them, so many indeed as no
other history relates, they that survived were

* See Of the War, b. ii. cb. ii. sect 3.

+ See the note, Of the War, h. it oh. vL teat 1.

$ He was tetrarcb afterwards.CHAP. XI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

479

far more miserable than those that suffered
under him, not only by the anxiety they were
in from his looks and disposition towards
them, but from the danger their estates were
in of being taken away by him. That he did
never leave off adorning these cities that lay
in their neighbourhood, but were inhabited
by foreigners; but so that the cities belong-
ing to his own government were ruined, and
utterly destroyed: that whereas, when he took
the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary
flourishing condition, he had tilled the nation
with the utmost degree of poverty; and when,
upon unjust pretences, he had slain any of
the nobility, he took away their estates: and
when he. permitted any of them to live, he
condemned them to the forfeiture of what they
possessed. And, besides the annual imposi-
tions which he laid upon every one of them,
they were to make liberal presents to himself,
to his domestics and friends, and to such of
his slaves as were vouchsafed the favour of
being his tax-gatherers; because there was no
way of obtaining a freedom from unjust vio-
lence, without giving either gold or silver for
it. That they would say nothing of the cor-
ruption of the chastity of their virgins, and
the reproach laid on their wives for inconti-
nency, and those things acted after an inso-
lent and inhuman manner; because it was
not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have
such things concealed, than it would have
been not to have suffered them. That Her.od
had put such abuses upon them as a wild
beast would not have put on them, if he had
power given him to rule over us: and that
although their nation had passed through
many subversions and alterations of govern-
ment, their history gave no account of any
calamity they had ever been under, that could
be compared with this which Herod had
brought upon their nation; that it was for
this reason that they thought they might
justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king,
upon this supposition,that whosoevershould be
set over their kingdom, he would appear more
mild to them than Herod had been; and that
they had joined with him in the mourning for
his father, in order to gratify him, and were
ready to oblige him in other points also, if
they could meet with any degree of modera-
tion from him; but that he seemed to be
afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod’s
own son; and so, without any delay, he imme-
diately let the nation understand his meaning,
and this before his dominion was well esta-
blished, since the power of disposing of it
belonged to Caesar, who could either give it
to Jtim or not as he pleased. That he had
given a specimen of his future virtue to his
subjects, and with what kind of moderation
and good administration he would govern
them, by that his first action which concerned
them, his own citizens, and God himself also,
when he made the slaughter of three thousand

of his own countrymen at the temple. How,
then, could they avoid the just hatred of him,
who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added
this as one of our crimes, that we have opposed
and contradicted him in the exercise of his
authority? Now, the main thing they desired
was this: That they might be delivered
from kingly and the like forms of govern-
ment,* and might be added to Syria, and be
put under the authority of such presidents of
theirs as should be sent to them; for that it
would thereby be made evident, whether they
be really a seditious people, and generally
fond of innovations, or whether they would
live in an orderly manner, if they might have
governors of any sort of moderation set over
them.

3.	Now when the Jews had said this, Nico-
laus vindicated the kings from those accusa-
tions, and said, that as for Herod, since he
had never been thus accusedf all the time of
his life, it was not fit for those that might
have accused him of lesser crimes than those
now mentioned, and might have procured
him to be punished during his lifetime, to
bring an accusation against him now he is
dead. He also attributed the actions of
Archelaus to the Jews’ injuries to him, \fho,
affecting to govern contrary to the laws, and
going about to kill those that would have
hindered them from acting unjustly, when
they were by him punished for what they had
done, made their complaints against him; so
he accused them of their attempts for innova-
tion, and of the pleasure they took in sedition,
by reason of their not having learned to
submit to justice and to the laws, but still
desiring to be superior in all things. This
was the substance of what Nicolaus said.

4.	When Caesar had heard these pleadings,
he dissolved the assembly; but a few days
afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed
to be the king of the whole country, but
ethnarch of one half of that which had been
subject to Herod, and promised to give him
the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his
part virtuously. But as for the other half,
he divided it into two parts, and gave it

* If any one compare that divine prediction concern-
ing the tyrannical power which the Jewish kings would
exercise over them, if they would be so foolish as to pre-
fer it before their ancient theocracy or aristocracy (I Sam.
viii.l—22, Ant. b. vi. c. iv. s.41, he will soon find that it
was superabundantly fulfilled in the days of Herod, and
that to such a degree, that the nation now at last seemed
sorely to repent of such their ancient choice, in opposition
to God’s better choice for them,- and had much rather be
subject to even a pagan Roman government, and their
deputies, than to be any longer under the oppression of
the family of Herod; which request of theirs Augustus did
not now grant them, but did it for the one half of that na-
tion in a fiw years afterward, upon fresh complaints made
by the Jews against Archelaus, who. under the more
humble name of an ethnarch. which Augustus wouldXmly
now allow him. soon took upon him the insulence and
tyranny of his father king Herod, as the remaining part
of this book will inform us. and particularly c. xii'i. s. 2.

+ This is not true. See Ant b.xiv. ch. ix sect. 3. 4;
and ch. xii. sect 2. and ch. xiii.sret. 1. 2; Am t. w c‘>.
iii.sent.5f and eh. X. sect. 2,3; Ant 1>. xvi.cn. n .-ni.d.480

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII,

to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and
to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with
Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now, to
him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their
tribute, which amounted annually to 200 ta-
lents,* while Batanea with Trachonitis, as well
as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was
called the House of Zenodorus,f paid the tri-
bute of one hundred talents to Philip; but
Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Sa-
maria, paid tribute to Archelaus, but had
now a fourth part of that-tribute taken off by
the order of Caesar, who decreed them that
mitigation, because they did not join in this
revolt with the rest of the multitude. There
were also certain of the cities which paid
tribute to Archelaus: — Strato’s Tower and
Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to
Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos, they were Gre-
cian cities, which Caesar separated from his
government, and added them to the province
of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came
to Archelaus every year from his own domi-
nions, amounted to six hundred talents.

5. And so much came to Herod’s sons
from their father’s inheritance; but Salome,
besides what her brother left her by his testa-
mlht, which were Jamnia, Ashdod, and Pha-
saelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae]

* Since Josephus here informs us that Archelaus had
one-balf of the kingdom of Herod, and presently in-
forms us farther, that Arclielaus’s annual income, after
an abatement of one-quarter for the present, was COO
talents, we may therefore gather pretty nearly what was
Herod the Great’s yearly income, I mean about 1000
talents, which, at the known value of 0000 shekels to a
talent, and about ‘2s 10d. to a shekel, in the days of
Josephus, see .the note on Antiq. b. iii. ch viii, sect. 2,
amounts to £080,000 sterling per -annum; which in-

come, though great in itself, bearing no proportion to
bis vast expenses everywhere visible in Josephus, and to
the vast sums he left behind him in his will (ch. viii.

sect. 1; and ch. xii. sect. I), the rest must have arisen
either fropiliU eonliscation of those great men’s estates
whom he. put to death, or made to pay fine for the
saving of their lives, or for some other heavy methods
of oppression which such savage tyrants usually exercise
upon their miserable subjects; or rather from these
several methods put together, all which yet seem very
much too small lor his expenses, being drawn from no
larger a nation than that of the Jews, which was very
populous, but without the advantage of trade to bring
them riches; so that 1 cannot hut strongly suspect that
no small part of this his wealth arose from another
sourv; 1 knean from some vast sums he took out of
David’s sepulchre, but concealed from the people. See
the note on Antiq. b. vil ch. xv. sect. 3.

+ Take here a very useful note of Grotius, on l.uke
iii. 1, here quoted by Dr. Hudson: — *■ When Josephus’
says that some part of the house (or possession) ol Ze-
nodorus (i. e. Abilene) was allotted to Philip, he thereby
declares that the larger part of it belonged to another.
This other was Lysanias, whom Luke mentions, of
the posterity of that Lysanias who was possessed of
tlie same country called Abilene, from the city Abila,
and by others Chalcidene, from the city uf-Chalcis, when
the government of the east was under Anlonius, and
this after Ptolemy, the son of Mennens; from which
Lysanias, this country came to be commonly called the
Country of Lysanias; and as, after the death of the for-
mer Lysanias, it was called the Tetrarchy of Zenodorus,
so after the death of Zenodorus, or when the time for
which he hired it was ended, wheu another Lysanias, of
the same name with the former, was possessed of tbe
same country, it began to be called the Tetrarchy of
Lysanias.” However, since Josephus elsewhere (Antiq
b. XX. ch. vii. sect. 1) clearly distinguishes Abiltnt lroin
CUaicidcne, Grotius must he here so l..r unslakcn.

of coined silver, Ctesar made her a present of
a royal habitation at Askelon: in all, her
revenues amounted to sixty talents by the
year, and her dwelling-house was within Ar-
chelaus’s government. The rest also of the
king’s relations received what his testament
allotted them. Moreover, Caesar made a pre-
sent to each of Herod’s two virgin daughters,
besides what their father left them, of two
hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of sil-
ver, and married them to Pheroras’s sons: he
also granted all that was bequeathed to him-
self to the king’s sons, which was one thou-
sand five hundred talents, excepting a few of
the vessels, which he reserved for himself;
and they were acceptable to him, not so much
for the great value they were of, as because
they were memorials of the king to him.

CHAPTER XII.

CONCERNING A SPURIOUS ALEXANDER.

§ 1. When these affairs had been thus set-
tled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth
a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freedman
in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the
kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his
countenance, which those that saw1 him
attested to be that of Alexander, the son of
Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an
incitement to him to endeavour to obtain the
government; so he took to him as an assis-
tant, a man of his own country (one that was
well acquainted with the affairs of the pa-
lace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and
one whose nature made him capable of caus-
ing great disturbances to the pdblic, and one
that became a teacher of such a mischievous
contrivance to the other), and declared him-
self to be Alexander, and the son of Herod,
hut stolen-away by one of thosenthat were
sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other
men, in order to deceive the spectators, but
saved both him and his brother Aristobulus.
Thus was this man elated, and able to im-
pose on those that came to him; and when
he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews
that came to discourse with him believe him
to be [Alexander]. And when he had gotten
much money which had been presented to
him there, he passed over to Melos, where he
got much more money than he had before,
out of the belief they had that he was of the
royal family, and their hopes that he would
recover his father’s principality, and reward
his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome,
and was conducted thither by those strangers
who entertained him. He was also so ior-
tunate as, upon hi^ landing at Dicearchia, to
bring the Jews that were there into the same
delusion; and not only other people, but also
all those who had been great, with Herod, or
had i kindness for him, joined themselves toCHAP. XIII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

481

this man as to their king. Thcrcause of it
was this, that men were glad of his pretences,
which were seconded by the likeness of his
countenance, which made those that had been
acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe
that he was no other but the very same per-
son, which they also confirmed to others by
oath; insomuch that when the report went
about him that be was coming to Rome, the
whole multitude of the Jews that were there
went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine
Providence that he had so unexpectedly
escaped, and being very joyful on account of
his mother’s family. And when he was come,
he was carried in a royal litter through the
streets; and all the ornaments about him were
such as kings are adorned withal; and this
was at the expense of those that entertained
him. The multitude also flocked about him
greatly, and made mighty acclamations to
him, and nothing was omitted which could
be thought suitable to such as had beSn so
unexpectedly preserved.

' 2. When this thing was told Caesar, he did
not believe it, because Herod was not easily
to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of
great concern to him; yet, having some sus-
picion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a
ffeed-man of his, and one that had conversed
with the young men themselves, and. bade
him bring Alexander into his presence: so
he brought him, being no more accurate in
judging about him than the rest of the mul-
titude. Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for
although there was a resemblance between
him and Alexander, yet it was not so exact as
to impose on such as were prudent in discern-
ing; for this spurious Alexander had his hands
rough, by the labours he had been put to; and
instead of that softness of body which the
other had, and this as derived from his deli-
cate and generous education, this man, for
the contrary reason, had a rugged body.
When, therefore, Caesar saw how the master
and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and
in a bold way of talking, he inquired about
AristobUlus, and asked what became of him,
who (it seemsj was stolen away together with
him, and for what reason it was that he did
not come along with him, and endeavour to
recover that dominion which was due to his
high birth also. And when he said that he
had been left in the Isle of Crete, for fear of
the dangers of the sea, that, in case any acci-
dent should come to himself, the posterity of
Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that
Ariatobulus might survive, and punish those
that laid such treacherous designs against
them; and when he persevered in his affirma-
tions, and the author of the imposture agreed
in supporting it, Caesar took the young man
by himself, and said to him, “ If thou wilt
not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for
thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy
life; tell me then, who thou art, and who it

was that had boldness enough to contrive such
a cheat ds this. For this contrivance is too
considerable a piece of villany to be under-
taken by one of thy age.” Accordingly, be-
cause he had no* other way to take, he told
Caesar the contrivance, and after what man-
ner, and by whom it was laid together. So
Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexan
der to be a strong active man, and fit to work
with his hands, that he might not break his
promise to him, put him among those that
were to row among the mariners, but slew
him that induced him to do what he had done;
for as for the people of Melos, he thought
them sufficiently punished, in having thrown
away so much of their money upon this spu-
rious Alexander. And such was the igno-
minious conclusion of this bold contrivance
about the spurious Alexander.

CHAPTER XIII.

HOW ARCHELAUS, UPON A SECOND ACCUSA-
TION WAS BANISHED TO VIENNA.

§ 1. When Archelaus was entered on his
ethnarchy, and was come -into Judea, be ac-
cused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting
the seditious, and took away the high-priest-
hood from him, and put Eleazar his brother
in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt
the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and
he diverted half the water with which the vil-
lage of Neara used to be watered, and drew
off that water into the plain, to water those
palm-trees which he had there planted; he
also built a village, and put his own namg
upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover,
he transgressed the law of our fathers,* and
married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus,
who had been the wife of his brother Alex-
ander, which Alexander had three children by
her, while it was a thing detestable among the
Jews to marry the brother’s wife. Nor did
this Eleazar abide long in the high-priesthood,
Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room
while he was still living.

2. But in the tenth year of Arcbelaus’s
government, both his brethren and the prin-
cipal men of Judea and Samaria, not being
able, to bear his barbarous and tyrannical
usage of them, accused him before Caesar,
and that especially because they knew he had
broken the commands of Caesar, which obli-
ged him to behave himself with moderation
among them. Whereupon Caesar, when he
hpard it, was very angry, and called for Ar-
chelaus’s steward, who took cafe of his affairs
at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus

* Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was for-
bidden the Jews to marry their brother’s wife when she
had children by her first husband; and that Zenoras
(cites, or) interprets the clause before us accordingly.

2 H482

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XVII

also; and thinking it beneath him to write to
Archelaus, he bade him sail away as soon as
possible, and bring him to Rome; so the man
made haste in his voyage, and when he came
into Judea he found Archelaus feasting with
his friends; so he told him what Caesar had
sent him about, and hastened him away. And
when he was come [to Rome], Caesar up-
on hearing what certain accusers of his had
to say, and what reply he could make, both
banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city
of gaul, to be the place of his habitation,
and took his money away from him.

3.	Now, before Archelaus was gone up to
Rome upon this message, he related this
dream to his friends: That he saw ears of
com, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly
ripe; which ears, as it seemed to him, were
devoured by oxen. And when he was awake
and gotten up, because the vision appeared to
be of great importance to him, he sent for
the diviners, whose study was employed about
dreams. And while some were of one opi-
nion and some of another (for all their inter-
pretations did not agree), Simon, a man of the
sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his
mind freely, and said, that the vision denoted
a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that
not for the better;' that oxen, because that
animal takes uneasy pains in his labours, de-
noted afflictions, and indeed denoted, farther,
a change of affairs; because that land which
is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its for-
mer state; and that the ears of corn being ten,
determined the like number of years, because
an ear of corn grows in one year; and that
the time of Archelaus’s government was over.
And thus did this man expound the dream.
Nowr, on the fifth day after this dream came
first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that
was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away,
came hither also.

4.	The like accident befel Glaphyra his
wife, who was the daughter of king Arche-
laus, who, as I said before, was married, while
she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of
Herod, and brother of Archelaus;. but since

it fell out so that Alexander was slam by his
father, she was married to Juba, the king of
Libya; and when he was dead, and she lived
in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father,
Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne,
and married her, so great was his affection
for her; who, during her marriage to him,
saw the following dream:—She thought she
saw Alexander standing by her; at which she
rejoiced, and embraced him with great affec-
tion; but that he complained of her, and said,
“ O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be
trhe, which assures us that women are not to
be trusted. Didst thou not pledge thy faith
to me? and wast thou not married to me
when thou wast a virgin? and had we not
children between us? Yet hast thou forgot-
ten the affection I bare to thee, out of desire
of a second husband. Nor hast thou been
satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but
thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a
third husband to lie by'thee, and in an inde-
cent and imprudent manner hast entered into
my house, and hast been married to Arche-
laus, thy husband and my brother. How-
ever, I will not forget thy former kind affec-
tion for me; but will set thee free from every
such reproachful action, and cause thee to be
mine again, as thou once wast.” Wheir she
had related this to her female companions, in
a few days’ time she departed this life.

5.	Now I did not think these histories im-
proper for the present discourse, both because
my discourse now is concerning kings, and
otherwise also on account of the advantage
hence to be drawn, as well for the confirma-
tion of the immortality of the soul, as of the
providence of God over human affairs, I
thought them fit to be set down; but if any
one does not believe such relations, let him
indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not
hinder another that would thereby encourage
himself in virtue. So A-chelaus’s country
was laid to the provmos of Syria; and Oyre-
nius, one that had been consul, was sent b?
Caesar to take account of people’s effects w
Syria, and tc sell the nouse oi Avcnelaus.488

BOOK XVIII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL 07 THIRTY-TWO YEAR*,

FROM THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS TO THE DEPARTURE OF
THE JEWS FROM BABYLON.

CHAPTER I.

HOW CYRENIUS WAS SINT BY C-®SAR TO MAKE
A TAXATION OF SYRIA AND JUDEA; AND
HOW COPONIUS WAS SENT TO BE PROCURA-
TOR OF JUDEA; CONCERNING JUDAS OF GA-
LILEE, AND CONCERNING THE SECTS THAT
WERE AMONG THE JEWS.

§ 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and
one who had gone through other magistracies,
and had passed through them till he had been
consul, and one who, on other accounts, was
of great dignity, came at this time into Syria,

Gamalaj who taking with him Sadduc.f a
Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to
a revolt, who both said that this taxation was
no better than an introduction to slavery, and
exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; as
if they could procure them happiness and se-
curity for what they possessed, and an assur-
ed enjoyment of a still greater good, which
was that of the honour and glory they would
thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also
said that God would not otherwise be assist-
ing to them, than upon their joining with one
another in such counsels as might be success-
ful, and for their own advantage; and this

with a few others, being sent by Ciesar to be
a judge of that nation, and to take an account
of their substance: Coponius also, a man of
the equestrian order, was sent together with
him, to have the supreme power over the
Jews. Moreovjjf, Cyrenius came himself in-
to Judea, which was now added to the pro-
vince of Syria, to take an account of their
substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s mo-
ney; but the Jews, although at the beginning
they took the report of a taxation heinously,
yet did they leave off any farther opposition
to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was
the son of Boetbus, and high-priest. So
they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words,
gave an account of their estates, without
any dispute about it; yet there was one J u-
das a Gaulonite,* of a city whose name was

• Since St Luke once (Acts v. 37), and Josephus
our several times, once here (sect. 6; and b. xx. ch. v.
eect.2; Of the War,b. ii.ch.viiL sect. 1; and chap. xvii.

i J udas, who was the pestilent autl
and temper which I
estruction. a Galilea
I), Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of
Gatnal&j it is a great question Where ttiis Judas wai
born, whether in Galilee on the west side, or in Gauio

ret 8). calls this

rno was the pesl
that seditious doctrine and temper which brought the
Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean; but here
(sect. I), Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of

born,

nitis on the east side of the river Jordan; while, in th<
place just now cited out of the Antiquities (b. xx. ch. v
sect.2), he is not only called a Galilean, but it is added
to his story, “as I have signified in the hooks that go
before these,” as if he had still called him a Galilean in
those Antiquities before, as well as in that particular
place, as Dean Aldrich observes. Of the War b. ii. ch.
viii. sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he should
here call him a Gaulonite, when, in the 6th sect following
here, os well as twice Of the War, he still calls him a Ga-
lilean. As for the city of Gamala, whence this Judas
was derived, it determines nothing, since there were

especially, if they would set about great ex-
ploits, and not grow weary in executing the
same; so men received what they said with
pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to
a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also
sprang from these men, and the nation was
infected with this doctrine to an incredible
degree; one violent war came upon us after
another, and we lost our friends, who used
to alleviate our pains; there were also very
great robberies and murders of our principal
men. This was doife in pretence indeed for
the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes
of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions,
and from them murders of men. which soroew
times fell on those of their own peoole fbv tte
madness t>f these men towards one anotner,
while their desire was that none of the adverse
party might be. left), and sometimes on their
enemies; a famine also coming upon us reduced
us to the last degree of despair, as did also
the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the

two of that name, the one in Ganlonitis, the other
in Galilee. See RelaDd on the city <
une.

+ It seems not very improbable to me that
ic. the Pharisee, was the very same man of
Rabbins speak, as the unhappy but nndesigning occa-
~ of the impiety or infidelity of the Sadducees; nor
ips had the men this name of Sadducees till this
ct sect long before,
nd Dean Prideaus,

. or towp of that

name.

this Sad-
whom the
ning occa-
sion

perhaps 1

very time, though they were a distinct
See the note qn b. xilL ch. x. sect. 5, and
as there quoted; nor do we, that I know of, find the
least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity of these
Sadducees before this time, the Recognitions assuring
us that they began about the days of John the
b. L ch. liv.484

ANTIQtJTCTES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

sedition at last increased so bigh, that the
very temple of God was burnt down by tbeir
enemy’s fire. Such were the consequences of
this, that the customs of our fathers were
altered, and such a change was made, as add-
ed a mighty weight toward bringing all to
destruction, which these men occasioned by
thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sad-
due,* who excited a fourth philosophic sect
among us, and had a great many followers
therein, filled our civil government with tu-
mults at present, and laid the foundation of
our future miseries, by this, system of philo-
sophy, which we were before unacquainted
withal; concerning which 1 shall discourse a
little, and this the rather, because the infec-
tion which spread thence among the younger
sort, who were zealous for it, brought the
public to destruction.	.

2.	The Jews had for a great while thrjee
sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves;
the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the
Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was
that of those called Pharisees; of which sects,
although 1 have already spoken in the second
book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little
touch upon them now.

3.	Now, for the Pharisees, they live mean-
ly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they fol-
low the conduct of reason; and what that
prescribes to them as good for them, they do;
and they think they ought earnestly to strive

to observe reason’s dictates for practice____

They also pay a respect to such as are in
years; nor are they so bold as to contradict
them in any thing which they have intro-
duced ; and, when they determine that all
things are done by fate, they co not take
away the freedom from men of acting a3 they
think fit; since their notion is, that it hath
pleased God to make a temperament, where-
by what he wills is done, but so that the
will of men can act virtuously or viciously.
They also believe that souls have an immortal
vigour in them, and that under the earth
there will be rewards or punishments, accord-
ing as they have lived virtuously or viciously
in this life; and the latter are to be -detained
in an everlasting prison, but that the former
shall have power to revive and live again; on
account of which doctrines they are able great-
ly to persuade the body -Iff the people; and
whatsoever they do about divine worship,
prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them
according to their direction; insomuch that
the cities gave great attestions to them on
account of their entire virtuous conduct, both
in the actions of their lives and their discourses
also.

4.	But the doctrine of the Sadducees is
this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do
they regard the observation of any thing be-
sides what the law enjoins them; for they

• See'the previous Note.

think it an instance of virtue to dispute with
those teachers of philosophy whom they fre-
quent; but this doctrine is received but by a
few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity;
but they are able to do almost nothing of
themselves; for when they become magis-
trates, as they are unwillingly and by force
sometimes obliged to be, they addict them-
selves to the notions of the Pharisees, be-
cause the multitude would not otherwise hear
them.

5.	The doctrine of the Essens is this: That
all things are best ascribed to God. They
teach the immortality of souls, and esteem
that the rewards of righteousness are to be
earnestly striven for; and when they send
what they have dedicated to God into the
temple, they do not offer sacrifices,f because
they have more pure lustrations of their own;
on which account they are excluded from the
common court of the temple, but offer their
sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of
life better than that of other men; and they
entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It
also deserves our admiration, how much they
exceed all other men that addict themselves to
virtue, and this in righteousness: and indeed
to such a degree, that as it hath never appear-
ed among any other men, neither Greeks nor
barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it
endured a long while among them. This is
demonstrated bv that, insiitution of theirs
which will not suffer any thing to hinder them
from having all things in common; so that a
rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth
than he who hath nothing at all. There are
about four thousand men thijt live in^bis way,
and neither marry waves, po? ate desirous to
keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts
men to be unjust, and the former gives the
handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live
by themselves, they minister one to another.
They also appoint certain.stewards to receive
the incomes of their revenues, and of the
fruits of the ground; such as are good men
and priests, who are to get their corn and
their food ready for them. They none of
them differ from others of the Essens in their
way of living, but do the most resemble those
Dacae who are called Polist<B% [dwellers in
cities.]

6.	But of the fourth sect of Jewish-pbilo-

+ It seems by what Josephus says here, and Philo
himself elsewhere (Up. p.e?9), that these Kssens did not
nse to go to the Jewish festivals at Jerusalem, or to offer
sacrifices there, which may be one great occasion why
they are never mentioned in the ordinary books of the
New Testament; though, in the Apostolical Constitu-
tions. they are mentioned as those that observed the dia-
toms of thfir forefathers, and that without any such il!
character laid upon thrin as is there laid upon the other
sects among that people.

t W ho these nakr^rzrin Josephus,or K r Jin Strabo,
among the Pttliagnrlc I.arse were, it is not easy to de'er-
mi e. ^ralicer offers no improbable conjecture, that
sume of these IJacw lived alone, like monks, in tents or
caves; hut that others of them lived together in built
cilies. and thence were called by such names as implied
the same.CHAP', n.

ANTIQUITIES

sophy, Judas the Galilean was the author.
These men agree in all other things with the
Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable
attachment to liberty; and say that God is to
be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do
not value dying any kinds of death,, nor in-
deed do they heed the deaths of their relations
and friends, nor can any such fear make
them call any man Lord; and since this im-
moveable* resolution of theirs is well known
to a great many, 1 shall speak no farther
about that matter; nor am I afraid that any
thing I have said of them should be disbelieved,
but rather fear, that what I have said is be-
neath the resolution they show when they un-
dergo pain; and it was in Gessius Florus’s
time that the nation began to grow mad with
this distemper, who was our procurator, and
who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it
by the abuse of his authority, and to make
them revolt from the Romans; and these are
the sects of Jewish philosophy.

CHAPTER II.

HOW HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT SEVERAL
CITIES IN HONOUR OF CAESAR. CONCERN-
ING THE SUCCESSION OF PRIESTS AND PRO-
CURATORS; AS ALSO WHAT BEFEL PHRA-
ATES AND THE PARISIANS.

§ 1. When Cyrenius hijd now disposed of
Archelaus’s money, and when the taxings
were come to a conclusion^ which were made in
the thirty-seventh year of Caesar’s victory over
Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the
high-priesthood, which dignity had been con-
ferred on him by the multitude, and he ap-
pointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high-
priest ; while Herod and Philip had each of
them received their own tetrarchy, and settled
the affairs- thereof. Herod also built a wall
about Seppboris (which is the security of all
Galilee), and made it the metropolis of the
country. He also bui)t a wall round Betha-
rampbtba, which was itself a city also, and
called it Julias, from the name of the empe-
ror’s wife. When Philip, also, had built Pa-
neas, a city, at the fountains of Jordan, he
named it Cesarea. He also advanced the vil-
lage JBethsaida, situate at the lake of Gennesa-
reth, .unto the dignity of a city, both by the
number of inhabitants it contained, and its
other grandeur, and called it by the name of
Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter.

2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent
aloqg with Cyrenius, was exercising his office
of procurator, and governing Judea, the fol-
lowing accidents happened. As the • Jews
werq celebrating the feast of unleavened
bread, which we call the Passover, it was
customary for the priests to open the temple-
gates just after midnight. When, therefore,

OF THE JEWS.	485

those gates were first opened, some of the
Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem,
and threw about dead men’s bodies in the
cloisters; on which account the Jews after-
ward excluded them out of the temple, which
they had not used to do at such festivals; and
on other accounts also they watched the tem-
ple tnore carefully than they had formerly
done. A little after which accident, Copo-
nius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambi-
vius came to be his successor in that govern-
ment; under whom Salome, the sister of king
Herod, died, and left to Julia [Caesar’s wife],
Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Pbasaelis in the
plain, and Archelais, where is a great planta-
tion of palm-trees, and their fruit isf xcellent
in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus,
under whom died Caesar, the second emperor
of the Romans, the duration of whose reign
was fifty-seven years. (besides six months and
two days (of which tim$ Antonius ruled to-
gether with him fourteen years; but the du-
ration of his life was seventy-seven years);
upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife
Julia’s son, succeeded. He was now the
third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus
to be procurator of Judea, and to1 succeed
Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus
of the "high-priesthood, and appointed Ismael,
the son of Phabi, to be higb-priest. He also
deprived him in a little time, and ordained
Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been
high-priest before, to be high-priest: which
Office, when he had held forsa year, Gratus
deprived him of it, and gave the high-priest-
hood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and,
when he had possessed that dignity no longer
than a year, Joseph Gaipbas was made his
successor. When Gratus had done those
things, he went back to Rome, after be had
tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius
Pilate came as his successor.

3. And now Herod the tetrarch, w'ho was
in great favour with Tiberius, built a city o 1
the same name with him, and called it Tibe-
rias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at
the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm
baths at a little distance from it, in a village
named Emmaus. Strangers came and in-
habited, this city; a great number of the in-
habitants were Galileans also; and many
were necessitated by Herod to come thither
out of the country belonging to him, and were
by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some
of them were persons of condition. He also
admitted poor people, such as those that were
collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay,
some of them were not quite freemen; and
these he was a benefactor to, and made them
free in great numbers; but obliged them not
to forsake the city, by building them very
good houses at his own expenses; and by giv-
ing them land also; for he was sensible, that
I to make this place a habitation was to trans-
gress the Jewish ancient laws, because many486

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

sepulchres were to he here taken away, in order
to make room for the city Tiberias;* whereas
our jaw pronounces, that such inhabitants are
unclean for seven days.f	~

4/ About this time died Pbraates, king of
the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces
his son, upon the occasion following:—When
Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he
jad also an Italian maid-servant, whose name
was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to
him by Julius Caesar, among other presents.
He first made her his concubine; but be being
a great admirer of ber beauty, in process of
time having a son by her, whose pame was
Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife,
and had a great respect for her. Now, she
was able to persuade him to do any thing that
she said, and was earnest in procuring the
government of Parthia for her son; but still
she saw that her endeavours would not suc-
ceed, unless she couldtcontrive how to remove
Phraates’s legitimate sons [out of the king-
dom] ; so she persuaded him to send those his
6ons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and
they were sent to Rome accordingly, because
it was not easy for him to contradict her com-
mands. Now, while Phraataces was alone
brought up in order to succeed in the govern-
ment, he thought it very tedious to expect that
government by bis father’s donation [as his
successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous
design against his father, by his mother’s as-
sistance, with wbom^ as the report went, he
had criminal conversation also. So he was
hated for both these vices, while his Subjects
esteemed this [wicked] love of bis mother to
be no way inferior to his parricide; and he
was by them, in a sedftion, expelled out of
the country before he grew too great, and
died. But, as the best sort of Parthians
agreed together, that it was impossible they
should he governed without a king, while also
it was their constant practice to choose one of
the family of Arsaces [nor did their law allow
of any others; and they thought this kingdom
had been sufficiently injured already by the
marriage with an Italian concubine, and by
her issue], they sent ambassadors, and called
Orodes [to take the crown]; for the multitude
would not otheiwise have home them; and
though lie was accused of very great cruelty,
and was of an untmetafile t-emper, and prone
to wrath,’yet still he was one of the family of
Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy
against him, and slew him; and that, fis some
say, at a festival and among their sacrifices
(for it is the universal cusfom there to carry
their swords with them); but, as the more

* We may here take notice, as well as in the parallel
parts of the books Of the War, b. ii. ch. ix. sect. 1, that
after the death of Htfod the Great, and the-suceefaion
of Archelaus, Josephus is very brief in his accounts of
Judea, till near his own lime. I suppose the reason is,
that after the larpe history of Nicolaus of Damascus, in-
cluding the life of Herod, and probably the succession
and first actions ol his sons, he bad but few good histories
of those times before him.	+ hum. xix.ll—14.

general report is, they slew him when they
had drawn him out a-huntipg. So they sent
ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would
send one of those that were there as pledges,
to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was
preferred before the rest, and sent to them
(for he seemed capable of such great fortune,
which two of the greatest kingdoms under
the sun now offered biqp, bis own and a
foreign one). However, the barbarians soon
changed their minds, they being naturally of
a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that
this man was not worthy to be their governor;
for they could not think of obeying the com-
mands of one that bad been a slave (for so
they called those that bad been.hostages), nor
could they bear the ignominy of that name;
and this was the more intolerable, because
then the Parthians must have such a king 6et
over them, not by right of war, but in time
of peace. So they presently invited Artaba-
nus, king of Media, to be their king, be be-
ing also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus
complied with the offer that was made him,
and came to them with an army. So Vonones
met him; and at first the multitude of
the Parthians stood on his side, and he put
his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten,
and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet
did he a little after gather a great army to-
gether, and fought with Vonones, and beat
him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horse-
back, with a fe\V of his attendants about him,
toSeleucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artaba-
nus had slain a great number, and this after
be had gotten the victory by reason of the
very great dismay the barbarians were in, he
retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of
his people; aud so he now reigned over the
Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Ar-
menia; and as soon as be came thither, be
had an inclination to have tbe government of
tbe country given him, and sent ambassadors
to Rome [for that purpose]. But because
Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted
courage, and because tbe Parthian king
threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him
to denounce war against him if he proceeded,
and because he had no way to take to regain
any other kingdom (for tbe people of authority
among the Armenians about Niphates joined
themselves to Artabanus), he delivered up
himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who,
out of regard to his education at Rome,‘kept
him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia
to Orodes, one of his own sons.

5. At this time died Antiochus, the king or
Com'magene; wereupon the multitude edn-
tended with the nobility, and both sent am-
bassadors [to Rome]; for the^men of power
were desirous that their form of government
might be changed into that'of a [Roman]
province; as were the multitude desirous to
be under kings, as their fathers had been. So
the senate made a decree, that GermanicusCHAP. III.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	487

Bhould be sent to settle tbe affairs of |he east,
fortune hereby taking a proper oppprtunity
for depriving him of his life; for when be had
been in the east, and settled all affairs there,
bis life was taken away by the poison which
Piso gave him, as hath been related else-
where.*

CHAPTER III.

SEDITION OP THE JEWS AGAINST PONTIUS
PILATE; CONCERNING CHRIST, AND WHAT
BEFEL PAULINA AND THE JEWS AT HOME.

§ 1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Ju-
dea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jeru-
salem, to take their winter-quarters there, in
order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he in-
troduced Cesar’s effigies, which were upon
the ensigns, and brought them into the city;
whereas our law forbids us the very making
of images; oh which account the former pro-
curators were wont to make their entry into
tbe city with such ensigns as had not those
ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought
those images to Jerusalem, and set them up
there; which was done without the knowledge
of the people, because it was done in the
night-time; but as soon as they knew It, they
come in multitudes to Cesarea, and inter-
ceded with Pilate many days, that he would
remove the images; and when he would not
grant their requests,’because i,t would tend to
the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered
in their request, on the sixth day he prdered
his soldiers to have their weapons privately,
while he came and sat upon his judgment-
seat, which seat was so prepared in the open
place of-the city, that it concealed the arihy
that lay ready to oppress them; and when the
Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal
to the soldiers to encompass them round, and
threatened that their punishment should be
no less than immediate death, unless they
would leave off disturbing him, and go their
wayshejne. • But they threw thetnselves upon
the ground, and laid theib necks bare, and
said they would take their death very will-
ingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws
should be transgressed; upon which Pilate
was deeply affected with their firm resolution
to keep their laifirs inviolable, and presently
commanded the images to bd' carried back
front Jerusalem to Cesarea.

’2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current
of water to Jerusalem, and did it with tbe
sacred money, and derived the origin of the
stream from.the distance of two hundred fur-
longs. However, the Jewsf:were not pleased

* This citation is now wanting.

+ These Jews, as they are here railed.' whose blood
Pilate sbed on Ibis occasion, mny very well be those
very Galilean Jews, '"whose blood Pilate had mingled
with their sarrUiees ” (Luke xiii 1, i): these tumults

with what bad been done about this water;
and many ten thousands pf tbe people got
together, and made clamour against him,
and insisted that be should leave off that de-
sign. Some of* them also used, reproaches,
and abused tbe man, as crowd's of sucb peo-
ple usually do. So he habited a great num-
ber of bis soldiers in their habit, who qarried
daggers under their garments, and sent them
to a place where they might surround them.
So he bade tbe Jews .himself go away; but
they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he
gave the %oldiers that signal which had' been
beforehand agreed on: wbq laid upon them
much greater blows than Pilate bad com-
manded them, and equally, punished those
that were tumultuous, and those that were
not, nor did they spare them in tbe least;^and
siuce the people werd unarmed, and were
caught by men prepared for what, they were
about, there were a great number of them
slain by this means, and others of, them pin
away wounded; aqd thus an end was put to
this, sedition.	,

3.	Now, there was about this time Jesus,
a wise man, if it be lawful to ca'l him a man,
for tie was a doer of wonderful works,—a
teacher of such men as receive .the truth with
pleasure. He. drew over to him both many
of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. He
was [the] Christ ; and when Pilate, at the
suggestion of the principal men umqpjjfst ns,
had condemned him to the cros^.j^hose that
loved him at the first did. not farsalre biin, for
he appeared to them alive again tbe third day, {|
as the divine' prophets ha/^ foretold these and
ten thousand other wonderful things concern-
ing }iim; and tbe trib^of Christians, so named
froiji him, are not extinct at this day.

4.	About the same time also another sad ca-
lamity put the Jews into disorder; and certain
shameful practices happened about the tem-
ple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now
first take notice of the wicked attempt about
the temple of Isis, and will then give an ac-
count of the Jewish affairs. There was at

being usually excited at some of the Jews’ great festi-
vals. when they slew ahuudarlce nf sacrifices, a'd the
Galileans being commonly pinch mprg busy in such tu-
mults than those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn
from the History of Archelaus (Antiq. b. xvii. ch. ix.
sect 3; and ch. x. sect. 2, 9);'"though, indeed. Jose-
phus’s present copies say not one word of “ those eigh-
teen ,upon whom the tower in Siloani fell, and slew
them.” which the' 4th verse of thh same 13th chapter of
St l.uke informs u» of; hut since our Gospel teaches
ns (Luke xxiii. 6. 7), that •• when Pilate heard of Ga-
lilee, he asludd whether Jesus were a Galilean'? And as
soon as he knew that he belonged to‘Herod’s Jurisdic-
tion, he sent him to Herod ;” and (ver. 12) the same
day Pilate and Herod were made friends together; fur
before they hod been at enmity between ’themselves;"
take the very prohable Key of this matter in the words oi
the learned Noldius, de Herod. No 2-49. '* The cause of
the enmity between Herod and Pilate (says he) seems
to have been this, that Pilate had intermeddled with the
tetrarch’d jurisdiction..and hud slain some of his Gali-
lean subjects (Luke xiii. 1); and, as he was willnjfe ta
correct thakeiTor, be sent Christ to Herod at this tutta*

+ A. D. 33, April 3.

II April &468

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XTItt.

Rome ft women whose name was Paulina;'
one 'who, on accouift of the.dignity of her an-
cestors, finft by the regular conduct of a vir-
tuous life, had a great reputation: she was
also very rich; and although she was of a
beautiful countenance, and in that flower of
her age wherein wetrnen are the most gay, yet
did s,he lead a life of great modesty. ' She
was marrierd ttf Saturninus, one that was every
way ansiVerablfe to her in an excellent charac-
ter. Pecius Mundus fell in love with this
woman, who was a roan very high in the
equestrian order; end as she was of too great
dignity to be Caught by presents, and had al-
ready rejected them, tbdugh they had been,
eem in great abundance, he was still more in-
flamed with love to her, insomuch that be
promised to give her (jwo hundred thousand
Atticdrachniae for one night’s lodging; and
when ibis would Hot prevail upon her,’and he
was npt'able to bear this misfortune in his
amours, be thought it the best way to famish
himself to i|eath for want of food, on account
of Paulina's sad refusal; and he determined
with himself'to die after such a m»nner, aiid
be went on Vith bis purpose a< cordingly.
Now, Mundus had ft freed-woman, who had
been itiade free by bis father, whose name
was Ide, pne skilful in all sorts of mischief.
This womhn Was very much grieved at the
young man’s’ resolution to kill himself (for
he did not conceal his intentions to destroy
himself froth others), and came to him, and
encouraged hit* by her discourse, and made
him to hope, by some f^omfses she gave him.
that he might obtain a night’s lodging with
Paulina; and when be joyfullj' hearkened to
her entreaty, 'she said she wanted no more
than fifty thousand drachms for the entrap-
ping of the woman. So Whbn she had e’n-
couraged the young man, and gotten a% much
money as 6he required, she (IVj not take the
same methods as had been taken before, be-
cause she perceived that the woihftn was by
no means to be tempted by money, but as
Bhe knew that she Was very much given to the
worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the
following stratagem:—She went ,to some ot
Isis’s priests, and npon the strongest assu-
ranfres [of concealment], she persuaded them
by words, but chiefly by the offer of money,
of twenty-five thousand drachm® in band,
and aB rtpcb more when the thing hud taken
effect;, and told them the passion of-the youig
cnan, abd persuaded them to use all means
possiljfe to beguile the w oman. So tbey were
drawn in to promise so to do, by that l^rge
sum of gold they were to bavle. According-
ly, the oldest of, them weht immediately to
Paulina; and upon hie admittance, he desired
to speak with her by herself. When that was
granted him, he told her that he was sent by
the^od Anubis, who was fallen in love with
her, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon
this sbe took the message very kindly, and

valued herself greatly npon this condescen-
sion of Anubis; and told her husband* that
she bad a message sent her, and Was to sup
aud lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her ac-
ceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with
the chastity of his- wife. Accordingly, she
went to the temple; and after she had supped
there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the
priest shut the doors of the temple; when, in
the holy part of it, the lights were also put
out. Then did Mundus leap out (for he was
hidden therein) and did not fail of enjoying
her, who was at bis service all the night long,
as supposing he was the god; and when he
was gone away, which was before those priests
who knew nothing of this stratagem were stir-
ring, Paulina came early to her husband, and
told him bow the god Anubis bad appeared
to her. Among her friends also she declared
how great a value she put upon ibis favour,
who partly disbelieved the thing, when they
reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed
at it, as having no pretence for n6t believing
it, when they.considered the modesty and the
dignity of the person; but now, on the third
day after what had been done, Mundus met
Paulina, and said, “ Nay, Paulina, thou hast
saved me two hundred thousand drachma*,
which sum thou .migbtest have added to thy
own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at
my service in the nptnner I invited thee. As
for the reproaches ihou hast laid upon Mun-
dus, I value not the business of names; but
I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped,by what 1 did,
while 1 took to myself<the name of Anubis.”
When he had said this, he went his way; but
now she began tft come to the sense of the
grossness of what she had d?ne, and rent her
garments, and told her husband of the horrid
nature of this wicked contrivance, and.prayed
him not to neglect to assist her in this case-
So he discovered the fact ’to the eriperor;
whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter
thoroughly, by examining the pripsts about it,
and ordered them to be crucified, as well as
Ide, who was the occasion of their perdi-
tion, and who hud contrived the whole {Better,
which was so injurious to the woman. He
also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave
ordfer that her statue should be thrown into
ibe river Tiber; while he only banished Mun-
dus, but did no more to liim, because be sup-
posed. that wliut crime he had coipmittedwas
done out of the passion of. love; apjd these
were the circumstances which concerned the
temple of Isis, and the injuries pccftBioned by

her priests___I now return to the relation- of

w hat happened about this time to the Jgws at
Rome, as 1 formerly,told you I would.

5. There was ft man.who was a Jew, but
bad been driven away from his oven country
by an accusation laid against him for trans-
gressing their laws, and by the fear he was
under of punishment for the same; but in ail
respects a wicked man:—be then living atCHAP* IT.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

489

Rome* professed to insthict men in the wis-
dom of the laws of Moses. He procured
also three other men, entirely of the same
character with himself, to be his partners.
These men persuaded Fulvia, a wrfman of
great dignity, and one that had embraced the
Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to
the temple at Jerusalem; and, when they
had gotten them, they employed them for
their own uses, and spent the money them-
selves; on which account it was that they
at first required it of her. Whereupon Ti-
berius, who had been informed of the thing
tty Saturniud, tbe husband of Fulvia, who
desired inquiry might be made about it, or-
dered all the Jews to be banished out of
Rome; at which time the consuls listed four
thousand men out of them, and sent them to
the island Sardinia-; but punished a greater
number of them, who were unwilling to be-
come soldiers on account of keeping the laws
of their forefathers.* Thus were these Jews
banished out of the city by the wickedness of
four men.

CHAPTER IV.

now THE SAMARITANS MADE A TUMULT, AND
PILATE DESTROYED MANY OF THEfl. HOW
PILATE WAS ACCUSEb, AND WHAT THINGS
WERE DONE BY VITELLIUS RELATING TO
THE JEWS AND THE PARTHIANS.

§ 1. But the nation of the Samaritans did
not escape without tumults. The man who
excited them to it, was one who thought
lying a thing of little consequence, and who
contrived every thing so that tbe multitude
might be pleased; so he bade them get to-
gether upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by
them looked upon as tbe most holy of all
mountains, and assured them that, when they
were come thither, be would show them those
■acred vessels which were' laid under that
place, because'Moses put thenr there.| So

* Of the banishment of these four thousand Jews into
irdinia by Tiberius seo Suetonius in Tiber, sect. 36.

Sardinia by
But as for JMr
Jews could not, consistent!
It is contradirted by one '
and contrary to innum

Reland’s note here, which supposes that
with their laws, be soldiers,

ntly witn tlieir laws, t>e soldiers,
branch of the history before us,
and contrary to innumerable instances of their lighting,
ami proving excellent soldiers In war; and indeed many
of the best of them, and eveD under heatben kings tbem-
selvei. did so; those, 1 mean, who allowed them their
rest-on the Sabbath-day. and other solemn festivals. and
let them live according td their own laws, aa Alexander
the Great and the I’tolemles of.Egypt did. It is true,
they could not always obtain those privilee«s, and tlif n
they got excused as well as they could, og sometimes ab-
olntely refused to-flght. which seems to have been the

seems

case hein,as to the major part of the Jews now banished,
butnothing more. See several of the Roman decrees in
their favour as to such matters, b. xiv. eh. x.

+ Siqce- Moses never came himself beyorid Jordan,
nqrjmrticulariy to Mount Gerizzim. and Since these So.
mantana^iave a tradition among them, related here by
Dr. Hudson, from Heland, who was very skilful in Jew-
ish and Samaritan learning, that in the days of Uzzi or
Or.is the high-priest (1 Chron. vi. 6), the ark and other I
■acred vessels were, by God's command, laid up or of Josephus.

they came thither armed, and thought the dis-
course of t^e man probable; and as they
abode at a certain village, vfchich was called
Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them,
and desired to go up the mountain in a great
multitude together. But Pilate prevented
their going up, by seizing upon the roads
with a great band of horsemen and footmen,
who fell upon those that were gotten to-
gether in the village; and when.they came to
an action, some of them they slew, and others
of them they put to flight, and took a great
many alive, the principal of whom, and also
the most potent of those thai fled away, Pi-
late ordered to be slain.

2.	But when this tumujt was appeased,
the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to
Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and
who was now president of Syria, and accused
Pilate of the murder of those that were killed;
for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order
to reYolt from the Romans, but to escape the
violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcel-
lus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs
of Judea, and. ordered Pilate to go to Rome,
to answer before the emperor to the accusation
of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried
ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, aiid
this in obedience to .the orders of Vitellius,
whitph he durst not contradict; but before he
could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead.

3.	But Vitellius came into Judea, and
went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of
that festival which is called, the Passover.
Vitellius was there magnificently received,
and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem
from all the taxes upon the fruits that were
bought and sold, and gave them leave to have
the care of th£ high-priest’s vestments, with
all their ornaments, and to have them under
the custody of the priests in the temple;
\vhich power they used to have formerly,
although at this time they were laid up in the
tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and
that on the occasion following:—There was
one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus,
and as there were many of that name, he was
the first of them; this man built a tower near
the temple, and when he had so done, be
generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments
with him; because it was lawful for him
alone to put them on, and be had them ^bere
reposited whqn he went down into the city,
and took his ordinary garment^; the s same
things were continued to be done by his sons,
and by their sons after them; but when He-
rod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower,
which was very conveniently situated, in a
magnificent'manner; and because- Eje was a
friend to Antonius, be called it by't^e name

in Mount Gerizzim, it is highly probable that
i the foolish foundation the present Samaritans
went upon. In the sedition here described, and that m
should read here Qriac, instead of Mmwiwc, in the text

hidden
this was490

BOOK XVIII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

of Antonia; and as he found these vestments
lying there, he retained them in the same place,
as believing that, while he had them in his
custody, the people would make no innova-
tions against him. The like to what Herod
did was done by his son Archelaus, who was
made king after him; after whom the Ro-
mans, when they entered on the government,
took possession of these vestments of the high-
priest, and had them reposited in a stone-
chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of
the keepers of the temple, the captain of the
guard lighting a lamp there every day; and
6even days before a festival* they were de-
livered to them by tbe captain of the guard,
when the high-priest having purified them,
and made use of them, laid them up again in
the same chamber where they had been laid up
before, and this the very next day after the
feast was over. This was the practice at the
three yearly festivals, and on*the fast-day;
but Vitellius put those garments into our own
power, as in the days of our forefathers, and
ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble
himself to inquire where they were laid, or
when they were to be used; and this he did
as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to
him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph,
who was called Caiphas, of the high-priesthood,
and appointed Jonathan, the son of Ananus,
the former high-priest, to succeed him. After
which he took his journey back to Antioch. >

4.	Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vi-
tellius, and commanded him to make a league
of friendship with Artabanus, the king of
Parthia; for, while he was his enemy he ter-
rified him, “because he bad taken Armenia
away from him, lest l|e should proceed farther,
and told him he should no otherwise trust
him than upon his giving him hostages, and
especially his son Artabanus. Upon Tibe-
rius’s writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of
great presents of money, he persuaded both
the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to
make no delay, but to .fight against Artaba-
nus; and, although they would not do it them-
selves, yet did they give the Scythians a pas-
sage through their country, and opened, the
Caspian gates to them, and brought them
upon Artabanus, So Armenia was again,
taken from the Parthians, and the country of
Parthia was filled with war, and the principal
of their men were slain, and all things were
in disorder amdng them; the,king's son also
himself fell in these wars, together with many
ten thousands of his army. 'Vitellius had
also sent such great sums of money to Arta-

• This mention of thehigh-priest’ssacred garments re-
ceived seven (fays before a festival, and purified in those
days against i festival, as having been polluted by being
in the custody of heathens, in Josephus, agrees with the
traditions of the Talmudists, as Reland herg observes.
Nor is there any question but the'three feasts here men-
tioned, were the Passover, Pentecost, and Feast of Ta-
bernacles; and the Fast, so called by way of distinction
fas Acts xxvii. 9), was the great day of expiation.

banus’s father’s kinsmen and friends, that ha
had almost procured him to be slain by the
means of those bribes which they had taken.
And when Artabanus perceived that tbe plot
laid against him was not to be avoided, be-
cause it was laid by tbe principal men, and
those a great many in number, and( that it
would certainly take effect,—when he had
estimated the number of those that were truly
faithful to him, as also of thosq who were
already corrupted, but were deceitful in the
kindness they professed to him, and were
likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies,
he made his escape to the upper provinces,
where he afterwards raised a great army out
of the Dabs and Sacs, and fought with his
enemies, and retained.his principality.

5.	When Tiberius bad heard of these things,
he desired to have a league of friendship made
between him and Artabanus; and when,
upon this invitation, he received the proposal
kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Eu-
phrates, and as a bridge ,was laid over the
river, they each of them came with their
guards about them, and met one another on
the midst of tbe bridge. And when they bad
agreed upon the terms of peace, Herod tbe
tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of
the passage, and made them a feast there.
Artabanus also, not long afterwards*, sent his
son Darius as an hostage, with many presents,
among which there was a man seven cubits
tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was
Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a
giant* After which Vitellius went to An-
tioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod
[the tetrarch], being desirous to give Caesar
the filst. information that they had obtained
hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he
had accurately described all tbe particulars,
and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius
to inform<him of. But when Vitellius’s letters
were sent, and Caesar had let him knew that he
was acquainted with theafifairsalreadv, because
Herod had given him an account of them be-
fore, Vitellius was very much troubled at it;
•and supposing that he had been thereby a
greater sufferer than he really was, be kept
up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he
could be ’revenged on him; which he war
after Caius had taken the government, ■

6.	About this time it was that Philip, He-
rod’s brother, departed this life,-in the twen-
tieth year(of the reign of rTiberius,f after he
had been tetrarch of Tracbonitis, and Oao-
lonitis, and of the nation of the BatanCans

+ Thia calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies,
is exactly right; for since Herod died about Septem-
ber. in the fourth year before the Christian era, and
Tiberius began, as is well known, Aug. 19. A. D. 14, it is
evident that the 37th year of Philip, reckoned frop his
lather’s death, was the iOth of Tiberius, or near the
of A. D. 33 (the:very year of ^ur Saviour’s death also), or,
however, in ihe beginning of the next year, a.0,'34.
This Philip the tetrarch seems to have been the best of
all tbe posterity of Herod, for his love of peace, and hia
love of justice.ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

491

CHAP. V.

also, thirty-seven years. He had shown him-
self a person of moderation and quietness in
the conduct of his life and government; he
constantly lived in that country which was
subject to'him;* he used to make his pro-
gress with a few chosen friends; his-tribunal
also, on which he sat in judgment, followed
him in his progress; and when any one met
him who wanted his assistance,, he made no
delay, but had his tribunal set down imme-
diately, wheresoever he happened to be, and
sat down upon it, and heard his complaint:
he there ordered the guilty that were convicted
to be punished, and absolved those that bad
been accused unjustly. He died at Julias;
and when he was carried to that monument
which he had already erected for himself be-
forehand, he was buried with great pomp.
His principality Tiberius took (for he left no
sons behind him) and added it to the province
of Syria, but gave order that the tributes
which arose from it should be collected, and
laid up in his tetrarchy.

CHAPTER V.

HEROD THE TETARCH MAKES WAR WITH
ARETAS, THE KINO OF ARABIA, AND IS
BEATEN BY HIM; AS ALSO CONCERNING
THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.' HOW
VITELL1US WENT UP TO JERUSALEM; TO-
GETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF AGRlPPA,
AND OF THE POSTERITY OF IiEROD THE
G^lEAT.

§ 1. About this time Aretas (the king of
Arabia Petrea) and Herod had a quarrel, on
the account following: Herod the tetrarch
had married the daughter- of Aretas, and had
lived with her a great while; but when he
was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, f
who was his brother indeed, but not by the
same mother; for this Herod was the son of
the high-priest Simon’s daughter. However,
he fell in love with Herodias, this last He-
rod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristo-
bulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa
the' Great. This man ventured to talk to
her about a marriage between them.; which
address when she admitted, an agreement was

* An excellent example this.

4 This Herod seems to have had the additional name
of Philip, as Antipas was named Hprod-Antipas: and as
Antipas and Antipater seem to to in a manner the very
same name, yet were-4he names Of tyro sons of Herod
the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and this Herod-
Pbilip be two different sons of the same father; all
which Grotius observes on Matt xiv. 3. Nor was it. as
I Bgree with Grotius and others of the leaned, Philip
the tetpareh, but this Herod-Philip, whose wife Herod
the teirarch had married, and that in her first husband’s
life-time, and when her firstf usband had issue by her;
for which adulterous and incestuous marriage, John the
Baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch; and for
which reproof Salome, the daughter of Ilerod:as by her
first husband Herod-Philip. who was still alive, occa-
sioned him to be unjustly beheaded.

made for her to change her habitation, and
come to fiim as soon us he should return
from Rome; one article of this marriage also
was this, that be should divorce Aretas’s
daughter. So Antipas, when he had made
this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he
had done there the business he went about,
and was returned again, his wife having dis-
covered the agreement he had made with He-
^odias, and having learned it before he had
notice of her knowledge of the whole design,
she desired him to send her to Macherus,
which is a place on the borders of the domi-
nions of Aretas and Herod, without inform-
ing him of any of her intentions. Accordingly
Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife
had not ‘perceived any thing; now she had
sent a good while before to Macherus, which
was subject to her father, and so all things
necessary for her journey were made ready for
her by the general of Aretas’s army, and by
that means she soon came into Arabia, under
the conduct of the several generals, who car-
ried her from one to another successively; and
she soon came .to her father, and told him of
Herod’s intentions. So Aretas made this the
first occasion of his enmity between him and
Herotf, who had also some quarrel with him
about their limits at the country of Gamaiitis.
So they raised armies on both sides, and pre-
pared for war, and sent their generals to fight
instead of themselves; and, when they had
joined battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed
by the treachery of some fugitives, who,
though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip,
joined with Aretas's army. So Herod wrote
about these affairs to Tiberius; who, being
very angry at the attempt made by Aretas,
wrote to Vitellius, to make war upon him,
and either to take.him alive, and bring him to
him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his
head. This was the charge that Tiberius
gave to the president of Syria.

2. Now, some pf the Jews thought that
the destruction of Herod’s army came from
God, and that very justly, as a punishment of
what he did against John, that was called the
Baptist; for Herod slew him, who was a good
man, and commanded the Jews to exercise
virtue, both as to righteousness towards one
another, and piety t towards God, and so to
come to baptism; for that the washing [with
water] would he acceptable to him, if they
made use of it, not in order to the putting
away [dr the remission] of some sins [only],
but for the purification of the body; suppos-
ing still that the soul was thoroughly purified
beforehand by righteousness. Now, when
[many] others came in crowds about him, for
they were greatly moved [or pleased] by hear-
ing bis words, Herod, who feared lest the
great influence John had over the people
might put it ip-to his power and inclination to
raise a rebellion (for they seemed ready to do
any thing he should advise), thought it best,by492

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

putting him to death, to prevent any mis-
chief he might cause, and not bring himself
into difficulties, by sparing a man who might
make him repent of it when it should be too
late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner,
out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Mache-
rus, the castle I before mentioned, and was
there put to death. Now the Jews had an
opinion that the destruction of t^iis army was
sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a
mark of God’s displeasure against him.

3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with
Aretas, having with him two legions of armed
men; he also took with him all those of light
irmature, and of the horsemen which belonged
to them, and were drawn out of those king-
doms which were under the Romans, and
made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais.
But as be was marching very busily, and
leading his army through Judea, the princi-
pal men triet him, and desired that he would
not thus march through their land; for that
the laws of their country would not permit
them to overlook those images which were
Drought into it, of which there were a great
many in their'ensigns; so he was persuaded
py what they said; and changed that resolu-
tion of his, which he had before taken in this
matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to
march along the Great Plain, while he him-
self, with Herod the tetrarch, and his friends,
went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to
Sod, an ancient festival of the Jdvvs being
hen just approaching; and when he had been
here, and been honourably entertained by the
multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there
for three days, within which time he deprived
Jonathan of the high-priesthood, and gave it
to his brother Tbeophilus; but when on the
Fourth day letters came to him, which inform-
’d him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged
the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to
Caius; be also recalled his army, and made
them every one go home, and take their win-
ter-quarters there, since, upon the devolution
jf the empire upon Gaius, he had not the like
luthority of making this war which he had
Before. It was also reported, that when Are-
tas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight
aim, he said, upon his Consulting the diviners,
that it was impossible that this army of Vitel-
ius’s could enter Petra; for that one of the
•u\ers would die, either he that gave orders
cor the war, or he that was marching at the
Pt'ner’s desire, in order to be subservient to
ms will, or else he against whom this army is
prepared. So Vitellius truly, retired to An-
tioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus,
went up to Rome, a year before the death of
Tibenus, in order to treat of some affairs with
the emperor, if he might be permitted so to
io. I have now a mind to describe Herod
„rd his family, how it fared with them, partly
because it is suitable to this history to speak
of that matter, and partly because this thing

is a demonstration of the interposition of Pro-
vidence; how a multitude of children is of no
advantage, no more than any other strength
that mankind set their hearts upon, besides
those, acts of piety which are done towards
God; for it happened, that within the revolu-
tion of a hundred years, the posterity oi Herod,
who were a' great many in number, were, ex-
cepting a few, utterly destroyed.* One may
well apply this for the instruction of mankind,
and learn thence how unhappy they were: it
will also show us the history of Agrippa, who,
as he was a person most worthy of admiration,
so was he from a private man, beyond all the
expectation of those that knew him, advanced
to great power and authority. I have said
something of them formerly; but I shall now
also speak accurately ‘about them.

4. Herod the Great had two daughters by
Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyr-
canus; the one was Salampsio, who was
married to Fhasaelus, her first cousin, 'who
was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s
brother, her father making the match: the
other was Cypros, who was herself married
also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of
Salome, Herod’s sister. Phasaeleus had five
children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and
Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra
and Cypros; which last, Agrippa, the son of
A-ristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus
married Alexandra; he was a man of note,
but had by her no children. Aprippa had by
Cypros two sons and three daughters, which
daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne,
and Drusilla; but the names of the sons were
Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died
before he came to the years of puberty; but
their father, Agrippa, was brought up with
his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus,
for these were also the sons of the son of H*.
rod the Great, by Bernice; but Bernice was
the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome,
who was Herod’s sister. Aristobulus left
these infants when he w’as slain by his father,
together with his brother Alexander, as we
have already related; but when they were ar-
rived at the years of puberty, this Herod, the
brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the
daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter
of Herod the-king, and.of Joseph the son of
Joseph, w'bo was brother to Herod the king,
and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but Aris-
tobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, mafried
Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king
of Emesa; | they had a daughter who was

* Whether this sudden exlipctlbn of almost the entire
lineage of Herod the Great, which was very numerous,
as we are both here and- in the next section informed,
was not in part as a punishment for the gross incests
they were frequently guilty ot, in marrying their own
nephews and nieces, well deserves to be considered'. See
l.evit. xviii. 6, 7; xxi. 10; and Noldius, De Herod. No.

270.

+ There are coins still extant of this F.roesa', as Span,
lieim informs us.CHAP. VI.	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	493

deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these
hitherto were the children of the male line;
but Herodia8, their sister, was married to
Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great,
who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of
Simon the high-priest, who had a daughter,
Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon
her to confound the laws of our country, and
divorce herself from her husband while he
was alive, and was married to Herod [Anti-
pas], her husband’s brother by the father’s
side; he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her
daughter Salome was married to Philip, the
son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis;
and, as he died childless, Aristpbulus, the son
of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married
her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa,
and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity
of Phasaelus and Salampsio; but the daughter
of Antipater by Cypros, was Cypros, whom
Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married;
they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and
Alexander, who, as we told you, were the
brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to
Alexander, the son of Herod thie king, who
whs slain by bis father, he had two sons, Alex-
ander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Arche-
laus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who
was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome,
and died childless; Alexander had a son of
the same name with his brother Tigranes, and
was sent to take possession of the kingdom of
Armenia by Nero; be bad a son, Alexander,
who married Jotape,* the daughter of An-
tiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian
made him king of an island in Cilicia. But
these descendants of Alexander, soon after
their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and
went over to that of the Greeks; but for the
rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it
happened that they died childless: and as
these descendants of Herod, whom we have
enumerated, were in being at the same time
that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom,
and I have now given an account of them, it
now remains that I relate the several hard
fortunes which befel Agrippa, and how he
got clear of them, and was advanced to the
greatest height of dignity and power.

CHAPTER VI.

OF THE 'NAVIGATION OF KING AGRIPPA TO

ROHE, TO TIBERIUS CASAR; AND HOW,

UPON HIS BEING ACCUSED BY HIS OWN

FREED-HAN, HE WAS BOUND; HOW ALSO

HE WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY CAIUS, AFTER

tiberius’s death, and was hade-king

OF THE TETRARCHY OF PHILIP.

§ 1. A little before the death of Herod the
king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was.gene-

* Spanbeiiu also informs us of a coin still extant of
this Jptape, daughter of the king of Commagena.

rally brought up and conversed with Drusus
the emperor Tiberiusjjj son, and contracted a
friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus
the Great, who had his mother Bernice in
great esteem, and was vpry desirous of ad-
vancing her son. Now, as Agrippa was by
nature magnanimous and generous in the
presents he made while his mother was alive,
this inclination of his mind did not appear,
that he might be able to avoid her anger for
such his extravagance; but when Bernice was
dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he
spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily
way of living, and a great deal in the immo-
derate presents he made, and those chiefly
among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain
their, assistance, insomuch that he wus in a
little time reduced to poverty, and could not
live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also for-
bade the friends of his deceased son to come
into his sight, because on seeing them he
should be put in mind of his son, and his
grief would thereby be ievived'.

2.	For these reasons he went away from
Rome, and sailed to Judea, but evil cir-
cumstances, being dejected with™he loss of
that money which he once had, and because
he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors,
who were many in number, and such as gave
no room for escaping them. Whereupon he
knew not wbafr to do; so for shame of his
present condition, he retired to a certain tower
at Malatba, in Idumea, and had thoughts
of killing himself; but his wife Cypros per-
ceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of
methods to divert him from his taking such a
course: so she sent a letter to his sister He-
rodias, who was now the wife of Herod the
tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present
design, and what necessity it was which drove
him thereto, and desired her as a kinswoman
of his, to give him her help, and to engage
her husband to do the same, since she saw
how she alleviated these herhusband’s troubles
all she could, although she had not the like
wealth to do it withal. So they sent for
him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habita-
tion, and appointed him some income of
money for his maintenance, and made him a
magistrate of that city, by way of honour to
him. Yet did not Herod long continue in
that resolution of supporting him, though
even that support was not sufficient for him;
for, as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and
in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon
one another, Agrippa thought that was not to
be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth
with his poverty, and wdth his owing his ne-
cessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus,
one that had been consul, and had been a
very great friend to him at Rome formerly,
and was now president of Syria.

3.	Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly,
and he lived with him. Flaccus had also
with him there 4rist°bulusi who was indeed494

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with
him; yet did not their enmity to one another
hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both;
but still they were honourably treated by him.
However, Aristobulus did not abate of his
ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought
him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion
of bringing on which estrangement was this:
—The Damascens were at difference with the
Sidonians about their limits, and when Flac-
cus was about to hear the cause between
them, they understood that Agrippa had a
mighty influence upon him; so they desired
that he would be of their side, and for that
favour promised him a great deal of money;
so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens
as far as he was able. Now, Aristobulus had
gotten intelligence of this promise of money
to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the
same; and when, upon a thorough examina-
tion of the matter, it appeared plainly so to
be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of
his friends. So he was reduced to the ut-
most necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and
because he Juiew not where else to get a live-
lihood, he Sought to sajl to Italy; but as he
was restrained from so doing by want of mo-
ney, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-
man, to find some method for procuring him
so much as he wanted for that purpose, by
borrowing such a sum of dome person or
other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was
the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother,
and by the right of her testament was be-
queathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon
Agrippa's own bond and security: but he
accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of
certain sums of money, and so obliged Mar-
syas, when he made the bond of twenty-thou-
sand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five
hundred drachms* less than what he desired;
which the other allowed of, because he could
not help it. Upon the receipt of this money,
Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took ship-
ping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius
Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent
a band of soldiers to demand of him three hun-
dred thousand drachms of silver, which were
by him owing to Casar’s treasury while he
was at Rome, and so forced him to 6tay. He
then pretended that he would do as he bade
him; but when night came on, he cut his
cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexan-
dria, where he desired Alexander the ala-
barch f to lend him two hundred thousand
drachms; but be said he would not lend it
to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as
greatly astonished at her affection to her hus-
band, and at the other instances of her vir-
tue; so she undertook to repay it. Accord-

* Spanheim observes, that we have here an instance
of the Attic quantity of use-thoney, which was the
eighth part of the original sum, or 12J per cent, for such
is the proportion of 2500 to 20,COO.

+ The governor of the Jews there.

ingly, Alexander paid them five talents at
Alexandria, and promised to pay them the
rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteonj;
and this he did out of the fear he was in that
Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cy-
pros set her husband free, and dismissed him
to go on with his navigation to Italy, while
she and her children departed for Judea.

4.	And now Agrippa was Come to Puteoli,
whence be wrote a letter to Tiberius Ctesar,
who then lived at Caprea, and told him that
he was come so far, in order to wait on him,
and to pay him a visit; and desired that he
would give him leave to come over to'Caprea:
so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to
him in an obliging way in other respects; and
withal told him he was glad of his safe re-
turn, and desired him to come to Caprea;
and, when he was come, he did not fail to
treat him as kindly as he had promised him
in his letter to do. But the next day came a
letter to Caesar from Herennius Capitd, to in-
form him that Agrippa had borrowed three
hundred thousand drachms, and not paid it
at the time appointed; but, when it was de-
manded of him, he ran away like a fugitive,
out of the places under his government, and
put it out of his power to get the money of
him. When Caesar had read this letter, he
was much troubled at it, and gave order that
Agrippa should be excluded from his presence
until he had paid that debt: upon which he
was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but
entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus
and of Claudius, who was afterwards Caesar
himself, to lend him tLose three hundred
thousand drachma, that he might not be de-
prived of Tiberius’s friendship; so, out of re-
gard to the memory of Bernice his mother
(for those two women were very familiar with
one another), and out of regard of his and
Claudius’s education together, she lent him
the money ; and, upon the payment of this
debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s
friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Casar
recommended to him his grandson,* and or-
dered that he should always accompany him
when he went abroad. But, upon Agrippa’s
kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to
pay his respects to Caius, who was her grand-
son, and in very high reputation by reason of
the good-will they bare his fatber.f Now
there was one Thallus, a freed-man-of Cesar,
of whom he borrowed a million of drachma,
and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed
her; and by sending the overplus in paying
his court to Caius, because a person of great
authority with bin;.

5.	Now, as the friendship which Agrippa
had for Caius was come to a great height,there
happened some words to pass betweep them,
as they once were in a chariot together, con
cerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God]

T iberiufi. junior.

4 Germaoicus.CHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS*

49 5

(for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius
might soon go off the stage, and leave the go-
vernment to Caius, who was in every respect
more worthy of it. Now, Eutychus, who
was Agrippa’s freed-man, and drove his cha-
riot, heard these words, and at that time said
nothing of them; but when Agrippa accused
him of stealing some garments of his (which
was certainly true), he ran away from him;
but when he was caught, and brought before
Piso, who was governor of tbe city, and the
man was asked why he ran away, he replied,
that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that
tended to *his security and preservation: so
Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae.
But Tiberius, according to his usual custom,
kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of
affairs, if ever there was any other king or
tyrant that was so; for he did not admit
ambassadors quickly, and no successors were
dispatched away to governors or procurators
of the provinces that had been formerly sent,
unless they were dead; whence it was that he
was so negligent in hearing the causes of pri-
soners; insomuch that when he was asked by
his friends what was the reason of his delay
in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear
ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission,
other ambassadors should be appointed, and
return upon him; and so he should bring
trouble upon himself in their public reception
and dismission: that he permitted those go-
vernors who had been sent once to tbeir
governments [to stay there a great while], out
of regard to the subjects that were under
them; for that all governors are naturally dis-
posed to get as much as they can; and that
those who are not to fix there, but to stay a
short time, and that at an uncertainty when
they shall he turned out, do the more severely
hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but
that, if their government be long continued
to them, they aFe at last satiated with the
spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so
become at length les3 sharp in their pillaging;
but that, if successors are sent quickly, the
poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a
prey, will not be able to hear the new ones,
while they shall not have the same time allow-
ed them wherein their predecessors had filled
themselves, and so grow more unconcerned
about getting more; and this because they
are removed before they have had time [for
their oppressions]. He gave them an exam-
ple to show his meaning:—“ A great number
of flies came about the sore places of a man
that had been wounded; upon which one oi
the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune,
and thinking he was not able to drive away
those flies himself, vjas going to drive them
away for him; but he prayed him to let them
alone ; the other, by way of reply, asked him
the reason of such a preposterous proceeding,
in preventing relief from his present misery;
to which he answered, ‘ If thou drivest these

flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; tor ns
these are already full „of my blood, they do
not crowd about me, nor pain me so much
as before^ but are sometimes more remiss,
while the fresh ones that come, almost fa-
mished, and find me quite tired down already,
will be my destruction.’ For this cause, there-
fore, it is that I am myself careful not to send
such new governors perpetually to those my
subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed
by many oppressions, as may, like these flies,
farther distress them; and so, besides their
natural desire of gain, may have this addi-
tional incitement to it, that they expect to be
suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they
take in it.” And, as a farther attestation to
what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius,
I appeal to this his practice itself; for although
he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in
all but two procurators to govern the nation
of the Jews,—Gratus, and his successor in
the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one
way of acting with respect to the Jews, and
in another with respect to tue rest of his sub-
jects. He further informed them^that even
in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he
made such delays, because immediate death
to those that must be condemned to die,
would be an alleviation of their present mi-
series, while those wicked wretches have not
deserved any favour; “ but I do it, that by
being harassed with the present calamity, they
may undergo greater misery.”

6.- On this account it was that Eutychus
could not obtain a hearing, but was kept still
in prison. However, some time afterward,
Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum
which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome.
Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she
would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the
matter whereof he accused him prove what it
would. Now, Antonia was greatly esteemed
by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity
of her relation to him, who had been his bro-
ther Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent
chastity ;* for though she was still a young

* This high commendation of Antonia for marrying
Aut once, given here, and supported elsewhere, Antiq. h.
xvii.ch. xiii. sect 4; and this, notwithstanding the strong,
est temptations, shows how honourable single marriages
were both among the Jews and Romans, in the days ol
Josephus and of the apostles, and takes away much ol
that surprise which the modern Protestants have at those
laws of the aposUes, where no widows, but those who bad
been tbe wives of one husband only, are taken into the
church list; and no bishops, priests, or deacons, are
allowed to marry more than once, without leaving off to
officiate as clergymen any longer. See f.uke ii. 36; ]
Tim. v. II, 12; iii-2, 12; Tit i. 10; Constitut A post b.
ii. sect. 1. 2; b. vi.sect. 17; Can.b. xvii.; Grot, in Luc.
ii. 36; and Respons. ad Consult. Cassand. p. 44, and Co-
telet. in ConstiLb.ri.sect. 17. And note, that Tertu'lian
owns this law aeainst second marriages of the clergy, had
Deen once at least executed in his time; and heavily com-
plains elsewhere, that the breach thereof had not been
always punished by tho Catholics, as It ought to have
been. Jerome, speaking of the ill reputation of marrying
twice, says, that no such person could be chosen into the
clergy in his days; which Augustine testifies also; and
for Kpiphanius, rather earlier, he is clear and full to the
same purpose, and says, that law obtained over the whole496

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

woman, she continued in her widowhood, and
refused all other matches, although Augustus
had enjoined her to be married to somebody
else; yet did she all along preserve her repu-
tation free from reproach. She bad also been
the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when
there was a very dangerous plot laid against
him by Sejanus, a man who had been her hus-
bund’s friend, and who had the greatest au-
thority, because he was general of the army,
and when many members of the senate, and
many of the freed-men, joined with him, and
the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was
come to a great height. ■ Now Sejanus had
certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s
boldness been more wisely conducted than Se-
janus’s malice ; for, when she had discovered
his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him
an exact account 06 the whole, and give the
letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her ser-
vants, and sent him to Capreae to Tiberius,
who, when he understood it, slew Sejapus and
his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had
her in great esteem before, now looked upon
her with still greater respect, and depended
upon her in all things. So, when Tiberius
was desired by this Antonia to examine Eu-
tychns, he answered, “ It indeed Eutychus
hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath
said of him, he hath had sufficient punish-
ment by what I have done to him already;
but if, upon examination, the accusation ap-
pears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest,
out of desire of punishing his freed-man; he
do not rather bring a punishment upon him-
self.” Now, when Antonia told Agrippa of
this, he was still much more pressing that the
matter might be examined into; so Antonia,
upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually
to beg this favour, took the following oppor-
tunity:—As Tiberius lay once at his ease
upon his sedan, and was carried about, and
Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were be-
fore him after dinner, she walked by the se-
dan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and
have him examined; to which he replied, “O
Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am
induced to do what I am going to do, not by
my own inclination, but because I am forced1
to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this,
he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to
bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without
any delay, he was brought. 'Then Tiberius
asked him what he-had to say against a man
who had given him his liberty. Upon which
he said, “ O my lord! this Caius, and Agrip-
pa with him, were once riding in a chariot,
when I sat at their feet, and, among other
discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius,
O. that the day would once come when this
old fellow will die, and name thee for the
governor of the habitable earth! for then this
Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinder-

Catholic church in his days,—as the places in the fore-
cited authors inform us.

ance, but would be taken off by thee, and tba*.

earth would be h^ppy, and I happy also.”__

Now, Tiberius took these to be truly Agrip-
pa’s words, and bearing a grudge, withal at
Agrippa, because, when he had commanded
him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grand-
son, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not
paid him that respect,*but had disobeyed his
commands, and transferred all his regard to
Caius; he said to Macro, “Bind this man.”
But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of
them it was whom he bade him bind, and not
expecting that he would have any such thing
done to Agrippa, he forebore, and came to ask
more distinctly what it was that he said. But
when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome,
he found Agrippa standing:—“For certain,”
said he, “ Macro, this is the man I meant to
have bound;1’ and when he still asked which
of these is to be bound? he said, Agrippa.
Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make
supplication for himself, putting him in mind
of his son, with whom he was brought up,
and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had
educated; but all to no purpose, for they led
him about bound even in his purple garments.
It was also very hot weather, and they had
but little wine to their meal, so that he was
very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony,
and took this treatment of him heinously : as
he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose
name was Thaumastus, carrying some water
in a vessel, he desired that he would let him
drink; so the servant gave him some water to
drink; and he drank heartily, and said, “O
thou boy I this service of thine to me will be
for thy advantage; for, if I once get clear of
these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy
freedom from Caius, who has not been want-
ing to minister to me now I am in bonds, in
the same manner as when I was in my former
state and dignity.” Nor did he deceive him
in what he promised him, but made him
amends for what he had now done; for, when
afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom,
he took particular care of Thaumastus, and
got him his liberty from Caius, and made him
the steward > over his own estate; and when
fee died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and
to Bernice bis daughter, to minister to them
in the same capacity. The man also grew
old in that honourable post, and therein died.
But all this happened a good while later.

7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before
the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree
for grief, with many others, who were in
bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon
the tree on which Agrippa leaned (the Romans
called this bird bubo), [an owl], one of those
that were bound, a Gerpan by nation, saw
him,, and asked a soldier who that man in
purple was; and when he was informed that
his name was Agrippa, and that he was by
nation a Jew, and one of the principal men
of that nation, he asked leave of the soldierCHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

to whom he was hound,* to let him come
near;to him, to speak with him; for that he
had a mind to inquire of him about some
things relating to his country; which liberty
when he had obtained, as he stood near him
he said thus to him by an interpreter,—“ This
sudden change of thy condition, O young
man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on
thee a manifold and very great adversity;
ior wilt thou believe me, when I foretel how
thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou
irt. now under, and how Divine Providence
will provide for thee. Know therefore (and
1 appeal to my own country gods, as well as
to the gods of this place, who have awarded
these bonds to us), that all I am going to say
ibout thy concerns, shall neither be said for
favour nor bribery, nor out of an endeavour
to make thee cheerful without cause; for
such predictions, when they come to fail,
make the grief at last, and in earnest, morq
bitter than if the party had never heard of-any
Buch thing. However, though I run the ha-
zard of my own self, 1 think it fit to declare
to thee the prediction of the gods. It can-
not be that thou shouldst long continue in
these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered
from them, and wilt be promoted to the high-
est dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied
by all those who now pity thy hard fortune;
and thou wilt be happy till thy- death, and
wilt leave thine happiness to the children
whom thou shalt have. But, do thou remem-
ber, when thou seest this bird again, that thou
wilt then live but five days longer. This event
will be brought to pass by that God \vho hath
sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee.
And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal
from thee what I foreknow concerning thee,
that, by thy knowing beforehand what happi-
ness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not
regard thy present misfortunes. 1 But, when
this happiness shall actually befal thee, do
not forget what misery I am in myself, but
endeavour to deliver me.” So when the
German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh
at him as much as he afterwards appeared
worthy of admiration. But now Antonia
took Agi ippa’s misfortune to heart: however,
to speak to Tiberius on nis behalf, she took
to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite
impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet
did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers
that kept him should be of a gentle nature,
and that the centurion who was over them,
and wns to diet with him, should be of the
dame disposition, and that he might have leave
to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-
men and friends might come to him, and that
Other things that tended to ease him might be
indulged him. So his friend Silas came in

• Dr. Hudson hern takes notice, out of Seneca. Epis-
tle 7. that this was the custom of Tiberius, to couple
the prisoner ami Hie soldier that guarded him together
hi the Mine chain

497

to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas
and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food
a9 he was fond of, and indeed took great care
of him; they also brought him garments, un-
der pretence of selling them, and when night
came on, they laid them under him; and the
soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given
them order to do beforehand. And this was
Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time;
and in this case were his affairs.

8.	But as for Tiberius, upon his return to
Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper
was but gentle; but as that distemper in-
creased upon him, he had small or no hopes
of recovery. Hereupon he bade Euodus,
who was the freed-man whom he most of all
respected, to bring the children f to him, for
that he wanted to talk to them before he died.
Now he had at present no sons of his own
alive; for Drusus, who was his only son, was
dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still
living, whose additional name was Gemellus;,
there was also living Caius, the son of Ger-
manicus, who was the son f of his brother
[Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had
had a liberal education, and was weHimproved
by it, and was in esteem and favour with the
people, on account of the excellent character
of his father Germanicus, who had attained
the highest hpnour among' the multitude, by
the firmness of his virtuous behaviour, by the
easiness and agreeableness of his conversing
with the multitude, and. because the dignity
he was in did. not hinder his familiarity with
them all, as if they were his equals; by which
behaviour he was not only greatly esteemed
by the people and the senate, but by every
one of those nations that were subject to the
Romans; some of whom were affected when
they came to him, with the gracefulness of
their reception by him; and others were af-
fected in the same manner by the report of
the others that had been with him: and, upon
his death, there was a lamentation made by all
men; not such a one as was to he made in
way of flattery to their rulers, while they did
but counterfeit sorrow, hut such as was real;
while every body grieved at his death, as if
they had lost one that was near to them. And
truly such had been his easy conversation with
men, that it turned greatly to the advantage
of his son among all: and, among others, the
soldiery were ib peculiarly affected to him,
that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need
were, to die themselves, if he might but at-
tain to the government.

9.	But when Tiberius had given order to
Euodus to bring the children to him the next
day in the morning' he prayed to his country
gods to show him a manifest signal, which of
those children should come to the govern-

+ Tiberius his own grandson, and Caias bis brothel
Drusus’s grandson.

} So I correct Josephus’s copy, which calls German!-
cus his brother, who was his brother’s son.498

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

ment; being very desirous to leave it to bis
son’s son, but still depending upon what God
would foreshow concerning them, more than
upon bis own opinion and inclination; so be
made this to be the omen, that the govern-
ment should be left to him who should come
to him first the next day. When he had thus
resolved within himself, he sent to his grand-
son’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the
child to him early in the morning, as suppos-
ing that God would permit him to be made
emperor. But God proved opposite to his
designation; for, while Tiberius was thus
contriving matters, and' as soon as it was at
all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child
which should be there ready. So he went
out, and found Caius before the door, for Ti-
berius was not yet come, but staid waiting
Tor his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing
of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius,
“ Thy father calls thee,” and then brought
him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and
not before, he reflected on the power of God,
and how the ability of bestowing the govern-
ment on whom he would was entirely taken
from him* and thence he was not able to
establish w'hat he had intended. So he greatly
lamented that his power of establishing what
he had before contrived was taken from him,
and that his grandson Tiberius was not only
to lose the Roman empire by bis fatality,
but his own safety also; because bis preser-
vation would now depend upon such as would
he more potent than himself, who would
think it a thing not to be borne, that a
kinsman should live with them, and so his
relation would not be able to protect him:
but he would he feared and hated by him
who had the supreme authority, partly on
account of his being next to the empire, and
partly on account of his perpetually contriv-
ing to get the government, both in order to
preserve himself, and to be at the head of
affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very
much- given to astrology,* and the calcula-
tion of nativities; and bad spent his life in
the esteem of what predictions had proved
true, more than those whose profession it
was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba
coming in to him, he said to his most inti-
mate friends, that there came in a man that
.would one day have the dignity of the Ro-
man empire. So that this Tiberius was more
addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any
other of the Roman emperors, because he
had found them to have told the truth in his
own affairs; and indeed he was now in great
distress upon this accident that had befallen
him, avd was very much grieved at the de-
struction of his son’s son, which be foresaw,
and complained of himself, that he should
have made use of such a method of divina-

• This 19 a known thins among the Roman hi
flans and poets, that Tiberius was greatly given to
tiology and divination.

n hiBto-
as-

tion beforehand, while it was in his power to
have died without grief by this knowledge of
futurity; whereas he was now tormented by
his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such
as were dearest to him, and must die under
that torment. Now, although he was disor-
dered at this unexpected revolution of the go-
vernment to those for whom he did not in-
tend it, he spake thus to Caius, though un-
willingly and against his own inclination;—
“ O child, although Tiberius be nearer ro-
tated to me than thou art, I by my own de-
termination, and the conspiring suffrage of the
gods, do give, and put into thy hand, the
Roman empire; and I desire thee never to
be unmindful when thou comest to it, either
of my kindness to thee, who set tbee in so
high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius:
but as thou knowest that I am, together with
and after the gods, the procurer of so great
happiness to thee, so I desire that thou wilt
make me a return for my readiness to assist
thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because
of his near relation to thee. Besides which,
thou art to know, that while Tiberius is
alive, he will he a security to thee, both as to
empire and as to thy own preservation; but,
if he die, that will be .but a prelude to thy
own misfortunes; for to be alone under the
weight of such vast affairs, is very dangerous;
nor will the. gods suffer those actions which
are unjustly done, contrary to that law which
directs men to do otherwise, to go off unpun-
ished.” This was the speech which Tibe-
rius made; whk:h did not persuade Caius to
act accordingly, although he promised so to
do; but, when he was settled in the govern-
ment, he took off this Tiberius, as was pre-
dicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also
himself, in n.o long time afterward, slain by a
secret plot laid against him.

10. So when Tiberius bad at this time ap-
pointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived
but a few days, and then died, after he had
held tlje government twenty-two years five
months and three days. Now' Caius was the
fourth emperor: but when the Romans un-
derstood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced
at the good news, but had not courage to be-
lieve it; not becaifle they were unwilling it
should be true, for they would have given
large sums of money that it might be so, but
because they were afraid that, if they had
shown their joy when the news proved false,
their joy should be openly known, and they
should be accused for it, ^nd be thereby un-
done; for this Tiberius had brought a vast
number of miseries on the best families of the
Romans, since he was easily inflamed with
passion in all cases, and was of such a temper
as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had
executed the same, although he had taken a
hatred against men without reason; for he
was by nature fierce in all the sentences he
gave, and made death the penalty for theCHAP. VII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

slightest offences; insomuch that when the
Romans heard the rumour about his death
gladly, they were restrained from the enjoy-
ment of that pleasure by the dread of such
miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their
hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas,
Agrippa’s freed-man, as soon as he heard of
Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa
the news; and finding him going out to
the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the
Hebrew tongue, “ The lion * is dead;” who,
understanding his meaning, and being over-
joyed at the news, “ Nay,” said he, “ but all
sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for
this news of thine; only I wish that what
thou sayest may prove true.” Now the cen-
turion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he
saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what
joy Agrippa had from wlnit he said, he had a
suspicion that his words implied'some great
innovation of affairs, and he asked them about
what was 6aid. They at first diverted the
discourse; but upon his farther pressing,
Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he
was already become his friend; so he joined
with him in that pleasure which this news oc-
casioned, because it would be fortunate to
Agrippa, and made him a supper: but, as
they were feasting, and the cups went about,
there came one who-said, that Tiberius was
still alive, aDd would return to the city in a
few days. At which news the centurion was
exceedingly troubled, because he had done
what might cost him his life, to have treated
so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news
of the death of Ctesar; so lie thrust Agrippa
from the couch whereon he lay, and said,
“ Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about
the emperor without punishment? and shalt
not thou pay for this thy malicious report at
the price of thine head?” When he had so
said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again
(for he had loosed him before), and kept a
severer guard over him than formerly, and in
that evil condition was Agrippa that night;
but the next day the rumour increased in the
city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius
was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst
now openly and freely talk about it; nay,
some offered sacrifices on that account. Se-
veral letters also came from Caius; one of
them to the senate, which informed them of
the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance
on the government; another to Piso, thg go-
vernor of the city, which told him the same
thing. He also gave order that Agrippa
should be removed out of the camp, and go
to that house were he lived before he was
put in prison; so that he was now out of fear
as to his own affairs; for, although he wag

• The name of a lion is often given to tyrants, espe-
cially by the Jews, such as Agrippa, and probably his
frced-man Marsyas, in effect were, Ezell, six. 1, 9;
I’.sth. iv. 13; 2 Tim. iv. 17. They are also sometimes
compared to, or represented hy. wild beasts, of which
the lion it th. principal, Dan. vii. 3, 8; Apoc. xiii. 1.2.

499

still in custody, yet it was now with ease to
his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was
come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s
dead body with him, and had made a sumptu-
ous funeral for him, according to the laws of
his country, he was much disposed to set
Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Anto-
nia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to
the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in
Caius, lest that should make men believe that
he received the death of Tiberius with plea-
sure, when he loosed one whom he had bound
immediately. However, there did not many
days pass ere he sent for him to his bouse,
and had him shaved, and made him change
his raiment; after which he put a diadem
upon his head, and appointed him to be king
of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him
the tetrarchy of Lysanias'f and changed his
iron chain for a golden one of equal weight.
He also sent Marullus to be procurator of
Judea.

11. Now, in the second year of the reign
of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be
given him to sail home, and settle the affairs
of his government; and he promised to re-
turn again when he had put the rest in order,
as it ought to be put. So, upon the empe-
ror’s permission, he came into his own coun-
try, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as
a king, and thereby demonstrated to the men
I that) saw him, the power of fortune, when they
compared his former poverty with his present
happy affluence; so some called him a happy
man; and others could not well believe that
things were so much changed with him for
the better.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW HEROD THE TETRARCH WAS BANISHES

§ 1. But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, wht
now lived as wife to that Herod who was te-
trarch of Galilee and Perea, took this autho-
rity of her brother in an envious manner, par-
ticularly when she saw that he had a greater
dignity bestowed on him thaw her husband
had; since, when he ran away, he was not
able to pay his debts; and now he was come
back, it was because he was in a way of dig-
nity and of great fortune. She was therefore
grieved and much displeased at so great a
mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she
saw him marching among the multitude with
the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was
not able to conceal how miserable she was, by
reason of the envy she had towards him; but
she excited her husband, and desired him that
he would sail to Rome, to court honours

+ Although Caiua now promised to give Agrippa the
tetrarchy of Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred
upon him till the reign of Claudius, as we learn, Antil)
b. xix. chap. v. sect, 1.500

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

book xvm.

equal to his; for she said, that she could not
hear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the
son of that Aristobulus who was condemned
to die by his father, one that came to her hus-
band in such extreme poverty, that the neces-
saries of life were forced to be entirely sup-
plied him day by day; and when he fled away
from his creditors by sea, he now returned a
king: while he was himself the son of a king,
and while the near relation he bare to royal
authority, called upon him to gain the like
dignity, he sat still, and was contented with
a privater life. “ But then, Herod, although
thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a
lower condition than thy father, from whom
thou wast derived, had been, yet do thou now
seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath
attained to: and do not thou bear this con-
tempt, that a man who admired thy riches
should be in greater honour than thyself,
nor suffer his poverty to show itself able
to purchase greater things than our abun-
dance; nor do thou esteem it other than a
shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the
other day, lived upon thy charity. But let
us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor
expenses, either of silver or gold, since they
cannot be kept for any better, use than for the
obtaining of a kingdom.”

2. But for Herod, he opposed her request
at this time, out of the love of ease, and hav-
ing A suspicion of the trouble he should have
at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better.
But the more she saw him draw back, the
more she pressed him to it, and desired him
to leave no stone unturned in order to be
king: and at last she left not off till she en-
gaged him, whether he would or not, to be
of her sentiments, because he could no other-
wise avoid her importunity. So he got all
things ready, after as sumptuous a manner
as he was able, and spared for nothing, and
went up to Rome, and took Herodias along
with him. But Agrippa, when he was made
sensible of their intentions and preparations,
he also prepared to go thither; and as soon
as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus,
one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry pre-
sents to the emperor, and letters against He-
rod, and to give Caius a particular account
of those matters, if he should have any op-
portunity. This man followed Herod so
quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and
came so little after Herod, that while Herod
was with Caius, he came himself, and deli7
vered his letters; for they both sailed to Di-
cearchia, and found Caius at Baiae, which is
itself a little city of Campania, at the distance
of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There
are in that place royal palaces, with sump-
tuous apartments, every emperor still endea-
vouring to outdo his predecessor's magnifi-
cence: the place also affords warm baths,
that spring out of the ground of their own
accord, which^are of advantage for the reco-

very of the health of those that make use of
them; and, besides, they minister to men’s
luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for
he first met wdth him, and then looked upon
the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and
which were written in order to accdse He-
rod; wherein he accused him, that he had
been in confederacy with Sejanus, against
Tiberius's government, and that he was now'
confederate with Artabanus, the king of Par-
thia, in opposition to the government of
Caius; as a demonstration of which, he al-
leged that he had armour sufficient for seventy
thousand men ready in his armoury. Caius
was moved at this information, and asked
Herod, whether what was said about the ar-
mour was true; and when he confessed there
was such armour there, for he could not deny
the same, the truth of it being too notorious,
Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the
accusation, that he intended to revolt. So
he took away from him his tetrarchy, and
gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s king-
dom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa,
and, by way of punishment, awarded him a
perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons,
a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation.
But when he was informed that Herodias
was Agrippa’s sitter, he made her a present of
what money was her own, and told her that
it was her brother who prevented her being
put under the same calamity with her hus-
band. But she made this reply:—“ Thou,
indeed, O emperor 1 actest after a magnifi-
cent manner, and as becomes thyself, in what
thou offerest me; but the kindness which I
have for my husband binders me from par-
taking of the favour of thy gift: for it is not
just that I, w'ho have been made a partner in
his prosperity, should forsake him in his mis-
fortunes.” Hereupon Caius was angry at
her, and sent her with Herod into banish-
ment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And
thus did God punish Herodias for her envy
at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear
to the vain discourses of a woman. Now,
Caius managed public affairs with great mag-
nanimity during the first and second year of
his reign, and behaved himself with such mo-
deration, that he.gained the good1-will of the
Romans themselves, and of his other subjects.
But, in process of time, be went beyond the
bounds of human nature in his conceit of
ibimself, and, by reason of the vastness of his
dominions, made himself a god, and took
upon himself to act in all things to the re-
proach of the Deity itself.CHAP. VIII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

001

CHAPTER VIIL

CONCERNING THE EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS
TO CAIUS;* AND HOW CAIUS SENT PETRO-
NIUS INTO SYRIA, TO MAKE WAR AGAINST
THE JEWS, UNLESS THEY WOULD RECEIVE
HIS STATUE.

§ 1. There was now a tumult arisen at
Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants
and the Greeks; and three ambassadors!
were chosen out of each party that were at
variance, who came to Cains. Now on6 of
these ambassadors from the people of Alex-
andria was Apion, who uttered many blasphe-
mies against the Jews; and, among othef
things, that he said he charged them with ne-
glecting the honours that belonged to Caesar;
for that while all who were subject to the
Roman empire, built altars and temples to
Caius, and in other regards universally re-
ceived him as they received the gods, these
Jews alone thought it a dishonourable thing
for them to erect statues in honour of him,
as well as to swear by his name. Many of
these severe things were said by Apion, by
which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at
the Jews, as be was likely to be. But Philo,
the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man
eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexan-
der the alabarch,| and one not unskilful in
philosophy, was ready to betake himself to
make his defence against those accusations;
b;it Caius prohibited him, and bade him be-
gone: he was also in such a rage, that it open-
ly appeared he was about to do them some
very great mischief. So Philo, being thus
affronted, went out, and said to those Jews
who were about him, that they should be of
good courage, since Caius’s words indeed
showed anger at them, but in reality had al-
ready set God against himself.

2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very hein-

* This is a most remarkable chapter, as containing
such instances of the interposition of Providence, as have
been always very rare among the other idolatrous nations,
but of old very many among the posterity of Abraham,
the worshippers of the true God; nor do these seem much
inferior to those in the Old Testament, which are the
more remarkable, because, among all their other follies
and vices, the Jews were not at this time idolaters; and
the deliverances here mentioned were done in order to
prevent their relapse into that idolatry.

+ Josephus here assures ns, that the ambassadors from
Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than
three in number, for the Jews, and for the Gentiles,
which are hut six in all: whereas Philo, who was the
principal ambassador from the Jews, as Josephus here
confesses (as was Apion for the Gentiles), says, the Jews’
ambassadors were themselves no fewer than five, towards
the end of his legation to Caius,- which, if there be no
mistake in the copies, must be supposed the truth; nor,
in thut case, would Josephus have contradicted so au-
thentic a witness, had be seen that account of Philo’s;
which, that he ever did does not appear.

I This Alexander, the alaharch, or governor of the
Jews, at Alexandria, and brothri to Philo, is supposed,
by Bishop Pearson, in Act. Apost. p. 41,42, to be the
same with that Alexander who is mentioned by St.
Luke, a* of the kindred of the high-priests, Aots iv. &

ottsly that he should be thus despised by the
Jews alone, sent. Petronius to be president
of Syria, and successor in thefovemmeiit to
Viteilius, and gave him order to make an in-
vasion into Judea, with a great body of troops,
arid, if they would admit of his statue wil-
lingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but,
if they were obstinate, to conquer them by
war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petro-
nius topk the government of Syria, anti made
haste to obey Caesar’s epistle. He got to-
gether as great a number of auxiliaries as be
possibly could, and look with him two legions
of the Roman army, and came to Ptoletnais,
and there wintered, as intending to set about
the war in the spring. He also wrote word
to Caius wbat he bad resolved to do; who
commended him for bis alacrity, and ordered
him to go on, and to make war with them, in
case they would not obey bis commands. But
there came many ten thousands of the Jews
to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their pe-
titions to him, that he would not compel them
to transgress and violate the law of their fore-
fathers; “but if," said they, “thou art en-
tirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect
it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou
hast resolved on, for, while we are alive, we
cannot permit such things as are forbidden us
to be done by the authority of our legislator,
and by our forefathers’ determination that
such prohibitions are instances of virtue."
But. Petronius was angry at them, and said,
“ If indeed I were myself emperor, and were
at liberty to follow my own inclination, and
then bad designed to act thus, these your
words would be justly spoken to me; but now
Caesar hath sent to me, I am under tbe ne-
cessity of being subservient to his decrees,
because a disobedience to them will bring
upon me inevitable destruction.” Then the
Jews replied, “ Since, therefore, thou art so
disposed, O Petronius 1 that thou wilt not
disobey Caius's epistles, neither will we trans-
gress tbe commands of our law; and as we
depend upon the excellency of Our laws, and,
by the labours of our ancestors, have con-
tinued hitherto without suffering them to be
transgressed, we dare not by any means suf-
fer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress
those laws out of the fear of death, which
God hath determined are for our advantage;
and, if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear
them, in order to preserve our laws, as know-
ing that those who expose themselves to dan-
gers, have good hope of escaping ihera; be-
cause God will stand on our side, when, out
of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and
sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But,
if we should submit to thee, we should be
greatly reproached for our cowardice, as
thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress
our law; and we should incur tbe great anger
of God also, who, even thyself being judge,
is superior to Cains.’'002

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

3.	When Petronius saw by their words that
their determnration was hard to be removed,
and that, without a war, be should not be able
to be subservient to Cains in the dedication
of his statue, and that there must be a great
deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and
the servants that were about him, and basted
to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what pos-
ture the aifairs of the Jews were; and many
ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius
again, when he was come to Tiberias. These
thought they must run a mighty hazard if
they should have a war with the Romans, but
judged that the transgression of the law was
of much greater consequence, and made sup-
plication to him, that he would by no means
reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their
city with the dedication of the statue. Then
Petronius said to them, “ Will you then make
war with Ciesar, without considering his great
preparations for war, and your own weak-
ness?” They replied, “ We will not by any
means make war with him; but still we will
die before we see our laws transgressed.” So
they threw themselves down upon their faces,
and stretched out their throats, and said they
were ready to be slain; and this they did for
forty days together, and in the mean time left
off the tilling of their ground, and that w hile
the season of the year required them to sow
it.* Thus they continued firm in their reso-
lution, and proposed to themselves to die wil-
lingly, rather than to see the dedication of
the statue.

4.	When .matters were in this state, Aristo-
bulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias
the Great, and the other principal men of that
family with them, went in unto Petronius,
and besought him, that, since he saw the re-
solution of the multitude, he would not make
any alteration, and thereby drive them to de-
spair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews
bad an insuperable aversion to the reception
of the statue, and how they continued with
him, and left off the tillage of their ground:
that they were not willing to go to war with
him, because they were not able to do it, but
were ready to die with pleasure, rather than
Buffer their laws to be transgressed: and how,
upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies
would grow up, on the inability they would
be under of paying their tributes; and that
perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to
pity, and not order any barbarous action to
be done to them, nor think of destroying the
nation: that if he continues inflexible in his
former opinion to bring a war upon them, be
may then set about it himself. And thus did
Aristobulus, and the rest with him, suppli-

• What Josephus here, and sect. 6, relates as done by
the Jews before seed-time, is, in Philo. “ not far off the
time when the corn was ripe,” who, as Le Cferc notes,
ditier here one from the o'her. This is another indica-
tion that Josephus, when he wrote this account, had not
seen Philo’s Legat. ad Caium, otherwise be would hardly
haw huundiflaMd from him'

cate Petronius. So Petronius, f partly on
account of the pressing instances which Aris-
tobulus and the rest with him made, and
because of the great consequence of what they
desired, and the earnes/tness w herewith they
made their supplication,—partly on account
of the firmness of the opposition made by the
Jews, w'hich he saw, while he thought it a
horrible thing for him to be such a slave to
the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten
thousand men, only because of their religious
disposition towards God, and after that to
pass his life in expectation of punishment;
Petronius, I say, thought it much better to
send to Caius, and to let him know how intole-
rable it was to him to bear the anger he might
have against him for not serving him sooner,
in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps
he might persuade him; and that if this mad
resolution continued, he might then begin the
war against them; nay, that in case he should
turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for
virtuous persons even to die for the sake of
such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly
he determined to hearken to the petitions in
this matter.

5.	He then called the Jews together to
Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in
number; he also placed that army he now
had with him opposite to them; but did not
discover his own meaning, but the commands
of the emperor, and told them that his wrath
would, without delay, be executed on such as
had the courage to disobey what he bad com-
manded, and this immediately; and that it
was fit for him who had received so great a
dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in
any thing:—‘‘yet (said he) I do not think it
just to have such a regard to my own safety
and honour, as to refuse to sacrifice them for
your preservation, who are so many in num-
ber, and endeavour to preserve the regard that
is due to your law; which as it hath come
down to you from your forefathers, so do you
esteem it worthy of your utmost contention
to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assist-
ance and power of God, will I be so hardy
as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt
by the means of the imperial authority. I
will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him
know what your resolutions are, and will
assist your suit as far as I am able, that you
may rot be exposed to suffer on account of
the honest designs you have proposed to your-
selves; and may God be your assistant, for
his authority is beyond all the contrivance and
power of men; and may he procure you the

+ This Publius Petronius was after this still president
of Syria, under Claudius, and, at the desire of Agrippa.
published a severe decree against the inhabitants of
l)ora. who, in a sort of imitation of Caius, had set up a
statue of Claudius in a Jewish synagogue there. This
decree is extant b.xix. ch. vi. sect. 3; and greatly con-
firms the present accounts of Josephus, as do the other
decrees oi Claudius, relating to the Jewish affairs,b.xix
ch. v. sect. 2,3. to which 1 refer the inquisitive reader.CHAP. vm.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

503

preservation of your ancient laws, and may
not he be deprived, though without your con-
sent, of his accustomed honours. But if
Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of
his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all
that danger and that affliction that may come
either on my body or my soul, than see so
many of you perish, while you are acting in
so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore,
every one of you, go your way about your
own occupations, and fall to the cultivation
of your ground; I will myself send to Rome,
and will not refuse to serve you in all things,
both by myself and by my friends.”

6. When Petronius had said this, and had
dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he de-
sired the principal of them to take care of
iheir husbandry, and to speak kindly to the
people; and encoifrage them to have good hope
i f i heir affairs. Thus did he readily bring
the multitude to be cheerful again. And now
• id God show his presence* to Petronius, and
sienify to him, that he would afford him his
as-'i-tance in his whole design; for he had no:
sooner finished the speech that he made to the
.lews, but God sent down great showers of
vain, contrary to human expectation; for that
day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the
appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the
whole year bad been subject to a great drought,
and made men despair of any water from
above, even when at any time they saw the
heavens overcast with clouds; insomuch, that
when such a great quantity of rain came, and
that in an unusual manner and without any
other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that
Petronius would by no means fail in his pe-
tition for them.' But as't.o Petronius, he was
mightily surprised when he perceived that
God evidently took care of the Jews, and
gave very plain Signs of his appearance,f and
this to such a degree, that those that were in
earnest much inclined to the contrary, had
;io power left to contradict it. This was also
among those other particulars which he wrote
tor Caius, which all tended to dissuade him,
and by all means to entreat him not to make
so many ten thousands of these men go dis-
tracted; whom, if he should slay (for without
war they would by no means suffer the laws
of their worship to be set aside) he would lose
the revenue they paid him, and would be
publicly cursed by them for all future ages.
Moreover, that God who was their governor,
had shown his power most evidently on their
account, and that such a power of his as left

* Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament
words, irctegyrix and iwtQavua. the presence and appear-
ance of God. for the extraordinary manifestation of his
power and providence to Petronius, hy sending rain in a
time of distress, immed:ately upon the resolution he hod
taken to preserve the temple unpolluted, at the hazard
of his own lile, without any other miraculous appearance
at all in that case: which well deserves to be taken no-
tice of here, und greatly illustrates several texts, both in
the Old and New Testament.

+ See the preceding note.

no room for doubt abeui it;-—and this was
the business that Petronius wat now engaged
in.

7. But king Agrippa, who now lived Qt
Rome, was more and more in the favour of
Caius; and when he had once made him a
supper, and was careful to exceed all others,
both in expenses and in such preparations as
might contribute most to his pleasure; nay,
it was so far from the ability of others, that
Caius himself could never equal, much less
exceed it (such care had he taken before-
hand to exceed all men, and particularly to
make all agreeable to Caesar); hereupon Caius
admired his understanding and magnificence,
that he should force himself to do all to please
him, even beyond such expenses as he could
bear, and was desirous not to be behind
Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted, in
order to please him. So Caius, when he had
drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than
ordinary, said thus during the feast, when
Agrippa had drank to him:—“ I knew before
now J how great a respect thou hast had for
me, and how great kindness thou hast shown
me, though with those hazards to thyself,
which thou underwentest under Tiberius on
that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing
to show thy good-will towards us, even be-
yond thy ability; whence it would be a base
thing for me to be conquered by thy affection.
1 am therefore desirous to, make thee amends
for every thing in which I have been formerly
deficient; for all that I have bestowed on
thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little.
Every thing that may contribute to thy hap-
piness shall be at thy service, and that cheer-
fully, and so far as my ability will reach;”—
and this was what Caius said to Agrippa,
thinking he would ask for some large coun-
try, or the revenues of certain cities; but,
although he had prepared beforehand what
he would ask, yet had he not discovered his
intentions, but made this answer to Caius im-
mediately, that it was not out of ajiy expecta-
tion of gain that he formerly paid his respects
to him, contrary to the commands of Tibe-
rius, nor did he now do any thiDg relating
to him out of regard to bis own advantage,
and in order to receive any thing from him:
that the gifts he had already bestowed upon
him were great, and beyond the hopes of even
a craving man; for although they may be
beneath thy power [who art the donor], yet
are they greater than my inclination and dig-
nity, who am the receiver;—and, as Caius
was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations, and
still the more pressed him to make his request
for somewhat which he might gratify him
with, Agrippa replied, “ Since thou, 0 my
Lord, declarest such is thy readiness to grant,
that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask no-

t This behaviour of Caius to Agrippa, is very like that
of Herod Autipas, his unrie. to Herudias, Agrippa’s sit-
ter, about John the Baptist, Matt. xiv. 6—1L504

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII,

thing relating to mja own felicity; for what
thou hast already bestowed on me has made
me excel therein; but I desire somewhat
which may make thee glorious for piety, and
render the Divinity assistant to thy designs,
and may be for an honour to me among those
that inquire about it, as showing that I never
once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee:
for my petition is this, that thou wilt no
longer think of the dedication of that statue
which thou hast ordered to be set up in the
Jewish temple by Petronius.”

8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast
the die upon this occasion, so great was the
affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he
knew how dangerous a thing it was so to
speak; for, had not Caius approved it, it had
tended to no less than the loss of his life.
So Caius, who was mightily taken writh
Agrippa’s obliging behaviour, and on other
accounts thinking it a' dishonourable thing to
be guilty of falsehood before so many wit-
nesses, in points wherein he had with such
alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner,
and that it would look as if he had already
repented of vvhat he had said, and because he
greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not de-
siring him at all to augment his own domi-
nions, either with larger revenues, or other
authority, but took care of the public tranquil-
lity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself; he
granted him what he requested. He also wrote
thus to Petronius, commending him for his
assembling his army, and then consulting him
about these affairs. “ If, therefore,’’ said he,
“ thou hast already erected my statue, let it
stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do
not trouble thyself farther about it, but dismiss
thy army, go back, and take care of those
affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I
have now no occasion for the erection of that
statue. This I have granted as a favour to
Agrippa, a man whom I honour so very greatly,
that I am not able to contradict what he
would have, or what he desired me to do for
him.” And this w'as what Caius wrote to
Petronius, which was before he received his
letter, informing him that the Jews were very-
ready to revolt about this statue, and that
they seemed resolved to threaten war against
the Romans, and nothing else. When there-
fore Caius was much displeased that any at-
tempt should be made against his government,
as he was a slave to base and vicious actions
on all occasions, and had no regard to what
was virtuous and honourable, and against
whomsoever he resolved to show his anger,
and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered
not himself to be restrained by any admoni-
tion, but thought the indulging his anger to
bt a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius:
—“ Seeing thou esteemest the presents made
thee by the Jews to be of greater value than
my commands, and art grown insolent enough
a be subservient to their pleasure, I charge

thee to become thy own judge, and to consider
what thou art to do, now thou art under my
displeasure: for I will make thee an example
to the present and to all future ages, that they
may not dare to contradict the commands of
their emperor.”

9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote
to Petronius; but Petronius did not receive
it while Caius was alive, that ship which car-
ried it sailed so slow,that other letters came to
Petronius before this, by w hich he understood
that Caius was dead; for God would not
forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken
on account of the Jews, and of his own
honour. But when he had taken Caius away,
out of his indignation of what he had so in-
solently attempted, in assuming to himself
divine worship, both Rome and all that do-
minion conspired with Petronius, especially
those that were of the senatorian order, to
give Caius his due reward, because he had
been unmercifully severe to them; for he died
not long after he had written to Petronius
that epistle which threatened him with death.
But as for the occasion of his death, and the
nature of the plot against him, I shall relate
them in the progress of this narration. Now,
that epistle -which informed Petronius of
Caius’s death came first; and a little after-
ward came that which commanded him to kill
himself with his own hands. "Whereupon he
rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of
Caius, and admired God’s providence, who,
without the least delay, and immediately, gave
him a rewrard for the regard he had to the
temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews
for avoiding the dangers they were in. And
by this means Petronius escaped that danger
of death which he could not foresee.

CHAPTER IX.

WHAT BEFEL THE JEWS THAT WERE IN BA-
BYLON ON OCCASION OF ASINEUS AND ANI-
LEUS, TWO BRETHREN.	I

§ 1. A very sad calamity now befel the
Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially
those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it
was to none of the calamities which had gone
before, and came together with a great slaugh-
ter of them, and that greater than any upon
record before*; concerning all which I shall
speak more accurately, and shall explain the
occasions whence these miseries came upon
them. There was a city of Babylonia called
Neerda; not only a very populous one, but
one that had a good and large territory about
it; and, besides its other advantages, full of
men also. It was, besides, not easily to he
assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates
encompassing it all round, and from the walls
that were built about it. There was also theCHAP. IX.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

505

city Nisibis, situate on tbe same current of the
river. For which reason the Jews, depending
on the natural strength of these places, de-
posited in them that half shekel which every
one, by the custom of our country, offers
unto God, as well as they did other things
devoted to him ; for they made use of these
cities as a #easury, whence, at a proper time,
they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and
many ten thousand men undertook the carriage
of those donations, out of fear of the ravages
of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians
were then subject. Now, there were two
men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda
by birth, and brethren to one another. They
were destitute of a father; and their mother
put them to learn the art of weaving curtains,
it not being esteemed a disgrace among them
for men to be weavers of cloth. Now, he
that taught them that art, and was set over
them, complained that they came too late to
their work, and punished them with stripes;
but they took this just punishment as an
affront, and earned off all the weapons which
were kept in that house, which were not a
few, and went into a certain place where was
a partition of the rivers, and was a place na-
turally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and
for preserving such fruits as were usually laid
up against winter. The poorest sort of the
young men also resorted to them, whom they
armed with the weapons they had gotten, and
became their captains; and nothing hindered
them from being their leaders into mischief;
for, as soon as they were become invincible,
and had built them a citadel, they sent to
such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay
them so much tribute out of them as might
be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing
also that they would be their friends, if they
would submit to them, and that they would
defend them from all their other enemies on
every side; but that they would kill the cattle
of those that refused to obey them. So they
hearkened to their proposals (for they could
do nothing else), and sent them as many sheep
as were required of them; whereby their
forces grew greater, and they became lords
over all they pleased, because they marched
suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch
that every body who had to do with them
chose to pay them respect; and they became
formidable to such as came to assault them,
till the report about them came to the ears
of the king of Parthia himself. '

2. But when the governor of Babylonia
understood this, and had a mind to put a stop
to them before they grew greater, and before
greater mischiefs should arise from them, he
got together as great an army as he could,
both of Parthians and Babylonians, and march-
ed against them, thinking to attack them and
destroy them before any one should carry them
the news that he had got an army together.
He then encamped at a lak~, and lay still;

but on the next day (it was the Sabbath, which
is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts
of work) he supposed that the enemy would
not dare to fight him thereon, but that he
would take them and carry them away prison-
ers, without fighting. He therefore proceeded
gradually, and thought to fall upon them
on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting
with the rest, and their weapons lay by them;
upon which he said, “ Sirs, 1 hear a neighing
of horses; not of such as are feeding, but
such as have men on their backs; I also hear
such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid
that some enemies are coming upon us to en-
compass us round. However, let somebody
go to look about, and make * report of what
reality there is in the present state of things;
and may what I have said prove a false
alarm 1” And when he .had said this, some
of them went out to spy out what was the
matter; and they came again immediately,
and said to him, that “ neither hast thou been
mistaken in telling us what our enemies were
doing, nor will those enemies permit us to
be injurious to people any longer. We are
caught by their intrigues like brute beasts,
and there is a large body of cavalry marching
upon us, while we are destitute of hands to
defend ourselves withal, because we are re-
strained from doing it by the prohibition of
our law, which obliges us to rest [on this
day].” But Asineus did not by any means
agree with the opinion of his spy as to wha#
was to be done, but thought it more agreeable
to the law to pluck up their spirits in this ne-
cessity they were fallen, into, and break their
law by avenging themselves, although they
should die in the action, than by doing no-
thing to please their enemies in submitting to
be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up
his weapons, and infused courage into those
that were with him to act as courageously as
himself. So they fell upon their enemies,
and slew a great many of them, because they
despised them, and came as to a certain vic-
tory, and put the rest to flight.

3. But when the news of this fight came
to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at
the boldness of these brethren, and was desi-
rous to see them and speak with them. He
therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards
to say thus to them:—“ That king Artaba-
nus, although he had been unjustly treated
by you, who have made an attempt against
his government, yet hath he more regard
to your courageous behaviour than to the
anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to
give you his right handf and security; and

* 'EturTKUOTur is here, and in very many other places
of Josephus, “ immediately at hand.” and is to be so

expounded, 2 Thess. ii. 2, when so
that St. Paul had said, either by word

that M. I'aul had said, .either by won
an epistle, or by both, “ that the day <
mediately at hand;” for still St. Paul

falsely pretended
i of mouth

h or by
of Christ was im-
did then plainly
think that day not very many years future.

+ The joining of the right hands was esteemed among
the Persians fand Parthians] in particular, a most invio-506

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XVIII.

he permits you to come to him safely, and
without any violence upon the road, and he
wants to have you address yourselves to him
as friends, without meaning any guile or de-
ceit to you. He also promises to make you
presents, and to pay you those respects which
will make an addition of his power to your
courage, and thereby he of advantage to you.”
Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey
thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all
such presents as he could procure. So he
went, and w'as admitted to the king's pre-
sence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus com-
ing alone, be inquired into the reason why
Asineus avoided to come along with him;
and when he understood that he was afraid,
and staid by the luke, he took an oath, by the
gods of his country, that he wrnuld do them
no harm, if they came to him upon the assu-
rance he gave them, and gave him bis right
hand.* This is of the greatest force there
with all these barbarians, and affords a firm
security to those who converse with them; for
none of them will deceive you w:hen once they
have given you their right hands, nor will any
one doubt their fidelity, when that is once
given, even though they were before suspected
of injustice. When Artabanus bad done this,
he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother
to come to him. Now this the king did, be-
cause he wanted to curb his own governors of
provinces by the courage of these Jewish
brethren, lest they should make a league with
them; for they wrere ready for a revolt, and
were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on
an expedition against them. He was also
afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in
order to subdue those governors of provinces
that had revolted, the party of Asineus and
those in Babylonia should be augmented, and
either make war upon him when they should
hear of that revolt, or, if they should be dis-
appointed in that case, they would not fail of
doing farther mischief to him.

4. When the king had these intentions, he
sent away Anileus; and Anileus prevailed on
his brother [to come to the king], when he
had related to him the king’s good-will, and
the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they
made haste to go to Artabanus, who received
them, when they W'ere come, with pleasure,
and admired Asineus’s courage in the actions
he had done, and this because he was a little
man to see to, and at first sight appeared con-
temptible also, and such as one might deem a
person of no value at all. He also said to
his friends, ‘how, upon the comparison, he
showed his soul to be, in all respects, superior
to his body; and when, as they were drinking
together, lie once showed Asineus to Abdaga-

lable obligation to fidelity, as Dr. Hudson here observes,
and "refers to the commentary on Justin, b. xi. ch. xv.
for its confirmation. W e often meet with the like use
of it in Josephus.

• See the above note.

ses, one of the generals of his army, and told
him his name, and described the great cou-
rage he w'as of in war, and Abdagases had de-
sired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict
upon him a punishment for those injuries he
had done to the Parthian government, the
king replied, “I will never give thee leave to
kill a man who hath depended eft my faith,
especially not after I have sent him my right
hand, and endeavoured to gain his belief by
oaths made by the gods. But, if thou beest
a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need
of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge
the Parthian government; attack this man,
when he is returned back, and conquer,him
by the forces that are under thy command,
without my privity.” Hereupon the king
called for Asineus, and said to him, “ It is
time for thee, 0 thou young man l to return
home, and not provoke the indignation of my
generals in this place any farther, lest they
attempt to murder thee, and that without my
approbation. I commit to thee the country
of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy
care, be preserved free from robbers, and from
other mischiefs. I have kept my faith invio-
lable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs,
but in those that concerned thy safety, and do
therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to
me.” When he had said this, and given
Asineus some presents, he sent him away
immediately; who, when he was come home,
built fortresses, and became great in a little
time, and managed things with such courage
and success, as no other person, that had no
higher a beginning, ever did before him.
Those Parthian governors also, who were sent
that way, paid him great respect; and the
honour that was paid him by the Babylonians
seemed to them too small, and beneath his
deserts, although he were in no small dignity
and power there: nay, indeed, all the affairs
of Mesopotamia depended upon him; and he
more and more flourished in this happy .con-
dition of his for fifteen years.

5. J3ut as their affairs were in so flourish-
ing a state, there sprang up a calamity among
them on the following occasion. When once
they had deviated from that course of virtue
whereby they had gained so great power,
they affronted and transgressed the laws of
their forefathers, and fell under the domi-
nion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain
Parthian, who came as general of an army
into those parts, had a wife following him,
who had a vast reputation for other accom-
plishments, and ‘ particularly was admired
above all other women for her beauty. Ani-
leus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of
that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw
her himself also, and so became at once her
lover and her enemy; partly, because he could
not hope to enjoy this Woman but by obtain-
ing power over her as a captive, and partly
because he thought he could not conquer hiaCHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

507

inclinations for her. As soon, therefore, as
her husband had been declared an enemy to
them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow
of the deceased was married to this her lover.
However, this woman did not come into
their house without prdducing great misfor-
tunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asi-
neus also; but brought great mischiefs upon
them on the occasion following. Since she
was led away captive, on the death of her
husband, she concealed the images of those
gods which were their country gods, common
to her husband and to herself: now it is the
custom* of that country for all to have the
idols they worship in their own houses, and
to carry tljem along with them when they go
into a foreign land; agreeably to which cus-
tom of theirs she carried her idols with her.
Now, at first she performed her worship to
them privately, but when she was become
Anileus’s married wife, she worshipped them
in her accustomed manner, and with the same
appointed ceremonies which she used in her
former husband’s days; upon which their
most esteemed friends blamed him at first,
that he did not act after the manner of the
Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to
their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and
one th*t transgressed the accurate appoint-
ments of their sacrifices and religious cere-
monies; that he ought to consider, lest by
allowing himself in many pleasures of the
body, he might lose his principality on ac-
count of the beauty of a wife, and that high
authority which, by God’s blessing, he had
arrived at. But when they prevailed not at
all upon him, he slew one of them for whom
he had the greatest respect, because of the,
liberty he took with him; who, when he was
dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated
a punishment upon his murderer Anileus,
and upon Asineus also, and that all their com-
panions might come to a like end from their
enemies; upon the two first as the principal
actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest
as those that would not assist him when he
suffered in the defence of their laws. Now
these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they
tolerate these doings, because they remem-
bered that they had arrived at their present
happy state by no other means than their
fortitude. But when they also heard of the
worship of those gods whom the Partbians
adore, they thought the injury that Anileus
offered to their laws was to be borne no
longer; and a greater number of them came to
Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus,
and told him, that it had been well that he
had of himself seen what was advantageous

* This custom of the Mesopotamians to carry their
household-gods along with them wherever they travelled,
is as old as the days of Jacob, when Rachel his wife did
the same (Oen. xxxi. 19. 30—35); nor is it to pass here
unobserved, what great miseries came on these Jews,
because they suffered one of their leaders to marry an
idolatrous wife, contrary to the law of Moses. Of which
matter see the note on b xix.ch. v. sect. 3.

to them; but that, however, It was now high
time to correct what had been done amiss,
before tbe crime that had been committed
proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of
them. They added, that the marriage of this
woman was made without their consent, and
without a regard to their old laws; and that
the worship which this woman paid [to her
gods] was a reproach to the God whom they
worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of
his brother's offence, that it had been already
the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so
for the time to come; yet did be tolerate the
same from the good-will he had to so near a
relation, and forgiving it to him, on account
that his brother was quite overborne by his
wicked inclinations. But as more and more
still came about him every day, and the cla-
mours about it became greater, he at length
spake to Anileus about these clamours, re-
proving him for his former actions, and de-
siring him for the future to leave them off,
and send the woman back to her relations.
But nothing was gained by these reproofs;
for, as the woman perceived what a tumult
was made among the people on her account,
and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should
come to any harm for bis love to hpr, she in-
fused poison into Asineus’s food, and thereby
took him off, and was now secure of prevail-
ing when her lover was to be judge of what
should be done about her.

6. So Anileus took the government upon
himself alone, and led bis army against the
villages of Mithridates, who' was a man of
principal authority in Parthia, and bad mar-
ried king Artabanus’s daughter; he also plun-
dered them, and among that prey was found
much money, and many slaves, as also a great
number of sheep, and many other things,
which, when gained, make men’s condition
happy. Now, when Mithridates, who was
there at this time, heard that his villages were
taken, he was very much displeased to find
that Anileus had first begun to injure him,
and to affront him in his present dignity,
when he had not offered any injury to bira
beforehand: and he got together the greatest
body of horsemen he was able, and those out
of that number which were of an age fit for
war, .and came to fight Anileus: and when
he was arrived at a certain village of his own,
he lay still there, as intending to fight him on
the day following, because it was the Sabbath,
the day on which the Jews rest. And when
Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian
stranger of another village, who not only gave
him an exact account of other circumstances,
but told him where Mithridates would have a
feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and
marched by night, with an intent of falling
upon the Parthians while they were unap-
prised what they should do; so he fell upon
them about the fourth watch of the night
and some of them he slew while they wet*508

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK xvnx

asleep, and others he put to flight, and took
Mit luiilnres alive, and set him naked upon an
ass,* wliirh, among the Parthians, is esteemed
the greatest reproach possible. And when
he had brought him into a wood w.ih such a
resolution, and his friends desired him to kill
Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind
to the contrary, and said, that it was not right
to kill a man who wa3 of one of the principal
families among the Parthians, atid greatly ho-
noured with matching into the royal family;
that so far as they had hitherto gone was
tolerable; for although they had injured Mi-
thridates, yet if they preserved his life, this
benefit would be remembered by him to the
advantage of those that gave it him; but that
if he were once put to death, the king would
not be at rest till he had made a great slaugh-
ter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; “to
whose safety we ought to have a regard, both
on account of our relation to them, and be-
cause, if any misfortune befal us, we have no
other place to retire to, since be bath gotten
the flower of their youth under him.” By
this thought, and this speech of his made in
council, he persuaded them to act according-
ly ; so Mithridates was let go. But, when
he was got away, his wife reproached him,
that although he was son-in-law to the king,
lie neglected to avenge himself on those that
had injured him, while he took no care about,
it, but wus contented to have been made a
captive by the Jews, and to have escaped
them; and she bade him either to go back
like a man of courage, or else, she sware bv
the gods of their royal family, that she would
certainly dissolve her marriage with him.
Upon which, partly because he could not
bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and part-
ly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest
she should in earnest dissolve their marriage,
he unwillingly, and qgainst his inclinations,
got together again as great an army as he
could, and marched along with them, as him-
self thinking it a thing not to be borne any
longer, that he, a Parthian should owe his
preservation to the Jews, when they had been
too hard for him in the war.

7. But as soon as Anileus understood that
Mithridates was marching with a great army
against him, he thought it too ignominious a
thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take
the first opportunity of meeting his enemies,
and he hoped to have the same success, and
to beat their enemies as they did before ; as
also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts.
Accordingly be led out his army; and a
great many more joined themselves to that
army, in order to betake themselves to plun-
der the people, and in order to terrify the

* This custom in Piria and Mesopotamia, nf setting
men upon an.ass. by n«v of disgrace, is still kept up at
Damascus ill Syria; where, in order to show the r de-
spite avainst the Chr siians. the Turks will not suffer
them to hire horses, hut asses only, when they gu abroad
to see the eoualrv. as Mr Maaodiel assures ns, p. IU&

enemy again by their numbers. But when
they bad marched ninety furlongs, while the
road had been through dry [und sandy] places,
and about the midst of the day. they were be-
come very thirsty: and Mithridates appeared,
and fell upon them, as they, were in distress
for want of water, on which account, and on
account of the time of the day, they were not
able to bear their weapons. So Anileus and
bis men were put to an ignominious rout,
while men in despair Were to attack those that
were fresh, and in good plight; so a great
slaughter was made, and many ten thousand
men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood
firm about him, ran away, as fast as they were
able, into a wood, and afforded Mithridates
the pleasure of having gained a great victory
over them. But there now oame in to Ani-
leus a conflux of bad*rnen, who regarded their
own lives very little, if they might but gain
some present ease, insomuch that they, by
thus coming to him, compensated the multi-
tude of those that perished in the fight. Yet
were not these men like to those that fell,
because they were rash, and unexercised in
war: however, with these be came upon the
villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty de-
vastation of all things was made there by the
injuries that Anileus did them. So the Ba-
bylonians, and those that had already been in
the war, sent to Neerdu to tbe Jews there,
and demanded Anileus. But, although they
did not agree to their demands (for if they
had been willing to deliver him up it was
not in their power so to do); yet did they de-
sire to make peace with them. To which the
other replied, that they also wanted to settle
conditions of peace with them, and sent men
together with the Babylonians, who discoursed
with Anileus about them. But the Babylo-
nians, upon taking a view of his situation, and
having learned where Anileus and his men
lay, fell secretly upon them as they were
drunk-and fallen asleep, and slew all that they
caught of them without any fear, and killed
Anileus himself also.

8. The Babylonians were now freed from
Anileus’s heavy incursions, which had been a
great restraint to the effects of that hatred
they bore to the Jews: for they were almost
always at variance, by reason of the contra-
riety of their laws; and which party soever
grew boldest before the other, they assaulted
tbe other: and at this time in particular it
was, that upon the ruin of Anileus’s party, the
Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made
those Jews so vehemently to resent the inju-
ries they received from the Babylonians, that,
being neither able to fight them, nor bearing
to live with them, they went to Seleucia. the
principal city of those parts, which was built
by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by
many of tbe Macedonians, but by more of the
Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt
there; and thither did the Jews fly, andCHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	509

lived there five years without any misfortunes.
But, on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon
these at Babylon which occasioned new re-
movals of men’s habitations out of that city;
and because they came to Seleucia, it hap-
pened that a still heavier calamity came upon
them on that Account,—which I am going to
Telate immediately.

9. Now the way of living of the people of
Seleucia, who were Greeks and Syrians, was
commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords,
though the Greeks were too hard for the Sy-
rians. When, therefore, the Jews were come
thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a
sedition; and the Syrians were too hard for
the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who
are men that despised dangers, and very ready
to fight upon any occasion. Now, when the
Greeks had the worst, in this sedition, and
saw that they had but one way of recovering
their former authority, and that was, if they
could prevent the agreement between the
Jews and the Syrians, they everyone discours-
ed with such of the Syrians as were formerly
their acquaintance, and promised they would be
at peace and friendship with them. Accord-
ingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when
this was done by the principal men of both

nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation;
and when they were so agreed, they both
knew that the great design of such their
union, would be their common, hatred to the
Jews. Accordingly they fell upon them, and
slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the
Jews were all destroyed excepting a few who
escaped, either by the compassion which their
friends or neighbours afforded them in order
to let them fly away. These retired to Cte-
siphon, a Grecian city, and situated near to
Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives
in winter every year, and where the greatest
part of his riches are deposited; but the Jews
had here no certain settlement, those of Se-
leucia having little concern for the king’s ho-
nour. Now the whole nation of the Jews
were in fear both of the Babylonians and of
the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that
live in those places agreed with the Seleucians
in the war against the Jews; so the most of
them gathered themselves together, and went
to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security
there by the strength of those cities; besides
which, their inhabitants, who were a great
many, were all warlike men. And this was
the state of the Jews at this time in Baby-
lonia.

BOOK XIX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE TEARS AND A HALF.

FROM THE JEWS’ DEPARTURE OUT OF BABYLON TO FADUS THE
ROMAN PROCURATOR.

CHAPTER I.

HOW CAIUS* WAS SLAIN BY CHEREA.

§ 1. Now this Caiusf did not demonstrate
his madness in offering injuries only to the
Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in

the neighbourhood, but suffered it to extend
«

» In this and the next three chapters we have. I think,
a larger and more distinct account of the slaughter of
Caius. and the succession of Claudius, than we have of
any such ancient facts whatsoever elsewhere. Some of
the occasions of which probably were, Josephus’s hitter
hatred against tyranny; and the pleasure he took in
giving the history of the slaughter of such a barbarous
tyrant as was this Caius Caligula, as also the deliverance
his own nation had by that slaughter, of which he speaks,
sect. 2, together with the great intimacy he had with

the advancement of Claudius, upon

great intimacy
Agrippa. Junior, whose lather was deeply concerned in
the advancement of Claudius, upon the death of r
from which Agrippa, junior. Josephus might
informed of this history.

♦ (Jailed Caligula hy the Romans.

Caius;
be fullv

itself through all the earth and sea, so tar as
was in subjection to the Romans.and filled it
with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed
in number as no former history relates. But
Rome itself felt the most dismal effects of
what he did, while he deemed that not to be
any way more honourable than the rest of the
cities; but he pulled and hauled its other
citizens, but especially the senate, and parti-
cularly the nobility, and such as had been dig-
nified by illustrious ancestors; he also had
ten thousand devices against such of the
equestrian ordetf, as it was styled, who were
esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and
I wealth with the senators, because out of
I them the senators were themselves chosen;

I these he treated after an ignominious man-
I ner, and removed, them out of his way while
| they were at once slain, and their wealth510

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

plundered; because he slew men generally,
in order to seize on their riches. He also
asserted his own divinity, and insisted on
greater honours to be paid him by his sub-
jects than are due to mankind. He also fre-
quented that temple ,of Jupiter which they
style the Capitol, which is with them the most
holy of all temples, and had boldness enough
to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And
other pranks he did like a madman; as when
he laid, a bridge from the city Dicearchia,
which belongs to Campania, to Misenum,
another city upon the sea-side, from one pro-
montory to another, of the length of thirty
furlongs as measured over the sea. And
this was done because he esteemed it to be a
most tedious thing to row over in a small
ship, and thought withal that it became him
to make that bridge, as he was lord of the
sea, and might oblige it to give marks of obe-
dience as well as the earth; so he enclosed
the whole bay within his bridge, and drove
his chariot over it; and thought that as be was
a god, it was fit for him to travel over suph
roads as this was. Nor did he abstain from
the plunder of any of the Grecian temples,
and gave order that all the engravings and
sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of
the statues and donations therein dedicated,
should be brought to him, saying, that the
best things ought to be set nowhere but in
the best place, and that the city of Rome was
that best place. He also adorned his own
house and his gardens with the curiosities
brought from those temples, together with the
houseshe lay at when he travelled alio ver Italy:
whence he did not scruple to give a command
that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called
because he was honoured at the Olympian
games by the Greeks, which was the work of
Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to
Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, be-
cause the architects told Memmius Regulus,
who was commanded to remove that statue of
Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as
would be spoiled and would not bear the re-
moval. It was also reported that Memmius,
both on that account, and on account of some
such migfity prodigies as*are of an incredible
nature, put off the taking it down, and wrote
to Caius those accounts, as his apology for
not having done what his epistle required of
him; and that when he was thence in danger
of perishing, he was saved by Caius being dead
himself, before be had put him to death.

2. Nay, Caius’s madness came to this height,
that when he had a daughter born, he carried
her into the capitol, and put her upon the
knees of the statue, and said that the child
was common to him and to Jupiter, and de-
termined that she had two fathers,—but which
of these fathers were the greatest, he left
undetermined ; and yet mankind bore hirn in
such his pranks. He also gave leave to slaves
to accuse their masters of any crimes whatso-

ever they pleased; for all such accusations
were terrible, because they were in great part
made to please him, and at his, suggestion,
insomuch that Pollux; Claudius’s slave, had
the boldness to lay an accusation against
Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed
to be present at his trial of life, and death, to
hear that trial of his own unde, in hopes of
being able to take him off, although he did
not succeed to his mind: but when he had
filled the whole habitable world which he
governed, with false accusations and miseries,
and had occasioned the greatest insults of
slaves against their masters, who indeed, in a
great measure ruled'them, there were many
secret plots now laid against him; some in
anger, and in order for men to revenge them-
selves, on account of the miseries they had
already undergone from him ; and others made
attempts upon him, in order to take him off
before they should fall into such great miseries,
while his death came very fortunately for the
preservation of the laws of all men, and had
a great influence upon the public welfare:
and this happened most happily for our nation
in particular, which had almost utterly perish-
ed if he had not been suddenly slain; and I
confess I have a mind to give a full account
of this matter particularly, because it will af-
ford great assurance of the power of God, and
great comfort to those that are under afflic-
tions, and wise caution to those who think
their happiness will never end, nor bring them
at length to the most lasting miseries, if they
do not conduct their lives by the principles of
virtue.

3. Now there were three several conspiracies
made, in order to take off Caiu^ and each of
these three were conducted by excellent per-
sons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in
Spain, got some men together, and was de-
sirous to take Caius off, either by them or by
himself. Another conspiracy there was laid
by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius,
the tribune [of the' pretorian band] ; Minuci-
anus Annius was also one of great conse-
quence among those that were prepared to
oppose his tyranny. No withe several occasions
of these men’s several hatred arid conspiracy
against Caius were these:—Regulus had in-
dignation and hatred against all injustice, for
he had a mind naturally angry, and bold,
and free, which made him not conceal his
counsels; so he communicated them to many
of his friends, and to otters who seemed to
him persons of activity and vigour: Minuci-
anus entered into this conspiracy, because of
the injustice done to Lepidus his particular
friend, and one of the best character of all the
citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also be-
cause he was afraid of himself, since Caius’s
wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike:
and for Cherea, he came in, because he
thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous
man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of theCHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though
he were a coward; as also because he was
himself in danger every day from his friend-
ship with him, and the observance he paid
him. These men proposed this attempt to all
the rest that were concerned, who saw the
injuries that were offered them, and were
desirous that Caius’s slaughter might succeed
by their mutual assistance of one another,
that they might themselves escape being killed
by the taking off Caius; that perhaps the>
should gain their point, and that it would be
a happy thing if they should gain it, to ap-
prove themselves to so many excellent per-
sons as earnestly wished to be partakers with
them in their design, for the delivery of the
city and of the government, even .at the ha-
zard of their own lives; but still Cherea was
the most zealous of them all, both out of a
desire of getting himself the greatest name,
and also by reason of his access to Caius’s
presence with less danger, because he was
tribune, and could therefore the more easily
kill him.

4. Now, at this time came on the horse-
races [Circensian games]; the view of which
games was eagerly desired by the people of
Rome, for they come with great alacrity into
the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and
petition their emperors, in great multitudes,
for what they stand in need of; who usually
did not think fit to deny them their requests,
but readily and gratefully granted them. Ac-
cordingly, they most importunately desired
that Caius would now ease them in their tri-
butes, and abate somewhat of the rigour of
the taxes imposed upon them; but he would
not hear their petition; and, when their cla-
mours increased, he sent soldiers, 6ome one
way and some another, and gave order that
they should lay hold on those that made the
clamours, and, without any more ado, bring
them out and put them to death. These were
Caius’s commands, and those who were com-
manded executed the same; and the number
of those who were slain on this occasion was
very great. Now the people saw this, and
bore it so far, that they left off clamouring,
because they saw with their own eyes, that
this petition to be relieved, as to the payment
of their money, brought immediate death
upon them. These things made Cherea more
resolute to go on with his plot, in order to
put an end to this barbarity of Caius against
men. He then, at several times, thought to
fall upon Caius as he was feasting, yet did
he restrain himself by some considerations;
not that he had any doubt on him about kill-
ing him, but as watching for a proper season,
that the attempt might riot be frustrated, but
that he might give the blow so as might cer-
tainly gain his purpose.

5. Cherea had been in the army a long
time, yet was he not pleased with conversing
to much with Caius; but Caius had set him

611

to require the tributes, and other dues, which,
when not paid in due time, were forfeited to
Caesar's treasury ; and he had made some de-
lays in requiring them, because those burdens
had been doubled; and had rather indulged hia
own mild disposition than performed Caius’s
command; nay, indeed, he provoked Caius
to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the
hard fortunes of those from whom he de-
manded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him
with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long
about collecting the taxes; and indeed he did
not only affront him in other respects, but
when he gave him the watch-word of the day,
to whom it was to be given by his place, he
gave him feminine words, and those of a na-
ture very reproachful; and these watch-words
he gave out, as having been initiated in the
secrets of certain mysteries, which he had
been himself the author of. Now, although
he had sometimes put on women's clothes,
and had been wrapt in some embroidered
garments to them belonging, and done a great
many other things in order to make the com-
pany mistake him for a woman; yet did he,
Ivy way of reproach, object the like womanish
behaviour to Cherea. But when Cherea
received the watch-word from him, he had
indignation at it, but had greater indigna-
tion at the delivery of it to others, as being
laughed at by those that received it; insomuch
that his fellow-tribune^ made him ihe subject
of their drollery; for they would foretel that
he would bring them some of bis usual watch-
words when be was about to take the watch-
word from Caesar, and would thereby make
him ridiculous; on which account he took
the courage of assuming certain partners to
him, as having just reasons for his indigna-
tion against Caius. Now there was one Pom-
pedius, a senator, and one who had gone
through almost all posts in the government,
but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that
reason loved to lead an inactive life. Now
Timidius, an enemy of his, bad informed Caius
that he had used indecent reproaches against
him, and he made use of Quintilia /for a
witness to them: a woman she wgs much
beloved by many that frequented tbb theatre,
and particularly by Pompedius, on account
of her great beauty. Now this woman
thought it a horrible thing to attest to an
accusation that touched the life of her lover,
which was also a lie. Timidius, however,
wanted to have her brought to the torture,
Caius was irritated at this reproach upon
him, and commanded Cherea, without any
delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to em-
ploy Cherea in such bloody matters, and those
that required the torture, because he thought
he would do it the more barbarously, in order
to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which
he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when
she was brought to the rack, trod upon the
foot of one of her associates, and let him012

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

know tbat be might be of good courage, and
not be afraid of the consequence of ber tor-
tures, for tbat sbe would bear them with
magnanimity. Cberea tortured this woman
after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed,
but because be could not help it. He then
brought her, without being in the least moved
at what 6be bad suffered, into the presence of
Cains, and tbat in such a state as was sad to
behold; and Cains, being somewhat affected
with the sight of Quintilia, who bad her body
miserably disordered by the pains she had
undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of
the crime laid to their charge. He also gave
her money to make her an honourable amends,
and comfort her for that maiming of ber body,
which she had suffered, and for her glorious
patience under such unsufferable torments.

6. This matter sorely grieved Cberea, as
having been the cause, as far as he could, or
the instrument of those miseries to men,
which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius
himself; on which account he said to Clement
and to Papinius (of whom Clement was gene-
ral of the army, and Papinius was a tribune):
“ To he sure. O Clement, we have no way Jailed
in our guarding the emperor; for as to those
.that have made conspiracies against his go-
vernment, 6ome have been slain by our care
and pains, and some have been by us tortured,
and this to such a degree, that he hath him-
self pitied them. How great then is cur
virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!"
Clement held his peace, but showed the shame
he was under in obeying Caius’s orders, both
by his eyes and his blushing countenance, while
he thought it by no means right to accuse the
emperor in express words, lest their own
safety should be endangered thereby. Upon
which Cberea took courage, and spake to him
without fear of the dangers that were before
L.in, and discoursed largely of the sore ca-
lamities under w hich the city and the govern-
ment then laboured, and said, “We may
indeed pretend in words, that Caius is the
person unto, whom the cause of such miseries
ought to be imputed; but. in the opinion of
such us are able to judge uprightly, it is 1, O
Clement I Hnd this Papinius, and before us
thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon
the Romane, and upon all mankind. It is
not done by our being subservient to the
commands ofNCaiua, but it is done by our
own consent; whereas it is in our power
to put an end to\he life of this man, who
bath so terribly injure^ the citizens and his
subjects, w’e are his guard in mischief and bis
executioners, instead of W soldiers, and are
the instruments of his cruelty. We bear
these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the
Roman government, hut only for his preser-
vation, who hath enslaved both their bodies
and their minds; and we are every day pol-
luted with the blQod that we shed, and the
torments we inflict upon others; and this we

do, till somebody becomes Caius’s instrument
in bringing the like mi.-eries upon ourselves.
Nor does he thus employ us, because he bath
a kindness for us, but rather because he hath
a suspicion of u&, as also because, w hen abun-
dance more have been killed (for Caius will
set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to
do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his
own pleasuie), we shall also ouiselves be
exposed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to
he the means of confirming the security and
liberty of all, and at the same time to resolve
to free ourselves from dangers.”

7. Hereupon Clement openly commended
Cherea’s intentions, but bade him hold his
tongue; for in that case his words should get
out among many, and such things should be
spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the
plot w’ould come to be discovered before it was
executed, and they should be brought to
punishment; but that they should leave all to
futurity, and the hope which thence arose, that
some fortunate event would come to their
assistance: that, as for himself, his age would
not permit him to make any attempt in tbat
case. “ However, although perhaps I could
suggest what may be safer than what thou,
Cberea, hast contrived and said, yet how is it
possible for ally one to suggest what is more
for thy reputation?” So Clement went his
way home, with deep reflections on what he
had heard, and what he had himself said.
Cberea also was under a concern, and went
quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was him-
self one of the tribunes, and whom he other-
wise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of
liberty, and on that account very uneasy at
the present management of public affairs, he
being desirous to come immediately to the
execution of what had been determined, and
thinking it right for him to propose it to the
other, and afraid lest Clement should discover
them, and besides looking upon delays and
puttings-off to be the next to desisting from
the enterprize.

S. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus,
who had himself, equally with Cherea, tha
same design, but had been silent for want of
a person to whom he could safely communi-
cate tbat design; so having now met with one,
who not only promised to conceal what be
heard, but who had already opened his mind
to him, he was much more encouraged, and
desired of Cberea that no delay might he made
therein. Accordingly they went to Minuci-
anus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zeal-
ous to do glorious actions as themselves, and
suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaugh-
ter of Lepidus; for Minucianus and Lcpidus
were intimate friends, and both in fear of the
dangers that they were under; for Caius was
terrible to all the great men, as appearing
ready to pgt a mad part towards each of them
in particular, and towards all of them in
general; and these men were afraid of oneCHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

513

Mother, while they were yet uneasy at the
posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their
mind and their hatred against Caius to one
another, out of fear of the dangers they might
be in thereby, although they perceived by other
means their mutual hatred against Caius, and
on that account were not averse to a mutual
kindness one towards another.

9.	When Minucianus and Cherea had met
together, and saluted one another (as they
had been used in former conversations to give
the upper hand to Minucianus, both on ac-
count of his eminent dignity, for he was the
noblest of all the citizens, and highly com-
mended by all men, especially when he made
speeches to them), Mirfucianus began first,
and asked Cherea, What was the watch-word
he had received that day from Caiu»? for the
affront which was offered Cherea in giving
the watch-words, was famous over the city.
But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply
to that question, out of the joy he h^d that
Minucianus would have such confidence in
him as to discourse with him. “ But do
thou,” said he, “give me the watch-word of
liberty. And I return thee my thanks, that
thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert
myself after an extraordinary manner; nor
do I stand in need of many wprds to encou-
rage me, since both thou and l are of the
same mind, and partakers of the same resolu-
tions, and this before we have conferred to-
gether. I have indeed but one sword girt on,
but this one will serve us both. Come on,
therefore, let us set about the work. Do thou
go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me fol-
low thee; or else I will go first, and thou
shalt assist me, and we will assist one ano-
ther, and trust one another. Nor is there a
necessity for even one sword to such as have
a mind disposed to such works, by which
mind the sword uses to be successful. I am
zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous
what I may myself undergo; for I am not
at leisure to consider the danger that may
come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled
at the slavery our once free country is now
under, and at the contempt cast upon our
excellent laws, and at the destruction which
hangs over all men by the means of Caius.
I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that
thou mayest esteem me worthy of credit in
these matters, seeing we are both of the same
opinion, and there is herein no difference
between us.”

10.	When Minucianus saw the vehemency
with which Cherea delivered himself, he glad-
ly embraced him, and encouraged him in his
bold attempt, commending him, and embra-
cing him; so he let him go with his1 good
wishes; and some affirm, that he thereby con-
firmed Minucianus in the prosecution of what
had been agreed among them; for, as Cherea
entered into the court, the report runs, that
a voice came from among the multitude to

encourage him, which bade him finish what
he was about, and take the opportunity that
Providence offered; and that Cherea at first
suspected that some one of the conspirators
had betrayed biip, and he was caught; but at
length perceived that it was by way of exhor-
tation. Whether somebody* that was con-
scious of what he was about gave a signal
for his encouragement, or whether it was God
himself, who looks upon the actions of men,
that encouraged him to go on boldly in his
design, is uncertain. The plot was now com-
municated to a great many, and they were all
in their armour; some of the conspirators
being senators, and some of the equestrian
order, and as many of the soldiery as were made
acquainted with it; for there was not one of
them who would not reckon it a part of his
happiness to kill Caius; and on that account
they were all very zealous in the affair, by
what means soever any one could come at it,
that he might not be behindhand in these vir-
tuous designs, but might be ready with all hi?
alacrity or power, both by words and actions,
to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And
besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed-
man of Caius, and was the only man that had
arrived at the greatest degree of power under
him,—such a power, indeed, as was in a man-
ner equal to the power of the tyrant himself
by the dread that all men had of him, and by
the great riches he had acquired ; for he took
bribes most plenteously, and committed inju-
ries without bounds; and was more extrava-
gant in the use of his power in unjust pro-
ceedings than any other. He also knew the
disposition of Caius to be implacable, and
never to be turned from what he had resolved
on. He had withal many other reasons why
he thought himself in danger, and the vast-
ness of his wealth was not one of the least of
them: on which account he privately ingra -
tiated himself with Claudius,, and transferred
his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in
case, upon the removal of Caius, the govern-
ment should come to him, his interest in such
changes should lay a foundation for his pre-
serving h.s dignity under him, since he laid
in beforehand a stock of merit, and did Clau-
dius good offices in his promotion. He also
had the boldness to pretend, that he had been
persuaded to make away with Claudius, by
poisoning him, but had still invented ten
thousand excuses for delaying to do it. But
it seems prouab;e to me that Callistus only
counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate him-
self with Claudius; for if Caius had been in
earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he
would not have admitted of Callistus’s ex-
cuses, nor would Callistus, if he had beeD
enjoined to do such an act as was desired by

* Just such a voice as this is related to.be, came, and
from an unknown original also, to the famous Polycarp,
as he wns going to martyrdom, bidding him “ play the
man;” as the church of Smyrna ussures us in their ac-
count ol that his martyrdom, sect 9.614

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

Caius, have put it off, nor, if be bad disobeyed
those injunctions of his master bad be escaped
Immediate punishment; while Claudius was
preserved from the madness of Caius by a
certain divine providence, and Callistus pre-
tended to such a piece of merit as be no way
deserved.

11.	However, the execution of Cherea’s
designs was put,off from day to day, by the
sloth of many therein concerned; for as to
Cherea himself, he would not willingly make
any delay in that execution, thinking every
time a fit time for it, for frequent opportuni-
ties offered themselves; as when Caius went
up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter,
or when be stood upon his royal palace, and
threw gold and silver pieces of money among
the people, he might be pushed down head-
long, because the top of the palace, that looks
toward the market-place, was very high; and
also when he celebrated the mysteries, which
he had appointed at that time; for be was
then no way secluded from the people, but
solicitous to do every thing carefully and
decently; and was free from all suspicion that
he should be then assaulted by any body; and
although the gods should afford him no divine
assistance to enable him to take away his
life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to
dispatch Caius, even without a sword. Thqs
was Cherea angry at his fellow-conspirators,
for fear they should suffer a proper opportu-
nity to pass by; and they were themselves
sensible that he had just cause to be angry at
them, and that bis eagerness was for their
advantage; yet did they desire he would have
a little longer patience, lest, upon any disap-
pointment they might meet with, they should
put the city into disorder, and an inquisition
should be made after the conspiracy, and
should render the courage of those that were
to attack Caius without success, while he
would then secure himself more carefully
than ever against them; that it would there-
fore be the best to set about the work when
the shows were exhibited in the palace. These
shows were acted in honour of that Caesar*
who first of all changed the popular govern-
ment, and transferred it to himself; galleries
being fixed before the palace, where the Ro-
mans that were patricians became spectators,
together with their children and their wives,
and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator;
and they reckoned among those many ten thou-
sands who would there be crowded into a
narrow compass, they should have a favourable
opportunity to make their attempt upon him
as he came in; because his guards that should
protect him, if any one of them should have a
mind to do it, would not here be able to give
him any assistance.

• Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and
not Julius Ctesar, who first changed the Roman com-
monwealth into a monarchyfor these shows were in
honour of Augustus, as we shall learn in the next section
but one.

12.	Cherea consented to this delay; and
when the showB were exhibited it was resolved
to do the work the first day. But fortune,
which allowed a farther delay to bis slaugh-
ter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution:
and, as three days of the regular time for
these shows were now over, they had much
ado to get the business done on the last day.
Then Cherea called the conspirators together,
and spake thus to them:—“So much time
passed away without effect is a reproach to
us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous
design as we are engaged in; but more fatal
will this delay prove if we be discovered, and
the design be frustrated;—for Caius will then
become more cruel in bis unjust proceedings.
Do not we see how long we deprive all our
friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave
still to tyrannize over them? while we'ought
to have procured them security for the future,
and, by laying a foundation for the happiness
of others, gain to ourselves great admira-
tion and honour for all time to come.”—
Now,* while the conspirators had nothing
tolerable to say by way of contradiction,
and yet did not quite relish what they were
doing, but stood silent and astonished, he
said further, “ O, my brave comrades 1 why
do we make such delays? Do not you see
that this is the last day of these shows, and
that Caius is about to go to sea? for he is
preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to
see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honour
to let a man go out of your hands who is a
reproach to mankind, and to permit him to
go after a pompous manner, triumphing both
at land and sea? shall not we be justly
ashamed of ourselves if we give leave to
some Egyptian or other, who shall think his
injuries insufferable to free-men to kill him ?
As for myself, I will no longer bear your
slow proceedings, but will expose myself to
the dangers of the enterprise this very day,
and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the
consequence of the attempt; nor, let them
be ever so great, will I put them off any
longer: for, to a wise and courageous man,
what can be more miserable than that, while
I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and
deprive me of the honour of so virtuous an
action ?”

13.	When Cherea had spoken thus, he
zealously set about the work, and inspired
courage into the rest to go on wiih it; and
they were all eager to fall to it without farther
delay. So he was at the palace in the morning,
with his equestrian sword girt on him; for it
was the custom that the tribunes should ask
for the watch-word with their swords on, and
this was the day on which Cherea was by cus-
tom to receive the watch-word; and the mul-
titude were already come to the palace, to be
soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in
great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing
another, while Caius was delighted with thiaCHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

515

eagerness of the multitude; for which reason
there was no order observed in the seating men,
nor was any peculiar place appointed for the
senators, or for the equestrian order; but they
sat at random, men and women together, and
freemen were mixed with the slaves. So
Cains came out in a solemn manner, and
offered sacrifice’to Augustus Cssar, in whose
honour indeed these shows were celebrated.
Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain
priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a sena-
tor, was filled with blood, which made Caius
laugh, although this was an evident omen to
Asprenas, for .he was slain at the same time
with Caius. It is also related, that Caius was
that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very
affable-and good-natured in his conversation,
that every one of those that were present were
astonished at it. After the sacrifice was
over, Caius betook himself to see the shows,
and sat down for that purpose, as did also the
principal of his friends sit near him. Now
the parts of the theatre were so fastened
together, as it used to be every year, in the
manner following:—It had two doors; the
one door led to the open air, the other was
for going into, or going out of, the cloisters,
that those within the theatre might not be
thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery
there went an inward passage, parted into
partitions also, which led into another gallery,
to give room to the combatants, and to the
musicians, to go out as occasion served.
When the multitude were set down, and
Cberea, with the other tribunes were set down
also, and the right corner of the theatre
was allotted to Caesar, one Yatinius, a sena-
tor, commander of the Pretorian band, asked
of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of
consular dignity also,—Whether he had heard
any thing of the news or not? — but took
care that nobody should hear what be said;
and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard
no news,—“ Know then (said Vatinius) that
the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be
played this day.” But Cluvius replied, “ O
brave comrade! hold thy peace, lest some
other of the Achaians hear thy tale.” And
as there was abundance of autumnal fruit
thrown among the spectators, and a great
number of birds, that were of great value
to such as possessed them, on account of their
rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds
fighting for the fruits, and with the violence
wherewith the spectators seized upon them:
and here he perceived two prodigies that hap-
pened there; for an actor was introduced, by
whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and
the pantomime brought in a play called Ciny-
ras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well
as bis daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great
deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about
him that was crucified, and also about Ciny-
ras. It is also confessed, that this was tbe
same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of

Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of
Macedonia, slew him as be wa9 entering into
the theatre. And now Caius was in doubt
whether he should tarry to the end of the
shows, because it was the last day, or whether
he should not go first to the bath, and to din-
ner, and then return and sit down as before.
Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius,
and was afraid that the opportunity should'
fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was
already gone out, and made haste out, to
confirm him in his resolution; but Caius
took hold of his garment in an obliging way,
and said to him,—“O brave man? whither
art thou going?” Whereupon, out of reve-
ce to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down
again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in
a little time he got up again, and then Caius
did no way oppose his going out, as thinking
that he went out to perform some necessities
of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of
the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out
to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come
in again; as desirous that what had been re-
solved on might be brought to a conclusion
immediately. ■

14.*So Cherea’s associates placed them-
selves in order, as the time would permit
them, and they were obliged to labour bard,
that the place which was appointed them
should not be left by them; but they had an
indignation at the tediousness of the delays,
and that what they were about should be put
off any longer, for it was already about the
ninth* hour of the day; and Cherea, upon
Caius’s tarrying so long, had a great mind to
go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although
he foresaw that this could not be done with-
out much bloodshed, both of the senators and
of those of the equestrian order that were
present; and although he knew this must
happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as
thinking it a right thing to procure security
and freedom to all, at the expense of such as
might perish at the same time. And as they
were just going back into the entrance tc
the theatre, word was brought them that
Caius w'as arisen, whereby a tumult was
made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away
the crowd, under pretence as if Caius was
angry at them, but in reality as desirous to
have a quiet place, that should have none in
it to defend him, while they set about Caius’s
slaughter. Nowr Claudius, his uncle, was
gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius, his
sister’s husband, as also Valerius of Asia;
whom, though they had had such a mind to put
out of their places, the reverence to their dig-
nity hindered them so to do; then followed
Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: and because
Caius was now gotten within the palace, he
left the direct road, along which those his

* Suetonius says Caius was slain about the seventh
Kbur of the Hay. Josephus about the ninth. The series
ot the narration favours Josephus.516

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

eervants stood that were in waiting, and by
which road Claudius had gone out before,
Caius turned aside into a private narrow pas-
sage, in order to go to the place for bathing,
as also in order to take a view of the boys that
came out of Asia, who were sent, thence partly
to Sing hymns in these mysteries which were
now celebrated, and partly to dance in the
Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres.
So Cherea met him, and asked him for the
watch-word; upon Caius’s giving him one of his
ridiculous words, he immediately reproached
him, and drew his sword and gave him a
terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke
mortal. And although there be those that say
it was so contrived on purpose by Cherea that
Cifius should not be killed at one blow, but
should be punished more severely by a mul-
titude of wounds, yet does this story appear
to be incredible; because the fear men are
under in such actions does not allow them to
use their reason. And if Cherea was of that
mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools,
in pleasing himself in bis spite against Caius,
rather than immediately procuring safety to
himself and to his confederates from*tbe dan-
gers they were in; because there might many
things still happen for helping Caius’s escape,
if he had not already given up the ghost; for
certainly Cherea would have regard, not so
much to the punishment of Caius, as to the
affliction himself and his friends were in,
while it was in his power, after such success, to
keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius’s
defenders, and not leave it to uncertainty
whether he should gain the end he aimed
at or not; and after an unreasonable manner
to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself,
and lose the opportunity that lay before him.

and upon their admission of what he said
about it, he got the dispersed conspirators
together; he prepared every thing after a pru-
dent manner, and by suggesting good advice,
showed himself far superior to the rest, and
made obliging speeches to them, insomuch
that he even compelled theirtall to go on, who
otherwise had not courage enough for that
purpose; and when opportunity served to use
his sword in hand, he appeared first of all
ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this
virtuous slaughter; he also brought Caius
easily into the power of the rest, and almost
killed him himself, insomuch that it is but
just to ascribe all that the rest did to the
advice, and bravery, and labours of the hands
of Cherea.

15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and
lay dead, by the many wounds which had
been given him. Now Cherea and his asso-
ciates, upon Caius’s slaughter, saw that it was
impossible for them to save themselves, if they
should all go the same way, partly on account
of the astonishment they were under; for it
was no small danger they had incurred by
killing an emperor, who was honoured and
loved by the madness of the people, especially
when the soldiers were likely to make a
bloody inquiry after his murderers. The
passages also were narrow wherein the work
was done, which were q^so crowded with a
great multitude of Caius’s attendants, and of
such of the soldiers as were of the emperor’s
guard that day; whence it was that they went
by other ways, and came to the house of
Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they
had now killed (which house adjoined to the
palace; for while the edifice was one, it was
built in its several parts by those particular

But every body "may guess as he pleases about persons who had been emperors, and those

this matter. However, Caius was staggered
with the pain that the blow gave him; for the
stroke of the sword falling in the middle,
bet ween the shpulder and the neck, was hin-

parts bear the names of those that built them,
or the name of him who had begun to build
any of its parts). So they got away from the
insults of the multitude, and then were for

dered by the first bone of the breast from i the present out of danger, that is, so long as

proceeding any farther. Nor did he either cry
fut (in such astonishment was he), nor did he
call out for any of his friends; whether it
were that he had no confidence in them, or

the misfortune which had overtaken the’
emperor was not known. The Germans were
the first who perceived that Caius was slain.
These Germans were Caius’s guard, and

that his mind was otherwise disordered, but \ carried the name of the country whence they
he groaned.under the pain he. endured, and | were chosen, and composed the Celtic .egion.
presently went forward and fled,—when Cor- j The men of that country are naturally pas-
nelius Sabinus, who was already prepared in | sionate, which is commonly the temper of

mind so to do, thrust him down upon his
knee, where many of them stood round about
him, and struck him with their swords, and
they cried out, and encouraged one another
all at once to strike him again; but all agree
that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke,
which directly killed him. But one may
justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although
many concurred in the act itself, yet was he
the first contriver of it, and began long be-
fore all the rest to prepare for it; and was the
first man that boldly spake of it to the rest;

some other of the barbarous nations also, as
being not used to consider much about what
they do; they are of robust bodies, and fall
upon their enemies as soon as ever they are
attacked by them; and which way soever
they go, they perform great exploits. When,
therefore, these German guards understood
that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for
it, because they did not use their reason in
judging about public affairs, but measured all
by the advantages themselves received, Cams
being beloved by them, because of the moneyCHAP. I.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

517

(he gave them, by which he had purchased
their kindness to him: so they drew their
swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was
one of the tribunes, not by the means of the
virtuous actions of his progenitors, for he had
been a gladiator, but he had obtained that
post in the army by his having a robust body.
So these Germans marched along the houses
in quest of Ciesar’s murderers, and cut Asprenas
to pieces, because he was the first man they
fell upon, and whose garment it was that the
blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have
said already, and which foretold that this his
meeting the soldiers would not be for his
good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who
was one of the principal nobility of the city,
and could show many generals of armies
among his ancestors; but they paid no regard
to his dignity: yet was he of such great
strength, that he wrested the sword of the
first of those that assaulted him out of his
hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing
to die without a struggle for his life, until he
was surrounded by a great number of assail-
ants, and died by the multitude of the wounds
which they gave him. The third man was
Anteius, a senator, and a few others with
him. He did not meet with these Germans
by chance, as the rest did before, but came to
show his hatred to Caius, and because he loved
to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and
took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had
banished Anteius’s father, who was of the
same name with himself, and, being not
satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and
slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the
sight of him, now he was dead. But as the
house was now all in a tumult, when he was
aiming to hide himself, he could not escape
that accurate search which the Germans made,
while they barbarously slew those that were
guilty and those that were not guilty, and this
equally also. And thus were these [three]
persons slain.

16. But when the rutpQur that Caius was
slain reached the theatre, they were astonished
at it, and could not believe it: even some that
entertained his destruction with great plea-
sure, and were more desirous of its happening
than almost any other satisfaction that could
come to them, were under such a fear, that
they could not believe it. There were also
those who greatly distrusted it, because they
were unwilling that any such thing should
come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it
were ever so true, because they thought no
man could possibly have so much power as
to kill Caius. These were the women, and
the children, and the slaves, and some of the
soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay,
and in a manner tyrannized with him, and
had abused the best of the citizens, it] being
subservient to his unjust commands, in order
to gain honours and advantages to themselves;
but for the women and the youth, they had

been inveigled with shows, and the fightings
of the gladiators, and certain distributions of
flesh-meat among them, which things in pre-
tence were designed for the pleasing of the
multitude, but in reality to satiate the barba-
rous cruelty and madness of Caius. The
slaves also were sorry, because they were by
Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their
masters, and they could have recourse to his
assistance when they had unjustly affronted
them; for he was very easy in believing them
against their masters, even when they accused
them falsely; and, if they would discover what
money their masters had, they might soon
obtain both riches and liberty,as the rewards of
their accusations, because the reward of these
informers was the eighth* part of the crimi-
nal’s substance. As to the nobles, although
the report appeared credible to some of them,
either because they knew of the plot before-
hand, or because they wished it might be
true; however, they concealed not only the
joy they had at the relation of it, but that they
had heard any thing at all about it. These
last acted so, out of the fear they had that if
the report proved false, they should be pun-
ished, for having so soon let men know thcii
minds. But those that knew Caius was dead,
because they were partners with the conspira-
tors, they concealed all still more cautiously,
as not knowing one another’s minds; and
fearing lest they should speak of it to some of
those to whom the continuance of tyranny
was advantageous; and, if Caius should prove
to be alive, they might be informed against,
and punished. And another report went
about, that although Caius had been wounded
indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still,
and under the physician’s hands. Nor was
any one looked upon by another as faithful
enough to be trusted, and to whom any one
would open his mind; for he was either a
friend to, Caius, and therefore suspected to
favour his tyranny, or he was one that hated
him, who therefore might be suspected to
deserve the less credit, because of his ill-will
to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this
indeed it was that deprived the nobility of their
hopes, and made them sad) that Caius was in
a condition to despise the dangers he had
been in, and took no care of healing his
wounds, but was gotten away into the market-
place, and, bloody as he was, was making an
harangue to the people. And these were the
conjectural reports of those that were so
unreasonable as to endeavour to raise tumults,
which they turned different ways, according
to the opinions of the hearers. Yet did they
not leave their seats, for fear of being
accused, if they should go out before the rest;
for they should not be sentenced according

* This reward proposed by the Roman laws to in-
formers, was sometimes an eighth part of the criminal's
goods, as here; and sometimes a fourth part, as Span*
heim assures us. from Suetonius and Tacitus.518

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

to the real intention with which they went
out, but according to the supposals of the
accusers, and of the judges.

17- But now a multitude of Germans had
surrounded the theatre with their swords
drawn; all the spectators looked for nothing
but death; and at every one’s coming in, a
fear seized upon them, as if they were to be
cut in pieces immediately; and in great dis-
tress they were, as neither having courage
enough to go out of the theatre, nor believing
themselves safe from dangers if they tarried
there. And when the Germans came upon
them, the cry was so great, that the theatre
rang again with the entreaties of the spectators
to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely
ignorant of every thing that related to such
seditious contrivances, and if there were any
sedition raised, they knew nothing of it; they
therefore begged that they would spare them,
and not punish those that had not the least
hand in such bold crimes as belonged to other
persons, while they neglected to search after
such as had really done whatsoever it be that
hath been done. Thus did these people ap-
peal to God, and deplore their infelicity with
shedding of tears and heating their faces, and
said every thing that the most imminent
danger, and the utmost concern for their lives,
could dictate to them. This brake the fury
of the soldiers, and made them repent of what
they minded to do to the spectators, which
would have been the greatest instance of
cruelty. And so it appeared to even these
savages, when they had once fixed the heads
of those that were slain with Asprenas upon
the altar; at which sight the spectators were
sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration
of the dignity of the persons, and out of a
commiseration of their sufferings; nay, indeed,
they were almost in as great disorder at the
prospect of the danger themselvfes wrere in,
seeing it was still uncertain whether they
should entirely escape the like calamity.
Whence it was, that such as thoroughly and
justly hated Caius, could yet no way enjoy
the pleasure of his death, because they were
themselves in jeopardy of perishing together
with him; nor had they hitherto any firm
assurance of surviving.

18.	There was at this time, one Euaristus
ArruntiUs, a public crier in the market, and
therefore of a strong and audible voice, who
vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans,
and was able to do what he pleased in the
city, both then and afterward. This man put
himself into the most mournful habit he could,
although he had a greater hatred against
Caius than any one else; his fear and his wise
contrivance to gain his safety taught him so
to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure;
so he put on such a mournful dress as he
would have done had be lost his dearest
friends in the world; this man came into the
theatre, and informed them of the death of

Caius, and by this means put an end to that
state of ignorance the men bad been in. Ar-
runtius also went round about the pillars, and
called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes
with him, bidding them put up their swords,
and telling them that Caius was dead; and
this proclamation it was plainly which saved
those that were collected together -in the
theatre, and all the rest who any way met the
Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius
had still any breath in him, they abstained
from no sort of mischief; and 6uch an abun-
dant kindness they still had for Caius, that
they would willingly have prevented the plot
against him, and procured his escape from so
sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own
lives; but they now left off the warm zeal
they had to punish his enemies, now they
were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, be-
cause it was now in vain for them to show
their zeal and kindness to him, when he who
should reward them was perished. They
were also afraid that they should be punished
by the senate, if they should go on in doing
such injuries, that is, in case the authority
of the supreme governor should revert to
them; and thus at length a stop was put,
though not without difficulty, to that rage
which possessed the Germans on account of
Caius’s death.

19.	But Cherea was so much afraid for
Minucianus, lest he should light upon the
Germans, now they were in their fury, that
he went and spake to every one of the sol-
diers, and prayed them to take care of his
preservation, and made himself great inquiry
about him, lest he should have been slain;
and for Clement, he let Minucianus go when
he was brought to him, and, with many other
of the senators, affirmed the action was right,
and commended the virtue of those that con-
trived it, and had courage enough to execute
it; and said, that “ tyrants do indeed please
themselves and look big for a while, upon
having the power to act unjustly; but do not,
however, go happily out of the world, because
they are hated by the virtuous; and that
Cuius, together with all his unhappiness, was
become a conspirator against himself, before
these other men who attacked him did so;
and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside
the wise provision the laws had made, taught
his dearest friends to treat him as an enemy;
insomuch, that although in common dis-
course these conspirators were those that
slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now
dead as perishing by his own self.”

20.	Now by this time the people in the
theatre were arisen from their seats, and those
that were therein made a very great disturb-
ance; the cause of which was this, that the
spectators were too hasty in getting away.
There was also one Alcyon, a physician, who
hurried away, as if to cure those that were
wounded; and, under that pretence, he sentCHAP. II,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

those that were with him to fetch what things
were necessary for the healing of those wounded
persons, but in reality to get them clear of
the present dangers they were in. Now the
senate, during this interval, had met, and the
people also assembled together in the accus-
tomed form, and were both employed in
searching after the murderers of Caius. The
people did it very zealously, but the senate in
appearance only; for there was present Vale-
rius of Asia, one that had been consul; this
man went to the people, as they were in dis-
order, and very uneasy that they could not
yet discover who they were that had murdered
the emperor; he was then earnestly asked by
them all, who it was that had done it? He
replied, “ I wish I had been the man.” The
consuls* also published an edict, wherein
they accused Caius, and gave order to the
people then got together, and to the soldiers,
to go home, and gave the people hopes of
the abatement of the oppressions they lay
under; and promised the soldiers, if they lay
quiet as they used to do, and would not go
abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they
would bestow rewards upon them; for there
was reason to fear lest the city might suffer
harm by their wild and ungovernable beha-
viour, if they should once betake themselves
to spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples.
And now the whole multitude of the senators
were assembled together, and especially those
that had conspired to take away the life of
Caius, who put on at this time an air of great
assurance, and appeared with great magnani-
mity, as if the administration of public affairs
were already devolved upon them.

CHAPTER II.

howt'he senators determined to restore

THE DEMOCRACY; BUT THE SOLDIERS WERE
r“OR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY. CON-
CERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF CAIUS’s WIFE
AND DAUGHTER. A CHARACTER OF CAIUS’s
MORALS.

§ 1. When the public affairs were in this
posture, Claudius was on the sudden hurried
away out of his house; for the soldiers had
meeting together; and when they had
debated about what was to be done, they saw
that a democracy was incapable of managing
such a vast weight of public affairs; and that
if it should be set up, it would not be for
their advantage; and in case any one of those
already in the government should obtain the
supreme power, it would in all respects be to
their grief, if they were not assisting to him

• These consuls are named in the War of the Jews
(b*ii. ch. xi sect, lh Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius
aecundus, as Spanueim notes here. The speech of the
former if them is set down in the next chapter, sect 2.

519

in this advancement: that it would therefore
be right for them, while the public affairs
were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor,
who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of
a superior dignity and worth to every one of
those who were assembled together in the
senate, both on account of the virtues of his
ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired
in his education; and who, if once settled
in the empire, would reward them according
to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon
them. These were their consultations, and
they executed the same immediately. Clau-
dius was therefore seized upon suddenly by
the soldiery. But Cneus Sentius Saturni-
nus, although he understood that Claudius
was seized, and that he intended to claim the
government, unwillingly indeed in appear-
ance, but in reality by his own free consent,
stood up in the senate, and, without being
dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to
them, and such a one indeed as was fit for
men of freedom and generosity, and spake
thus:—

2. “ Although it be a thing incredible, O
Romans 1 because of the great length of time,
that so unexpected an event hath happened,
yet are we now in possession of liberty. How
long indeed this will last is uncertain, and lies
at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is;
yet such it is as is sufficient to make us
rejoice, and be happy for the present, although
we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour
is sufficient to those that are exercised in vir-
tue, wherein we may live with a mind account-
able only to ourselves, in our own country, now
free, and governed by such laws as this coun-
try once flourished under. As for myself, I
cannot remember our former time of liberty,
as being born after it was gone; but I am
beyond measure filled with joy at the thoughts
of our present freedom. I also esteem those
that were born and brought up in that our
former liberty happy men, and that those men
are worthy of no less esteem than the gods
themselves, who have given us a taste of it
in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet
enjoyment of it, which we have at present,
might continue to all ages. However, this
single day may suffice for our youth, as well
as for us that are in years. 'It will seem an
age to our old men, if they might die during
its happy duration: it may aUo be for the
instruction of thetyounger sort, what kind of
virtue those men, from whose loins we are
derived, were exercised in. As for ourselves,
our business is, during the space of time, to
live virtuously,—than which nothing can be
more to our advantage; which course of virtue
it is alone that can preserve our liberty; for,
as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by
the relations of others; but as to our later
state, during my lifetime, I have known it by
experience, and learned thereby what mischief
tyrannies have brought upon this common-520

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX

wealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving
persons of magnanimity of their liberty, and
proving the teachers of flattery and slavish
fear, because it leaves the public administra-
tion not to be governed by wise laws, but by
the humour of those that govern. For since
Julius Caesar took it into his head to dissolve
our democracy, and, by overbearing the regu-
lar system of our laws, to bring disorders
into our administration, and to get above right
and justice, and to be a slave to his own in-
clinations, there is no kind of misery but what
hath tended to the subversion of this city;
while all those that have succeeded him have
striven one with another to overthrow the
ancient laws of their country, and have left it
destitute of such citizens as were of generous
principles; because they thought it tended to
their safety to have vicious men to converse
withal, and not only to break the spirits of
those that were best esteemed for their virtue,
but to resolve upon their utter destruction.
Of all which emperors, who have been many
in number, and who laid upon us insufferable
hardships during the times of their govern-
ment, this Caius, who hath been slain to-day,
hath brought more terrible calamities upon us
than did all the rest, not only by exercising
his ungoverned rage upon his fellow-citizens,
but also upon his kindred and friends, and
alike upon all others, and by inflicting still
greater miseries upon them, as punishments,
which they never deserved, he being equally
furious against men and against the gods; for
tyrants are' not content to gain their sweet
pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and
in the vexation they bring both upon men’s
estates and their wives,—but they look upon
that to be their principal advantage, when they
can utterly overthrow the entire families of
their enemies; while all lovers of liberty are
the enemies of tyranny. Nor .can those that
patiently endure what miseries they bring on
them gain their friendship; for as they are
conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have
brought on these men, and how magnanimously
they have borne their hard fortunes, they
cannot but be sensible what evils they have
done, and thence only depend on security
from what they are suspicious of, if it may be
in their power to take them quite out of the
world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear
of such great misfortunes, and are only
accountable to one another (which form of
government affords us the best assurance of
our present concord, and promises us the best
security from all evil designs, and will be most
for our own glory in settling the city in good
order,), you ought, every one of you in parti-
cular, to make provision for his own, and in
general for the public utility; or, on the con-
trary, they may declare their dissent to such
things as have been proposed, and this with-
out any hazard of danger to come upon them,
—because they have now no lord, set over

them, who, without fear of punishment, could
do mischief to the city, and had an uncon-
trollable power to take off those that freely
declared their opinions. Nor has any thing
so much contributed to this increase of
tyranny of late as sloth, and a timorous for-
bearance of contradicting the emperor’s will;
while men had an over-great inclination to
the sweetness of peace, and had learned to
live like slaves, and as many of us as either
heard of intolerable calamities that happened
at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that
were near us, out of the dread of dying
virtuously, endured a death joined with the
utmost infamy. We ought, then, in the first
place, to decree the greatest honours we are
able to those that have taken off the tyrant,
especially to Cherea Cassius; for this one
man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by
his counsel and by his actions, been the pro-
curer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget
him now we have recovered our liberty, who,
under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel
beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself
for our liberties; but ought to decree him
proper honours, and thereby freely declare,
that he, from the beginning, acted with our
approbation. And certainly it is a very ex-
cellent thing, and what becomes freemen, to
requite their benefactors, as this man hath
been a benefactor to us all, though not at all
fike Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius
Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the foun-
dations of sedition and civil wars in our city;
—but this man, together with his slaughter
of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all
those sad miseries which arose from the
tyranny.”*

3. And this was the purport of Sentius’s
oration, which was received with pleasure by
the senators, and by as many of the equestrian
order as were present. And now one Tre-
bellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took
from Sentius’s finger a ring, which had a
stone, with the image of Caius engraven upon
it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his
earnestness in doing what he was about, as it
was supposed, he had forgotten to take off
himself. This sculpture was broken imme-
diately. But as it was now far in the night,
Cherea demanded of the consuls the watch-
word, who gave him this word, Liberty,
These facts were the subjects of admiration
to themselves, and almost incredible; for it
was a hundred years f since the democracy

• In this oration of Sentius Saturninus, we may see
the great value virtuous men put upon public liberty,
and the sad misery they underwent while they were
tyrannized over by such emperors as Caius. . See Jose-
phus’s own short but pithy reflection at the end of the
chapter: ” So difficult,” says he. “ it is for those to ob-
tain the virtue that is necessary to a wise man, who
have the absolute power \o do what they please without
control.”

+ Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Saturninus,
the sovereign authority of the consuls and senate bad
been taken away just one hundred years before the death
of Caius, a. D. 41; or in the GOth year before the Chris-CHAP. II.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

521

had been laid aside, when this giving the
watch-word returned to the consuls; for,
before the city was subject to tyrants, they
were the commanders of the soldiers. But
when Cherea had received that watch-word,
he delivered it to those who were on the
senate’s side, which were four regiments, who
esteemed the government without emperors
to be preferable to tyranny. So these went
away with their tribunes. .The people also
nowr departed very joyful, full of hope and of
courage, as having recovered their former
democracy, and no longer under an emperor:
and Cherea was in very great esteem with
them.

4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that
Caius’s daughter and wife were still alive,
and that all his family did not perish with
him, since whosoever was left of them must
be left for the ruin of the city and of the
laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter
with the utmost zeal, and in order to satisfy
his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus,
one of the tribunes, to kill Caius’s wife and
daughter. They proposed this offifce to
Lupus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he
might be so far a partaker of this murder of
the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of
having assisted his fellow-citizens, and that
he might appear to have been a partaker with
those that were first in their designs against
him; yet did this action appear to some of
the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this
using such severity to a woman, because
Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature
than use her advice in all that he did; from
which ill-nature it was that the city was in
so desperate a condition with the miseries that
were brought on it, and the flower of the
city was destroyed; but others accused her of
giving her consent to these things; nay, they
ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the
cause of it, and said she had given a potion to
Caius, which had made him obnoxious to her,
and had tied him down to love her by such
evil methods; insomuch that she, having ren-
dered him distracted, was become the author
of all the mischiefs that had befallen the
Romans, and that habitable world which was
subject to them. So that at length it was
determined that she must die; nor could
those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to
have her saved; and Lupus was sent accord-
ingly. Nor wa9 there any delay made in
executing what he ..went about, but he was
subservient to those who sent him on the first
opportunity, as desirous to be no way blame-
able in what might be done for the advantage
of the people. So, when he was come into
the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius’s
wife, lying by her husband’s dead body, which
also lay down on the ground, and destitute
of all such things as the law allo(vs to

tian mra, when the first triumvirate began under Ceeear,
Pompey, and Crassii!..

the dead, and all over herself besmeared with
the blood of her husband’s wounds, and
bewailing the great affliction she was under,
her daughter lying by her also; and nothing
else was heard in these her circumstances but
her complaint of Caius, as if he had not
regarded what she had often told him of
beforehand; which words of hers were taken
in a different sense even at that time, anti are
now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that
hear of them, and are still interpreted accord-
ing to the different inclinations of people.
Now some said that the words denoted, that
she had advised him to leave off his mad
behaviour and his barbarous cruelty to the
citizens, and to govern the public with mode-
ration and virtue, lest he should perish by
the same way, upon their using him as he had
used them. But some said, that as certain
words had passed concerning the conspirators,
she desired Caius to make no delay, but imme-
diately to put them all to death; and this
whether they were guilty or not, and that
thereby he would be out of the fear of any
danger; and that this was what she reproached
him for when she advised him so to do, but
he was too slow and tender in the matter.
And this was what Cesonia said; and what
the opinions of men were about it. But
when she saw Lupus approach, she showed
him Caius’s dead body, and persuaded him
to come nearer, with lamentation and •tears;
and as she perceived that Lupus was in
disorder, and approached her in order to exe-
cute some design disagreeable to himself, she
was well aware for what purpose he came, and
stretched out her naked throat, and that very
cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one
utterly despairing of her life, and bidding him
not to boggle at finishing the tragedy they
had resolved upon relating to her. So she
boldly received her death’s wound, at the hand
of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So
Lupus made haste to inform Cherea of what
he bad done.

5. This was the end of Caius, after be had
reigned four years, within four months. He
was, even before he came to be emperor,
ill-natured, and one that had arrived at the
utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to his
pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly
affected by every terrible accident, and on that
account of a very murderous disposition where
he durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant
power to this only purpose, to injure those
who least deserved it, with unreasonable inso-
lence, and got his wealth by murder and
injustice. He laboured to appear above regard-
ing either what was divine or agreeable to the
laws, but was a slave to the commendations
of the populace; and whatsoever the laws
determined to be shameful, and punished, that
he esteemed more honourable than what was
virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends,
i fcow intimate soever, and though they wereANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

522

persons of the highest character; and, if he
was once angry at any of them, he would
inflict punishment upon them on the smallest
occasions; and esteemed^ every man that
endeavoured to lead a virtuous life his.enemy 1
And whatsoever he commanded, he would
not admit of any contradiction to his inclina-
tions; whence it was that he had criminal
conversation with his own sister;* from which
occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred
first sprang up against him among the citi-
zens, that sort of incest not having been known
of a long time; and so this provoked men to
distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty
of it. And for any great or royal work that
he ever did, which might be for the present
and for future ages, nobody can name any
such, but only the haven that he made about
Rhegium and Sicily, for the reception of the
ships that brought corn from Egypt; which'
was indeed a work without dispute very great
in itself, and of very great advantage to the
navigation. Yet was not this work brought
to perfection by him, but was the one half of
it left imperfect, by reason of his want of
application to it; the cause of which was this,
that he employed his studies about useless
matters, and that by spending his money upon
such pleasures as concerned no one’s benefit
but his own, he could not exert his liberality
in things that were undeniably of great con-
sequence. Otherwise he was an excellent
orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the
Greek tongue, as well as with his own country
or Roman language. He was also able, off-
hand and readily, to give answers to composi-
tions made by others, of considerable length
and accuracy. He was also more skilful in
persuading others to very great things than
any one else, and this from a natural affability
cf temper, which had been improved by much
exercise and pains-taking: for aa he was the
grandson f of the brother of Tiberius, whose
successor he was, this was a strong inducement
to his acquiring of learning, because Tiberius
aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of re-
putation : and Caius aspired after the like glory
for eloquence, being induced thereto by the
letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was
also among the first rank of his own citizens.
But the advantages he received from his learn-
ing did not countervail the mischief he brought
upon himself in the exercise of his authority;
so difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue
that is necessary for a wise man, who have
the absolute power to do what they please

• Spanheim here notes from

Suetonius, that the
ofin-

name of Caius’s sister, with whom he was guilty of in
cest, was Drusilla; and that Suetonius adds, he wa;
guilty of the same crime with all his sisters also. H<
notes farther, that Suetonius omits the mention of the
haven for ships, which ourautlior esteems the only public

work for the good of the present
Caius left behind him, though in
+ This Caius was the 6on of

Tiberius the emperor.

age;

an imperlect condition,
that excellent person
Germanicus, who was the son of Drusus, the brother of
i the

without control. At the first he got himself
such friends as were in all respects the ‘most
worthy, and was greatly beloved by them,
while he imitated their zealous application to
the learning, and to the glorious actions of the
best men; but when he became insolent to-
wardf them, the/laid aside the kindness they
had for him, and began to hate him; from
which hatred came that plot which they raised
against him, and ^wherein he perished.

CHAPTER III.

HOW CLAVDIUS was seized upon, and
BROUGHT OUT OF HIS HOUSE, AND BROUGHT
TO THE CAMP; AND HOW THE SENATE SENT
AN EMBASSAGE TO HIM.

§ 1. Now Claudius, as I said before, went
out of that way along which Caius was gone;
and as the family was in a mighty disorder
upon the sad accident of the murder of Caius,
he was in great distress how to save himself,
and was found to have hidden himself in. a
certain narrow place,$ though he had no
other occasion for suspicion of any dangers,
besides the dignity of his birth; for while he
was a private man, he behaved himself with
moderation, and was contented with his pre-
sent fortune, applying himself to learning,
and especially to that of the Greeks, and
keeping. himself entirely clear from every
thing that might bring on any disturbance.
But at this time the multitude were under a
consternation, and the whole palace was full
of the soldiers’ madness, and the very empe-
ror’s guards seemed under the like fear and
disorder with private persons, the band called
pretorian, which was the purest part of the
army, was in consultation what was to be
done at this juncture. Now all those that
were at this consultation, had little regard to
the punishment Caius had suffered, because
he justly deserved such his fortune; but they
were rather considering their own circum-
stances, how they might take the best care of
themselves, especially while the Germans were
busy in punishing the murderers of Caius;
which yet was rather done to gratify their
own savage temper, than for the good of the
public; all which things disturbed Claudius,
who was afraid of his own safety, and this
particularly because he saw the heads of As-
prenas and his partners carried about. His
station had been on a certain elevated place,
whither a few steps led him, and whether he
had retired in the dark by himself. But when
Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that be-
longed to the palace, saw him, but did not
weH know by his countenance who he was,

t The first place Claudius came to was inhabited,
and called Hermeum, as Spanheim here infbrais us
from Suetonius, in Claud..c. x.CHAP. III.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

523

because it was dark, though he could well
iudge that it was a man who was privately
there on some design, he came nearer to him;
and when Claudius desired that he would
retire, he discovered who he was, and owned
aim to be Claudius. So he said to his fol-
lowers, “This is a Germanicus;* come.on,
let us choose him for our emperor.” But
when Claudius saw they were making prepa-
rations for taking him away by force, and was
afraid they would kill him, as they had killed
Caius, he besought them to spare him, putting
them in mind how quietly he had demeaned
himself, and that he was unacquainted with
what had been done. Hereupon Gratus smiled
upon him, and took him by the right hand, and
said, “ Leave off, Sir, these low thoughts of
saving yourself, while you ought to have

greater thoughts, even of obtaining the empire,
which the gods, out of their concern for the
habitable world, by taking Caius out of the
way, commit to thy virtuous conduct. Go to,
therefore, and accept of the throne of thy
ancestors.” So they took him up and carried
him, because he was not then able to go on.
foot, such was his dread and his joy at what
was told him.

2. Now tljere was already gathered toge-
ther about Gratus, a great number of the
guards; and when they saw Claudius carried
off, they looked with a sad countenance, as
supposing that he was carried to execution
for the mischiefs that had been lately done;
while yet they thought him a man who never
meddled with public affairs all his life long,
and one that had met with no contemptible
dangers under the reign of Caius; and some
of them thought it reasonable that the consuls
should take cognizance of these matters; and,
as still more and more of the soldiery got
together, the crowd about him ran away, and
Claudius could hardly go on, his body was
then so weak; and those who carried his
sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about
his being carried off, ran away and saved
themselves, as despairing of their lord’s pre-
servation. But, when they were come into
the large court of the palace (which, as the
report goes about it, was inhabited first of all
the parts of the city of Rome), and had just
reached the public treasury, many more sol-
diers came about him, as glad to gee Claudius’s
face, and thought it exceeding right to make
him emperor on account of their kindness for
Germanicus, who was his brother, and had
left behind him a vast reputation among all.
that were acquainted with him. They reflected
also on the covetous temper of the leading
men of the senate, and what great errors they
had been guilty of when the senate had the

+ How Claudius, another son of Drusus, which Dru-
■us was the father of Oermanicus, could be here himself
called Germanicus, Suetonius informs us, when he
assures us that, by a decree of the senate, the surname of
Germanicus was bestowed upon Drusus, and bis poste-
rity also.— In Claud, c. i.

government formerly; they also considered
the impossibility of such an undertaking, as
also what dangers they should be in, if the
government should come to a single person,
and that such a one should possess it as they
had no hand in advancing, and not to Clau-
dius, who would take it as their grant, and as
gained by their good-will to him, and would
remember the favours they had done him, and
would make them a sufficient recompense for
the same.

3. These were the discourses the soldiers
had one with another by themselves, and they
communicated them to all such as came in to
them. Now those that inquired about this
matter, willingly embraced the invitation that
was made them to join with the rest: so they
carried Claudius into the camp, crowding
about him as his guard, and encompassing him
about, one chairman still succeeding another,
that their vehement endeavours might not be
hindered. But as to the populace and sena-
tors, they disagreed in their opinions. .The
latter were very desirous to recover their for-
mer dignity, and were zealous to get clear of
the slavery that had been brought on them
by the injurious treatment of the tyrants,
which the present opportunity afforded them;
but for the people, who were envious against
them, and knew that the emperors were
capable of curbing their covetous temper, and
were a refuge from them, they were very glad
that Claudius had been seized upon, and
brought to them, and thought, that if Clau-
dius were made emperor, he would prevent a
civil war, such as there was in the days of
Pompey. But when the senate knew that
Claudius was brought into the camp by the
soldiers, they sent to him those of their body
which had the best character for their virtues,
that they might inform him that he ought tc
do nothing by violence, in order to gain the
government; that he who was a single person,
one either already, or hereafter to be a mem-
ber of their body, ought to yield to the senate,
which consisted of so great a number; that
he ought to let the law take place in the dis-
posal of all that related to the public order,
and to remember how greatly the former
tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers
both he and they had escaped under Caius;
and that he ought not to hate the heavy bur-
den of tyranny, when the injury is done by
others, while he did himself wilfully treat his
country after a mad and insolent manner;
that if he would comply with them, and
demonstrate that his firm resolution was to
live quietly and virtuously, pe would have the
greatest honours decreed to him that a free
people could bestow; and by subjecting him-
self to the law, would obtain this branch of
commendation, that he acted like a man of
virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; but that
if he would act foolishly, and learn no wis-
dom by Caius’s death, they would not permit524

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

him to go on; that a great part of the army
was got together for them, with plenty of
weapons, and a great number of slaves, which
they could make use of: that good hope was
a great matter in such cases, as was also good
fortune; and that the gods would never assist
any others but those that undertook to act
with virtue and goodness, who can be no
other than such as fight for the liberty of their
country.

4. Now the ambassadors, Veranius and
Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of
the people, made this speech to Claudius;
and, falling down upon their knees, they
begged of him that he would not throw the
city into wars and misfortunes; but when
they saw what a multitude of soldiers encom-
passed and guarded Claudius, and that the
forces that were with the consuls were, in
comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable,
they added, that if he did desire the govern-
ment, he should accept of it as given by the
senate; that be would prosper better, and be
happier if he fame to it, not by the injustice,
but by the good-will of those that would
bestow it upon him.

as if he had lately accompanied with his wife,
and had dismissed her, and then cartie to
them: he also asked of the senators what
Claudius did; who told him the present state
of affairs, and then asked his opinion about
the settlement of the public. He told them
in words, that he was ready to lose his life for
the, honour of the senate, but desired them
to consider what was for their advantage,
without any regard' to what was most agree-
able to them; for that those who grasp at
government, will stand in need of weapons and
soldiers to guard them, unless they will set
up without any preparation for it, and so fall
into danger. And when the senate replied,
that they would bring in weapons in abun-
dance, and money, and that as to an army, a
part of it was already collected together foi

them,	and they would raise a larger one by
giving the slaves their liberty, — Agrippa
made answer, “O senators! may you be able
to compass what you have a mind to; yet will
I immediately tell you my thoughts,, because
they tend to your preservation. Take notice,

then,	that the army which will fight for Clau-
dius hath been long exercised in warlike
affairs; but our army will be no better than a
rude multitude of raw men, and those such
as have been unexpectedly made free from

CHAPTER IV.	slavery, and ungovernable; we must then

fight against those that are skilful in war,
what things king agripfa did for clad- j with men who know not so much as how to
digs;, and how claddius, when Hp had | draw their swords. So that my opinion is,
taken the government, commanded I that we should send some persons to Clau-
the murderers of caius to be slain. ! dius, to persuade him to lay down the govern-

§ 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible
after what an insolent manner the senate had
sent to him, yet did he, according to their
advice, behave himself for the present with
moderation; but not so far that he could not
recover himself out of his fright; so he was
encouraged [to claim the government] partly
by the boldness of the soldiers, atid partly by

ment; and I am ready to be one of year
ambassadors.”

2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate
complied with him, and he was sent among
others, and privately informed Claudius of the
disorder the senate was in, and gave him
instructions to answer them in a somewhat
commanding strain, and as one invested with
dignity and authority. Accordingly, Claudius

the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder
him not to let such a dominion slip out of his I the senate had no mind to have an emperor

over them, because they had been harassed
by the barbarity of those that had formerly
been at the head of their affairs; but that they

hands, when it came thus to him of its 'own
accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to
Caius, did what became one that had been so

much honoured by him; for he embraced should taste of an equitable government under

Caius’s body after he was dead, and laid it
upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could,
and went out tq the guards, and told them
that Caius was still alive; but he said that
they should call for physicians, since he was
very ill of his wounds. , But when he had

him, and moderate times, while he should
only be their ruler in napoe, but the authority
should be equally common to them all; and
since he had passed through many and various
scenes of life before their eyes, it would be
good for them not to distrust him. So the

learned that Claudius was carried away vio- ambassadors, upon their hearing this his

lently by the soldiers, he rushed through the
crowd to him, and when he found that he was
in disorder, and ready to resign up the
government to the senate, he encouraged him,
and desired him to keep the government;
but when he had -said this to Claudius, he
retired home. And, upon the senate’s sending
for him, he anointed his head with ointment,

answer, were dismissed. But Claudius dis-
coursed with the army which was there ga-
thered together, whotookoathsthatthey would
persist in their fidelity to him; upon which
he gave the guards every man five thousand'*

• This number of drachms to be distributed to each
private soldier, live thousand drachms, equal to twenty
thousand sesterces, or one hundred and sixty-oneCHAP. IV,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

625

drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quan-
tity to their captains, and promised to give
the same to the rest of the armies whereso-
ever they were.

3. And now the consuls called the senate
together, into the temple of Jupiter the Con-
queror, while it was still night; but some of
those senators concealed themselves in the
city, being uncertain what to do, upon the
hearing of this summons; and some of them
wentfout of the city to their own farms, as
foreseeing whither the public affairs were
going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these
supposed it much better for them to be slaves
without danger to themselves, and to live a
lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the
dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard
of their own safety. However, a hundred,
and no more, were gotten together; and as
they were in consultation about the present

soldiers. However, the multitude of those
soldiers, when they saw that they were making
signals for silence with their hands, and
were ready to begin to speak to them, gretv
tumultuous, and would not let them speak at
all, because they were all zealous to be under
a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate
one for their ruler, as not enduring any
longer delays. But the senate hesitated about
either their own governing, or how they should
themselves be governed, while the soldiers
would not admit them to govern; and the
murderers of Caius would not permit the sol-
diers to dictate to them. When they were in
these circumstances, Cherea was not able to
contain the anger he had, and promised, that
if they desired an emperor, he would give
them one, if any one would bring him the
watch-word from Eutychus. Now, this Euty-
chus was charioteer of the green-band faction,

posture of affairs, a sudden clamour was styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius,
made by the soldiers that were on their side, j who used to harass the soldiery with building
desiring that the senate would choose them 1 stables for the horses, and spent his time
an emperor, and not bring the government! in ignominious labours, which occasioned
into ruin by setting up a multitude of Cherea to reproach them with him, and to

rulers. So they fully declared themselves to ’	L ~ --------:1— 1 _

be for the giving the government not to
all, but to one; but they gave the senate
leave to look out for a person Worthy to lie

abuse them with much other scurrilous lan-
guage; and told them he would bring them
the head of Claudius; and that it was an
amazing thing that, after their former mad-
set over them, insomuch, that now7 the affairs i ness, they should commit their government to
of the senate were much wor.se than before; a fool. Yet were not they moved with hi3

because they had not only, failed iu the reco-
very of their liberty, which they boasted them-
selves of, but were in dread of Claudius also.
Yet there were those that hankered after the
government, both on account of the dignity of
their families, and that accruing to them by
their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was
illustrious, both by his own nobility and by
his having married Julia, the sister of Caius,
who accordingly was very ready to claim the
government, although the consuls discouraged
him, and made one delay after another in
proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was
one of Caius’s murderers, restrained Valerius

words, but drew their swords, and took up
their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join
in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the
senate were left without any body to defend
them; and the very consuls differed nothing
from private persons. They were also under
consternation and sorrow, men not knowing
what would become of them, because Clau-
dius was very angry at them; so they fell a
reproaching one another, and repented of
what they had done. At which juncture
Sabinus, one of Caius’s murderers, threatened
that he would sooner come into the midst of
them and kill himself, than consent to make

of Asia from thinking of such things; and a j Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning

’ upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving
his life too well, while he who was the first
in his contempt of Caius, could think it a
good thing to live, when, even by all that
they had done for the recovery of their liberty,
they had found it impossible to do it. But
Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon

prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave
had been given to these men to set up for
themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were
also a considerable number of gladiators
besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch
by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who
ill ran into the camp; insomuch, that of those

who put in for the government, some left off I him about killing himself; yet he would first

their pretensions, in order to spare the city,
and others out of fear for their own persons.

4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea,
and those that were with him, came into the
Benate, and attempted to make speeches to the

and directly con-
hem in all hut fif-

pounds sterling, seems much too large,
tradicts Suetonius, ch. x. who makes t
teen sesterces, or two shillings and fourpence Yet might
Josephus have this number from Agrippa. junior, though
I doubt the thousands, or at least the hundreds, have
ciibersi of which we have had

been added by the transcribers j
several examples already in Josephus.

sound the intentions of Claudius before he
did it.

5. These were the debates [aboutthe senate];
but in the camp every body was crowding
on all sides to pay their court to Claudius;
and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius,
was reproached by the soldiery as having
rather exhorted the senate to recover their
liberty; whereupon they drew their swords,
and were going to assault him, and they had
done it if Claudius had not hindered them,520	ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	BOOK XIX.

who snatched the consul out of the danger be
was in, and set him by him. But be did not
receive that part of the senate which was with
Quintus in the like honourable manner; nay,
some of them received blows, and were thrust
away as they came to salute Claudius; nay,
Aponius went away wounded, and they were
all in danger. However, king Agrippa went
up to Claudius, and desired he would treat
the senators more gently; for if any mischief
should come to the senate, he would have no
others over whom to rule. Claudius com-
plied with him, and called the senate together
into the palace, and was carried thither
himself through the city, while the soldiery
conducted him, though this was to the great
vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and
Sabinus, two of Caius’s murderers, went in the
fore-front of them, in an open manner, while
Pollio, whom Claudius a little before, had
made captain of his guards, had sent them an
epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in
public. Then did Claudius, upon his com-
ing to the palace, get his friends together,
and desired their suffrages about Cherea.
They said that the work he had done was a
glorious one; but they accused him that he
did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just
to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him,
to discountenance such actions for the time
to come. So Cherea was led to his execu-
tion, and Lupus and many other Romans
with him. Now it is reported that-Cherea
bore his calamity courageously; and this not
only by the firmness of his own behaviour
under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon
Lupus, who fell into tears; for when Lupus
had laid his garment aside, and complained
of the cold,* he said, that cold was never
hurtful to Lupus [f. e. a wolf]. And as a
great many men went along with them to see
the sight, when Cherea came to the place,'lie
asked the soldier who was to be their execu-
tioner, whether this office was w'hat he was
used to, or whether this wras the first time of
his using his sword in that manner; and
desired him to bring him that very sworn with
which he himself slew Caius. So he was
happily killed ut one stroke. But Lupus
did not meet writh such good fortune in going
out of the world, since he was timorous,
nr; i had many blows levelled at his neck,
b< cause he did not stretch it out boldly [as he
ought to have done].

6. Now a few days after this, as the Paren-
tal Solemnities w'ere just at hand, the Roman
multitude made their usual oblations to
their several ghosts, and put portions into the
fire in honour of Cherea, and besought him
to be merciful to them, and not continue his

• This piercing cold here complained of by Lupus,
agrees well lo the time of the year when Claudius be^an
his reign; it hein>; for certain about the months ol
November, December, or January, and most probably
a few days after January the t*eniy.fouilh, and a few
do#io l-itreulaJitL

anger against them for their ingratitude. And
this was the end of the life that Cherea came
to. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not
only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to
retain his former command in the army, yet
did he think it would be unjust in him to fail
of performing his obligations to bis fellow-
confederates; so be fell upon his sword, and
killed himself, the wound reaching up to the
very hilt of the sword.f

CHAPTER V.

HOW CLAUDIUS RESTORED TO AGRIPPA HIS

grandfather’s kingdoms, augmented

HIS DOMINIONS; AND HOW HE PUBLISHED
AN EDICT IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS.

§ 1. Now, when Claudius had taken out of
the way all those soldiers whom he suspected,
which he did immediately, he published an
edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to
Agrippa, which Caius had given him, and
therein commended the king highly. He also
made an addition to it of all that country
over which Herod, who was his grandfather,
had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and

I this he restored to him as due to his family.

I But for AbilaJ of Lysanias, and all that lay
at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon
him, as out of his own territories. He also

+ It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that
the iuurderet'3 of the vilest tyrants, who yet highly de-
served to die, when the murderers were under oaths, or
other the like obligations ol fidelity to them, were usu-
ally revenged, and the murderers were cut oil' them-
selves. and that after a remarkable manner; and this
sometimes, as in the present ease, by those very persons
who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms
by them. The examples are very numerous, both in
sacred and profane histories, and seem generally indica-
tions of divine vengeance on such murderers. Mur is

it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of tyianls
do it usually on such ill principles, in such a cruei man-
ner, and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty,
winch was the case here (chap. i. sect.i4,and chap, li.
sect 4). as justly deserved the divine vengeance upon
them. \t Inch seems to have been the case ol Jehu also,
when, besides the house of Allah, for whose slaughter
lie had a commission from God, without any such
Commission, any justice or commiseration, lie killed
A hall’s great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and
forty-two of the kindred of Aliaziaii, 2 Kings X. II —
14. See IJos. i. 4.	1 do not mean here to condemn

Ltuid or Judith, or the like executioners ol God’s veu-
geanre on those wicked tyrants who hud unjustly op-
pressed God’s own people under tlieir theocracy; who
as they appear still lo have had no selfish designs nur
intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a divine
commission, or a divine impulse, which was their
commission, for what they did. Judges iii. lo, 19, gO;
Judith ix. 2; l est. Levi. sect. 5, in Aulhent. Iter,, p. 3J&
See also page 4Jg.

I Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when
lie informs us, ch. iii. 1, that Lysanias was some lime
before tetiaroh of Abilene, whose capital was Abila; aa
lie is farther confirmed bv rtolemy. toe great geographer,
which Spanheim I ere observes, when lie calls that city
Abila of l.ysanias See the note on b xvii cli. xi.
sect. 4; anil I’rid. at the years thirty-six and twenty-two.
I esteem this principality to have belonged to the lacd of
Canaan oii.inally. to have been the bury ing-place of
Abel, and reierred to as such. Matt, xxni do; Luke
xi. 61. See AutheuL Uec. part ii. p. titii—Sbo.<JHAP. VI.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.	527

made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed
by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the
city of Rome: he also took away from Antio-
ch us that kingdom which he was possessed
of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and
Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysima-
chus„ the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his
old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia,
but bad been imprisoned by Caius, whose son
[Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of
Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander’s
son, was dead, who had married her when she
was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to
his brother Herod, and begged for him of
Claudius the kingdom of Cbalcis.

2. Now, about this time there was a sedi-
tion between the Jews and the Greeks, at the
city of Alexandria; for, when Caius was
dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been
very much mortified under the reign of Caius,
and reduced to very great distress by the
people of Alexandria, recovered itself, a.?d
immediately took up their arms to fight for
themselves. So Claudius sent an order to
the president of Egypt, to quiet that tumult;
he also sent an edict, at the request of king
Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria
and to Syria, whose contents were as follows:
“ Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Ger-
manicus, high-priest, and tribune of the peo-
ple, ordains thus: — Since I am assured that
the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians,
have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times
with the Alexandrians, and have obtained
from their kings equal privileges with them,
as is evident by the public records that are in
their possession, and the edicts themselves;
and that after Alexandria had been subjected
to our empire by Augustus, their rights and
privileges have been preserved by those presi-
dents who have at divers times been sent
thither; and that no dispute had been raised
about those rights and privileges, even when
Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and
that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead,
Augustus did not prohibit the making such
ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be
so subject [to the Romans] -as to continue in
the observation of their own customs, and
not be forced to transgress the ancient rules
of their own country religion; but that, in
the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became
insolent toward the Jews that were among
them, which Caius, out of his great madness,
and want of understanding, reduced the nation
of the Jews very low, because they would
not transgress the religious worship of their
country, and call him a god: I will, therefore,
that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of
their rights and privileges, on account of the
madness of Caius; but that those rights and
privileges, which they formerly enjoyed, be
preserved to them, and that they may continue
in their own customs. And 1 charge both
parties to tako very great care that no troubles

may arise after the promulgation of this
edict."

3. And such were the contents of this edict
on behalf of the Jews, that was sent to Alexan-
dria. But the edict that was sent into the other
parts of the habitable earth was this which fol-
lows:— “ Tiberius Claudius Ctesar Augustus
Germanicus, high-priest, tribune of the people,
chosen consul the second time, ordains thus:—
Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king
Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that
I would grant the same rights and privileges
should be preserved to the Jews which are in all
the Roman empire, which I have granted to
those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply
therewith; and this grant I make not only for
the sake of the petitioners, but as judging
those Jews for whom I have been petitioned
worthy of such a favour, on account of their
fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think
it also very just that no Grecian city should
be deprived of such rights and privileges, since
they were preserved to them under the great
Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit
the Jews, who are in all the world under us,
to keep their ancient customs without being
hindered so to do. And I do charge them also
to use this my kindness to them with modera-
tion, and not to show a contempt of the
superstitious observances of other nations, but
to keep their own laws only. And 1 will
that this decree of mine be engraven on tables
by the magistrates of the cities and colonies,
and municipal places, both those within Italy
and those without it, both kings and govern-
ors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to
have them exposed to the public for full thirty
days, in such a place, whence it may plainly
be read from the ground.”*

CHAPTER VI.

WHAT THINGS WEIIE DONE BY AGRIPPA AT
JERUSALEM WHEN HE WAS RETURNED
BACK INTO JUDEA; AND WHAT IT WAS
THAT PETRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABIT-
ANTS OF DORIS, IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS

§ 1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees
of his which were sent to Alexandria and to
all the habitable earth, made known what
opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent
Agrippa awray to take his kingdom, now he
w’as advanced to a more illustrious dignity
than before, and sent letters to,the presidents
and procurators of the provinces, that they
should treat him very kindly, Accordingly
he returned in haste, as was likely he would,

* This form was so known and frequent among the
Homans, as l)r. Hudson here tells us I rum the gteal gul-
den, that it used to be thus represented at the bottom of
their edicts by the initial letters ouiv, l). t). IMl. L.P.
Unde De Plano Rente Lege Posait: * Wh.uce it may bo
plainly read from the ground.”528

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

tow be returned in mucb greater prosperity
than be had before. He also came to Jeru-
salem, and offered all the sacrifices that be-
longed to him, and omitted nothing which
the law required ;* on which account he
ordained that many of the Nazarites should
have their heads shorn. And for the golden
chain which had been given him by Caius, of
equal weight with that iron chain wherewith
his royal hands had been bound, he hung it
up within the limits of the temple, over the
treasury,! that it might be a memorial of the
severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony
of his change for the better; that it might be
a demonstration how the greatest prosperity
may have a fall, and that God sometimes
raises what is fallen down: for this chain
thus dedicated, afforded a document to all
men, that king Agrippa had been once bound
in a chain for a small cause, but recovered
his former dignity again; and a little while
afterwards got out of his bonds, and was ad-
vanced to be a more illustrious king than he
was before. Whence men may understand,
that all that partake of human nature, how
great soever they are, may fall; and that those
that fall may gain their former illustrious
dignity again.

2.	And when Agrippa had entirely fin-
ished all the duties of the divine worship, he
removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus,
from the high-priesthood, and bestowed that
honour of his on Simon the son of Boethus,
whose name was also Cantheras, whose daugh-
ter king Herod had married, as I have related
above. Simon, therefore, had the [bigh]-
priesthood with his brethren, and with his fa-
ther, in like manner as the sons of Simon,
the son of Onias, who were three, had it for-
merly under the government of the Macedo-
nians, as we have related in a former book.

3.	When the king had settled the high-
priesthood after this manner, he returned the
kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem
had shown him; for he released them from
the tax upon houses, every one of whom paid
it before, thinking it a good thing to requite
the tender affection of those that loved him.
He also made Silas the general of his forces,
as a man who had partaken with him in many
of his troubles. But after a very little while
the young men of Doris, preferring a rash at-
tempt before piety, and being naturally bold

* Josephus shows, both here and ch. vii. sect 3, that
he hid a much treater opinion of king Agrippa 1. than
Simon the learned rabbi, than the people of Cesarea
and Sebaste, ch. vii. sect. 4, and chap. ix. sect. 1; and
indeed than his double-dealing between the senate and
Claudius, chap. iv. sect 2, than his slaughter of James,
the brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter,
or his vainglorious behaviour before he died, both in
Acts xii. 1,2.3; and here, chap. iv. sect. I, will justify
or allow. Josephus’s character was probably taken
from his son Agrippa, junior.

+ This treasury-chamber seems to have been the very
same in which onr Saviuur taught, and where the peo-
ple ottered their chanty money, for the repairs or otbel
Bscs of the temple- Mark xii 41, &«.; Luke xxii. 1|
1 chi viii.tfJO.

I and insolent, carried a statue of Caesar into a
! synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there.
This procedure of theirs greatly provoked
Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolu-
tion of the laws of his country. So he came
without delay to Publius Petronius, who was
then president of Syria, and accused the peo-
ple of Doris. Nor did he less resent what
was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it
a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that
regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the
following letter to the people of Doris in an
angry strain : — “ Publius Petronius, the
president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar
Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates ol
Doris, ordains as follows: since some of you
have had the boldness, or madness rather,
after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus was published, for permitting
the Jews to observe the laws of their country,
not to obey the same, but have acted in entire
opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to
assemble together in the synagogue, by
removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up
therein, and thereby have offended not only
the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose
statue is more commodiously placed in his
own temple than in a foreign one, where is
the place of assembling together; while it is
but a part of natural justice, that every one
should have the power over the place belong-
ing peculiarly to themselves, according to the
determination of Caesar,—to say nothing of
my own determination, which it would he
ridiculous to mention after the emperor’s
edict, which gives the Jews leave to make
use of their own customs, as also givts order
that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens
with the Greeks themselves,— I therefore
ordain, that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion,
bring those men to me, who, contrary to Au-
gustus’s edict, have been so insolent as to do
this thing, at which those very men who
appear to he of principal reputation among
them, have an indignation also, and allege
for themselves, that it was not done with
their consent, but by the violence of the mul-
titude, that they may give au account of what
hath been done. I also exhort the principal
magistrates among them, unless they have a
mind to have this action esteemed to be done
with their consent, to inform the centurion of
those that were guilty of it, and take care that
no handle be hence taken for raising a sedi-
tion or quarrel among them; which those
seem to me to hunt after, who encourage
such doings; while both I myself, and kirur
Agrippa, for whom I have the highest he*
nour, have nothing more under our care than
that the nation of the Jews may have no oc>
casion given them of getting together, undei
the pretence of avenging themselves, and be-
come tumultuous. And that it may be more
publicly known what Augustus hath resolved
[ about tins whole matter. I have subjoinedCHAP. VII,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

529

those edicts which he hath lately caused to bo
published at Alexandria, and which, although
they may be well known to all, yet did king
Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honour,
read them at that time before my tribunal,
and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be
deprived of those rights which Augustus hath
granted them. I therefore charge you, that
you do not, for the time to come, seek for any
occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that
every one be allowed to follow their own
religious customs.”

4. Thus did Petronius take care of this
matter, that such a breach of the law might
be corrected, and that no such thing might
be attempted afterwards against the Jews.
And now king Agrippa took the [high]
priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and
put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it
again, and owned that he was more worthy
of that dignity than the other. But this was
not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that
his former dignity. So he refused it, and
said, “ O king! I rejoice in the honour that
thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou
wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own
inclinations, although God hath judged that
I am not at all worthy of the high-priesthood.
I am satisfied with having once put on the
sacred garments; for I then put them on
after a more holy manner than I should now
receive them again. But, if thou desirest
that a person more worthy than myself should
have this honourable employment, give me
leave to name thee such a one. I have a
brother that is pure from all sin against God,
and of all offences against thyself; I recom-
mend him to thee, as one that is fit for this
dignity.” So the king was pleased with these
words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and,
according to his brother’s desire, bestowed
the high-priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was
it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius,
as president of Syria.

CHAPTER VII.

CONCERNING SILAS,-AND ON WHAT ACCOUNT

IT WAS THAT KING AGRIPPA WAS ANGRY
AT HIM. HOW AGRIPPA BEGAN TO ENCOM-
PASS JERUSALEM WITH A WALL; AND
WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE
INHABITANTS OF BERYTUS.

§ 1. Now Silas, the general of the king’s
horse, because he had been faithful to him
under all his misfortunes, and had never refused
to be a partaker with him in any of his dan-
gers, but had oftentimes undergone the most
hazardous dangers for him, was full of assu-
rance, and thought he might expect a sort of
equality with the king, on account of the firm
ness of the friendship he had shown to him.

Accordingly, he would nowhere let the king
sit as his superior, and took the like liberty
in speaking to him upon all occasions, till he
became troublesome to the king, when tircy
were merry together, extolling himself btyond
measure, and oft putting the king in mind of
the severity of fortune he had undergone, that
he might, by way of ostentation, demon-
strate what zeal he had shown in his service;
and was continually harping upon this string,
what pains he had taken for him, and much
enlarged still upon that subject. The repe-
tition of this so frequently seemed to reproach
the king, insomuch that he took this ungo-
vernable liberty of talking very ill at his
hands. For the commemoration of times,
when men have been under ignominy, is
by no means agreeable to them; and he is
a very silly man, who is perpetually relating
to a person what kindness he had done
him. At last, therefore, Silas had so tho-
roughly provoked the king’s indignation, that
he acted rather out of passion than good
consideration, and did not only turn Silas
out of his place, as general of his horse, but
sent him in bonds into his own country.
But the edge of his anger wore off by length
of time, and made room for more just rea-
sonings as to his judgment about this man;
and he considered how many labours he had
undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa
was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave
festival entertainments to all his subjects,
he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his
guest. But, as he was a very frank man,
he thought he had now a just handle given
him to be angry; which he could not conceal
from those that came for him, but said to
them, “ What honour is this the king invites
me to, which I conclude will soon be over?
For the king hath not let ine keep those ori-
ginal marks of the good-will I bore him,
which I once had from him; but he hath
plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does
he think that I can leave off that liberty of
speech, which, upon the consciousness of my
deserts, 1 shall use more loudly than before,
and shall relate how many misfortunes 1 have,
delivered him from? how many labours I
have undergone for him, wherely I procured
him deliverance ami respect? as a reward
for which 1 have borne the hardships of bonds
and a dark prison 1 I shall never forget this
usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it
is departed out of the body, will not forget
the glorious actions I did on his account.”
This was the clamour he made; and he
ordered the messengers to tell it to the king.
So he perceived that Silas was incurable in
his folly, and still suffered him to lie in
prison.

2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were
adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he
repaired them at the expense of the public, and
built them wider in breadth and higher iu
•l L530

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX.

altitude; and he had made them too strong for
all human power to demolish, unless Marcus,
the then president of Syria, had by letter
informed Claudius Caesar of what he was
doing. And when Claudius had some suspi-
cion of attempts for innovation, he sent to
Agrippa to leave off the building of those
walls presently. So he obeyed, as not think-
ing it proper to contradict Claudius.

3.	Now, this king was by nature very
beneficent, and liberal in his gifts, and very
ambitious to oblige people with such large do-
nations; and he made himself very illustrious
by the many chargeable presents he made
them. He took delight in giving, and re-
joiced in living with good reputation. He
was not at all like that Herod who reigned
before him; for that Herod was ill-natured,
and severe in his punishments, and had no
mercy on them that he hated; and every
one perceived that he was more friendly to
the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned
foreign cities with large presents in money;
with building them baths and theatres besides;
nay, in some of those places, he erected tem-
ples, and porticoes in others; but he did not
vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in
any Jewish city, or make them any donation
that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa’s
temper was mild, and equally liberal to all
men. He was humane to foreigners, and
made them sensible of his liberality. He was
in like manner rather of a gentle and compas-
sionate temper. Accordingly, he loved to
live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly
careful in the observance of the laws of
his country. He therefore kept himself en-
tirely pure: nor did any day pass over his
head without its appointed sacrifice.

4.	However, there was a certain man of the
Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to
be very accurate in the knowledge of the
law. His name was Simon. This man got
together an assembly, while the king was
absent at Cesarea, and had- the insolence to
accuse him as not living holily, and that be
might justly be excluded out of the temple,
since it belonged only to native Jews. But
the general of Agrippa’s army informed him,
that Simon had made such a speech to the
people. So the king sent for him; and, as he
was then sitting in the theatre, he bade him sit
down by him, and said to him with a low
and gentle voice,—“What is there done in
this place that is contrary to the law?” But
he had nothing to say for himself, but begged
his pardon. So the king was more easily
reconciled to him than one could have ima-
gined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in
a king than anger; and knowing that mode-
ration is more becoming in great men than
passion. So he made Simon a small present,
and dismissed him.

•5. Now, as Agrippa was a great builder in
many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the

people of Berytus: for he: erected a theatre
for them, superior to many others of that sort,
both in sumptuousness and elegance, as also
an amphitheatre, built at vast expenses; and
besides these, be built them baths and porti-
coes, and spared for no costs in any of his
edifices, to. render them both handsome and
large. He also spent a great deal upon their
dedication, and exhibited shows upon them,
and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and
such as made the most delightful music of
the greatest variety. He also showed his
magnificence upon the theatre, in his great
number of gladiators; and there it was that
he exhibited the several antagonists, in order
to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than
seven hundred men to fight with seven hun-
dred other men;* and allotted all the male-
factors he had for this exercise, that both the
malefactors might receive their punishment,
and that this operation of war might be a
recreation in peace. And thus were these
criminals all destroyed at once.

CHAPTER VIII.

WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BT AGRIPPA
UNTIL HIS DEATH; AND AFTER WHAT
MANNER HE DIED.

§ 1. When Agrippa had finished what I have
above related at Berytus, he removed to Ti-
berias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great
esteem among other kings. Accordingly,
there came to him Antiochus, king of Com-
magena, Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, and
Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia,
and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as
also Herod his brother, who was king of
Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable
entertainments, and after an obliging manner,
and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind,
—and so as to appear worthy of those respects
which the kings paid to him, by coming thus
to see him. However, while these kings staid
with him, Marcus, the president of Syria,
came thither. So the king, in order to pre-
serve the respect that was due to the Romans,
went out of the city to meet him, as far as
seven furlongs. But this proved to be the
beginning of a difference between him and
Marcus; for he took with him in bis chariot
those other kings as his assessors. But Mar-
cus had a suspicion what the meaning could
be of so great a friendship of these kings one
with another, and did not think so close an
agreement of so many potentates to be for the
interest of the Romans. He therefore sent
some of his domestics to every one of them,
and enjoined them to go their ways home

• A strange number of condemned criminals to ba
under sentence of death at once; no fewer, it seems
than 1400.ANTIQUITIES QF THE JEWS,

CHAP. VIII*

531

without further delay. This \yaa very ill
taken by Agrippa, who after that became his
enemy. And now he took the high-priest-
hood away from Matthias, and made Elio-
neus, the son of Cantheras. high-priest in his
stead.

2. Now, when Agrippa had reigned three
years over all Judea, he came to the rity
Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato’s
Tower; and there he exhibited shows in
honour of Caesar, upon his being informed that
there was a certain festival celebrated to make
vows for his safety. At which festival, a great
multitude was gotten together of the prin-
cipal persons, and such as were of dignity
through his province. On the second day of
which shows he put on a garment made
wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly
wonderful, and came ill to. the theatre early in
the morning; at which time the silver of his
garment being illuminated by the fresh reflec-
tion of the sun’s rays upon it, shone out after a
surprising manner, and was so resplendent as
to spread a horror over those that looked
intently upon him: and presently his flatterers
cried out, one from one place, and another
from another (though not for his good), that
he was a god: and they added, “ lie thou
merciful to us; for although we have hitherto
reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we
henceforth own thee as superior to mortal
nature.” Upon this the king did neither
rebuke them,-nor reject their impious flattery.
But, as he presently afterwards looked up, he
saw an owi* sitting on a certain rope over bis
head, and immediately understood that this

* We have a mighty rry made here by some critics, as
if the great Eusebius had on purpose lalsitied this account
of Josephus, so as to make it agree with the parallel
account in the Acts of the Apostles; because the present
copies of his citation of it. Hist Eccles. b. ii. ch. x, omit
the words 0eoC&»<*—jjtj	tv*10** >**r.an ond—on a

certain rope, which Josephus’s present copies retain, and
only have the explicatory word m,yyiA«e. or anyef ,• as if
he meant that angel of the Lord which St. I.uke men-
tions as smiting Herod, Acts xii. 23, and not that owl
which Josephus called an angel or messenger, forvurty of
go d. but now of bad news to Agrippa. ‘/'Ins accusation
is a somewhat stratiec one iu the case of the great Euse-
bius. who is known to have to aocurately and fatthlully

ius. who is known to have to aocurately
produced a vast number of other ancient records, particu-
larly not a fevront of our Josephus also, without suspi-
cion of prevarication. Now. not to allege how uncertain
we are whether Josephus's and Eusebius's copies of the
fourth century were just I ke the present in this clause,
which we have uu distinct evidence of. the following
words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any
such exposition: “This [bird ) ("ays Eusebius) Arrippa
presently perceived to be tbe cause ol ill fortune, as it was
once of good hotline, to him;" which con only belong to
that bird, the owl. which us it had formeily foreboded his
happy deliverance from imprisonment, Ant. b.xviii c.\i.
s 7. so was k tlien foretold to prove afterward the unhappy
forerunner of his death in five days1 time. If tbe impro-
per words signifying catise% be changed for Josephus's
proper word e/yy\kt*+ angel or rnessetiger. and the tore*
going words, fiootZ**, — En	at n»«f, be inserted.

Eusebius's text will truly represent that in Josephus
Had this imperfection been in some heathen author tt at
was in good esteem with our modern critics, the) would
have readily corrected these ashurely erroisin thecopicj;
but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well re-
lished by many of those critics, nothing will serve hut the
Itt'frounded supposul of wi{ful corruption and prevati-

bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had
once been the messenger of good tidings to
him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A
severe pain also arose in his belly, and began
in a most violent manner. He therefore looked
upon his friends, and said, “ I, whom you call
a god, am commanded presently to depart this
life; while Providence thus reproves the lying
words you just now said to me; and I, who
was by you called immortal, am immediately
to be hurried away by death. But I am bound
to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases
God; for we have by no means lived ill, but
iu a splendid and happy manner.” When he
said this, his pain was become violent. Accor-
dingly he was carried into the palace; and the
rumour went abroad everywhere, that he
would certainly die in a little time. But the
multitude presently 6at in sackcloth, with
their wives and children, after tbe law' of their
country, and besought God for the king’s
recovery. All places were also full of mourn-
i ing and lamentation. Now the king rested in
a high .chamber, and as be saw them below
lying prostrate on the ground, be could not
himself forbear weeping. And when he had
been quite worn out by the pain in his belly
for five days, he departed this life, being in
the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the
seventh year of his reign; for he reigned four
years under Caius Ctesar, three of them were
over Philip’s tetrarchy only, and on the fourth
he had that of Herod added to it; and he
reigned, besides those, three years under tbe
reign of Claudius Csesar: in which time he
reigned over the forementioned countries, and
also had Judea added to them, as also Samaria
and Cesarea. Tbe revenues that he received
out of them were very great, no less than
twelve millions of drachma;.f Yet did he bor-
row great sums from others; for he was so
very liberal, that his expenses exceeded hia
incomes; and his generosity was boundless. J
3. But before the multitude were made
acquainted with Agrippa’s being expired,
Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcius the
master of his horse, and the king’s friend, sent
Aristo, one of the king’s most faithful
servants, and slew Silas, who had been their
enemy, as if it had been done by tbe king’s
own command.

+ This sum of twelve millions of drnchraie, which Is
^qual -tu three millions of shekels.if. at 2s. lOd a shekel,
equal to lour hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds
sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about
three quarters ol his grandfather Herod's income, he
having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusalem, ch. vL
sect. 3; and was not so tyrannical as lierod had been to
the Jews See the note on Antiq. b.xvii.ch. XI. sect.4
A large sum this.' but not, it seems, sullicieul for his ex*
tiav;tgant expenses.

i Iceland takes notice here, not improperly, that Jos^
pints omits the ^conciliation of this Herod Agrippa, to
the Tyrians and Sidoiimns, In the means of Blastus, (ha
king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts xii. 20. Nor U
there anv history In the world so complete, as to omit
nothing that other historians take notice of, unless the
one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to U»533

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIX,

2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased*
was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius
Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that
Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants
of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused him, he
was sorry for the first news, and was dis-
pleased with the ingratitude of those cities.
He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa,
junior, away presently to succeed his father in
. the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him
§ 1. And thus did king Agrippa depart this in it by his oath. But those freemen and
life. But he left behind him a son, Agrippa I friends of his who had the greatest authority
seventeenth year of^ with him, dissuaded him from it, und said
that it was a dangerous experiment to permit
so large a kingdom to come under the go-
vernment of so very young a man, and one

CHAPTER IX.

WHAT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH
OF AGRIFPA; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, ON
ACCOUNT OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFUL-
NESS OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, SENT CUSPIUS
FADUS TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND
OF THE ENTIRE KINGDOM.

by name, a youth in the seventeenth year
his age, and three daughters, one of whom,

Bernice, was married to Herod, his father’s
brother, and wras sixteen years old; the other
two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still virgins;
the former was ten years old, and Drusilla
six. Now these his daughters were thus
espoused by their father; Mariamne to Julius
Arcbelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus,
the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the
king of Commagena. But when it was
known that Agrippa was departed this life,
the inhabitants of Cesarea and of Sebaste for-
got the kindnesses he had bestowed on them,
and acted the part of the bitterest enemies;1 But he determined, in the first place, to send
for they cast such reproaches upon the de- 1 orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the
ceased as aFe not fit to be spoken of: and so : inhabitants of Cesarea and Sebaste for those
many of them as were then soldiers, which : abuses they had offered to him that was de-
were a great number, went to his house, and 1 ceased, and their madness towards his daugb-
hastily carried off the statues* of this king’s ters that were still alive; and that he should

hardly yet arrived at the years of discretion,
who would not be able to take sufficient care
of its administration; while the weight of a
kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man.
So Caesar thought what they said to be rea-
sonable.—Accordingly, he sent Cuspius Fadus
to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire
kingdom, and paid that respect to the de-
ceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had
been at variance with him, into his kingdom.

them to the utmost of their power, and did j duty there, and that he should choose an equal
such things to them as are too indecent to be 1 number of soldiers out of the Roman legious
related. They also laid themselves down in ! that- were in Syria, to supply their place.

Yet were not those that had such orders
actually removed; for by sending ambassadors
to Claudius, they mollified him, and got
leave to abide in Judea still; and these were
the very men that became the source of very
l great calamities to the Jews in after-times,
1 and sowed the seeds of that war which began
under Florus; whence it was that, when Ves-
pasian had subdued the country, he removed
them out of his province, as we shall relate
hereafter.f

♦ This history is now wanting.

public places, and celebrated general feast-
ings, with garlands on their heads, and with
ointments and libations to Charon, and drink-
ing to one another for joy that the king was
expired. Nay, they were not only un-
mindful of Agrippa, who had extended his
liberality to them in abundance, but of his
grandfather Herod also, who had himself re-
built their cities, and had raised them havens
and temples at vast expenses.

• Photius, who made an extract out of this section,
says, they were not the statues or images, but the ladies
themselves, who were thus basely abused by the soldiera

emselvei,

Cod. ccxxxviii.533

BOOK XX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWENTY-TWO YEARS.

FROM FADUS THE PROCURATOR TO FLORUS.

CHAPTER I.

A \THTION OF THE PHILADELPHIANS AGAINST
vlIE JEWS; AND ALSO CONCERNING THE
vLMTMENTS OF THE HIGH-PRIEST.

§ 1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, which
we have related in the foregoing hook, Clau-
dius Ciesar sent Cassius Longinus as succes-
sor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory
of king Agrippa, who had often desired of
him by letters, while he was alive, that he
would not suffer Marcus to be any longer
president of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as
he was come procurator into Judea, found
quarrelsome doings between the Jews that
dwelt in Perea and the people of Philadel-
phia, about thojr borders, at a village called
Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike
temper; for the Jews of Perea had taken up
arms without the consent of their principal
men, and had destroyed many of the Phila-
delphians. When Fadus was informed of
this procedure, it provoked him very much
that they had not left the determination of
the matter to him, if they thought that the
Philadelphians had done them any wrong,
but had rashly taken up arms against them.
So he seized upon three of their principal
men, who were also the cause of this sedi-
tion, and ordered them to be bound, and
afterward had one of them dain, whose name
was Hannibal; and he banished the other
two, Amram and Eleazar; Tholomy also, the
arch robber, was, after some time, brought to
him bound, and slain, but not till he had
done a world of mischief to Idumea and the
Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea
was cleared of robberies by the care and
providence of Fadus. He also at this time
sent for the high-priests and the principal
citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the com-
mand of the emperor, and admonished them,
that they should lay up the long garment and
the sacred vestment, which it is customary
for nobody but the high-priest to wear, in the
tower of Antonia, that it might be under the

power of the Romans, as it had been formerly.
Now the Jews durst not contradict what:

he had said, hut desired Fadus, however^
and Longinus (which last was come to Jeru
salem, and had brought a great army with
him, out of a fear that the [rigid] injunctions
of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel),
that they might, in the first place, have leave
to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition
him that they might have the holy vestments
under their own power; and that, in the next
place, they would tarry till they knew what
answer Claudius would give to that their
request. So they replied, that they would give
them leave to send their ambassadors, provided
they would give them their sons as pledges
[for their peaceable behaviour]. And when
they had agreed so to do, and had given them
the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were
sent accordingly. But when, upon their com-
ing to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the
deceased, understood the reason why they
came (for he dwelt with Claudius Ciesar, as
we said before), he besought Caesar to grant
the Jews their request about the holy vestments,
and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.

2. Hereupon Claudius called for the ambas-
sadors, and told them that he granted their
request; and bade them to return their thanks
to Agrippa for this favour, which had been
bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And,
besides these answers of his, he sent the fol-
lowing letter by them: “Claudius Caesar,
Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth
time, and designed consul the fourth time,
and imperator the tenth time, the father ot
his country, to the magistrates, senate, and
people, and the whole nation of the Jews,
sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of
your ambassadors to me by Agrippa my friend,
whom I have brought up, and have now with
me, and who is a person of very great piety,
who are come to give me thanks for the care
I have taken of your nation, and to entreat
me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that
they may have the holy vestments, with the
crown belonging to them, under their power,
—I grant their request, as that excellent per-
son Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had
done before ine. And I have complied with
your desire, in the first pluoe, out of regard634

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX,

to that piety which I profess, and because I
would have every one worship God according
to the laws of their own country; and this I do
also, because I shall hereby highly gratify
king Herod and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred
regards to me, and earnest good-will to you,
I am well acquainted with, and with whom I
have the greatest friendship, and whom I
highly esteem, and look on as persons of the
best character. Now I have written about
these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procura-
tor. The names of those that brought me
your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero,
Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the
son of Nathaniel, and John, the son of John.
This is dated before the fourth of the calends
of July, when Rufus and Pompeius SylvanUs
are consuls."

3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased
Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal
authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius
Caesar for the authority over the temple, and
the money of the sacred treasure, and the
choice of the high-priests, and obtained all
that he petitioned for. So that after that time
this authority continued among all his de-
scendants till the end of the war.* Accord-
ingly, Herod removed the last high-priest,
called Cantheras, and bestowed that dignity
on his successor Joseph, the son of Camus.

CHAPTER II.

HOW HELENA, THE QUEEN OF ADIABENE, AND
HER SON, IZATES, EMBRACED THE JEWISH
RELIGION; AND HOW HELENA SUPPLIED
THE POOR WITH CORN, WHEN THERE WAS
A GREAT FAMINE AT JERUSALEM.

§ 1. About this time it was that Helena,
queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates,
changed their course of life, and embraced the
Jewish customs, and this on the occasion fol-
lowing:^—Monobazus, the king of Adiabene,
who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love
with bis sister Helena, and took her to be his
Svife, and begat her with child. But as he
was in bed with her one night, he laid his
hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep,
and seemed to hear a voice, which bade him
take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not to
hurt the infant that was therein, which, Jby
God’s providence, would be safely born, and
have a happy end. This voice put him into
disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told
the story to his wife; and when his son was
born, he called him Izates. He had indeed

• Here is some error in the copies, or mistakes in Jo-
sephus; for the power of appointing high-priests, after
Herod, king of Chalcis, was dead, and Agrippa. junior,
was made king of Chalcis in his room, belonged to him;
and he exercised ihe same all along till Jerusalem was :
destroyed, ns Josephus elsewhere i-ilorms us, ch. viii.
eecL H, II , ch. i*. sect. I, -J, 6, ?.

Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also,
as he had other sons by other wives besides.
Yet did he openly place all his affections ori
this his only-begottenf son Izates, which was
the origin of that envy which his other bre-
thren, by the same father, bore to him; while,
on this account, they hated him more and
more, and were all under great affliction that
their father should prefer Izates before them
all. Now although their father was very sen-
sible of these their passions, yet did he forgive
them, as not indulging those passions out ol
an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of
them had to be beloved by their father. How-
ever, he sent Izates, with many presents, to
Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and
that out of the great dread he was in about
him, lest he should come to some misfortune
by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he
committed his son’s preservation to him.
Upon which, Abennerig gladly received the
young man, and had a great affection for him,
and married him to his own daughter, whose
name was Samacha: he also bestowed a
country upon him, from which he received
large revenues.

2. But when Monobazus was grown old,
and saw that he had but a little time to live,
he had a mind to come to the sight of his son
before he died. So he sent for him, and em-
braced him after the most affectionate man-
ner, and bestowed on him the country called
Carne; it was a soil that hare amomum in
great plenty: there are also in it the remains
of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah
escaped the deluge, and where they are still
shown to such as are desirous to see them.j;
Accordingly, Izates abode in that country
until his father’s death. But the very day
that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for
all the grandees and governors of the king-
dom, and for those that had the armies com-
mitted to their command; and when.they were
come, she made the following speech to them:
— “I believe you are not unacquainted that
my husband was desirous Izates should suc-
ceed him in the government, and thought him
worthy so to do. However, I wait your de-
termination; for happy is he who receives a
kingdom, not from a single person only, but
from the willing suffrages of a great many.”
This she said, in order to try those that were
invited, and to discover their sentiments.
Upon the hearing of which, they first of all
paid their homage to the queen, as their
custom was, and then they said that they con-
firmed the king’s determination, and would
submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s

+ Josephus here uses the word tu.oT,»ym, an on!y-
begotlen son, for do other than one besi-helnved. as does
both the Old and New Testament; I mean where theie
were one or more sons besides. Gen. xxii. 2; Heb. hi l?

I See tlie note on b i eh xiii. sent. I.

X ll is here very remarkable, thfll the rtjiiaiiis of
No'ili'h ark were believed to be still in beiu^ io thr diiya
of Josephus. See tn« rnffe on b i. cU. :j. sect 6ANTIQUITIES QF THE JEWS,

CHAP. VIII*

531

without further delay. This \yaa very ill
taken by Agrippa, who after that became his
enemy. And now he took the high-priest-
hood away from Matthias, and made Elio-
neus, the son of Cantheras. high-priest in his
stead.

2. Now, when Agrippa had reigned three
years over all Judea, he came to the rity
Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato’s
Tower; and there he exhibited shows in
honour of Caesar, upon his being informed that
there was a certain festival celebrated to make
vows for his safety. At which festival, a great
multitude was gotten together of the prin-
cipal persons, and such as were of dignity
through his province. On the second day of
which shows he put on a garment made
wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly
wonderful, and came ill to. the theatre early in
the morning; at which time the silver of his
garment being illuminated by the fresh reflec-
tion of the sun’s rays upon it, shone out after a
surprising manner, and was so resplendent as
to spread a horror over those that looked
intently upon him: and presently his flatterers
cried out, one from one place, and another
from another (though not for his good), that
he was a god: and they added, “ lie thou
merciful to us; for although we have hitherto
reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we
henceforth own thee as superior to mortal
nature.” Upon this the king did neither
rebuke them,-nor reject their impious flattery.
But, as he presently afterwards looked up, he
saw an owi* sitting on a certain rope over bis
head, and immediately understood that this

* We have a mighty rry made here by some critics, as
if the great Eusebius had on purpose lalsitied this account
of Josephus, so as to make it agree with the parallel
account in the Acts of the Apostles; because the present
copies of his citation of it. Hist Eccles. b. ii. ch. x, omit
the words 0eoC&»<*—jjtj	tv*10** >**r.an ond—on a

certain rope, which Josephus’s present copies retain, and
only have the explicatory word m,yyiA«e. or anyef ,• as if
he meant that angel of the Lord which St. I.uke men-
tions as smiting Herod, Acts xii. 23, and not that owl
which Josephus called an angel or messenger, forvurty of
go d. but now of bad news to Agrippa. ‘/'Ins accusation
is a somewhat stratiec one iu the case of the great Euse-
bius. who is known to have to aocurately and fatthlully

ius. who is known to have to aocurately
produced a vast number of other ancient records, particu-
larly not a fevront of our Josephus also, without suspi-
cion of prevarication. Now. not to allege how uncertain
we are whether Josephus's and Eusebius's copies of the
fourth century were just I ke the present in this clause,
which we have uu distinct evidence of. the following
words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any
such exposition: “This [bird ) ("ays Eusebius) Arrippa
presently perceived to be tbe cause ol ill fortune, as it was
once of good hotline, to him;" which con only belong to
that bird, the owl. which us it had formeily foreboded his
happy deliverance from imprisonment, Ant. b.xviii c.\i.
s 7. so was k tlien foretold to prove afterward the unhappy
forerunner of his death in five days1 time. If tbe impro-
per words signifying catise% be changed for Josephus's
proper word e/yy\kt*+ angel or rnessetiger. and the tore*
going words, fiootZ**, — En	at n»«f, be inserted.

Eusebius's text will truly represent that in Josephus
Had this imperfection been in some heathen author tt at
was in good esteem with our modern critics, the) would
have readily corrected these ashurely erroisin thecopicj;
but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well re-
lished by many of those critics, nothing will serve hut the
Itt'frounded supposul of wi{ful corruption and prevati-

bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had
once been the messenger of good tidings to
him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A
severe pain also arose in his belly, and began
in a most violent manner. He therefore looked
upon his friends, and said, “ I, whom you call
a god, am commanded presently to depart this
life; while Providence thus reproves the lying
words you just now said to me; and I, who
was by you called immortal, am immediately
to be hurried away by death. But I am bound
to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases
God; for we have by no means lived ill, but
iu a splendid and happy manner.” When he
said this, his pain was become violent. Accor-
dingly he was carried into the palace; and the
rumour went abroad everywhere, that he
would certainly die in a little time. But the
multitude presently 6at in sackcloth, with
their wives and children, after tbe law' of their
country, and besought God for the king’s
recovery. All places were also full of mourn-
i ing and lamentation. Now the king rested in
a high .chamber, and as be saw them below
lying prostrate on the ground, be could not
himself forbear weeping. And when he had
been quite worn out by the pain in his belly
for five days, he departed this life, being in
the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the
seventh year of his reign; for he reigned four
years under Caius Ctesar, three of them were
over Philip’s tetrarchy only, and on the fourth
he had that of Herod added to it; and he
reigned, besides those, three years under tbe
reign of Claudius Csesar: in which time he
reigned over the forementioned countries, and
also had Judea added to them, as also Samaria
and Cesarea. Tbe revenues that he received
out of them were very great, no less than
twelve millions of drachma;.f Yet did he bor-
row great sums from others; for he was so
very liberal, that his expenses exceeded hia
incomes; and his generosity was boundless. J
3. But before the multitude were made
acquainted with Agrippa’s being expired,
Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcius the
master of his horse, and the king’s friend, sent
Aristo, one of the king’s most faithful
servants, and slew Silas, who had been their
enemy, as if it had been done by tbe king’s
own command.

+ This sum of twelve millions of drnchraie, which Is
^qual -tu three millions of shekels.if. at 2s. lOd a shekel,
equal to lour hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds
sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about
three quarters ol his grandfather Herod's income, he
having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusalem, ch. vL
sect. 3; and was not so tyrannical as lierod had been to
the Jews See the note on Antiq. b.xvii.ch. XI. sect.4
A large sum this.' but not, it seems, sullicieul for his ex*
tiav;tgant expenses.

i Iceland takes notice here, not improperly, that Jos^
pints omits the ^conciliation of this Herod Agrippa, to
the Tyrians and Sidoiimns, In the means of Blastus, (ha
king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts xii. 20. Nor U
there anv history In the world so complete, as to omit
nothing that other historians take notice of, unless the
one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to U»536

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX.

himself and his sens when they fell into many
dangers, and procured their deliverance when
it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated
thereby, that the fruit of piety does not perish
as to those that have regard to him, and fix
their faith upon him only :*—but these events
we shall relate hereafter.

5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother,
when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s king-
dom were in peace, and that her son was a
happy man, and admired among all men, and
even among foreigners, by the means of God’s
providence over him, she had a mind to go to
the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at
that temple of God which was so very famous
among all men, and to offer her thank-
offerings there. So she desired her son to
give her leave to go thither: upon which he
gave his consent to what she desired very wil-
lingly, and made great preparations for her
dismission, and gave her a great deal of money,
and she went down to the city Jerusalem,
her son conducting her on her journey a
great way. Now her coming was of very
great advantage to the people of Jerusalem;
for whereas a famine did oppress them at that
time, and many people died for want of what
was necessary to procure food withal, queen
Helena sent some of her servants to Alexan-
dria with money to buy a great quantity of
corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring
a cargo of dried figs; and as soon as they
were come back, and had brought those pro-
visions, which was done very quickly, she dis-
tributed food to those that were in want of it,
and left a most excellent memorial behind her
of this benefaction, which she bestowed on
our whole nation; and when ber son Izates
was informed of this famine, he sent great
sums of money to the principal men in Jeru-
salem. However, what favours this queen
and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem,
shall be farther related hereafter.f

Providence preserved tills Izates, king ot Adiabene, and
his sons, white he did what he thought was his bounden
(Uity, notwithstanding the strongest political motives to
thu contrary.

+ This farther account of the benefactions of Izates

t J his larther account ot the benetactions ot Izates
and Helena to the Jerusalem Jews which Josephus here
promises, is. [ think, nowhere performed by him in his
present works; but of this terrible famine itself in
take Or. Hudson’s note here: — “This (says be)
famine foretold by Agabus, Acts xi.28; which happened

mine loretold by Agabus, Acts xi.28; which happened
ben Claudius was consul the fourth time; and not that
her which happened when Claudius was consul the
second time, and Csesina was his colleague, as Scaliger
says upon Eusebius, p. 174.” Now, when Josephus had
said a little afterward (c.v.sect.2.) that “Tiberius Alex-
ander succeeded Cuspius Fadus as procurator,” he imme-
diately subjoins, that “under.these procurators there
happened a great famine in Judea.” Whence it is plain
that this famine continued for many years, on account of
its duration ucder those two procurators. Now I'adus
was not sent into Judea till after the death of king
Agrippa, i. e. towards the latter end of the 4tlr year of
Claudius: so that this (amine foretold by Agabus, hap-
pened upon the 5tb, 6th, and 7lh years of Claudius, as
says Valesius on Euseb. ii. 12. Of this famine also, and

CHAPTER m.

HOW ARTABANUS, THE KING OF PARTHIA,
OUT OF FEAR OF THE SECRET CONTRI-
VANCES OF HIS SUBJECTS AGAINST HIM,
WENT TO IZATES, AND WAS BY HIM RE-
INSTATED IN HIS government; AS ALSO
HOW BARDANES, HIS SON, DENOUNCED WAR
AGAINST IZATES.

§ 1. But now Artabanus, king of the Par-
thians, perceiving that the governors of the
provinces had firamed a plot against him, did
not think it safe for him to' continue among
them; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes
of finding some way for his preservation by
his means, and, if possible, for his return to
ms own domimons. So be came to Izates,
and brought a thousand of his kindred and
servants with him, and met him upon the
road, while he well knew Izates, but Izates
did not know him. When Artabanus stood
near him, and in the first place, worshipped
aim according to the custom, be then said to
aim, “ O kingl do not thou overlook me tby
servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit
I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low
estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king
am become a private man, I stand in need of
tby assistance. Have regard, therefore, unto
the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the
care thou sbalt take of me to be taken of thy-
self also; for if I be neglected, and my sub-
jects go off unpunished, many other subjects
will become the more insolent towards other
kings also.” And this speech Artabanus made
with tears in bis eyes, and with a dejected coun-
tenance. Now, as soon as Izates beard Artaba-
nus’s name, and saw him stand as a supplicant
before him, he leaped down from his horse
immediately, and said to him, “ Take.courage,
O kingl nor be disturbed at tby present cala-
mity, as if it were incurable; foT the change
of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou
sbalt find me to be more tby friend and thy
assistant than thy hopes can promise thee;
for I will either re-establish thee in the king-
dom of Parthia, or lose my own.” *

2. When be had said this, he set Artaba-
nus upon his horse, and followed him on
foot, in honour of a king whom he owned as
greater than himself;—which when Artaba-
nus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware
by his present fortune and honour, that he
would get down from his horse, unless Izates
would get upon 'his horse again and go
before him. So he complied with his desire,
and leaped upon his horse; and, when he had
brought him to his royal palace, he showed
him all sorts of respect when they sat toge-
ther,—and he gave him the upper place at
festivals also, as regarding not his present for-
tune, but his former dignity; and that upon
[this consideration also, that the changes ofCHAP. IV.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

537

fortune are common to all men. He also
wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to
receive Artabanus again; and gave them his
right band and his faith, that he should for-
get what was past and done, and that he
would undertake for this as a mediator be-
tween them. Now the Parthians did not
themselves refuse to receive him again, but
pleaded that it was not now in their power so
to do, because they had committed the govern-
ment to another person, who had accepted
of it, and whose name was Cinnamus;
and that they were afraid lest a civil war
should arise on this account. When Cinna-
inus understood their intentions, he wrote to
Artabanus himself, for he had been brought
up by him, aDd was of a nature good and
gentle also, and desired him to put confidence
in him, and to come and take his own domi-
nions again. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted
him, and returned home; when Cinnamus
met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as
a king, and took the diadem off his own head,
and put it on the head of Artabanus.

3.	And thus was Artabanus restored to bis
kingdom again by the means of Izates, when
ne had lost it by the means of the gtandeea
of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the
benefits he had conferred upon him, but re-
warded him with such honours as were of the
greatest esteem among them; for he gave him
leave to wear his tiara upright,* and to sleep
upon a golden bed, which are privileges and
marks of honour peculiar to the kings of
Parthia. He also cut off a large and fruitful
countryfromthekingof Armenia, and bestowed
it upon him. The name of the country is
Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly
built that city which they called Antioch of
Mygodonia. And these were the honours that
were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians.

4.	But in no long time Artabanus died,
and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes.
Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would
have persuaded him to join him with his army,
and to assist him in the war he was preparing
to make with the Romans; but he could not
prevail with him. For Izates so well knew
the strength and good fortuoe of the Romans,
that he took Bardanes to attempt what was
impossible to be done; and having besides
sent his sons, five in number, and they but
young also, to learn accurately the language
of our nation, together with our learning, as
well as he had sent his mother to worship at
our temple, as I have said already, was the
more backward to a compliance; and restrained
Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the
great armies and famous actions of the Ro-
mans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and
desired thereby to hinder him from that expe-

• This privilege of wearing the tiara upright, or
with the tip of the cone erect, is known to have been of
old peculiar to great kings, from Xenophon and ether s
'as Ur. Hudson observes here.

dition. But the Parthian king was provoked
at this his behaviour, and denounced war
immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain
no advantage by this war, because God cut
off all his hopes therein; for the Parthians,
perceiving Banlanes’s intention, and how he
had determined to make war with the Romans,
slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother
Gotarzes. He also, in no long time, perished
by a plot made against him, and Yologases,
his brother, succeeded him, who committed
two of his provinces to two of his brothers
by the 6ame father;—that of the Medes to
the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the
younger, Tiridates.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW IZATES WAS BETBAYED BY HIS OWN
SUBJECTS, AND FOUGHT AGAINST BY THE
ABABIANS; AND HOW IZATES, BY THE PRO-
VIDENCE OF GOD, WAS DELIVERED OUT OF
THEIR HANDS.

§ 1. Now when the king’s brother, Monaba-
<zus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates,
by his piety to God, was become greatly
bsteemed by all men, they also had a desire
to leave the regions of their country, and to
embrace the customs of the Jews; but that
act of theirs was discovered by Izates’s sub-
jects. "Whereupon the grandees were much
displeased, and could not contain their anger
at them, but had an intention, when they
should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a
punishment upon them. Accordingly, they
wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and pro-
mised him great sums of money, if he would
make an expedition against their king: and
they farther promised him, that, on the first
onset, they would desert their king, because
they were desirous to punish him, by reason
of the hatred he had to their religious worship;
then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be
faithful to each other, and desired that he
would make haste in this design. The king
of Arabia complied with their desires, and
brought a great army into the field, and
marched against Izates; and, in the beginning
of the first onset, and before they came to a close
fight, those grandees, as if they had a panic
terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they
had agreed to do, and, turning their backs
upon their enemies, ran away. Yet was not
Izates dismayed at this; but when he under-
stood that the grandees had betrayed him, he
also retired into his camp, and made inquiry
into the matter; and as soon as he knew who
they were that had made this conspiracy with
the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were
found guilty; and renewing the fight on the
next day, he slew the greatest part of his ene-
mies, and forced all the rest to betake them-o3S

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX.

selves to flight. He also pursued their king,
and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus,
and, following on the siege 'vigorously, he
took that fortress. And, when be had plun-
dered it of all the prey that was in it, which
was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet
did not he take Abia alive; because, when he
found himself encompassed upon every side,
he slew himself.

2. But although the grandees of Adiabene
bad failed in their first attempt, as being
delivered up by God into their king’s hands,
yet would they not even then be quiet, but
wrote again to Vologases, who was then king
of Partbia, and desired that he would kill
lzates, and set over them some other potentate,
who should be of a Parthian family; for they
said that they hated their own king for abro-
gating the laws of their forefathers, and
embracing foreign customs. When the king of
Partbia heard this, he boldly made war upon
lzates; and, as he had no just pretence for
this war, he sent to him, and demanded back
those honourable privileges which had been
bestowed on him by his father, and threatened,
on his refusal, to make war upon him. Upon
bearing of this, lzates was under no small
trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a
reproach upon him to appear to resign those
privileges that had been bestowed upon him
out of cowardice; yet, because he knew, that
though the king of Partbia should receive
back those honours, yet would he not be quiet,
he resolved to commit himself to God, his
protector, in the present danger he was in of
his life; and as be esteemed him to be his
principal assistant, he intrusted his children
and his wives to a very strong fortress, and
laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the
hay and the gl ass on fire. And when he had
thus put things in order, as well as he could,
he awaited the coming of the enemy. And
when the king of Parthia was come, with a
great army of footmen and horsemen, which
he did sooner tbau was expected (for he
marched in great haste), and had cast up a
bank at the river that parted Adiabene from
Media, — lzates also pitched his camp not far
off, having with him six thousand horsemen.
But there came a messenger to lzates, sent
by the king of Parthia, who told him how
large his dominions were, as reaching from
the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enume-
rated that king’s subjects: he also threatened
him that he should be punished, as a person
ungrateful to his lords; and said that the
God whom he worshipped could not deliver
him out of the king’s hands. When the
messenger had delivered this his message,
lzates replied, that he knew the king of Per-
th:.-’s power was much greater than his own;
but that he knew also that God was much
more powerful than all men. And when be
had returned him this answer, he betook him-
self to make supplication to God, and threw

himself bn the ground, and put ashes upon
his head, in testimony of his confusion, and
fasted, together with his wives and children.*
Then he called upon God, and said, “ O
Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain
committed myself to thy goodness, but have
justly determined that thou only art the Lord
and principal of all beings, come now to my
assistance, and defend me from my enemies,
not only on my own account, but on account
of their insolent behaviour with regard to thy
power, while they have not feared to lift up
their proud and arrogant tongue against thee.*
Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with
tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his
prayer. And immediately that very night
Vologases received letters, the contents ot
which were these, that a great band of Dahse
and Sacae, despising bim, now he was gone
so long a journey from home, had made an
expedition, and laid Parthia waste; so that he
[was forced to] retire back, without doing
any thing. And thus it was that lzates
escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by
the providence of God.

3. It was not long ere lzates died, when
he had completed fifty-five years of his life,
and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years.
He left behind him twenty-four sons and
twenty-four daughters. However, he gave
order that his brother Monobazus should
succeed in the government, thereby requiting
bim, because, while he was himself absent,
after their father's death, he had faithfully
preserved the government for him. But
when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s
death, she was in great heaviness, as was but
natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful
sou; yet was it a comfort to her that bhe
heard the succession came to her eldest son.
Accordingly she went to him in haste; and
when she was come into Adiabene, she did
not long outlive her son lzates. But Mouo-
bazus sent her bones, as well as those of
lzates, bis brother, to Jerusalem, and gave
order that they should be buried at the pyra-
mids! which their mother had erected; they
were three in number, and distant no more
than three furlongs from the city of Jerusa-
lem. But for the actions of Monobazus the
king, which he did during the rest of his life,
we will relate them hereafter.]:

• This mourning, and fasting, and praying, used by
lzates, with prostration of liis body, and ashes upon his
head, are plain signs that he was become either a Jew,
or an Khionite Christian, who indeed dillered not much
from proper Jews. >ee chap, vi sect. I. However, his
lications were heard, and he was providentially
delivered from that imminent danger he was in.

+ Tnese pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena, queen
ne. near Jerusalem, three in number, i

luued

for which Ur.Hudson refers ns to Valesius’s noies upon

supplii

of Adiabene. near Jerusalem, three in number, are
mentioned by Eusebius, in bis Eccl, Hist h. Z, ch. l'J,
for which Ur.Hudson refers ns to Valesius’s noies upon
that place. — They are also mentioned bv Causa mas. as
hath been already noted, chap in seel. 0. beland
guesses that that Dow called Absalom’s 1'ill s may be
one of them.

i This account is now wanting.CHAP* V.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

CHAPTER Y

CONCERNING THEUDAS AND THE SONS OF

JUDAS THE GALILEAN; AS ALSO ,WHAT

CALAMITY FELL UPON THE JEWS ON THE

DAY OF THE PASSOVER.

§ E Now it came to pass, while Fadus was
procurator of Judea, that a certain magician,
whose name was Theudas,* persuaded a g-reat
part of the people to take their effects with
them, and follow him to the river Jordan;
for he told them he was a prophet, and that
he would, by his own command, divide the
river, and afford them an easy passage over
it; and many were deluded by his words.
However, Fadus did not permit them to make
any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a
troop of horsemen out against them; who,
falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many
of them, and took many of them alive. They
ulso took Theudas alive, and cut off his head,
arid carried it to Jerusalem. This was what
befel the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus’s
government.

2.	Then came Tiberius Alexander as succes-
sor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander
the alabarch of Alexandria; which Alexander
was a principal person among all his contem-
poraries, botb-for his family and wealth: he
was also more eminent for his piety than this
bis son Alexander, for he did not continue in
the religion of his country. Under these pro-
curators that great famine happened in Judea,
in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt
at a great expense, and distributed it to those
that were in want, as 1 have related already;
and besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee
were now slain; I mean of that Judas who
caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius
came to take an account of the estates of the
Jews, as we have shown in a foregoing book.
The names of those sons were James and
Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be
crucified; but now Herod, king of Chalcis,
removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from
the high-priesthood, and made Ananias, the
son of Nebedeus, his successor; and now it was
that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius
Alexander; as also that Herod, brother of
Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in
the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Ciesar.
He left behind him three sons, Aristobulus,
whom he had by his first wife, with Bernici-
anus and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by
Bernice his brother’s daughter; but Claudius
Ctesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa,
junior.

3.	Now, while the Jewish affairs were

• This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procura-
tor, about a D. 45 or dti, could nut be that Taeudas wlm
arose in the days of the taxiin', under Cyrei,ins,■ iimlniut
A. n 7. Acts v. 31.37. Who lliai curlier Theudas was,
eeo tbs note on l> xvii cli. x sect. 5.

539

under the administration of Cumanus, there
happened a great tumult at the city of Jeru-
salem, and many of the Jews perished
therein; but I shall first explain the occasion
whence it was derived. When that feast
which is called the Passover was at hand, at
which time our custom is to use unleavened
bread, and a great multitude was gathered
together from all parts to that feast, Cumanuff
was afraid lest some attempt of innovation
should then be made by them; so he ordered
that one regiment of the army should tuke
their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters,
to repress any attempts of innovation, if per-
chance any such should begin; and this was
no more than what the former procurators of
Judea did at such festivals; but on the fourth
day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his
breeches, and exposed his privy members to
the multitude, which put those that saw him
into a furious rage, and made them cry out
that this impious action was not done to
reproach them, but God himself; nay, some
of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended
that the soldier was set on by him; which
when Cumanus heard, he was ulso himself not
a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon
him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such
seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult
at the festival; but when he could not induce
them to be quiet, for they still went on in
their reproaches to him, he’ gave order that
the whole army should take their entire
armour, and come to Antonia, which was a

fortress, as we have said already, which over-
looked the temple; but when the multitude
saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at
them, and ran away hastily; but as the pas-
sages out were but narrow, and as they
thought their enemies followed them, they
were crowded together in their flight, and a
great number were pressed to death in those
narrow passages; nor indeed was the number
fewer than twenty thousand that perished in
this tumult. So, instead of a festival they
had at last a mournful dav ot it and they all
of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices,
and betook themselves to lamentation and
weeping; so great an affliction did the impu-
dent obsceueness of a single soldier bring upon
them.-f

4. Now before this their - first mourning
was over, another mischief befel them also;
for some of those that raised the foregoing
tumult, when they were travelling along the
public road, about a hundred furlongs from
the city, robbed Stephanos, a servant of
Ciesar, as he was journeying, and plundered
him of all that he bad with him; which things

+ T his and many more tumults and seditions, which
arose ul the Jewish* festivals, in Josephus, illiterate the
cautions procedure of the Jewish go* ernors. when the)
said. Malt xxvi.o. »• Let us nut r;ik* Jesus nn the least-
Hay, lest there he an uproar union-. the people ” as Ke>and
well observes on this place. Josepmis ul.*o takes notice
of the s.irue thing. Of the War, 11. i. eh iv. sect. 3.540	ANTIQUITIES

when Cumanus heard of, he sent soldiers im-
mediately, and ordered them to plunder the
neighbouring villages, and to bring the most
eminent persons among them in bonds to
him. Now, as this devastation was making,
one of the soldiers seized the Laws of Moses,
that lay in one of those villages, and brought
them out before the eyes of all present, and
tore them to pieces; and this was done with
reproachful language, and much scurrility;
which things, when the Jews heard of, they
ran together, and that in great numbers, and
came down to Cesarea, where Cumanus then
was, and besought him that he would avenge,
not themselves, but God himself, whose laws
had been affronted; for that they could not
bear to live any longer, if the laws of their
forefathers must be affronted after this manner.
Accordingly, Cumanus, out of fear lest the
multitude should go into sedition, and by
the advice of his friends also, took care that
the soldier who had offered the affront to the
laws should be beheaded; and thereby put a
stop to the sedition which was ready to be
kindled a second time.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW THERE HAPPENED A QUARREL BETWEEN
THE JEWS AND THE SAMARITANS; AND
HOW CLAUDIUS PUT AN END TO THEIR DIF-
FERENCES.

§ 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the
Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion fol-
lowing :—It was the custom of the Galileans,
when they came to the holy city at the festi-
vals, to take their journeys through the country
of the Samaritans;* and at this time there lay,
in the road they took, a village that was called
Ginea, which was situated in the limits of
Samaria and the great plain, where certain
persons thereto belonging fought with the
Galileans, and killed a great many of them;
but when the principal of the Galileans were
informed of what had been done, they came to
Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the
murder of those that were killed; but he was
induced by the Samaritans, with money, to
do nothing in the matter; upon which the
Galileans were much displeased, and per-
suaded the multitude of the Jew's to betake
themselves to arms, and to regain their
liberty, saying, that slavery was in itself a
bitter thing, but that, when it was joined with
direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable.
And when their principal men endeavoured

* This constant passage of the Galileans through the
country of Samaria, as they went to Judea and Jerusa-
lem, illustrates several passages in the Gospels to the
same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly observes. See
Luke xvii.; John iv. 4. Pee also Josephus in his own
Life (sect. 52), when that journey is determined to three
days.

3F THE JEWS.	BOOK XX.

to pacify them, and promised to endeavour
to persuade Cumanus to avenge those that
were killed, they would not hearken to them,
but took their weapons, and entreated the
assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a
robber, who had many years made his abode
in the mountains, with which assistance they
plundered many villages of the Samaritans.
When Cumanus heard of this actions of theirs,
he took the band of Sebaste, with four regi-
ments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans,
and marched out against the Jews, and caught
them, and slew many of them, and took a
great number of them alive; whereupon those
that were the most eminent persons at Jeru-
salem, and that both in regard to the respect
that was paid them, and the families they
were of, as soon as they saw to what a height
things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped
ashes upon their heads, and by all possible
means besought the seditious, and persuaded
them that they would set before their eyes
the utter subversion of their country, the con-
flagration of their temple, and the slavery of
themselves, their wives, and children,f which
would be the consequences of what they were
doing, and would alter their minds, would
cast away their weapons, and for the future
be quiet, and return to their own homes.
These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon
them. So the people dispersed themselves,
and the robbers went awuy again to their
places of strength; and after this time all
Judea was overrun with robberies.

2. But the principal of the Samaritans
went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president
of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and
accused the Jews of setting their villages on
fire, and plundering them; and said withal,
that they were not so much displeased at what
they had suffered, as they were at the con-
tempt thereby shown to the Romans; while,
if they had received any injury, they ought to
have made them the judges of what had been
done, and not presently to make such devasta-
tion, as if they had not the Romans for their
governors; on which account they came- to
him, in order to obtain that vengeance they
wanted. This was the accusation which the
Samaritans brought against the Jews. But
the Jews affirmed, that the Samaritans were
the authors of this tumult and fighting, and
that, in the first place, Cumanus had been
corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the
murder of those that were slain in silence; —
which allegations when Quadratus heard, he
put off the hearing of the cause, and promised
that he would give sentence when he should
come into Judea, and should have a more

* Our Saviour had foretold that the Jews’.rejection of
his Gospel \v..uld bring upon them, among other miseries,
these three, which they themselves here show they ex-
pected woulibe tlv consequences of their present tumults
and seditions; the utter subversion of their country, the
conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of them.
stives, their w ires, and children. See I.uke xxi. 6—2 V.CHAP. VII.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

' 541

exact knowledge of the truth of that matter.
So these men went away without success.
Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to
Samaria; where, upon hearing the cause, he
supposed that the Samaritans were the authors
of that disturbance. But when he was
informed that certain of the Jews were making
innovations, he ordered those to be crucified
whom Cumanus had taken captives. From
whence he came to a certain village called
Lydda, which was not less than a city in
largeness, and there heard the Samaritan
cause a second time before his tribunal, and
there learned from a certain Samaritan, that
one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was
Bortus, and some other innovators with him,
four in number, persuaded t'ue multitude to a
revolt from the Romans; whom Quadratus
ordered to be put to death: but still he sent
away Ananias the high-priest, and Ananus
the commander [of the temple], in bonds to
Rome, to give an account of what they had
done to Claudius Caesar. He also ordered
the principal men, both of the Samaritans and
of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator,
and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy to the
emperor, that he might hear their cause, and
determine their differences cne with another.
But he came again to the city of Jerusalem,
out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews
should attempt some innovations; but he
found the city in a peaceable state, and cele-
brating one of the usual festivals of their
country to God. So he believed that they
would not attempt any innovations, and left
them at the celebration of the festival, and
returned to Antioch.

3. Now Cumanus and the principal of
the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome,
had a day appointed them by the emperor,
whereon they were to have pleaded their cause
about the quarrels they had one with another.
But now Caesar’s freedmen and his friends
were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus
and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed
over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who
was then at Rome, had seen the principal of
the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated
Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade
her husband to hear the cause, so as was
agreeable to his j ustice, and to condemn those
to be punished who were really the authors
of this revolt from the Roman government:
—whereupon Claudius was 60 well disposed
beforehand, that when he had heard the cause,
and found that the Samaritans had been the
ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he
gave order that those who came up to him
should be slain, and that Cumanus should be
banished. He also gave order that Celer the
tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem,
and should be drawn through the city in the
sight of all the people, and then should be
■lain.

CHAPTER VII.

FELIX 19 MADE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA? A9

ALSO CONCERNING AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, AND

HIS SISTERS.

§ 1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother ?f
Pallans, to take care of the affairs of Judea;
and, when he had already completed the
twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon
Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, and Batanea,
and added thereto Trachonitis, with Ab'la;
which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysa-
nius; but he took from him Cbalcis, when he
had been governor thereof four years. And
when Agrippa had received these countries as
the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla
in marriare to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon
his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes,
the son of king Antioch us, had refused to
marry her, because, after he had promised her
father formerly to come over to the Jewish
religion, he would not now perform that pro-
mise. He also gave Mariamne in marriage
to Archelaus the son of Helcias, to whom
she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa
her father; from which marriage was derive^
a daughter, whose name was Bernice.

2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with
Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dis-
solved, upon the following occasion: — While
Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this
Drusilla, and fell in love with heritor she
did indeed exceed all other women in beauty;
and he sent to her a person whose name was
Simon,* one of his friends; a Jew he was,

* This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, horn in Cypras,
though he pretended to be a magician, and seems to have
been wicked enough, could hardly be that famous Simon
the magician, in the Acts of the Apostles (viii.9,&c.), as
some are ready to suppose. The Simon mentioned in the
Acts was not properly a Jew, but a Samaritan, of the
town of Gittte, in the country of Samaria, as the Aposto-
lical Constitutions, vi.7, the Recognitions of Clement, S.
G, and Justin Martyr, himself born in the country of
Samaria, Apology, i. 34, inform us. He was also the
author, not of any ancient Jewish, but of the first Gentile
heresies, as the forementioned authors assure U9. So I
suppose him a different person from the other. I mean
this only upon the hypothesis that Josephus was not mis-
informed as to his being a Cypriot Jew; for otherwise
the time, the name, the profession, and the wickedness of
them both, would strongly incline one to believe them
the very same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa,
junior, as Josephus informs us here, and a Jewess, aa
St. Luke informs us, Acts xxiv. 24,whom this Simon men-
tioned by Josephus persuaded to leave her former hus-
band, Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of justice, and
to marry Felix, the heathen procurator of Judea, Taci-
tus (Hist. v. 9) supposes her to be a heathen, and the
grand-daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra, contrary both
to St. Luke and Josephus. Now Tacitus lived some-
what too remote, both as to time and place, to be com-
pared with either of those Jewish writers, in a matter
concerning the Jews in J udea in their own days, and con-
ning a sister of Agrippa, junior, with which Agrippa
ephus was himself so well acquainted. It is prubabla
that Tacitus may say true, when he informs us that this
Felix (who had in all three wives, or queens, as Sueto-
nius in Claudius, s. 28, assures us) did once marry such
a grandchild ol Antonios and Cleoeatra; and. Boding tho
name of one f lltein to have been Drusilla, he mistook
her tor that other wife, whose name he did nut know.5424	*

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pre-
tended to be a magician; and endeavoured to
persuade her to forsake her present husband,
and umrry him ; and promised, that if she
would not refuse him, he would make her a
happy woman. Accordingly, she acted ill,
and because she was desirous to avoid her
sisrer Bernice's envy, for she was very ill
tic.ited by her on account of her beauty, was
prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her
forelathers, und to marry Felix; and when
lie had hatl a son by her, he named him
Agnppa. Ilut after what manner that young
man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration
of the mountain Vesuvius,*’ in the days of
'I'n u> (Jiesar, shall be related hereafter.f
3. Bui us for Bernice, she lived a widow a
long while after the death of Herod [king of
Ciulois], who was both her husband and her
uncle. But, when the report went that she
hatl criminal conversation with her brother
[ Agnppa. junior], she persuaded Polemo, who
was king of Cilicia, to he circumcised, and to
marry her, as supposing that, by this means,
she should prove those calumnies upon her to
lie false; and Polemo was prevailed upon,
ami that chiefly on account of her riches.
Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but
Bernice left Polemo, and, as was said, with
impure intentions. So he forsook at once this
matrimony, and the Jewish religion: and, at
tlie same time, Mariamne put away Arche-
laus, and was married to Demetrius, the prin-
cipal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both
for his ftmily and his wealth; and indeed he
was then their alabareh. So she named her
son whom she bad by him Agrippinus. But
of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat
more exactly.];

CHAPTER VIII.

after what manner, upon the death

OF CLAUDIUS, NERO SUCCEEDED IN THE
GOVERNMENT; AS ALSO WHAT BARBAROUS
THINGS HE DID. CONCERNING THE ROB-
BERS, MURDERERS, AND IMPOSTORS, THAT
AROSE WHILE FELIX AND FESTUS WERE
PROCURATORS OF JUDEA.

§ 1. Now Claudius Caesar died when he had
reigned thirteen years, eight months, and

• This eruption of Vesuvius was one of llie greatest
we have in history. See Uyanchini's curious amt im-
portant observations on this Vesuvius, and its seven
several great eruptions, with their remains vitrilied. and
Still existing, in so many dillerrnt strata underground,
till the diggers came tu I he antidrluvian waters, will)
their proportionable interstices, imgiving the Ihdmir
to have been above two thousand live hundred years
liofore tbe Christian era, according to our cxuclcsl
Ohronology.

+ Tins is now wanting.
t This also is now wanting

BOOK XX.

i	..	..

twenty days;§ and a report went about that
he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her
father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar.
Her husband was Domitius /Enobarbus, one
of the most illustrious persons that was in (he
city of Rome; after whose death, and her
long continuance in widowhood, Claudius
took her to wife. She brought along with
her a son, Domitius, of the same name with
his father. He had before this slain his wife,
Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had
his children, Britaimicus and Octavia; their
eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by
Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia
to Nero; for that was the name that Ciesar
gave him afterward, upon his udopting him for
his son.

2.	But now Agrippina was afraid, lest,
when Britaimicus should come to man’s estate,
he should succeed bis father in the govern-
ment, and desired to seize upon the principa-
lity beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon
which the report went that she thence com-
passed the death of Claudius. Accordingly,
she sent Burrhus, the general of the army,
immediately, and with him the tribunes, and
such also of the freedmen as were of the
greatest authority, to bring Nero away into
the camp, and to salute him emperor. And
when Nero had thus obtained the government,
he got Biitaunicus to be so poisoned, that the
multitude should not perceive it; although
he publicly put his own mother to death not
long afterward, making her this requital, not
only for being born of her, but for bringing
it so about by her contrivances, that he ob-
tained the Roman empire. He also slew
Octavia his own wife,and many other illus-
trious persons, under this pretence, that they
plotted against him.

3.	But I omit any farther discourse about
these afFairs; for there have been a great
many who have composed the history of Nero;
some of whom have departed from the truth
of facts, out of favour, as having received
benefits from him; while others, out of hatred
to him, and the great ill-will which they bars
him, have so impudently raved against hiir,
with their lies, that they justly deserved to be
condemned. Nor do 1 wonder at such as
have told lies of Nero, since they have not in
their writings preserved the truth of history
as to those facts that were earlier than his
time, even when the actors could have no way
incurred their hatred, since those writers
'iVed a long time after them; but as to those
that have no regard to truth, they may write
as they please,—for in that they take delight;
but as to ourselves, who have made truth our
direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what
only belongs remotely to this undertaking,

^ This duration of the reien of Claudius agrees with
Din. as Di Hudson lint- remarks; as he also remarks
tout Nero's name, which was at lirsll*. Domitius Jino-
1,minis, alter Claudius nail adopted him, was Nero C1aUv
diua Cnesar Diosus Gem'anicu*.CHAP. Till,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

543

but shall relate what hath happened to us
Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge-
our pains in giving an account both, of the
calamities we have suffered and of the crimes
we have been guilty of. — I will now there-
fore return to the relation of our own affairs.

4.	For in the first year of the reign of Nero,
upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa,
Soemus,* his brother, succeeded in his king-
dom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king
of Cbalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the
government of the Lesser Armenia. Caesar
also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of
Galilee, Tiberias and Tarichete,f and ordered
them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave
him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen
villages that lay about it.

5.	Now, as for the affairs of the Jews, they
grew worse and worse continually; for the
country was again filled with robbers and
impostors, who deluded the multitude. Yet
dicl Felix catch and put to death many of those
impostors every day, together with the rob-
bers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of
Dineus, who had gotten together a company
of robbers; and this he did by treachery;
for he gave him assurance that he should
suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to
come to him; but when he came, he bound
him and sent him to Rome. Felix also
bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high-priest,
because he frequently gave him admonitions
about governing the Jewish affairs better than
he did, lest he should himself have complaints
made of him by the multitude, since he it
was who had desired C<esar to send him as
procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a
method whereby he might get rid of him,
now he was become so continually trouble-
some to him; for such continual admonitions
are grievous to those who are disposed to act
unjustly. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of
Jonathan’s most faithful friends, a citizen of
Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring
the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill
him; and this he did by promising to give
him a great deal of money for so doing.
Doras complied with the proposal, and con-
trived matters so, that the robbers might
murder him after the following manner:—
Certain of those robbers went up to the city,
as if they were going to worship God, while
they had daggers under their garments; and,
by thus mingling themselves among the multi-
tude, they slew Jonathan;J and as this murder

• This Soerous is elsewhere mentioned [hy Josephus,
in his own Life, sect. II. as also] by Dio Cassius aud
Tacitus, as Dr. Hudson informs us.

+ This agrees with Josephus’s frequent accounts else-
where in his own Lite, that Tiberias, and Tnrichee, and

where in his own Lile, that I ibenas. and l anclieee, and
Gamala. were under this Agrippa, junior, till Justus, the
sou of Pistus, seized upon them for the Jews, upon tiie
king
This

s, seized upon the
breaking out of the war.

t This treacherous and barbarous murder of the go
high-Driest Jonathan, by the contrivance of this wicki
jnocuiHtur Felix, was the immediate occasion of l

ensui

cause

ug murders by the sicarii or ruffian
of the following horrid cruelties

rder of the good
ed
the

ruffians, and one great
and miseries of

was never avenged, tbe robbers went up with
the greatest security at the-festivals after this
time;, and having weapons concealed in like
manner as before, and mingling themselves
among the multitude, they slew certain of their
own enemies, and were su bser vient to other men
for money; and slew others not only in remote
parts of tbe city, but in the temple itself also;
for they had tbe boldness to murder men there,
without thinking of the impiety of which they
were guilty. And this seems to me to have
been the reason why God, out of bis hatred to
these men’s wickedness, rejected our city; and
as for tbe temple, be no longer esteemed it
sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but
brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire
upon the city to purge it; and brought upon
us, our wives, and children, slavery,—as desi-
rous to make us wiser by our calamities.

6. These works, that were done by the rob-
bers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety.
And now these impostors and deceivers ||
persuaded the multitude to follow them
into tbe wilderness, and pretended that they
would exhibit manifest wonders and signs,
that should be performed by the providence
of God. And many that were prevailed on
by them suffered the punishments of their

the Jewish nation, as Josephns here snpposes; whose
excellent reflection on the gross wicked ness of that nation,
as the direct cause of their terrible destruction, is well
worthy the attention of every Jewish and Christian
reader. And, since we are soon coming to the cata-
logue of Jewish high-prigsts. it may not be amiss, with
Reland, to insert this Jonathan among them; and to
transcribe his particular catalogue of the last twenty-
eight high-priests, taken out of Josephus, and begin with
Ananelus, who was made by Herod tbe Great, See
Antiq. b. xv. ch.^ii. seek 4, and the note there.

1.	Ananelus.

2.	Aristobulus.

3.	Jesus, the son of Fahus.

5. Matt

s.

i the son of Tlieophilus.

4. Simon, the son of Boethu
ias,

6.	Joazur, the son of Boethus.

7.	lileazar, the son of Boethus.

H. Jesus, the son of Sie.

9. [Annas, or] Aoanns, the son of Seth.
10- Ismael, the son of Fabus.

11.	Kleazar, the son of Ananus.

12.	Simon, the son of Camitlius.

n, t

1:3. Josephus Caiaphas. the son-in-law to Ananus.

Jonathan.

15. Theophilu

Josep

M. Jonathan, the son of Ananus,

his brother, aDd son of Ananus.

ilus, his brother, am

16.	Simon, the son of Boethus.

17.	Matthias, the brother of J onatban, and son of Ananus.

18.	Aljoncus.

19.	Josephus, the son of Camydus.

20.	Anaoias. the son of NebedeuB.

21.	Jonathas,

22.	Isinael, the son of Fabi,

23.	Joseph Cabi, the son of Simon.

24.	Ananus. the son of Ananus.

25.	Jesus, the son of Dainneus.

26.	Jesus, the son of Gamaliel.
ls, the son of 'I'l
is, the son of S
lanus and Jose
liddle of this cal
i and Caiaphas

Gospels; and that Ananias, the son of Nebede
igh-priest b
, Acts xxiv.

ms, tl

27. Matthias, the son of Theophilus.

h:

leyai

those Annas and Caiaphas so often mentioned in the Four

las, t

28. Pbannias. the son of Samuel.

As for Ananus and Joseph Caiaphas, here mentioned
about the middle of this catalogue, they are no other than

was

that
caus

many other circumstances and miseries of tbe Jews, till
their utter destruction, foretold by our Saviour, see Uf,
Accompl. of Propb. p. 5b — 75.

spels; and tliat Ananias, the son of [Nebedeus, '
it high-priest before whom St. Paul pleaded bis own
se. Acts xxiv.

Of these Jewish impostors and false prophets, with
ny other circumstances and miseries of tbe Jews, till544

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX.

folly; for Felix brought them back, and then
punished them. Moreover, there came out
of Egypt* about this time to Jerusalem, one
that said he was a prophet, and advised the
niuituude of the common people to go along
with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was
called, which lay over against the city, and at
the distance -of five furlongs. He said far-
tner, that he would show them from hence,
how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem
would fall down; and he promised them that
he would procure them an entrance into the
city through those walls, when they were
fallen down. Now when Felix was informed
of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take
their weapons, and came against them with a
great number of horsemen and footmen, from
Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian knd
the people that were with him. He also slew
four hundred of them, and took two hundred
alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out
of the fight, but did not appear any more.
And again the robbers stirred up the people
to make war with the Romans, and said they
ought not to obey them at all; and when any
persons would not qomply with them, they
set fire to their villages, and plundered them.

7.	And now it was that a great sedition
arose between the Jews that inhabited Cesarea,
and the Syrians who dwelt there also, con-
cerning their equal right to the privileges be-
longing to citizens; for the Jews claimed the
pre-eminence, because Herod their king was
the builder of Cesarea, and because he was I
by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not;
deny what was alleged about Herod; but
they said that Cesarea was formerly called
Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not
one Jewish inhabitant. When the presidents
of that country heard of these disorders, they
caught the authors of them on both sides, and
tormented them with stripes,and bythat means
put a stop to the disturbance for a time. But
the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth,
and on that account despising the Syrians, re-
proached them again, and hoped to provoke
them by such reproaches. However, the Syri-
ans, though they were inferior in wealth, yet
valuing themselves highly on this account, that
the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that
were there, were either of Cesarea or Sebaste,
they also for some time used reproachful lan-
guage to the Jews also; and thus it was. till
at length they came to throwing stones at
one another; and several were wounded, and
fell on both sides, though still the Jews were
the conquerors. But when Felix saw that this,
quarrel was become a kind of war, he came
upon them on the sudden, and desired the
Jews to desist; and when they refused so to
do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out
upon them, and slew many of them, and took
more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers

* Of this Egyptian impostor, and the number of his
billows, in Josephus, see Acts xxi. 38.

to plunder some.of the houses of the citizens,
which were full of riches. Now those Jews
that were more moderate, and of principal
dignity among them, were afraid of them-
selves, and desired of Felix that he would
sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them
for the future, and afford them room for re-
pentance for what they had done; and Felix
was prevailed upon to do so.

8.	About this time king Agrippa gave the
high-priesthood to Ismael, who was the son
of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between
the high-priests and the principal men of the
multitude of Jerusalem; each of whom got
them a company of the boldest sort of men,
and of those that loved innovations, about
them, and became leaders to them; and when
they struggled together, they did it by casting
reproachful words against one another, and
by throwing stones also. And there was
nobody to reprove them; but these disorders
were done after a licentious manner in the
city, as if it had no government over it. And
such was the impudence f and boldness that
bad seized on the high-priests, that they had
the hardiness to send their servants into the
thrashing-floors, to take away those tithes that
were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell
out that the poorer sort of the priests died for
want. To this degree did the violence of the
seditious prevail over all right and justice.

9.	Now, when Porcius Festus was sent as
successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of
the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up'to
Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly
been brought to punishment, unless Nero had
yielded to the importunate solicitations of his
brother Pallas, who was at that time had in
the greatest honour by him. Two of the
principal Syrians in Cesarea persuaded Burr-
hus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for
his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum
of money, to disannul that equality of the
Jewish privileges of citizens which they hither-
to enjoyed. So Burrhus, by his solicitations,
obtained leave of the emperor, that an epistle
should be written to that purpose. This
epistle became the occasion of the following
miseries that befel our nation; for, when the
Jews of Cesarea were informed of the contents
of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more
disorderly than before, till a war was kindled:

10.	Upon Festus’s coming into Judea, it
happened that Judea was afflicted by the rob-
bers, while all the villages were set on fire,
and plundered by them. And then it was
that the sicarii, as they were called, who were
robbers, grew numerous. They made use of
small swords, not much different in length
from the Persian acinaca, hut somewhat

+ The wickedness here was very peculiar and extra-
ordinary. that the lii^li-priests should so oppress their
brethren the priests, as to starve the poorest of them to
death. See the li-e presently, ch ix. sect. 2. Such
fatal crimes are covetousness and tyranny in the clergy
as well as in the laity, in al1 ages.CHAP. IX,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

545

crooked, and like the Roman sices [or sickles], I also gave th
as they were called; and from these weapons
these robbers got their denomination; and
with these weapons they slew a great many;
for they mingled themselves among the multi-
tude at their festivals, when they were come up
in crowds from all parts to the city to worship
God, as we said before, and easily slew those
that they had a mind to slay. They also came
frequently upon the villages belonging to their
enemies, with their weapons, and plundered
them, and set them on lire. So Festus sent
forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall

em leave to let the wall they had
built stand. This was granted them in order
to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a
religious woman and had requested theso
favours of Nero, and who gave order to the
ten ambassadors to go their way home; but
retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with
herself. As soon as the king heard this news,
he gave the high-priesthood to Joseph, who
was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly
high-priest.

upon those that had been seduced by a certain
impostor, who promised them deliverance and
freedom from the miseries they were under,
if they would but follow him as far as the
wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that
were sent destroyed both him that had deluded
them, and those that were his followers also.

11. About the same time king Agrippa
built himself a very large dining-room in the
royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico.
Now this palace had been erected of old by
the children of Asamoneus, and was situate
upon an elevation, and afforded a most de-
lightful prospect to those that had a mind to
take a view of the city, which prospect was
desired by the king; and there he could lie
dowm, and eat, and thence observed what was
done in the temple: which thing, when the
chief men of Jerusalem saw,, they were very
much displeased at it; for it was not agree-
able to the institutions of our country or law
that what was done in the temple should be
viewed by others, especially what belonged to
the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall
upon the uppermost building which belonged
to the inner court of the temple towards the
west; which wall, when it was built, did not
only intercept the prospect of the dining-room
in the palace, but also of the western cloisters
that belonged to the outer court of the tem-
ple also, where it was that the Romans kept
guards for the temple at the festivals. At
these doings, both king Agrippa, and princi-
pally Festus the procurator, wrere much dis-
pleased ; and Festus ordered them to pull the
wall down again: but the Jews petitioned
him to give them leave to send an embassage
about this matter to Nero; for they said they
could not endure to live if any part of the
temple should be demolished; and when Fes-
tus had given them leave so to do, they sent
ten of their principal men to Nero, as also
Ismael the high-priest, and Helcias, the keeper
of the sacred treasure. And when Nero had
heard what they had to say, he not only for-
gave* them what they had already done, but

• We have liere one eminent example of Nero’s
mildness and goodness in his government towards the
.'civs during tne tirst live years of his reign, so famous
in anti<|iii1vwe have perhaps another in Josephus's
own Life, sect I); and u third, though of a very diffe-
rent nature, hete in sect 9, just before. However, both
tbn generous aots of loudness were obtained of Nero by

CHAPTER IX.

CONCERNING ALBINUS, UNDER WHOSE PRO-
CURATORSHIP JAMES WAS SLAIN; AS ALSO
WHAT EDIFICES WERE BUILT BY AGRIPPA.

§ 1. And now Caesar, upon hearing the death
of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procu-
rator; but the king deprived Joseph of the
high-priesthood, and bestowed the succession
to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who
was also himself called Ananu9. Now the
report goes, that this elder Ananus proved a
most fortunate man; for he bad five sons who
had all performed the office of a high-priest
to God, and he bad himself enjoyed that dig-
nity a long time formerly, which bad never
happened to any other of our high-priests,
but this younger Ananus, who, as we have
told you already, took the bigb-priestbood,
was a bold man in his temper, and very inso-
lent ; he was also of the sect of the Sad-
ducees,f w^o are very rigid in judging
offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as
we have already observed; when, therefore,
Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he
had now a proper opportunity [to exercise
bis authority]. Festus was now dead, and
Albinus was but upon the road; so he assem-
bled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought
before them the brother of Jesus, who was
called Christ, whose name was James, and
some others [or some of his companions];
and when he had formed an accusation against
them as breakers of the law, he delivered
them to be stoned: but as for those who
seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and
such as were the most uneasy at the breach of
the laws, they disliked what was done; they
also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him
to send to Ananus that he should act so no
more, for that what he had already done was
not to he justified: nay, some of them went

his queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and per-
haps privatrly a Jewish proselyte, and so were not
owing entirely to Nero’s own goodness.

+ It hence evidently appears that Sadducees might be
higli-priests in the days of Josephus, and that these Sad-
ducees were usually very severe and inexorable judges,
while the Pharisees were 'uiik-.Ii milder, and more mer-
citul. as appears by Heland’s instances in his note on
this place, and on Josephus's Life, sect 34, and thosi
taken from the New Testament, from Josephus bimselt
and Iron) the rubbins; nor do we meet with any Sad-
ducees later thau this high-priest in all Josephus

•2 M$46

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX.

also fo meet Albinus, as he was upon his j caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly
journey from Alexandria, and informed him forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his
" ‘	1 ’	’ "	*	11 request of him. This was the beginning of

greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually
contrived to catch some of Ananias’s servants;
and when they had taken them alive, they
would not let them go till they thereby reco-
vered some of their own sicarii: and as they were
again become no small number, they grew bold,
and were a great affliction to the whole country.

4.	About this time it was that Agrippa built
Cesarea Philippi larger than it was before,
and, in honour of Nero, named it Neronias;
and when he had built a theatre at Berytus
with vast expenses, he bestowed on them
shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent
therein many ten thousand [drachms]; he also
gave the people a largess of corn, and distri-
buted oil among them, and adorned the entire
city with statues of his own donation, and
with original images made by ancient hands;
nay, he almost transferred all that was most
ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This
made him more than ordinarily hated by his
subjects; because he took those things away
that belonged to them, to adorn a foreign city;
and now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became
the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus,
in the high-priesthood, which the king had
taken from the other; on which account a
sedition arose between the high-priests, with
regard to one another; for they got together
bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and
frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing
of stones at each other; but Ananias was too
hard lor the rest, by his riches, — which ena-
bled him to gain those that were most ready
to receive. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did
themselves get together a multitude of wicked
wretches, and this because they were of the
royal family; and so they obtained favour
among them, because of their kindred to
Agrippa: but still they used violence with the
people,and were very ready to plunder those that
were weaker than themselves. And from that
time it principally came to pass, that our city
was greatly disordered, and that all things
grew worse and worse among us.

5.	But when Albinus heard that Gessius
Florus was coming to succeed him, he was
desirous to appear to do somewhat that might
be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he
brought out all those prisoners who seemed
to him to be the most plainly worthy of death,
and ordered them to be put to death accord-
ingly. But as to those who had been put into
prison on some trifling occasion, he took money
of them, and dismissed them; by which means
the prisons were indeed emptied, but the
country was filled with robbers.

6.	Now, as many of the Levit.es,* which is
a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns,

that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble
a sanhedrim without his consent:*—where-
upon Albinus complied with what they said,
and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened
that he would bring him to punishment for
what he had done; on which king Agrippa j
took the high-priesthood from him, when he
had ruled but three months, and made Jesus,
the son of Damneus, high-priest.

2.	Now, as soon as Albinus was come to
the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endea-
vours and care that the country might be
kept in peace, and this by destroying many
of the sicarii; but as for the high-priest Ana-
nias,f he increased in glory every day, and
this to a great degree, and had obtained the
favour and esteem of the citizens in a signal
manner; for he was a great hoarder up of
money: he therefore cultivated the friendship
of Albinus, and of the high-priest [Jesus], by
making them presents; he also had servants
who were very wicked, who joined themselves
to the boldest sort of the people, and went to
the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes
that belonged to the priests by violence, and
did not refrain from beating such as would
not give these tithes to them. So the other
high-priests acted in the like manner, as did
those his servants, without any one being able
to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests,
that of old were wont to be supported with
those tithes, died for want of food.

3.	But now the sicarii went into the city by
night, just before the festival, which was now
at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the
governor of the temple, whose name was
Lleazar, who was the soti of Ananus (Ananias)
the high-priest, and bound him, and carried
him away with them; after which they sent
to Ananias, and said that they would send the
scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus
to release ten of those prisoners which he had

* Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its
causes, as also that he did not die till long afterwards,
see Prim. Christ, itevived. vol.iii. ch.43—4u. The san-

hedrim condemned our Saviour, but could not put him
; approbation of the Homan procura-
tor: nor could therefore Ananas and his sanhedrim do

to death without the i

more here, since they never had Albiuus’s approbation
for the putting this James to death.

+ This Auanias was not the son of Nebedeus. as 1 take

It, but he who was called Annas or Annanus the Elder,.the
9th in the catalogue, and wbo had been esteemed high-
priest for a long time; and besides, Caiaphas his son-in-
law had five of bis own sons high-ptiests alter him, who

were those of numbers 11, 14, Id. 17, 24. in the foregoing
catalogue. Nor ought we to pass slightly over what
Josephus here says of this Annas or Ananias, that he
was bigb-priest a long time before his children were
" Seth, at

alogue. under number 9. He

he was the son of Seth, ar
priest in the foregoing cat
was made by Quirinus, :

alogue. unuer number y. ne
by Quirinus, and continued till Ismael, the
10th in number, for about twenty-three years; which
long duration of his high-priesthood, joined to the suc-
cessions of his sou-in-law, and live children of his own.
made him a sort of perpetual bigh-priest, and was per-
haps the occasion that lormer high-priests kept their
titles ever afterwards; for I believe it is hardly met with
before him.

t petition ol some of the Levites, to
wear the sacerdotal gHrineuts wlten r.ry sung hymns toCHAP. X.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS,

547

persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim,
and to give them leave to wear linen garments,
as well as the priests; for they said that this
would be a work worthy the times ot his
government, that he might have a memorial of
such a novelty, as being his doing. Nor did
vhey fail of obtaining their desire; for the
king, with the suffrages of those that came
into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of
hymns this privilege, that they might lay
aside their former garments, and wear such u
linen one as they desired; and as a part of
this tribe ministered in the temple, he also
permitted them to learn those hymns as they
had besought him for. Now all this was
contrary to the laws of our country, which,
whenever they have been transgressed, we
have never been able to avoid the punishment
of such transgressions.

7. And now it was that the temple was
finished.* So, when the people saw that the
workmen were unemployed, who were above
eighteen thousand, und that they, receiving
no w’ages, were in want, because they had
earned their bread by their labours about the
temple; and while they were unwilling to
keep them by their treasuries that were there
deposited, out of fear of [their being carried
away by] the Romans; and while they had
a regard to the making provision for the
workmen, they had a mind to expend those
treasures upon them; for if any one of them
did but labour for a single hour, he received
his pay immediately; so they persuaded him
to rebuild the eastern cloister's. These clois-
ters belonged to the outer court, and were
situated in a deep valley, and had w'alls that
reached four hundred cubits [in length], and
were built of square and very white stones,
the length of each of which stones was twenty
cubits, and their height six cubits. This was
the work of king Solomon,f who first of all
built the entire temple. But king Agrippa,
who had the care of the temple committed to
him by Claudius Ctesar, considering that it
is easy to demolish any building, but hard to
build it up again, and that it was particularly
hard to do it to those cloisters, which would
require a considerable time, and great sums
of money, he denied the petitioners their
request about that matter; but he did not
obstruct them when they desired the city might
be paved with white stone. He also deprived
Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high-priest-
hood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of
Theophilus, under whom the Jews’ war with
the Romans took its beginning.

God in tbe temple, was very probably owing to tbe
great depression and contempt the haugbty high-priests
hud now brought their brethren the priests iDto; of
which see ch. viii sect. 8; and ch. ix. sect 2.

Ot this finishing, not of the Naif, or holy house.
if the ii;w, or courts about it, called in geueral the
temple.

t nf

but of the

>ee t .e mile on b.
tuese d listers of SoIoidoi
tuple, ch. xii.—They seem,
to have been built irom toe bottom of tbe vatley.

: 4l(oo

i/ile. see t e mile on b. xvii. ch. x. sect 2.

ion, :

of the temple, ch. xii.—They seem, by Josephus’s wbrds.

geueral
see the description

CHAPTER X.

AN ENUMERATION OF THE HIGH-PRIESTS.

§ 1. And now 1 think it proper, and agree-
able to this history, to give an account of our
bigh-priests; how they began, who those are
which are cupable of that dignity, and bow
many of them there had been at the end of
the war. In the first place, therefore, history
informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses,
officiated to God as a high-priest; and that,
after his death, his sons succeeded him imme-
diately; and that this dignity hath been con-
tinued down from them all to their posterity.
Whence it is a custom of our country, that
no one should take the high - priesthood of
God, but be who is of tbe blood of Aaron,
while every one that is of another stock,
though he were a king, can never obtain that
high-priesthood. Accordingly, the number of
all the high-priests from Aaron, of whom we
have spoken already as of the first of them,
until Phauas, who was made high-priest during
the war by the seditious, was eighty - three;
of whom thirteen officiated as high-priests in
the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while
the tabernacle was standing, until the people
came into Judea, when king Solomon erected
the temple of God; for at first they held
the high-priesthood till the end of their life,
although afterward they had sue;essors while
they were alive. Now these thirteen, who
were the descendants of two of the sons of
Aaron, received this dignity by succession,
one after another; for their form of govern-
ment was an aristocracy, and after that a mon-
archy, and, in the third place, the government
was regal. Now, the number Of years during
the rule of these thirteen, from the day
when our fathers departed out of Egypt,
under Moses their leader, until the building of
that temple which king Solomon erected at
Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve.
After those thirteen high-priests, eighteen
took the high-priesthood at Jerusalem, one in
succession to another, from the days of king
Solomon until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Baby-
lon, made an expedition against that city,
and burnt the temple, and removed our nation
into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the
high-priest, captive; the times of these high-
priests were four hundred and sixty-six years,
six months, and ten days, while the Jews were
still under the regal government. But after
the term of seventy years’ captivity under the
Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the
Jews from Babylon to their own land again,
and gave them leave to rebuild their temple;
at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took
the high-priesthood over the captives when
they were returned home. Now he and his
posterity, vgho were in all fifteen, unto kingANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX,

548

Antiocbus Eupator, were under a democratical
government for four hundred and fourteen
years; and then the forementioned Antiochus
ami Lysias the general of his army, deprived
Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the
high-priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and,
driving away the son [of Onias the third], put
Jacimus into the high-priest’s place, one that
was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of
the family of Onias. On which account Onias,
who was the nephew of Onias that was dead,
and bore the same name with his father, came
into Egypt, and got into the friendship of
Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife,
and persuaded them to make him the high-
priest of that temple which he built to God
in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in
imitation of that at Jerusalem; but as for
that temple which was built in Egypt, we
have spoken of it frequently already. Now,
when Jacimus had retained the priesthood
three years, he died, and there was no one
that succeeded him, but the city continued
seven years without a high-priest. But then
the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who
had the government of the nation conferred
upon them, when they had beaten the Mace-
donians in war, appointed Jonathan to be
their high-priest, who ruled over them seven
years. And when he had been slain by tbe
treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we
have related somewhere, Simon his brother i
took the high-priesthood; and when he was
destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his
son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyr-
canus, succeeded him, after he had held the
high-priesthood one year longer than his bro-
ther. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity
thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the
succession to Judas, who was also called Aris-
tobulus, whose brother Alexander was his
heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper,
after he had kept the priesthood, together
with the royal authority; for this Judas was
the first that put on his head a diadem, for
one year. And when Alexander had been
both king and high-priest twenty-seven years,
he departed this life, and permitted his wife
Alexandra to appoint him that should be
high-priest; so she gave the high-priesthood
to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom her-
self nine years, and then departed this life.
The like duration [and no longer] did her
son Hyrcanus enjoy the high-priesthood; for
after her death his brother Aristobulus fought
against him, and beat him, and deprived him
of his principality; and he did himself both
reign and perform tbe office of high-priest to
God. But when he had reigned three years,
and as many months, Pompey came upon
him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem
by force, but put him and his children in
oonds, and sent them to Rome. He also
restored the high-priesthood to Hyrcanus,
and made him governor of the nation, but

forbade him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus
ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four
years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus,
the generals of the Parthians, passed over
Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and
took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of
Aristobulus, king; and when he bad reigned
three years and three months, Sosius and
Herod besieged him, and took him, when
Antony had him'brought to Antioch, and slain
there. Herod was then made king by the
Romans, but did no longer appoint high-
priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but
made certain men to be so that were of no
eminent families, but barely of those that
were priests, excepting that he gave that dig-
nity to Aristobulus; for when he had made this
Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus
who was then taken by the Parthians, and had
taken his sister Mariamne to wife, he thereby
aimed to win the good-will of the people, who
had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his
grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of
his fear lest they should all bend their inclina-
tions to Aristobulus, put him to death, and
that by contriving bow to have him suffocated,
as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have
already related that matter; but after this
man, he never intrusted the high-priesthood
to tbe posterity of the sons of Asamoneus.
Archelaus also, Herod’s son, did like his
father in the appointment of the high-priests,
as did the Romans also, who took the govern-
ment over the Jews into their hands afterward.
Accordingly the number of the high-priests,
from the days of Herod until the day when
Titus took the temple and the city, and burnt
them, were in all twenty-eight; the time also
that belonged to them was a hundred and
seven years. Some of these were the politi-
cal governors of the people under the reign of
Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his
son, although, after their death, the govern-
ment became an aristocracy, and the high-
priests were intrusted with a dominion over
the nation. And thus much may suffice to be
said concerning our high-priests.

CHAPTER XL

CONCERNING FLOItUS THE PROCURATOR, WHO
NECESSITATED THE JEWS TO TAKE UP ARMS
AGAINST THE ROMANS. THE CONCLUSION.

§ 1. Now Gessius Florus, who was sent as
successor to Albinus by Nero, filled Judea
with abundance of miseries. He was by birth
of the city of Clazomeme, and brought along
with him. his wife Cleopatra (by whose friend-
ship with Poppea, Nero’s wife, he obtained
this government), who was no way different
from him in wickedness. This Rums was
so wicked, and so violent in the use of hisCflAP. XI.	ANTIQUITIES

authority, that the Jews took Albinus to have
Leen {comparatively] their benefactor; so
excessive.were the mischiefs that he brought
upon them. For Albinus concealed his
Wickedness, and was careful that it might not
be discovered to all men; but Gessius Florus,
as though he had been sent on purpose to
show his crimes to every body, made a
pompous ostentation of them to our nation, as
never omitting any sort of violence, nor any
uiyust sort of punishment; for he was not to
be moved by pity, and never was satisfied
with any degree of gain that came in his way;
nor had he any more regard to great than to
small acquisitions, but became a partner with
the robbers themselves; for a great many fell
then into that practice without fear, as having
him for their security, and depending on
him, that he would save them harmless in
their particular robberies; so that there were
no bounds set to the nation’s miseries; but
the unhappy Jews, when they were not able
to bear the devastations which the robbers
made among them, were all under a neces-
sity of leaving their own habitations, and of
dying away, as hoping to dwell more easily
anywhere else in the world among foreigners
{than in their own country]. And what need
i say any more upon this head? since it was
this Florus who necessitated us to take up
arms against the Romans, while we thought
it better to be destroyed at once than by little
and little. Now this war began in the
second year of the government of Florus, and
the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. But
then what actions we were forced to dp, or
what miseries we were enabled to suffer, may
be accurately known by such as will peruse
those books which I have written about the
Jewish war.

2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here
of my Antiquities; after the conclusion of
which events, I began to write that account
of the war; and these Antiquities contain
what hath been delivered down to us from
the original creation of man, until the twelfth
year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath
befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in
Syria, and in Palestine, and what we have
suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians,
and what afflictions the Persians and Mace-
donians, and after them the Romans, have
brought upon us; for I think I may say that
I have composed this history with sufficient
accuracy in all things. I have attempted to
er.umerate those high-priests that we have had
during the interval of two thousand years;
I have also carried down the succession of
our kings, and related their actions, and poli-
tical administration, without [considerable]
errors, as also the power of our monarchs;
and all according to wbat i9 written in our
sacred books; for this it was that 1 promised
to do in the beginning of this history. And
I am so bold as to say, now I have so com-

JF THE JEWS.	54®

pletely perfected the work I proposed to
myself to do, that no other person, whether he
were a Jew or a foreigner, had he ever so
great an inclination to it, could so accurately
deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is
done in these books. For those of my own
nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed
them in the learning belonging to the Jews.
I have also taken a great deal of pains to
obtain the learning of the Greeks, and under-
stand the elements of the Greek language,
although I have so long accustomed myself
to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pro-
nounce Greek with sufficient exactness: for
our nation does not encourage those that
learn the languages of many nations, and so
adorn their discourses with the smoothness of
their periods; because they look upon this
sort of accomplishment as common, not only
to all sorts of freemen, but to as many of the
servants as please to learn them. But they
give him the testimony of being a wise man
who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is
able to interpret their meaning; on which
account, as there have been many who have
done their endeavours with great patience to
obtain this learning, there have yet hardly
been so many as two or three that have suc-
ceeded therein, who were immediately well
rewarded for their pains.

3. And now it will not be perhaps an
invidious thing, if I treat briefly of my own
family, and of the actions of my own life,*
while there are still living such as can either
prove what I say to be false, or can attest
that it is true; with which accounts I shall
put an end to these Antiquities, which are
contained in twenty books, and sixty thousand
verses. And if Godf permit me, I will

* The Life here referred to will be found at the begin-
ning of the volume.

-I- What Josephus here declares his intendon to do,
if God permitted, to give the public again an abridg-
ment of the Jewish War, and to add, what befel them
farther to that very day, the 13th of Oomitian, or A. D.
S3, is not, that 1 have observed, taken distinct notice of
by any one; nor do we ever hear of it elsewhere, whe-
ther he performed what he now intended or not. Some
of the reasons of this design of bis might possibly be,
his observation of the many errors be bad been guilty of
in the two first books of those seven books of the War,
which were written when he was comparatively young,
and less acquainted with the Jewish antiquities than he
now was, and in which abridgment we might hav<
hoped to find those many passages which himself, as
well as those several passages which others refer to, as
written by him, but which are not extant in his presenl
works. However, since many of bis own references to
what he had written elsewhere, as well as most of his
own errors, belong to such early times as could not well
come into this abridgment of the Jewish War; and since
none of those that quote things not now extant in his
works, including himself as well as others, ever cite any
such abridgment. 1 am forced rather to suppose that
he never did publish any such work at all; I mean, as
distinct from his own Life, written hy himself, for an
appendix to these Antiquities, and this at least seven
rs alter these Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed
s it appear to me that Josephus ever published that
other work here mentioned, as intended by hio. for the
public also. I mean the three or four books concerning
God and his Essence, and concerning the Jewish Laws;
why. according to them, some things were permitted the
Jtr.s, and others prohibitedt which last seems to be tbo550

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XX,

briefly run over this war again, with what
befel us therein to this very day, which is the
thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domi-
tian, and the fifty-sixth of my own life. 1
have also an intention to write three books

concerning our Jewish opinions about God
and his essence, and about our laws; why,
according to them, some things are permitted
us to do, and others are prohibited.

Antiquities

lephus bad also promised, if Goa , nad no acquaintance with to the crown, I mean Nerva
at the conclusion of bis Prelace to these I and Trajan, together with his removal from Home to
i; nor do 1 suppose that he ever published any I Judea, with what followed it, might easily interrup
The death of all his friends at court. Vespa-1 such his intentions, and prevent his publication of these

same work which Josi
permitted, at the com

of them. The death of aU his friends at court. Vespa- such h:
sian, Titos, and Domi ian, and the coining of those he [ works.THB

WARS OP THE JEWS,-

OB

THE HISTORY

or

THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.

PREFACE.

§ 1. * Whereas the war which the Jews in the language of our country, and sent to
made with the Romans hath been the greatest the Upper Barbarians;! I, Joseph, the son of
of all those, not only that have been in Matthias, by birth an Hebrew, a priest also,
cur times, but, in a manner, of those that and one who at first fought against the
ever were heard of; both of those wherein Romans myself, and was forced to be present
cities have fought against cities, or nations at what was done afterwards [am the author
against nations; while some men who were of this work].

not concerned in the affairs themselves, have j 2. Now at the time when this great con-
gotten together vain and contradictory stories ; cussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the
by hearsay, and have written them down! Romans themselves were in great disorder.

after a sophistical manner; and while those
that were there present have given false
accounts of things, and this either out of a
humour of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred
towards the Jews; and while their writings
contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes
encomiums, but nowhere the accurate truth
of the facts, I have proposed to myself, for
the sake of such as live under the government
of the Romans, to translate those books into
the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed

1 have already observed more than once, that this
of the Jewish War was Josephus’s first i
en h
he wn
ral cir

history of the Jewish War was J osephus’s first work, and j a j
published about A. d. 75, when he was but thirty-eight "nu
years of age; and that when he wrote it, he was not tho- mam
istances of histor
es, with whioh i
ed in the first am
second book, and so committed many
therein. That he published his Anti-
pears afterward, in the 13th year of

years of age;

roughly acquainted with several circumstances of history
from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with whioh it
begins, till near his own times, contained in the first and
>ok,

former part of the
ary c

quities eight
Uomitian, a.

r pa:

involuntary errors tl
Liities eighteen

i years

itian, a. d. 93, when he was much more completely
acquainted with those ancient times, and after he had
perused those most authentic histories, the first book of
Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the Priesthood of
John Hyrcanus, &c.—That accordingly be then reviewed
those parts of this work, and gave the public a more
faithful, complete, and accurate account of the facts
therein related ; and honestly corrected the errors he had
before ran into

Those Jews also, who were for innovations,
then arose when the times were disturbed;
they were also in a flourishing condition for
strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs
of the east were then exceeding tumultuous,
while some hoped for gain, and others were
afraid of loss in such troubles; for the Jews
hoped that all of their nation which were
beyond Euphrates would have raised an insur-
rection together with them. The Gauls also,
in the neighbourhood of the Romans, were
in motion, and the Celts were not quiet; but
all was in disorder after the death of Nero.

the opportunity now offered induced
many to aim at the royal power: and the
soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of
getting money. I thought it therefore an

+ Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea,
ere, Josephus himself will inform us, sect 2, viz. the
Parthians and Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [or
the jews among them]; besides the Jews beyond Eu-
phrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. Whence we
Parthians, Babylonians, the ren
Jews among them], as a
and Adiabeni, or Assyrians,

Assyrians.

that these Parthians, Babylonians, the remo-
easttheJt
ibrates, an

understood Josepbus’B .Hebre

books of the Jewish War, before they were pat into the

nrates,

also learn, that these Parthians, Babylonians, I
tent Arabians [or at least the Jews among them], as also
the Jews beyond Euphrates, and Adiabeni, or Assyrians,
nderstood Josephus’B .Hebrew, or rather Chaldaic,

Greek language.552

PREFACE.

absurd thing to see the truth falsified in
affairs of such great consequence, and to take
no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks
anil Romans that were not in the wars to be
ignorant of these things, and to read either
flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and
the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians,
anil those of our nation beyond Euphrates,
with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accu-
rately both whence the war begun, what
miseries it brought upon us, and after what
manner it ended.

3.	It is true, these writers have the confi-
dence to call their accounts histories; wherein
yet they seem to me to fail of their own
purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is
sound; for they have a mind to demonstrate
the greatness of the Romans, while they still
diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews,
as not discerning how it cannot be that those
must appear to be great who have only con-
quered those that were little; nor are they
ashamed to overlook the length of the war,
the multitude of the Roman forces who so
greatly suffered in it, or the might of the
commanders, — whose great labours about
Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what
they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.

4.	However, I will not go to the other
extreme, out of opposition to those men who
extol the Romans, nor will 1 determine to
raise the actions of my countrymen too high;
but 1 will prosecute the actions of both par-
ties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my
language to the passions 1 am under, as to
the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to
indulge some lamentations upon the miseries
undergone by my own country; for that it
was a seditious temper of our own that de-
stroyed it; and that they were the tyrants
among the Jews who brought the Roman
power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us,
and occasioned the burning of our holy tem-
ple; Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself
a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied
the people who were kept under by the sedi-
tious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking
of the city, and allowed time to the siege,
in order to let the authors have opportunity
for repentance. But if any one makes an
unjust accusation against us, when we speak
so passionately about the tyrants, or the rob-
bers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our
country, let him indulge my affections herein,
though it be contrary to the rules for writing
history ; because it had so come to pass, that
our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher
degree of felicity than any other city under
the Roman government, and yet at last fell
into the sorest of calamities again. Accord-
ingly, it appears to me, that the misfortunes
of all men, from the beginning of the world,
if they be compared to these of the Jews,*

* That these calamities of the Jews, who were our
Saviour’s murderers, were to he the greatest that had

are not so considerable as they were; while
the authors of them were not foreigners
neither. This makes it impossible for me to
contain my lamentations. But, if any one be
inflexible in his censures of me, let him attri-
bute the facts themselves to the historical
part, and the lamentations to the writer him-
self only.

5.	However, I may justly blame the learned
men among the Greeks, who, when such great
actions have been done in their own times,
which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse
the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those af-
fairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labours
of the best writers of antiquity; which mo-
derns, although they may be superior to the
old writers in eloquence, yet they are inferior
to them in the execution of what they intended
to do. While these also write new histories
about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the
ancient writers had not described their affairs
as they ought to have done; although these
be as far inferior to them in abilities as they
are different in their notions from them; for
of old, every one took upon them to write
what happened in his own time; where their
immediate concern in the actions made their
promises of value; and where it must be
reproachful to write lies, when they must be
known by the readers to be such. But then,
an undertaking to preserve the memory of
what hath not been before recorded, and to
represent the affairs of one’s own time to those
that come afterwards, is really worthy of
praise and commendation. Now, he is to be
esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest,
not who does no more than change the dis-
position and order of other men’s works, but
he who not only relates what had not been
related before, but composes an entire body
of history of his own: accordingly, I have
been at great charges, and have taken very
great pains [about this history], though I be
a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a
memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks
and to the Barbarians. But, for some of our
own principal men, their mouths are wide
open, and their tongues loosed presently, for
gain and lawsuits, but quite muzzled up
when they are to write history, where they
must speak truth and gather facts together
with a great deal of pains; and so they leave
the writing such histories to weaker people,
and to such as are not acquainted with the
actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth
of historical facts be preferred by us, how
much soever it be neglected among the Greek
historians.

6.	To write concerning the Antiquities of
the Jews, who they were [originally], and
how they revolted from the Egyptians, and

ever been since the beginning of the world, our Saviour
had directly foretold, Matt xxiv. 21; Mark xiii. 19;
Luke xxi. 23, 24; and that they proved to be such
accordingly, Joseohus is here a most authentic witness.PREFACE.

553

\rnnt country they trave{led over, and what
iviuntnes they seized upon afterward, and how
they were removed out of them, I think this
not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other
accounts, also superfluous; and this because
many Jews before me have composed the his-
tories of our ancestors very exactly; as have
some of the Greeks done it also, and have
translated our histories into their own tongue,
and have not much mistaken the truth in their
histories. But then, where the writers of
these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence
shall I take my rise, and begin my history.
Now, as to what concerns that war which
happened in my own time, 1 will go over it
very largely, and with all the diligence I am
able; but, for what preceded mine own age,
that I shall run over briefly.

7.	[For example, I shall relate] how Antio-
chus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jeru-
salem by force, and held it three years and
three months, and was then ejected out of the
country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that
how their posterity quarrelled about the
government, and brought upon their settlement
the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also,
the son of Antipater, dissolved their govern-
ment, and brought Socius upon them; as
also how our people made a sedition upon
Herod’s death, while Augustus was the
Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in
that country; and how the war broke out in
the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened
to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted
in an hostile manner in the first sallies of the
war.

8.	As also, [I shall relate] how they built
walls about the neighbouring cities; and
how Nero, upon Cestius’s defeat, was in fear
of the entire event of the war, and thereupon
made Vespasian general in this war; and
how this Vespasian, with the elder of his
sons,* made an expedition into the country
of Judea; what was the number of the
Roman army that he made use of; and bow
many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all
Galilee; and how he took some of its cities
entirely, and by force, and others of them by
treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so
far, I shall describe the good order of the
Romans in war, and the discipline of their
legions: the amplitude of both the Galilees,
with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And,
besides this, I shall particularly go over what
is peculiar to the country, the lakes and foun-
tains that are in them, and what miseries hap-
pened to every city as they were taken; and
all this with accuracy, as I saw the things
done, or suffered in them; for I shall not con-
ceal any of the calamities I myself endured,
since I shall relate them to such as know the
truth of them.

9.	After this [I shall relate] how, when the

r Titus.

Jews’ affairs were become very bad, Nero
died; and Vespasian, when he was going to
attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the
government upon him; what signs happened
to him relating to his gaining that government,
and what mutations of government then hap-
pened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly
made emperor by his soldiers; and how upon
his departure to Egypt, to take upon him
the government of the empire, the affairs ot
the Jews became very tumultuous; as also
how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell
into dissensions amongst themselves.

10.	Moreover, [1 shall relate] how Titus
marched out of Egypt into Judea the second
time; as also how and where, and how many
forces he got together; and in what state the
city was, by means of the seditious, at his
coming; what attacks he made, and how many
ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that
encompassed the city, and of their measures;
of the strength of the city, and the structure
of the temple and holy house; and besides,
the measures of those edifices, arid of the altar,
and all accurately determined. A description
also of certain of their festivals, and seven pu-
rifications or degrees of purity, f and the sacred
ministrations of the priests, with the garments
of the priests, and of the high-priests; and of
the nature of the most holy place of the tem-
ple; without concealing any thing, or adding
any thing to the known truth of things.

11.	After this, 1 shall relate the barbarity
of the tyrants towards the people of their own
nation, as well as the indulgence of the
Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often
Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city
and the temple, invited the seditious to come
to terms of accommodation. 1 shall also dis-
tinguish the sufferings of the people, and their
calamities; how far they were afflicted by the
sedition, and how far by the famine, and at
length were taken. Nor shall I omit to
mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor
the punishments indicted on the captives; as
also, how the temple was burnt, against the
consent of Ciesar; and how many sacred
things that had been laid up in the temple,
were snatched out of the fire; the destruc-
tion also of the entire city, with the signs
and wonders that went before it; and the
taking the tyrants captive, and the multitude
of those that were made slaves, and into what
different misfortunes they were every one dis-
tributed. Moreover, what the Romans did
to the remains of the wall; and how they
demolished the strong-holds that were in the
country; and how Titus went over the whole
country, and settled its affairs; together with
his return into Italy, and his triumph.

12.	I have comprehended all these things

+ These seven, or rather five, decrees of purity, or
purification, are enumerated hereafter, b. v.cli. v.

The rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Ueland lueie
informs 'is.554

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

in seven books; and bave left uo occasion for
complaint or accusation to such as bave been
acquainted with this war; and 1 have written
it down for the sake of those that love truth,

but not for those that please themselves [with
fictitious relations]. And I will begin iny
account of these things with what I call my
First Chapter.

BOOK I.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTT-SEVEN YEARS

FROM ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES TAKING JERUSALEM TO THE
DEATH OF HEROD THE GREAT.

CHAPTER I.

HOW THE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS TAKEN,
AND THE TEMPLE PILLAGED [BY ANTIOCHUS
EPIPHANES]. AS ALSO CONCERNING THE
ACTIONS OF THE MACCABEES, MATTHIAS
AND JUDAS; AND CONCERNING THE DEATH
OF JUDAS.

§ 1. At the same time that Antiochus, who
was called Epiphanes, had a quarrei with the
sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole
country of Syria, a great sedition /ell amor.g
the men of power in Judea, and they had a
contention about obtaining the government;
while each of those that were of dignity could
not endure to be subject to their equals.
However, Onias, one of the high-priests, got
the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of
the city; who fled to Antiochus, and be-
sought him to make use of them for his lead-
ers, and to make an expedition into Judea.
The king being thereto disposed beforehand,
complied with them, and came upon the Jews
with a great army, and took their city by
force, and slew a great multitude of those
that favoured Ptolemy, and sent out his sol-
diers to plunder them without mercy. He
also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the
constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice
of expiation for three years and six months.
But Onias, the high-priest, fled to Ptolemy,
and received a place from him in the Nomus
of Heliopolis, where he built a city resem-
bling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like
its temple;* concerning which we shall speak
more in its proper place hereafter.

* I see little difference in the several accounts in
Josephus about the Egyptian temple Onion, of which
large ruin plaints are made by his commentators. Onias,
it seems, hoped to have made it very like that at Jeru-
salem. and uf the same dimensions; and so he appears
to have really dune, as lar as he was able, and thought
proper. Of this temple, see Antiq. b. xiii. ch. iii. sect
1, 2, 3; and Of the War, b. vii. cb. x. sect. 3.

2.	Now Antiochus was not satisfied either
with his unexpected taking the city, or with
its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had
made there; but being overcome with'his
violent passions, and remembering what he
had suffered during the siege, he compelled
the Jews to dissolve the laws of their coun-
try, and to keep their infants uncircumcised,
and to sacrifice swine’s flesh upon the altar;
against which they all opposed themselves,
and the most approved<among them were put
to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to
keep the fortresses, having these wicked com-
mands, joined to his own natural barbarity,
indulged all sorts of the extremest wicked-
ness, and tormented the worthiest of the in-
habitants, man by man, and threatened their
city every day with open destruction; till at
length he provoked the poor sufferers, by the
extremity of his wicked doings, to avenge
themselves.

3.	Accordingly, Matthias, the son of Asa-
moneus, one of the priests who lived in a
village called Modin, armed himself, together
with his own family, which had five sons of
his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers;
and, thereupon, out of the fear of the many
garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the moun-
tains ; and so many of the people followed
him, that he was encouraged to come down
from the mountains, and to give battle to
Antioch us’s generals, when he beat them,
and drove them out of Judea. So be came
to the government by this his success, and
became the prince of his own people by their
own free consent, and then died, leaving the
government to Judas, his eldest son.

4.	Now. Judas, supposing that Antiochus
would not lie still, gathered an army out of
his own countrymen, and was the first that
made a league of friendship with the Romans,
and drove Epiphanes out of the country when
he had made a second expedition into it, andCHAP. II,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

this by giving him a great defeat there; and
when he was warmed by this great success,
he made an assault upon the garrison that
was in the city, for it had not been cut off
hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper
city, and drove the soldiers into the lower,
which part of the city was called the Citadel.
He then got the temple under his power, and
cleansed the whole place, and walled it round
about, and made new vessels for sacred minis-
trations, and brought them into the tei iplr.
because the former vessels had been profaned.
He also built another altar, and began to
offer the sacrifices; and when the city had
already received its sacred constitution again,
Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus suc-
ceeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred
to the Jews also.

5.	So this Antiochus got together fifty
thousand footmen, and five thousand horse-
men, and fourscore elephants, and marched
through Judea into the mountainous parts.
He then took Bethsura, which was a small
city; but, at a place called Bethzacharias,
where the passage was narrow, Judas met
him with his army. However, before the
forces joined battle, Judas’s brother, Eleazar,
seeing the very highest of the elephants
adorned with a large tower, and with mili-
tary trappings of gold to guard him, and sup-
posing that Antiochus himself was upon him,
he ran a great way before his own army, and
cutting his way through the enemies’ troops,
he got up to the elephant; yet could not
reach him who seemed to be the king, by
reason of his being so high; but still he ran
his weapon into the belly of the beast, and
brought him down upon himself, and was
crushed to death, having done no more than
attempted great things, and showed that he
preferred glory before life. Now he that
governed the elephant was but a private man;
but had he proved to he Antiochus, Eleazar
had performed nothing more by this bold
stroke than that it might appear he chose to
die, when he had the bare hope of thereby
dcing a glorious action; nay, this disappoint-
ment proved an omen to his brother [Judas]
how the entire battle would end. It is true,
that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long
time; but the king’s forces, being superior
in number, and having fortune on their side,
obtained the victory; and when a great many
of his men were 6lain, Judas took the rest
with him, and fled to the toparchy of
Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem,
and staid there but a few days, for he wanted
provisions, and so he went his way. He left
indeed a garrison behind him, such as he
thought surticient to keep the plhee; but
drew the rest of his army off, to take their
winter-quarters in Syria.

6.	Now, after the king was departed, Judas
was not idle; for as many of his own nation
came to him, so did hs gather those that

006

had escaped out of the battle together, and
gave battle again to Antiochus’s genera^ at
a village called Adasa; and being too hard
for his enemies in the battle, and killing a
great number of them, he was at last himself
slain also. Nor was it many days afterward
that his brother John had a plot laid against
him by Antiochus’s party, and was shun by
them.

CHAPTER IL

CONCERNING THE SUCCESSORS OF JUDAS, WHO

WERE JONATHAN, SIMEON, AND JOHN

HYRCANrfv

§ 1. When Jonathon, who was Judas’s bro-
ther, succeeded him, he behaved himself with
great circumspection in other respects, with
relation to his own people; and he corrobo-
rated his authority ly preserving his friend-
ship with the Romans. He also made a league
with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this
sufficient for his security; for the tyrant Try-
pho, who was guardian to Antiochus’s son,
laid a plot against him; and, besides that, en-
deavoured to take off his friends, and caught
Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Pto-
lemais tc Antiochus, with a few persons in
his company, and put them in bonds, and then
made an expedition against the Jews: but
when he was afterward driven away by Simeon,
who was Jonathan’s brother, and was enraged
at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.

2.	However, Simeon managed the public
affairs after a courageous manner, and took
Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were
cities in the neighbourhood. He also got the
garrison under, and demolished the citadel.
He was afterwards an auxiliary to Antiochus,
against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora,
before he went on bis expedition against the
Medes; yet could not he make the king
ashamed of his ambition, though he had as-
sisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not
long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his gene-
ral with an army to lay waste Judea, and to
subdue Simeon; yet he, though he was now in
years, conducted the war as if he were a much
younger man. He also sent his sons with a
band of strong men against Antiochus, wbila
he took part of the army himself with him,
and fell upon him from another quarter: he
also laid a great many men in ambush in
many places of the mountains, and was supe-
rior in all his attacks upon them. And when
he had been conqueror after so glorious a
manner, he was made high-priest, and also
freed the Jews from the dominion of the Ma-
cedonians, after a hundred- and seventy yean
of the empire [of Seleucus].

3.	This Simon had also a plot laid against
him, and was slain at a feast bv his son-in-lav55ft

WARS OF TIIE JEWS.

BOOK I

Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons
into prison, and sent some persons to kill
John, who was also called Hyrcanus.* But
when the young man was informed of their
coining beforehand, he made much haste to
get to the city, as having a very great confi-
dence in the people there, both on account of
the memory of the glorious actions of his
father, and of the hatred they could not but
bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy
also made an attempt to get into the city by
another gate, but was repelled by the people,
who had just then admitted Hyrcanus; so he
etired presently to one of the fortresses that
were above Jericho, which was called Dagon.
Now, when Hyrcanus had received the high-
priesthood, which his father had held before,
and had offered sacrifice to God, he made
great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might
afford relief to his mother and brethren.

4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was

made an expedition into Judea, and sat down
before Jerusalem, and besieged Hyrcanusi
but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David,
who was the richest of all kings, and took
thence about three thousand talents in. money,
and induced Antiochus, by the promise of
three thousand talents, to raise the sieges
Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that
had money enough, and began to hire foreign
auxiliaries also.

6.	However, at another time, when Antio-
chus was gone upon an expedition against
the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an oppor-
tunity of being avenged upon him, he imme-
diately made an attack upon the cities of
Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case
with them, that he should find them empty of
good troops. So he took Medaba and Samoa,
with the towns in their neighbourhood, tts
also Shechem and Gerizzim; and besides these,
[he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who

superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was | dwelt round about that temple which was
overcome by him as to the just affection [he I built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem:
had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was he also took a great many other cities of Idu-

distressed, he brought forth his mother and
his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and
beat them with rods in every body’s sight,
and threatened, that, unless he would go away
immediately, he would throw them down
headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus’s com-
miseration and concern were too hard for his
anger. But his mother was not dismayed,
neither at the stripes she received, nor at the
death with which she was threatened, but
stretched out her hands, and prayed her son
not to be moved with the injuries that she
suffered, to spare the wretch; since it was to
her better to die by the means of Ptolemy
than to live ever so long, provided he might
be punished for the injuries he had done to
their family. Now John’s case was this: —
When he considered the courage of his
mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about
his attackfe; but when he saw her beaten, and
torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble,
and was entirely overcome by his affections.
And as the siege was delayed by this means,
the year of reBt came on, upon which the
Jews rest every seventh year as they do on
every seventh day. On this year, therefore,
Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and
slew the brethren of John, with their mother,
and fied to Zeno, who was also called Coty-
las, who was the tyrant of Philadelphia.

5. And now Antiochus was so angry at
what he had suffered from Simeon, that he

* Why tbis John the son of Simeon, the high-prieat
and governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Jose-
phus nowhere informs us; nor is he called other than
John at the end of the first book of the Maccabees

:ume
ose-
thei

ohn at the end of the first book of the
However, Sixtus Senensis, when be gives us an epiti
of the Greek version of the book here abridged by Ji
phus, or of the Chronicles of this Joltn Hyrcanus, t
extant, assures us that be was called Hyr<
conquest of one of that name. See Authent. Rec part i.
p-27. Butof tbis younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldrich’s
note berk

ius, then,
from his

mea, with Adoreon and Marissa.

7.	He also proceeded as far as Samaria,
where is now the city Sebaste, which was
built by Herod the king, and encompassed it
all routtd with a wail, and set his sons, Aris-
tobulus and Antigonus over the siege; who
pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far pre-
vailed within the city, that they were forced
to eat what never was esteemed food. They
also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzi-
cenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon
he got ready, and complied with their invita-
tion, but was beaten by Aristobulus and
Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as tar
as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fied away
from them. So they returned back to Sama-
ria, and shut the multitude again within the
wall; and when they had taken the city, they
demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabi-
tants. And, as they had still great success in
their undertakings, they did not suffer theii
zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far
as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it,
and laid waste all the country that lay within
mount Carmel.

8.	But then, these successes of John and
of his sons made them be envied, and occa-
sioned a sedition in the country; and many
there were who got together, and would not
be at rest till they brake out into open war,
in which war they were beaten. So John
lived the rest of his life very happily, and
administered the government after a most
extraordinary maimer, and this for thirty-three
entire years together. He died, leaving five
sons behind him. He was certainly a very
happy man,,and afforded no occasion to have
any complaint made of fortune on bis account.
He it was who alone had three of the most
desirable things in the world, — the govern,
ment of his nation, and the high-priesthccdCHAP. III.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

557

and the gift of prophecy; for the Deity con-
versed with him,—and he was not ignorant
of any thing that was to come afterwards;
insomuch, that he foresaw and foretold that
his two eldest sons would not continue mas-
ters of the government: and it will highly
deserve our narration to describe their catas-
trophe, and how far inferior these men were
to their father in felicity.

CHAPTER III.

HOW ARISTOBULUS WAS THE FIRST THAT PUT
A DIADEM ABOUT HIS HEAD; AND, AFTER
HE HAD PUT HIS MOTHER AND BROTHER
TO DEATH, DIED HIMSELF, WHEN HE HAD
REIGNED NO MORE THAN A YEAR.

§ 1. For, after the death of their father, the
elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the go-
vernment into a kingdom, and was the first
that put a diadem upon his head, four hun-
dred and seventy-one years and three months
after our people came dow'n into this country,
when they were set free from the Babylonian
slavery. Now, of his brethren, be appeared
to have at) affection for Antigonus, who was
next to him, and made him his equal; but,
for the rest, he bound them, and put them in
prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for
her contesting the government with him; for
John had left her to be the governess of pub-
lic uffairs. He also proceeded to that degree
of ba. barity, as to cause her to be pined to
death in prison.

2.	But vengeance circumvented him in the
affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he
loved, and whom he made his partner in the
kingdom; for he slew him by the means of
the calumnies which ill men about the palace
contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aris-
tobulus would not belie ve_ their reports, partly
out of the affection he had for his brother,
and partly because he thought that a great
part of these tales were owing to the envy of
their relaters: however, as Antigonus came
once in a splendid manner from the army to
that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to
make tabernacles for God, it happened in
those days that Aristobulus was sick, and
that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigo-
nus cume up to it, with bis armed men about
him, and this when he was adorned in the
finest manner possible; and that, in a great
measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his
brother. Now, at this very time it was that
these ill men came to the king, and told him
in wLat a pompous manner the armed men
came, and with what insolence Antigonus
marched, and that suob his insolence was too
great for a private person, and that, accord-
ingly, he was come .with a great band of men
kill him; for that he could not endure this

bare enjoyment of royal honour, when it waa
in his power to take the kingdom himself.

3.	Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and un-
willingly, gave credit to these accusations;
and, accordingly, he took care not to discover
his suspicion openly, though he provided to
be secure against any accidents; so he placed
the guards of his body in a certain dark sub-
terraneous passage; for he lay sick in a cer-
tain place called formerly the Citadel, though
afterwards its name was changed to Antonia;
and he gave orders, that, if Antigonus came
unarmed, they should let him alone; but if
he came to him in his armour, they should
kill him. He also sent some to let him know
beforehand, that he should come unarmed.
But, upon this occasion, the queen very cun-
ningly contrived the matter with those that
plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that
were sent, to conceal the king’s message; but
to tell Antigonus how bis brother had heard
he had got a very fine suit of armour, made
with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and
because his present sickness hindered him
from coming and seeing all that finery, he
very much desired to see him now in his
armour, because, said he, in a little time thou
art going away from me.

4.	As soon as Antigonus heard this, the
good temper of his brother not allowing him
to suspect any barm from him, be came along
with his armour on, to show it to his brother;
but when he was going along that dark pas-
sage, which was called Strato’s Tower, be was
slain by the body-guards, and became an
eminent instance how calumny destroys all
good-will and natural affection, und how none
of our good affections are strong enough to
resist envy perpetually.

5.	And truly any one would be surprised
at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the
sect of the Essens, and had never failed or
deceived men in his predictions before. Now,
this man saw Antigonus as he was passing
along by the temple, and cried out to his ac-
quaintance (they were not a few who attended
upon him as his scholars), “ O strange 1” said
he, “ it is good for me to die now, since truth
is dead before me, and somewhat that 1 have
foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus
is this day alive, who ought to have died this
day; and the place where he ought to be slain,
according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s
Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred
furlongs from this place, and yet four hours
of this day are over already; which point of
time renders the prediction impossible to be
fulfilled.” And when the old man had said
this he wa6 dejected in his mind, and so con-
tinued. But, in a little time, news came that
Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place,
which was itself also called Strato’s Tower,
by the same name with that Cesarea which
lay by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was
which caused the prophet’s disorder.wars of the jews.

BOOK L

558

C. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the
great crime he had been guilty of, and this
gave occasion to the increase of his distemper.
He also grew worse and worse, and his soul
was constantly disturbed at the thought of
what he had done, till his very bowels being
torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was
under, he threw up a great quantity of blood.
And, as one of those servants that attended
he, by some super-
and fell down in
the very place where Antigonus had been
slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer’s
blood upon the spots of the blood of him that
had been murdered, which still appeared.
Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the
spectators, as if the servant had spilled the
blood on purpose in that place; and, as the
king heard that cry, he inquired what was
the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell
him, be pressed them so much the more to
let him know what was the matter; so, at
length, when he had threatened them, and
forced them to speak out, they told; where-
upon he burst into tears, and groaned, and
said, “ So I perceive I am not like to escape
the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes
I have committed; but the vengeance of the
blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O
thou most impudent body! how long wilt
thou retain a soul that ought to die, on
account of that punishment it ought to suiter
for a mother and a brother slain 1 how long
shall I myself spend my biood drop by drop i
let them take it ail at once; and iet their
ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few
parcels of my bowels offered to tnein.;’ As
soon as he had said these words, he presently
died, when he had reigned uo longer than a
year.

him carried out that blood,
natural providence, slipped

CHAPTER IV.

WHAT ACTIONS WERE HONE BY ALEXANDER
JANNEUS, WHO REIGNED TWENTY-SEVEN
YEARS.

§ 1. And now the king’s wife loosed the
king’s brethren, and made Alexander king,
who appeared both elder in age and more
moderate in his temper than the rest; who,
when he came to the government, slew one of
his brethren, as affecting to govern himself;
but had the other of them in great esteem, as
loving a quiet life, without meddling with
public allairs.

2.	Now it happened that there was a battle
between him and Ptolemy, who was called
Latliyrus, who had taken the city Asochis.
He indeed slew a great many of his enemies;
but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy,
tut, when this Ptolemy was pursued by his
mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt,

Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; ad
also he did Amathus, which was the strongest
of all the fortresses that were about Jordan,
and therein were the most precious of all the
possessions of Tbeodorus, the son of Zeno.
Whereupon Tbeodorus marched against him,
and took what belonged to himself, as well as'
the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of
the Jews. However, Alexander recovered
this blow, and turned bis force towards the
maritime parts, and took Raphia, and Gaza,
with Anthedon also, which was afterwards
called Agrippias by king Herod.

3.	But when be bad made slaves of the citi-
zens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews
made an insurrection against him at a festival;
for at those feasts seditions are generally
begun: and it looked as if he should not be
able to escape the plot they had laid for him,
had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians
and Cilicians, assisted him; for, as to the
Syrians, he never admitted them among his
mercenary troops, on account of their innate
enmity against the Jewish nation. And when
he had slain more than six thousand of the
rebels, be made an incursion into Arabia, and
when he had taken that country, together with
the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them
to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus;
and as Tbeodorus wa9 surprised at his great
success, he took the fortress, and demo-
lished it.

4.	However, when he fought with Obodas,
king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush
for aim near Golan, and a plot against him,
lie lost his entire army, which was crowded
together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces
by the multitude of camels; and when be bad
made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked
the multitude, who hated him before, to make
an insurrection against him, and this on
account of the greatness of the calamity that
he was under. However, he was then too
hard for them; and, in the several battles that
were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer
than fifty thousand of the Jews, in the inter-
val of six years. Yet had he no reason to
rejoice in these victories, since he did but con-
sume his own kingdom; till at length he left
off fighting, and endeavoured to come to a
composition with them, by talking with his
subjects; but this mutability and irregularity
of his conduct made them hate him still more;
and when he asked them why they so bated
him, and what he should do, in order to
appease them, they said, by killing himself;
for that it would be then all they could do, to
be reconciled to him who bad done such tra-
gical things to them, even when he was dead.
At the same time they invited Demetrius,
who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and
as he readily complied with their request, in
hopes of great advantages, and came with his
army, the Jews joined with those their auxi-
liaries about Shelbern.CHAP, IV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

559

A. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces
with one thousand horsemen, and eight thou-
sand mercenaries that were on foot. He bad
also with him that part of the Jews which
favoured him, to the number of ten thousand;
while the adverse party had three thousand
horsemeD, and fourteen thousand footmen.
Now, before they joined battle, the kings
made proclamation, and endeavoured to draw
off each other’s soldiers, and make them
revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce
Alexander’s mercenaries to leave him,—and
Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were
with Demetrius to leave him; but, since
neither the Jews would leave off their rage,
nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came
to an engagement, and to a close fight with
their weapons. In which battle Demetrius
was the conqueror, although Alexander’s
mercenaries showed the greatest exploits,
both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot
of this battle prove different from what was
expected, as to both of them; for neither did
those that invited Demetrius to come to them
continue firm to him, though he was con-
queror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity
to the change of Alexander’s condition, when
he was fled to the mountains, came over to
him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this
turn of affairs; but, supposing that Alex-
ander was already become a match for him
again, and that all the nation would [at length-]
run to him, he left the country, and went his
way.

6.	However, the rest of the [Jewish] mul-
titude did not lay aside their quarrels with
him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone ;
but they had a perpetual war with Alexander,
until he had slain the greatest part of them,
and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis;
and when he had demolished that city, be
carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his
rage was grown so extravagant, that his bar-
barity proceeded to a degree of impiety; for
when he had ordered eight hundred to be
bung upon crosses in the midst of the city,
he had the throats of their wives and children
cut before their eyes; and these executions
he saw os he was drinking and lying down
with his concubines. Upon which, so deep a
surprise seized on the people, that eight thou-
sand of his opposers fled away the very next
night, out of all Judea, whose flight was
only terminated by Alexander’s death; so at
last, though not till late, and with great diffi-
culty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to
his kingdom, and left off, fighting any more.

7.	Yet did that Antiochus, who was also
called Dionysius, become an origin of trou-
bles again- This man was the brother of
Demetrius, and the last of the race of the
Cieleucidie.* Alexander was afraid of him,

* Jnwphus here calls this Antiochus the last of the
Seleuridaj, although there remained si.ijl a shadow of
another king of that family, Antiochus Asisticus, or

when he was marching against the Arabians
so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris,
which was near the mountains, and the shores
of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before
the trench, and built wooden towers in order
to binder any sudden approaches; but still
he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he
burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches,
and marched on with his army; and as be
looked upon taking liis revenge on Alexander
for endeavouring to stop him, as a thing of
less consequence, he marched directly againBt
the Arabians, whose king retired into such
parts of the country as were fittest for engag-
ing the enemy, and then on the sudden made
his horse turn back, who were in number ten
thousand, and fell upon Antiochus’s army
while they were in disorder, and a terrible
battle ensued. Antiochus’s troops, so long
as he was alive, fought it Out, although a
mighty slaughter was made among them by
the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was
in the fore-front, in the utmost danger, in
rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and
the greatest part of his army were destroyed,
either in the action or the flight; and for the
rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it hap-
pened that they were all consumed by want
of necessaries, a few only excepted.

8.	About this time it was that tbe people
of Damascus, out of tbeir hatred to Ptolemy,
the son of Menneus, invited Aretas [to take
the government], and made him king of
Celesyria. This man also made an expedition
against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle;
but afterwards retired by mutual agreement.
But Alexander, when he had taken Pella,
marched to Gerasa again, out of the cove-
tous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions;
and when he had built a triple wall about the
garrison, be took the place by force. He
also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and
what was called the Valley of Antiochus;
besides which, he took tbe strong fortress of
Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was
governor therein, of what he had, on account
of the many crimes laid to his charge, and
then returned into Judea, after be had been
three whole years in this expedition; and now
he was kindly received of the nation, because
of the good success he had. So, when he
was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper;
for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and
supposed that, by exercising himself again in
martial affairs, he should get rid of this dis-
temper; but, by making such expeditions at
unseasonable times, and forcing his body to
undergo greater hardships than it was able to
bear, he Drought himself to bis end. He
died, therefore, in tbe midst of his troubles,
after he had teigned seven-and-twenty years.

Commagenus, who reigned, or rather lay; hid, till Pom-
pey. quite tnrned him onty&s Dean Aldrich her* ooht;
from Appian and Justin*660

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I,

CHAPTER V.

ALEXANDRA. REIGNS NINE YEARS; DURING

WHICH TIME THE PHARISEES WERE THE

BEAL RULERS OS’ THE NATION.

§ 1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to
Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it
that the Jews would now very readily submit
to her; because she had been very averse to
such cruelty as he had treated them with, and
had opposed his violation of their laws, and
had thereby got the good-will of the people.
Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations;
for this woman kept the dominion, by the
opinion that the people had of her piety; for
she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her
country, and cast those men out of the
government that offended against their holy
laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander,
she made Hyrcanus, the elder, high-priest, on
account of his age; as also, besides that, on
account of his inactive temper noway disposing
him to disturb the public. But she retained
the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a pri-
vate person, by reason of the warmth of his
temper.

2.	And now the Pharisees joined themselves
to her, to assist her in the government. These
are a certain sect of the Jews that appear
more religious than others, and seem to inter-
pret the laws more accurately. Now, Alex-
andra hearkened to them to an extraordinary
degree, as being herself a woman of great piety
towards God. But these Pharisees artfully
insinuated themselves into her favour by little
and little, and became themselves the real
administrators of the public affairs: they
banished and reduced whom they pleased;
they bound and loosed [men] at their plea-
sure;*! and, to say all at once, they had the
enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the
expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to
Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in
the management of great affairs, and intent
always upon gathering soldiers together; so
that she increased the army the one half, and
procured a great body of foreign troops, till
her own nation became not only very power-
ful at home, but terrible also to foreign
potentates, while she governed other people,
and the Pharisees governed her.

3.	Accordingly they themselves slew Dio-
genes, a person of figure, and one that had
been a friend to Alexander; and accused
him as having assisted the king with his
advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men
[before mentioned]. They also prevailed with

• Matt xvi. 19; xviii. 18.

4 Here we have the oldest and most authentic Jewish
exposition of binding and loosing, for punishing or absol-
ving men j not for declaring actions lawful or unlawfnf.as
•owe more modem Jews and Christians vainly pretend.

Alexandra to put to death the rest of those
who had irritated him against them. Now, she
was so superstitious as to comply with their
desires, and accordingly they slew whom they
pleased themselves. But the principal of those
that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, wbo
persuaded his mother to spare the men on
account of their dignity, but to expel them out
of the city, unless she took them to be inno-
cent: so they were suffered to go unpunished,
and were dispersed all over the country. But,
when Alexandra sent out her army to Damas-
cus, under pretence that Ptolemy was always
oppressing that city, she got possession of it;
nor did it make any considerable resistance.
She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of
Armenia,who lay with bis troops about Ptole-
mais, and besieged Cleopatra,£ by agreements
and presents, to go away. Accordingly Tigra-
nes soon arose from the siege, by reason ot
those domestic tumults which happened upon
Lucullus’s expedition into Armenia.

4.	In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick,
and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold
of this opportunity, with his domestics, of
which he had a great many, who were all of
them his friends, on account of the warmth
of their youth, and got possession of all the
fortresses. He also used the sums of money
he found in them, to get together a number
of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king;
and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s complaint
to bis mother, she compassionated his case, and
put Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint
in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined
to the north part of the temple. It was, as 1
have already said, of old called the Citadel,
but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when
Antony was lord [of the east], just as the
other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, bad their
names changed, and these given them from
Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died
before she could punish Aristobulus for his
disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned
nine years.

CHAPTER VI.

WHEN HYRCANUS, WHO WAS ALEXANDER’S
HEIR, RECEDED FROM HIS CLAIM TO THE
CROWN, ARISTOBULUS IS MADE KING; AND
AFTERWARD THE SAME HYRCANUS, BY
THE MEANS OF ANT1FATER, IS BltOUGHl
BACK BY ARETAS. AT LAST POMPEY IS
MADE THE ARBITRATOR OF THE DISPUTE
BETWEEN THE BROTHERS.

§ 1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the king-
dom, and to him did his mother commit it

t Strabo, b. xvi. p. 740, relates, that this Selene
Cleopalru uas besieged by Tigranes, rot in I’tolemais,
as here, but: fler she bad left Syria, in Seleucia. a cita-
del in Meso| otaraiai and adds, that when be bad keptCHAP. VI,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

before she died: but Aristobulus was supe-
rior to biro in power and magnanimity; and
when there was a battle between them, to
decide the dispute about the kingdom, near
Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus,
and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrca-
nus, with those of his party who staid with
him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power
the hostages that might be for his preserva-
tion (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her
children); but they came to an agreement
before things should come to extremities, that
Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus
should resign that up, but retain all the rest
of his dignities, as being the king’s brother.
Hereupon they were reconciled to each other
in the temple, and embraced one another in
a very kind manner, while the people stood
round about them: they also changed their
houses; while Aristobulus went to the royal
palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of
Aristobulus.

2.	Now, those other people who were at
variance with Aristobulus were afraid, upon
his unexpectedly obtaining the government;
and especially this concerned Antipater,*
whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was
by birth an Idumean, and one of the princi-
pal of that nation, on account of his ances-
tors and riches, and other authority to him
belonging: he also persuaded Hyrcanus to
fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay
claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded
Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring
him back to his kingdom: he also cast re-
proaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals,
and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus,
and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told
him how becoming a thing it would be for
him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford
his assistance to such as are injured; alleg-
ing that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by
being deprived of that dominion which be-
longed to him by the prerogative of his birth.
And when he bad predisposed them both to
do what he would have them, he took Hyr-
canus by night, and ran away from the city;
and, continuing his flight with great swift-
ness, he escaped to the place called Petra,
which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia,
where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hands;
and, by discoursing much with him, and gain-
ing upon him with many presents, he pre-
vailed with him to give him an army that
might restore him to bis kingdom. This
army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and

ber a while io prison, he put her to death. Dean
Aldrich supposes here that Strabo contradicts Josephi

_u!-u j----appear *-	"	L '----"

and in tl
Tigranes besieged
be took the

nus,

which does not appear to me; for although Josephus
says both here and in the Antiq. b. xiii. ch. xvi. sect, 4.
that Tigranes besieged her now in Ptnlemais. and that
be took the city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does
be nowhere intimate that be now took the queen her-
self; so that both the narrations of Strabo and Josephus
may still be true notwithstanding,

* That this Antipater, the lather of Herod the Great,
was an Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see the note
on Antiq. b. xiv. ob xv. sect 3.

561

horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not
able to make resistance, but was deserted in
his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem,
he also had been taken at first by force, if
Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come
and seasonably interposed himself, and raised
the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria
from Armenia, by Pompey the Great, when
he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came
to Damascus, which had been lately taken
by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them
to leave the place; and, upon his hearing
how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste
thither as to a certain booty.

3.	As soon, therefore, as he was come into
the- country, there came ambassadors from
both the brothers, each of them desiring his
assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred
talents had more weight with him than the
justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus
had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus
and the Arabians, and threatened them with
the resentment of the Romans and of
Pompey, unless they would raise the siege.
So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of
Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return
to Damascus again: nor was Aristobulus
satisfied with escaping [out of his brother’s
hands], but gathered all his forces together,
and pursued bis enemies, and fought them at
a place called Papyron, and slew above six
thousand of them, and, together with them,
Antipater’s brother, Phalion.

4.	When Hyrcanus and Antipater were
thus deprived of their hopes from the Ara-
bians, they transferred the same to their
adversaries; and because Pompey had passed
through Syria, and was corne to Damascus,
they fled to him for assistance; and, without
any bribes, f they made the same equitable
pleas that they had used to Aretas, and be-
sought him to hate the violent behaviour of
Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom upon
him to whom it justly belonged, both on
account of his good character, and on account
of his superiority in age. However, neither
was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this
case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus
had received: he was also there himself, and
adorned himself after a manner the most
agreeable to royalty that he was able. Hut
he soon thought it beneath him to come in
such a servile manner, and could not endure
to serve bis own ends in a way so much more
abject than he was used to; so he departed
from Diospolis.

5.	At this his behaviour Pompey had great

+ It is somewhat probable, as Havercamp supposes,
and partly Spanheim also, that the Latin copy is here
the truest; that Pompey did take the many presents
offered him by Hvrcamis, as he would have done the
others from Aristobulus (sect. H.); although his remark-
able abstinence from toe 2000 talents that were in the
Jewish temple, when he took it a little afterward (ch.
viL sect. 6, and Antiq. b. xiv. ch. iv. sect 4). will hardly
permit us to desert the Greek, oopies; all which agrea
that be did not take them.

2N562

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends
made great intercession to Pompey; bo he
took1 not only his Roman forces, but many of
his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against
Aristobulus. But when he had passed by
Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea,
where you enter into the country of Judea,
when you go up to it through the Mediter-
ranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was
tied to Aluxandrium, which is a strong-hold,
fortitied with the utmost magnificence, and
situated upon a high mountain, and he sent
to him, and commanded him to come down.
Mow his inclination was to try his fortune in
a battle, since he was called in such an impe-
rious maimer, rather than to comply with that
call. However, be saw the multitude were
in great tear, and his friends exhorted him to
consider what the power of the Romans was,
and how it was irresistible; so he complied
with their advice, and came down to Pompey;
and when he had made a long apology for
himself, and for the justness of his cause in
taking the government, he returned to the
fortress. And w'hen his brother invited him
again [to plead his cause], he came down and
spake about the justice of it, and then went
away without any hinderance from Pompey:
so he was between hope and fear. And when
he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey
to allow him the government entirely, and
w'hen he went up to the citadel, it was that
he might not appear to debase himself too
low'. However, Pompey commanded him to
give up his fortified places, and forced him to
write to every one of their governors to yield
them up; they having had this charge given
them, to obey no letters but what were of his
own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what
he was ordered to do; but had still an indig-
nation at what was done, and retired to Jeru-
salem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.

6. But Pompey did not give him time
to make any preparations [for a siege], but
followed him at his heels; he was also obliged
to make haste in his attempt, by the death of
Mithridates, of which he was informed about
Jericho. Mow here is the most fruitful
country of Judea, which bears a vast number
of palm-trees, besides the balsam-tree,*
whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones,
and at the incisions they gather the juice,
which drops down like tears. So Pompey
pitched his camp in that place one night,
and then hasted away the next morning to
Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted
at his approach, that he came and met him by
way of supplication. He also promised him
money, and that he would deliver up both
himself and the city into his disposal; — and
thereby be mitigated the anger of Pompey.

* Of the famous palm-trees and balsam about Jericho
and Jlneuddi, see the Dotes in Havercamp’s edition, both .
here and b. ii. cb. ix. sect. I. They are somewhat too I
long to be transcribed in this place.	i

Tet did not he perform any of the conditions
he had agreed to; for Aristobulus’s party
would not so much as admit Gabin'.us into
the city, who was sent to receive the mui.ey
that he had promised.

CHAPTER VII.

HOW POMPEY HAD THE CITY OP JERUSALEM

DELIVERED UP TO HIM; BUT TOOK THE

TEMPLE [BY FORCE]. HOW HE WENT

INTO THE HOLY OF HOLIES; AS ALSO WHAT

WERE HIS OTHER EXPLOITS IN JUDEA.

§ 1. At this treatment Pompey was very
angry, and took Aristobulus into custody;
and when he was come to the city he looked
about where he might make his attack; for
he saw the walls were so firm that it would
be hard to overcome them, and that the val-
ley before the walls was terrible; and that the
temple, which was within that valley, was itself
encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch
that if the city were taken, the temple would
be a second place of refuge for the enemy to
retire to.

2.	Now, as he was long in deliberating
about this matter, a sedition arose among the
people within the city; Aristobulus’s party
being willing to fight, and to set their king at
liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for
opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread
people were in, occasioned these last to be a
very numerous party, when they looked upon
the excellent order the Roman soldiers were
in. So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and
retired into the temple, and cut off the com-
munication between the temple and the city,
by breaking down the bridge that joined them
together, and prepared to make an opposition
to the utmost; but as the others had received
the Romans into the city, and had delivered
up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one
of his great officers, into that palace with an
army, who distributed a garrison about the
city, because he could not persuade any one
of those that bad fled to the temple to come to
terms of accommodation; he then disposed all
things that were round about them so as
might favour their attacks, as having Hyrca-
nus’s party very ready to afford them both
counsel and assistance.

3.	But Pompey himself filled up the ditch
that was on the north side of the temple, and
the entire valley also, the army itself being
obliged to carry the materials for that pur-
pose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill
up that valley, by reason of its immense depth,
especially as the Jews used all the means pos-
sible to repel them from their superior station;
nor had the Romans succeeded in their endea-
vours, had not Pompey taken notice of the
seventh days, on which the Jcwb abstainCHAP. VN.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

563

from all sorts of work on a religious account,
v?d -aised his bank, but restrained his soldiers
from fighting on those days; for the Jews
n.,iv Tctp-1 defensively on Sabbath-days. But
as soon as Poinpey had filled up the valley,
he erected high towers upon the bank, and
brought those engines which they had fetched
from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to bat-
ter it down; and the slingers of stones beat
off those that stood above them, and drove
then away: but the towers on this side of
the city made very great resistance, and were
indeed extraordinary both for largeness and
magnificence.

4.	Now, here it was that, upon the many
hardships which the Romans underwent, Pom-
pey could not but admire not only at the other
instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially
that they did not at all intermit their religious
services, even when they were encompassed
with darts on all sides; for, as if the city
were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and
purifications, and every branch of their reli-
gious worship, were still performed to God
with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed,
when the temple was actually taken, and
they were every day slain about the altar, did
they leave off the instances of their divine
worship that were appointed by their law; for
it was in the third month of the siege before
the Romans could even with great difficulty
overthrow one of the towers, and get into the
temple. Now he that first of all ventured to
get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius, the
son of Sylla; and next after him were two
centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every
one of these was followed by a cohort of his
own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides,
and slew them; some of them as they were
running for shelter to the temple, and others
as they, for a while, fought in their own
defence.

5.	And now did many of the priests, even
when they saw their enemies assailing them
with swords in their hands, without any dis-
turbance, go on with their divine worship,
and were slain while they were offering their
drink-offerings and burning their incense, as
preferring the duties about their worship to
God before their own preservation. The
greatest part of them were slain by their own
countrymen of the adverse faction, and an
innumerablemultitude threw themselvesdown
precipices; nay some there were who were so
distracted among the insuperable difficulties
they were under, that they set fire to the
buildings that were near to the wall, and were
burnt together with them. Now of the Jews
were slain twelve thousand; but of the
Romans very few were slain, but a greater
number was wounded.

6.	But there was nothing that affected the
nation so much, in the calamities they were
then under, as that their holy place, which had
been hitherto seen by none, should be laid

open to strangers; for Pompey, and those
that were about him, went into the temple
itself,* whither it was not lawful for any to
enter but the high-priest, and saw what was
reposited therein, the candlestick with its
lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels,
and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as
also a great quantity of spices heaped together,
with two thousand talents of sacred money.
Yet did not he touch the money, nor any
thing else that was there reposited; but he
commanded the ministers about the temple,
the very next day after he had taken it, to
cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed
sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus
high-priest, as one that not only in other
respects had shown great alacrity, on his side,
during the siege, but as he had been the means
of hindering the multitude that was in the
country from fighting for Aristobulus, which
they were otherwise very ready to have done;
by which means he acted the part of a good
general, and reconciled the people to him more
by benevolence than by terror. Now among
the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was
taken, who was also his uncle: so those that
were the most guilty he punished with decol-
lation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with
him that had fought so bravely, with glorious
presents; and laid a tribute upon the country,
and upon Jerusalem itself.

7.	He also took away from the nation all
those cities they had formerly taken, and that
belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject
to him that was at that time appointed to be
the Roman president there, and reduced
Judea within its proper bounds. He also
rebuiltf Gadara, that had been demolished by
the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius,
who was of Gadara, and was one of his own
freed-men. He also made other cities free
from their dominion, that lay in the midst of
the country,—such, I mean, as they had not
demolished before that time; Hippos, and
Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and
Marissa; and besides these, Ashdod, and Jam-
nia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt
he with the maritime cities Gaza, and Joppa,
and Dora, and that which was anciently called
Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt
with the most magnificent edifices, and had
its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod.
All which he restored to their own citizens,
and put them under the province of Syria;
which province, together with Judea, and the
countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he
committed to Scaurus as their governor, and
gave him two legions to support him; while

• Thus says Tacitus:—Cn. Pompeius first of all sub-
dued the Jews, and went into their temple, by right of
conquest, Hist. b. v.cli. ix. Nor did he touch any of its
riches, as has been observed on the parallel place of the
Antiquities, b. xiv. ch. iv. sect. 4. out of Cicero himself.

+ The coin of this Gadara, still extant, with its date
from this sera, is n certain evidence of this its rebuilding
by Poinpey, as Spauhciin here assures us.564

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

he made all the haste he could himself to go
through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having
Aristobulus and his children along with him,
as his captives. They were two daughters
and two sons; the one of which sons, Alex-
ander, ran away as he was going; but the
younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were
carried to Rome.

CHAPTER VIII.

ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS, WHO
RAN AWAY FROM FOMPEY, MAKES AN EXPE-
DITION AGAINST HYRCANUS; BUT, BEING
OVERCOME BY GABIN1US, HE DELIVERS UP
THE FORTRESSES TO HIM. AFTER THIS,
ARISTOBULUS ESCAPES FROM ROME, AND
GATHERS AN ARMY TOGETHER; BUT BEING
BEATEN BY THE ROMANS, HE IS BROUGHT
BACK TO ROME; WITH OTHER THINGS
RELATING TO GABINIUS, CRASSUS, AND
CASSIUS.

§ 1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an
expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the
diibculty of the places about Petra. How-
ever, he laid waste the country about Peiia,
though even there he was under great hard-
ship, for his army was afflicted with famine.
In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus
afforded him some assistance, and sent him
provisions by the means of Antipater; whom
also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well ac-
quainted with him, to induce him to pay him
money to buy his peace. The king of Ara-
bia complied with the proposal, and gave him
three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus
drew Lis army out of Arabia.*

2.	But as for Alexander, that son of Aris-
tobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some
time he got a considerable band of men
together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and
overran Judea, and was likely to overturn
him quickly; and indeed he had come to
Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its
wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had
not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to
Scaurus into Syria, shown his bravery, as in
many other points, so in making an expedi-
tion against Alexander; who, as he was
atraid that he would attack him, so he got
together a large army, composed of ten thou-
sand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred
horsemen. He also built walls about proper
places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and

* Take the like attestation to the truth of this sub-
mission of Aretas, king of Arab
Drds of Dean

of Arabia, to Scaurus the Roman
rich. “ Hence (says

general, in the words ot Dean Aldrich. " Hence (says
he) is derived that old and famous Denarius belonging
to the Einilian family [represented in Havercamp’s edi-
tion]. wherein Areas appears in a postil re of supplica-
tion, aud taking hold ot a camel’s bridle with bis left
hand, and with his right hand presenting a branch of
thelrankincense-tree, with this inscription : M. SCAU-
RUS EX S. C.i and beneath, REX ARETAS.”

Macherus, that lay upon the mountains of
Arabia.

3.	However, Gabinius sent before him
Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with
his whole army; but for the select body of
soldiers that were about Antipater, and
another body of Jews under the command of
Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined them-
selves to those captains that were about Mar-
cus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which
body came Gabinius with bis main army soon
afterward; and as Alexander was not able to
sustain the charge of the enemies’ forces,
now they were joined, he retired. But when
he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced
to fight, and lost six thousand men in the
battle; three thousand of whom fell down
dead, and three thousand were taken alive;
so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrinm.

4.	Now, when Gabinius was come to Alex-
andrium, because he found a great many there
encamped, he tried, by promising them par-
don for their former offences, to induce them
to come over to him before it came to a fight;
but when they would hearken to no terms of
accommodation, he slew a great number of
them, and shut up a great number of them
in the citadel. Now Marcus Antoiiius, their
leader, signalized himself in this battle, who,
as he always showed great courage, so did he
never show it so much as now; but Gabi-
nius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went
away himself, and settled the cities that hud
not been demolished, and rebuilt those that
had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon bis
injunction, the following cities were restored;
— Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollo-
nia, Jainnia, Rapbia, Marissa, Adoreus, Ga-
in ala, Ashdod, and many others; while a
great number of men readily ran to each of
them, and became their inhabitants.

5.	When Gabinius had taken care of these
cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and
pressed on the siege. So when Alexander
despaired of ever obtaining the government, he
sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to
forgive what he had offended him in, and
gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyr-
canium and Macherus, as he put Alexandrium
into his bands afterwards: all which Gabinius
demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander’s
mother, that they might not be receptacles
of men in a second war. She was now there,
in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her
concern for her relations that were captives
at Rome, which were her husband and her
other children. After this, Gabinius brought
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the
care of the temple to him; but ordained the
political government to be by an aristocracy.
He also parted the whole nation into five
conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusa-
lem, another to Gadara, that another should
belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, aud
to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, aCHAP. VIII,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

505

city of Galilee. So the people were glad to
be thus freed from monarchical government,
and were overned for the future by an aris-
tocracy.

6.	Vet did Aristobulus afford a new foun-
dation for other disturbances. He fled away
from Home, and got together again many of
the Jews that were desirous of a change, such
as had borne an affection to him of old; and
when he had taken Alexandrium in the first
place, he attempted to build a wall about it;
but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army
against him under Sisenna, Antonius, and
Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated
to Macherus. And as for the unprofitable
ni ultitude, he dismissed them, and only marched
on with those that were armed, being to
the number of eight thousand, among whom
was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant
at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus
with a thousand of his men: so the Romans
followed him, and when it came to a battle,
Aristobulus’s party for a long time fought
courageously; but at length they were over-
borne by the Romans, and of them five thou-
sand fell dead, and about two thousand fled
to a certain little bill, but the thousand that
remained with Aristobulus brake through the
Roman army, and marched together to Ma-
cberus; and, when the king had lodged the
first night on its ruins, he was in hopes of
raising another army, if the war would but
cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that
strong-hold, though it was done after a poor
manner. But the Romans falling upon him,
be resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two
days, and then was taken, and brought a pri-
soner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son,
who had fled away together with him from
Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to
Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him
under confinement, but returned his children
back to Judea, because Gabinius informed
them by letters, that he had promised Aristo-
bulus’s mother to do so, for her delivering
the fortresses up to him.

7.	But now, as Gabinius was marching to
the war against the Parthians, he was hindered
by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from
Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt,
making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to
provide every thing that was necessary for this
expedition; for Antipater furnished him with
money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries;
he also prevailed with the Jews that were
there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium,
to Jet them pass. But now, upon Gabinius’s
absence, the other part of Syria was in mo-
tion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
brought the Jews to revolt again. Accord-
ingly, he got together a very great army, and
set about killing all the Romans that were in
the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid
(lor he was come back already out of Egypt,
and obliged to come back quickly by these

tumults), and sent Antipater, who prevailed
with some of the revolters to be quiet. How-
ever, thirty thousand still continued with
Alexander, who was himself eager to fight
also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight,
when the Jews met him; and, as the battle
was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand
of them were slain, and the rest of the mul-
titude dispersed themselves, and fled away.
So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled
the government as Antipater would have it;
thence he marched, and fought, and beat the
Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes,
who fled out of Parthia, he sent them away
privately, but gave it out among the soldiers
that they had run away.

8.	In the mean time, Crassus came as suc-
cessor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away
all the rest of the gold belonging to the tem-
ple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself
for his expedition against the Parthians. He
also took away the two thousand talents which
Pompey had not touched; but when he had
passed over Euphrates, he perished himself,
and his army with him; concerning which
affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more
largely].

9.	But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a
stop to the Parthians, who were marching, in
order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into
that province, and when he had taken posses-
sion of the same, he made a hasty inarch into
Judea; and, upon his taking TaricbecP, he
carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He
also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the
seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it
was Antipater who advised him so to do.
Now this Antipater married a wife of an emi-
nent family among the Arabians, whose name
was Cypros, and had four sons born to him
by her, Pbasaelus and Herod, who was after-
wards king, and besides, Joseph and Pheroras;
and he had a daughter, whose name was
Salome. Now, as be made himself friends
among the men of power everywhere, by the
kind offices he did them, and the hospitable
manner that he treated them; so did he con-
tract the greatest friendship with the king of
Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch
that when he made war with Aristobulus, he
sent and intrusted his children with him. So,
when Cassius had forced Alexander to come
to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Eu-
phrates, in order to prevent the Parthians
from repassing it; concerning which matter
we shall speak elsewhere.*

• This citation it now wanting666

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER IX.

ARISTOBULUS IS TAKEN OFF BY POMPEY’s

FRIENDS, AS IS HIS SON ALEXANDER BY

6CIPIO. ANTIPATER CULTIVATES A FRIEND-
SHIP WITH CAESAR, AFTER POMPEY’s DEATH ;

HE ALSO PERFORMS GREAT ACTIONS IN THAT

WAR, WHEREIN HE ASSISTED MITHRIDATES.

§ 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and
of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar
got Rome and the empire under his power,
and released Aristobulus from bis bonds. He
also committed two legions to him, and sent
him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his
means he should easily conquer that country,
and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy
prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity
and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off
by poison given him by those of Pompey’s
party; and, for a long while, he had not so
much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own
country; but his dead body lay [above
ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent
to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried
in the royal sepulchres.

2.	His son Alexander also was beheaded
by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the com-
mand of Pompey, and upon an accusation
laid against him before his tribunal, for the
mischiefs he bad done to the Romans. But
Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then
ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his
brethren to him, by sending his son Philippio
for them to Ascalon; who took Antigonus,
as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s
wife, and brought them to his father; and
falling in love with the younger daughter, he
married her, and was afterward slain by his
father on her account; for Ptolemy himself,
after he had slain his son, married her, whose
name was Alexandra; on account of which
marriage, he took the greater care of her
brother and sister.

3.	Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipa-
ter changed sides, and cultivated a friendship
with Caesar. And, since Mithridates of Per-
gamus,, with the forces he led against Egypt,
was excluded from the avenues about Pelu-
siuin, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he
persuaded the Arabians among whom he had
lived, to assist him, and came himself to him,
at the head of three thousand men. He also
encouraged the men of power in Syria to
come to his assistance; as also of the inhabi-
tants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus,
and another Ptolemy; by which means the
cities of that country came readily into this
war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured
now, in dependence upon the additional
strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to
march forward to Pelusium; and when they
refused him a passage through it, he besieged

the dty; in the attack of which place. Anti-
pater principally signalized himself, for he
brought down that part of the wall which was
over-against him, and leaped first of all into
the city, with the men that were about him.

4.	Thus was Pelusium taken. But still,
as they were marching on, those Egyptian
Jews that inhabited the country, called the
country of Onias, stopped them. Then did
Antipater persuade them not only not to stop
them, but to afford provisions for their army;
on which account even the people about
Memphis would not fight against them, but,
of their own accord, joined Mithridates.
Whereupon he went round about Delta, and
fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place
called the Jews’ Camp: nay, when he was in
danger in the battle with all his right wing,
Antipater wheeled about, and came along the
bank of the river to him; for he had beaten
those that opposed him as he led the left wing.
After which success he fell upon those that
pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many
of them, and pursued the remainder so far,
that he took their camp, while be lost no more
than fourscore of his own men; as Mithrida-
tes lost, during the pursuit that was made
after him, about eight hundred. He was also
himself saved unexpectedly, and became an
unreproachable witness to'Caesar of the great
actions of Antipater.

5.	Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipa-
ter to undertake other hazardous enterprises
for him, and that by giving him great com-
mendations and hopes of reward. In all
which enterprises he readily exposed himself
to many dangers, and became a most coura-
geous warrior; and had many wounds all over
his body, as demonstrations of his valour.
And when Cassar had settled the affairs of
Egypt, and was returning into Syria again,
he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen,
and freedom from taxes, and rendered him
an object of admiration by the honours and
marks of friendship he bestowed upon him.
On this account it was that he also confirmed
Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood.

CHAPTER X.

CiESAR MAKES ANTIPATER PROCURATOR OF
JUDEA; AS DOES ANTIPATER APPOINT PHA-
SAELUS TO BE GOVERNOR OF JERUSALEM,
AND HEROD GOVERNOR OF GALILEE; WHO,
IN SOME TIME, WAS CALLED TO ANSWER
FOR HIMSELF [BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM],
WHERE HE IS ACQUITTED. SEXTUS CAESAR
IS TREACHEROUSLY KILLED BY BASSUS,
AND IS SUCCEEDED BY MARCUS.

§ 1. About this time it was that Antigonus,
the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and
became, in a surprising manner, the occasionCHAP. X.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

567

cf Anfipater’s farther advancement; for, therein; where he partly threatened, and partly

whereas he ought to have lamented that his
father appeared to hare been poisoned on
account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to
have complained of Scipio’s barbarity towards
his brother, and not to mix any invidious pas-
sion when suing for mercy; instead of those
things, he came before Caesar, and accused
Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven
him and his brethren entirely out of their
native country, and had acted in a great many
instances unjustly and extravagantly with
regard to their nation; and that as to the
assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it
was not done out of good-will to him, but out
of the fear they were in from former quarrels,
and in order to gain pardon for their friend-
ship to [his enemy] Pompey.

2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his
garments, and showed the multitude of the
wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-
will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a
word, because his body cried aloud, though
he said nothing himself: that he wondered at
Antigonus’s boldness, while he was himself
no other than the son of an enemy to the
Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inhe-
ritance from his father to be fond of innova-
tions and seditions, that he should undertake
to accuse other men before the Roman gover-
nor, and endeavour to gain some advantages
to himself, when he ought to be contented that
he was suffered to live; for that the reason
his desire of governing public affairs, was not

advised, every one, and told them that, in case
they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would
live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what
they possessed, and that with universal peace
and quietness; but that, in case they hearkened
to such as had some frigid hopes, by raising
new troubles, to get themselves some gain,
they should then find him to be their lord,
instead of their procurator, and find Hyrcanus
to be a tyrant, instead of a king,— and both
the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies,
instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer
him to be removed from the government,
whom they had made their governor; and, at
the same time that he said this, he settled the
affairs of the country by himself, because he
saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit
to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he
constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor
of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he
also sent his next son, Herod, who was very
young,* with equal authority into Galilee.

5. Now Herod was an active man, and
soon found proper materials for his active
spirit to work upon. As therefore he found
that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran
over the neighbouring parts of Syria with a
great band of men, he caught him and slew
him, and many more of the robbers with him;
which exploit was chiefly grateful to the
at Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in
of I Herod’s commendation, both in the villages
and in the cities, as having procured their

much because he was in want of it, but quietness, and having preserved what they
because, if he could once obtain the same, he ' possessed to them; on which occasion he
might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and [became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kins-
use what he should gain from the Romans, I man of the great Caesar, and president of
to the disservice of those that gave it him. I Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions
3. When Caesar heard this, he declared I excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accor-
Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high- | dingly, he procured the good-will of the inha-
priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to bitants of Jerusalem, by bis own management
choose what authority he pleased; but he left { of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power
the determination of such dignity to him that 'in any disagreeable manner; whence it caine

bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was con
stituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained
leave, moreover, to rebuild* those walls of
his country that had been thrown down.
These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to
have engraved in the Capitol, that they might
stand there as indications of his own justice,
*nd of the virtue of Antipater.

4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted
Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and
the first thing he did, was to rebuild that wall
of his own country [Jerusalem], which Pom-
pey had overthrown, and then to go over the
country, and to quiet the tumults that were

• What is here noted by Hudson and Spanheim, that
this grant of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of
Judea was made by Julius Cssar. nut as here to Antipa-
ter, hut to Hyrcanus (Antiq b.xiv.ch.viii. sects), has
hardly an appearance of a contradiction; Antipater being
now perhaps considered only as Hyrcanus’s deputy ana
minister, although be afterwards made a cypher of Hyr-
canus, and, under great decency of behaviour to him,
took the real authority to kiraselL

to pass that the nation paid Antipater the
respects that were due only to a king, and the
honours they all yielded him were equal to
the honours due to an absolute lord; yet did
he not abate any part of that good-will or
fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

6. However, he found it impossible to
escape envy in such his prosperity: for the
glory of these young men affected even Hyr-
canus himself already privately, though he
said nothing of it to any body; but what he
principally was grieved at was the great actions
of Herod, and that so many messengers came
one before another, and informed him of the
great reputation he got in all his underta-
kings. There were also many people in the
royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at
him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in

+ Or 26 years of age. See note on Antiq.b. i.ch.xil.
sect.3; and on b.xiv'.ch.ix.sect.si; and Of the War,b.iL
cb xi. sect 6; and Polyb. b.xvii.p. 726.5C8

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I

their designs by the prudence either of the
young men, or of Antipatcr. These men
said, that by committing the public alfairs to
the management of Antipater and of his sons,
he sat down with nothing but the bare name
ot a king, without any of its authority; and
they asked him how long he would so far mis-
take himself as to breed up kitigs against his
own interest; forthat they did not now conceal
their government of alfairs any longer, but
were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust
hiiii out of his authority; that this was the
case when Herod slew so many men without
his giving him any command to do it, either
by word of mouth or by his letter, and this in
contradiction to the law of the Jews; who,
therefore, in case he be not a king, but a pri-
vate man, still ought to come to his trial, and
answer it to him, and to the law’s of his coun-
try, which do not permit any one to be killed
till he had been condemned in judgment.

7- Now Hyrcanus was by degrees intiamed
with these discourses, and at length could
bear no longer, but summoned Herod to take
his trial. Accordingly, by his father’s advice,
and as soon as the alfairs of Galilee would
give him leave, he came up [to Jerusalem],
when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee:
however, he came with a sufficient body of
soldiers, so many indeed that he might not
appear to have with him an army able to over-
throw Jiyrcanus’s government, nor yet so few
as to expose him to the insults of those that
envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in
fear for the young man, lest he should be
taken by his enemies, and brought to punish-
ment; so he sent some to denounce expressly
to Hyrcanus, that he should acquit Herod of
the capital charge against him; wdio acquitted
him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined
also so to do, for he loved Herod.

8.	Hut Herod, supposing that he had
escaped punishment without the consent of
the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and
got every thing ready, in order not to obey
him if he should summon him again; where-
upon those that were evil-disposed irritated
Hyrcanus, and told him that llcrod was gone
away in anger, and was prepared to make
war upon him; and as the king believed what
they said, he knew not what to do, since he
saw his antagonist was stronger than he was
himself; and now’, since Herod was made
general of Gelesyria and Samaria by Sextus
Ciesar, he w'as formidable, not only from the
good-will which the nation bore him, but by
the pow'er he, himself had; insomuch that
Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of ter-
ror, and expected he would presently march
against him with his army.

9.	Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture
he made; for Herod got his army together,
out. of the anger he bare him for his threaten-
ing him with the accusation in a public court,
and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw

Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this
he had soon done, unless his father and bro-
ther had gone out together and broken the
force of his fury, and this by exhorting him
to carry his revenge no farther than to threat-
ening and affrighting, but to spare the king,
under whom he had been advanced to such a
degree of power; and that he ought not to
be so much provoked at his being tried, as to
forget to be thankful that he was acquitted;
nor so long to think upon what was of a me-
lancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his
deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that
God is the arbitrator of success in war, an
unjust cause is of more disadvantage than ail
army can be of advantage; and that there-
fore he ought not to be entirely confident of
success in a case where he is to tight against
his king, his supporter, and one that had often
been his benefactor, and that had never been
severe to him any otherwise than as he had
hearkened to evil counsellors, and this no far-
ther than by bringing a shadow of injustice
upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon
by these arguments, and supposed that what
he had already done was sufficient for his
future hopes, and that he had enough shown
his power to the nation.

10.	In the mean time, there was a distur-
bance among the Romans about Apamia, and
a civil war occasioned by the treacherous
slaughter of Sextus Ciesar,* by Cecilius Bas-
sus, which he perpetrated out of his good-will
to Pompey; he also took the authority over
his forces; but, as the rest of Gtesar’s com-
manders attacked Bassus with their whole
army, in order to punish him for the murder
of Ciesar, Antipater also sent them assistance
by his sons, both oil account of him that was
murdered, and on account of that Ciesar who
was still alive, both of whom were their
friends; and as this war grew to be of a con-
siderable length, Marcus came out of Italy as
successor to Sextus.

CHAPTER XL

HEIIOD IS MADE PROCURATOR OF ALL SYRIA;
MALIC11US IS AFRAID OF HIM, AND TAKES
A NTT PAT Ell OFF BY POISON: WHEREUPON
THE TRIBUNES OF THE SOLDIERS ARE PRE-
VAILED WITH TO KILL HIM.

§ 1. There yvas at this time a mighty war
raised among the Romans, upon the suduen
and treacherous slaughter of Ciesar by Cassius
and Brutus, after he had held the govern-
ment for three years and seven months.t

* Many writers of the [toman history qive an account
of this murder of Sextus Cesar, and of the war of
Apamia upon this occasion. They are riled in Dean
Aldrich’s note.

+ In the Antiquities, b. siv. eh. xi. sect. 1, the dura-
tion uf the reii;n of Julius Caesar is three years sixCHAP. XI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

569

Upon this murder there were very great agi-
tations, and the great men were mightily
at difference one with another, and every one
betook himself to that party where they had
the greatest hopes of advancing themselves.
Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order
to receive the forces that were at Apamia,
where he procured a reconciliation between
Bassus and .Marcus, and the legions which
were at difference with him: so he raised the
siege of Apamia, and took upon him the
command of the army, and went about exact-
ing tribute of the cities, and demanding their
money to such a degree as they were not able
to bear.

2.	So he gave command that the Jews
should bring in seven hundred talents: where-
upon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius’s
threats, parted the raising of this sum among
his sons, and among others of his acquaint-
ance, and to be done immediately; and
among them he required one Malichus, who
was at enmity with him, to do his part also,
which necessity forced him to do. Now
Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion
of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Gali-
lee, which was a hundred talents, on which
account he was in the highest favour with
him; and when he reproached the rest for
being tardy, he was angry at the cities them-
selves; so he made slaves of Gophna and
Emmaus, and two others of less note: nay,
he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus,
because he had not made greater haste in
exacting his tribute; but Anti pater prevented
the ruin of this man, and of the other cities,
and got into Cassius’s favour by bringing in a
hundred talents immediately.*

3.	However, when Cassius was gone, Mali-
chus forgot the kindness that Antipater had
done him, and laid frequent plots against him
that had saved him, as making haste to get
him out of the way, who was an obstacle to
his wicked practices; but Antipater was so
much afraid of the power and cunning of the
man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to
get an army to guard himself against his
treacherous designs; but when Malichus was
caught in 4iis plot, he put upon Antipater’s
sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly
deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of
Jerusalem, and Herod, who was intrusted with
the weapons of war, and this by a great
many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them

months; but here three years seven months, beginning
rightly, says (lean Aldrich, from his second dictatorship.
It is probable the real dilation might he three years and
hrtwi eii six and seven months.

» It appears evidently by Josephus’s accounts, both
here and in his Antiquities (It. xiv. eh. xi. sect i), that this
Cassius, one of Cajsar’s murderers, was a bitter oppres-
sor, and exacter of tribute in Judea. These seven hun-
dred talents amount to about three hundred thousand
pounds sterling, and are about half the yearly revenues
of king Herod afterwards. See the note on A nliq. b. xvii.
ch.ki.sect 4. It also appears that Galilee then paid no
more than one hundred talents, or the seventh part of the
Mini to he levi>x) in all the country.

to procure his reconciliation to his father
Thus was he preserved again by Antipater,
who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of
Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus,
on account of his attempts for innovation.

4.	Upon the war between Cassius and Bru-
tus on one side, against the younger Ctesar
[Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius
and Marcus got together an army out of Syria;
and because Herod was likely to have a great
share in providing necessaries, they then made
him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an
army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him
also, that after the war was over, he would
make him king of Judea; but it so happened,
that the power and hopes of his son became
the cause of his perdition; for, as Malichus
was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the
king’s cup-bearers with money, to give a poi-
soned potion to Antipater; so he became a
sacrifice to Malichus’s wickedness, and died at
a feast. He was a man, in other respects,
active in the management of affairs, and one
that recovered the government to Hyrcanus,
and preserved it in his hands.

5.	However, Malichus, when he was sus-
pected of poisoning Antipater, and when the
multitude was angry with him for it, denied
ic, and made the people believe he was not
guilty. He also prepared to make a greater
figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not
suppose that Herod would be quiet, who
indeed came upon him with an army pre-
sently, in order to revenge his father’s death;
but, upon hearing the advice of his brother
Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open man-
ner, lest the multitude should fall into a
sedition, he admitted of Malichus’s apology,
and professed that he cleared him of the sus-
picion; he also made a pompous funeral for
his father.

G. So Herod went to Samaria, which was
then in a tumult, and settled the city in
peace; after which, at the [Pentecost] festi-
val, he returned to Jerusalem, having his
armed men with him; hereupon Hyrcanus,
at the request of Malichus, who feared bis
approach, forbade them to introduce foreigners
to mix themselves with the people of the
country, while they were purifying them-
selves; but Herod despised the pretence,
and him that gave that command, and came
in by night. Upon which Malichus came to
him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also
made him believe [he admitted of his lamen-
tation as real], although be had much ado to
restrain his passion at him; however, he did
himself bewail the murder of his father in his
letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts,
also hated Malichus. Cassiu9 sent him word
back that he should avenge his father’s death
upon him, and privately gave order to the
tribunes tnat were under him, that they should
assist Herod in a righteous action he was
about.570

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

7. And because, upon the taking of Lao-1 by himself too bard for Felix, and reproached

dicea by Cassius, the men of power were got-
ten together from all quarters, with presents
and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted
this time for the punishment of Malicbus.
When Malicbus suspected that, and was at
Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son pri-
vately from among the Tyrians, who was an
hostage there, while he got ready to fly away
into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping
excited him to think of greater things;
for he hoped that he should raise the nation
to u revolt from the Romans, while Cassius
was busy about the war against Antony, and
that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and
get the crown for himself.

8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had;
for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous
about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him
to supper; but calling one of the principal
servants that stood by bim to him, he sent
him out, as though it were to get things ready
for supper, but in reality to give notice be-
forehand about the plot that was laid against
him; accordingly, they called to mind what
orders Cassius had given them, and went out
of the city with their swords in their hands
upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed
Malichus round about, and killed him with
many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was
immediately affrighted, till he swooned away,
and fell down at the surprise he was in; and
it was with difficulty that he was recovered,
when he asked who it was that had killed
Malichus. And when one of the tribunes
replied, that it was done by the command of
Cassius, “ Then,” said he, “ Cassius hath
saved both me and my country, by cutting
off one that was laying plots against them
both.”. Whether he spake according to his
own sentiments, or whether his fear was such,
that he was obliged to commend the action
by 6aying so, is uncertain; however, by this
method Herod inflicted punishment
Malichus.

CHAPTER XII.

PHASAELUS IS TOO HARD FOR FELIX; HEROD
ALSO OVERCOMES ANTIGONUS IN BATTLE:
AND THE JEWS ACCUSE BOTH HEROD AND
FHASAELUS; BUT ANTONIUS ACQUITS THEM,
AND MAKES THEM TETRARCHS.

§ 1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria,
another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein
Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that
he might revenge the death of Malichus upon
Herod, by falling upon his brother. How
Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the
governor of Damascus, and as he was going
to his brother’s assistance, he was detained
by sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was

Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both
for what assistance he had afforded Malichus,
and for overlooking Malichus’s brother, when
he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he
had gotten a great many of them already, and
among them the strongest of them all,
Masada.

2. However, nothing could be sufficient
for him against the force of Herod, who, as
soon as he was recovered, took the other for-
tresses again, and drove bim out of Masada
in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove
away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out
of Galilee, when he had already possessed
himself of three fortified places; but as to
those Tyrians whom he had caught, he pre-
served them all alive; nay, some of them he
gave presents to, and so sent them away, and
thereby procured good-will to himself from the
city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had in-
deed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius,
who set tyrants over all Syria;* and out of
hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Anti-
gonus, the son of Aristobulus, and princi-
pally on Fabius’s account, whom Antigonus
had made his assistant by money, and had
bim accordingly on his side when he made
his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kins-
man of Antigonus, that supplied all that he
wanted.

. 3. When Herod bad fought against these
in the avenues of Judea, be was conqueror in
the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and
returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body
for the glorious action he had done; for
those who did not before favour him, di^
join themselves to him now, because of his
marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for
as he had formerly married a wife out of his
own country of no ignoble blood, who was
called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater, so
did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of
upon | Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the
I grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, and was become
thereby a relation of the king.

4.	But when Cmsar and Antony had slain
Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone
to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the
rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to
Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the
Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and
Herod, that they kept the government by
force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than
an honourable name. Herod appeared ready
to answer this accusation; and, having made
Antony his friend by the large sums of money
he gave him, he brought him to such a
temper as not to hear the others speak against
him; and thus did they part at this time.

5.	However,after this there came a hundred

* Here we see that Cassius set tyrants over alt Syria
so that bis assisting to destroy Cwsar does iiu: sim.u :o
have proceeded from his true zeal for public liberty
but from a desire to be a tyrant himself.CHAP. XIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

571

of the principal men among the Jews to
Daphne by Antioch, to Antony, who was
already in love with Cleopatra to the degree
of slavery; these Jews put those men that
were the most potent, both in dignity and
eloquence, foremost, and accused the breth-
ren.* 6 ut Messala opposed them, and defended
the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood
by him, on account of his relation to them.
When Antony had heard both sides, he asked
Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to
govern; who replied, that Herod and his party
were the fittest. Antony was glad of that
answer, for he had been formerly treated in
an hospitable and obliging manner by his
father Antipater, when he marched into Judea
with Gabinius; so he constituted the breth-
ren tetrarchs, and committed to them the
government of Judea.

6.	But when the ambassadors had indig-
nation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen
of them, and put them into custody, whom he
was also going to kill presently, and the rest
he drove away with disgrace; on which occa-
sion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem;
so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to
Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was
marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who
made a clamour, he sent out the governor of
Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he
could catch of them, and to settle those in the
administration whom he had made tetrarchs.

7.	But before this, Ilerod and Hyrcanus
went out upon the sea-shore, and earnestly
desired of these ambassadors that they would
neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war
upon their native country, by their rash con-
tentions; and when they grew still more out-
rageous, Antony sent out armed men, and
slew a great many, and wounded more of
them: of whom those that were slain were
buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded
put under the care of physicians by him; yet
would not those that had escaped be quiet
still, but put the affairs of the city into such
disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he
slew those whom he had put in bonds also.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE PARTHIANS BRING ANTIGONUS BACK
INTO JUDEA, AND CAST HTRCANUS AND
PHASAELUS INTO PRISON. THE FLIGHT OF
HEROD, AND THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM,
AND WHAT HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS
SUFFERED.

§ 1. Now two years afterward, when Barza-
pharnes, a governor among the Parthians,
and Pacorus, the king’s son, had possessed j
themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had

• Phasaelns and Herod.

already succeeded, upon the death of his father
Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the govern-
ment [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the
governor, by a promise of a thousand talents,
and five hundred women, to bring back
Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyr-
canus out of it. Pacorus was by these means
induced so to do, and marched along the
sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to
fall upon the Jews as he went along the
Mediterranean part of the country; but ot
the maritime people, the Tyrians would not
receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais
and Sidon had received him; so he com-
mitted a troop of his horse to a certain
cup-bearer belonging to the royal family,
of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him
orders to march into Judea, in order to learn
the state of affairs among their enemies, and
to help Antigonus when he should want his
assistance.

2.	Now, as these men were ravaging Car-
mel, many of the Jews ran together to
Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to
make an incursion into the country; so he sent
them before into that place called Drymus
[the woodland],! to seize upon the place;
whereupon a battle was fought between them;
and they drove the enemy away, and pur-
sued them, and ran after them as far as Jeru-
salem, and as their numbers increased, they
proceeded as far as the king’s palace; but as
Hyrcanus and Phasaeius received them with
a strong body of men, there happened a
battle in the market-place, in which Herod’s
party beat the enemy, and shut them up in
the temple, and set sixty men in the houses
adjoining as a guard on them. But the
people that were tumultuous against the
brethren came in and burnt those men; while
Herod, in bis rage for killing them, attacked
and slew many of the people, till one party
made incursions on the other by turns, day
by day, in the way of ambushes; and slaugh-
ters were made continually among them.

3.	Now, when that festival which we call
Pentecost was at hand, all the places about
the temple, and the whole city was full of a
multitude of people that were come out of the
country, and who were the greatest part of
them armed also, at which time Phasaeius
guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few,
guarded the royal palace; and when he made
an assault upon his enemies, as they were out
of their ranks, on the north quarter of the
city, he slew a very great number of them,
and put them all to flight; and some of them
he shut up within the city, and others within
the outward rampart. In the mean time
Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be

+ This large aDd noted wood, or woodland, belonging
to Carmel, called A°uuei by the Septuagint, is mentioned
in the old Testament, 2 Kings xix.23; and Isa.xxxvii.
H4s and Strabo, b. xvi. p.758; as both Aldrich and Span-
beim here remark very pertinently.572

WARS OP THE jRWs.

BOOK I.

admitted to be a reconciler between them; and
Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the
Parthian into the city with five hundred horse,
ami to treat him in an hospitable manner,
who pretended that he came to quell the
tumult, but in reality he came to assist Anti-
gonus; however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus,
and persuaded him to go as an ambassador
to Barzaphames, in order to put an end
to the war, although Herod was very earnest
with him to the contrary, and exhorted him
to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to
the snares he had laid for him, because the
barbarians are naturally perfidious. How-
ever, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus
with him, that he might be the less suspected;
he also* left some of the horsemen, called the
Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasae-
lus with the rest.

4.	But now, when they were come to Gali-
lee, they found that the people of that country
had revolted, and were in arms, who came
very cunningly to their leader, and besought
him to conceal his treacherous intentions by
an obliging behaviour to them; accordingly,
he at first made them presents, and afterward,
as they went away, laid ambushes for them ;
and, when they were come to one of the mari-
time cities called Ecdippon, they perceived
that a plot was laid for them; for they were
there informed of the promise of a thousand
talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the
greatest number of the women that were there
with them, among the five hundred, to the
Purthians; they also perceived that an am-
bush was always laid for them by the barba-
rians in the night-time; they had also been
seized on before this, unless they had waited
for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem,
because, if he were once informed of this
treachery of theirs, he would take care of
himself; nor was this a mere report, for
they saw the guards already not far oil' them.

5.	Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking
Hyrcanus and Hying away, although Ophel-
lius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this
man bad learned the whole scheme of the plot
from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians.
But Phasaelus went up to the Parthian
governor, and reproached him to his face for
laying this treacherous plot against them, and
clnefly because he had done it for money;
anil he promised him, that he would give him
more money for their preservation, than
Antigonus had promised to give for the king-
dom. But the sly Parthian endeavoured to
remove all his suspicion by apologies and by
oaths, and then went to [the other] Pacorus;
immediately after which, those Parthians who
were left, and had it in charge, seized upon

* These accounts, both here and Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiii
seel. 5, that luc Parthians fought chiefly on horseback,
anti that only some lew of their soldiers were tree-
men. perfectly agree with Trogus Pompeius, in Justin,
b. xli. it, d, as D-an Aldrich well observes in this place.

Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no
more than Curse their perfidiousnese and their
perjury.

6.	In the mean time, the cup-bearer was
sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon
Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out
of the city, as he was commanded to do.
But Herod suspected the barbarians from the
beginning; and having then received intelli-
gence that a messenger, who was to bring
him the letters that informed him of the
treachery intended, had fallen among the ene-
my, he would not go out of the city; though
Pacorus said, very positively, that be ought
to go out, and meet the messengers that
brought the letters, for that the enemy had not
taken them, and that the contents of them were
not accounts of any plots upon them, but of
what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard
from others that bis brother was seized; and
Alexandra,! the shrewdest woman in the
world, Hyrcanus’s daughter, begged of him
that he would not go out, nor trust himself
to those barbarians, who now were come to
make an attempt upon him openly.

7.	Now, as Pacorus and his friends were
considering how they might bring their plot
to bear privately, because it was not possible
to circumvent a man of so great prudence by
openly attacking him, Herod prevented them,
and went off with the persons that were the
most nearly related to him by night, and this
without their enemies being apprised of it.
But, as soon as the Parthians perceived it,
they pursued after them; and, as he gave
orders for bis mother, and sister, and the young
woman who was betrothed to him, with her
mother, and his youngest brother, to make
the best of their way, be himself, with his
servants, took all the care they could to keep
off the barbarians; and when, at every assault,
he had slain a great many of them, he came
to the strong-hold of Masada.

8.	Nay, he found by experience that the
Jews fell more heavily upon him than did
the Parthians, and created him troubles per-
petually, and this ever since he was gotten
sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes
brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now,
in the place where Herod beat them, and killed
a great number of them, there he afterward
built a citadel, in memory of the great actions
he did there, and adorned it with the most
costly palaces, and erected very stiong forti-
fications, and called it, from his own name,
Herodium. Now, as they were in their flight,
many joined themselves to him every day;
and, at a place called Thressa of Idumea, his
brother Joseph met him, and ad vised him to
ease himself of a great number of his fol-
lowers; because Masada would not contain so
great , a multitude, which were above niue
thousand. Herod complied with this advice,

+ Mariamne here, in the copies.CHAP. XIV,

WARS OP THB JEWS.

578

and aent away the most cumbersome part of
his retinue, that they might go into Idumea,
and gave them provisions for their journey;
but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest
relations, and retained with him only the
stoutest of his followers; and there it was
that be left eight hundred of his men as a
guard for the women, and provisions sufficient
for a siege; but he made haste himself to
Petra of Arabia.

9.	As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they
betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon
the houses of those that were ded, and upon
the king’s palace, and spared nothing but
Hyrcanus’s money, which was not above three
hundred talents. They lighted on other men’s
money also, but not so much as they hoped
for; for Herod, having a long while had a
suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barba-
rians, had taken care to have what was most
splendid among his treasures conveyed into
Idumea, as every one belonging to him had
in like manner done also. But' the Parthians
proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to
fill all the country with war without denoun-

'/nng it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and
not only to set UP Antigonus for king, but to
deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into
his hands, in order to their being tormented
by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyr-
canus’s ears with his own teeth, as he fell
down upon his knees to him, that so he might
never be able, upon'any mutation of affyirs,
to take the high - priesthood again; for the
high-priests that officiated were tobe complete,
and without blemish.

10.	However, he failed in his purpose of
abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage,
for though he neither bad the command of his
sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses
by dashing his head against a stone; so he de-
monstrated himself to be Herod’s own brother,
and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and
died with great bravery, and made the end of
his life agreeable to the actions of it. There
is also another report about his end, viz. that
he-recovered of that stroke, and that a sur-
geon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal
him, filled the wound with poisonous ingre-
dients, and so killed him. Whichsoever of
these deaths he came to, the beginning of it
was glorious. It is also reported, that before
he expired, he was informed by a certain poor
woman how Herod had- escaped out of their
hands, and that he said thereupon, “ I now
die with comfort, since I leave behind me one
alive that will avenge me of mine enemies. ”

11.	This was the death of Phasaelus; but
the Parthians, although they had failed of the
women they chiefly desired, yet did they put
the government of Jerusalem into the hands
of Antigonus, und took away Hyrcanus, and
bound him, and carried him to Parthia.

CHAPTER XIV.

WHEN HEROD IS REJECTED IN ARABIA, HE
HAKES HASTE TO ROME, WHERE ANTONT
AND CjESAR JOIN THEIR INTEREST TO
MAKE HIM KING OF THE JEWS.

§ 1. Now Herod did the more zealously pur-
sue his journey into Arabia, as making haste
to get money of the king, while his brother
was yet alive; by which money alone it was
that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous
temper of the barbarians, to spare Phasaelus;
for he reasoned thus with himself: — That if
the Arabian king was too forgetful of his
lather’s friendship with him, and was too
covetous to make him a free gift, he would,
however, borrow of him as much as might
redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as
a pledge, the son of him that was to be re-
deemed. Accordingly, he led his brother’s son
along with him, who was of the age of seven
years. Now he was ready to give three hun
dred talents for his brother, and intended to
desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get
them accepted; however, fate had been too
quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus
was dead, Herod’s brotherly love was now in
vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any
lasting friendship among the Arabians; for
their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately,
and commanded him to return back out of
his country, and used the name of the Par
thians as a pretence for so doing, as though
these had denounced to him, by their ambas-
sadors, to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in
reality they had a mind to keep back what
they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged
to make requital to his sons for the free gifts
the father had made them. He also took the
imprudent advice of those who, equally with
himself, were willing to deprive Herod of
what Antipater had deposited among them;
and these men were the most potent of all
whom he had in his kingdom.

2. So when Herod had found that the Ara-
bians were his enemies, and this for those very
reasons whence he hoped they would have
been the most friendly, and had given them
such an answer as his passion suggested, he
returned back and went for Egypt. Now he
lodged the first evening at one of the temples
of that country, in order to meet with those
whom he left behind; but on the next day word
was brought him, as he was going to Rhino-
eurura, that his brother was dead, and how be
came by his death; and when he had lamented
him as mudh as his present circumstances
could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and
proceeded on his journey. But now, after
some time, the king of Arabia repented of
what he had done, and sent presently away
messengers to eall him back: Herod had574

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

prevented them, and was come to Pelusium,
where he could not obtain a passage from
those that lay with the fleet, so he besought
their,captains to let him go by them; accord-
ingly, out of the reverence they bore to the
fame and dignity of the man, they conducted
him to Alexandria; and when he came into
the city, he was received by Cleopatra with
great splendour,— who hoped he might be
persuaded to be commander of her forces in
the expedition she was now about. But he
rejected the queen’s solicitations, and being
neither aifrighted at the height of that storm
which then happened, nor at the tumults that
were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.

3.	But as he was in peril about Pamphylia,
and obliged to cast out the greatest part of
the ship’s lading, he, with difficulty, got safe
to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously
harassed in the 'war with Cassius. He was
there received by his friends, Ptolemy and
Sappinius; and, although he was then in want
of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of
very great magnitude, wherein he and his
friends sailed to Brundusium,* and went to
Rome with all speed; where he first of all
went to Antony, on account of the friendship
his father had with him, and laid before him
the calamities of himself and his family;
and that he had left his- nearest relations
besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him
through a storm, to make supplication to him
for assistance.

4.	Hereupon Antony was moved to com-
passion at the change that had been made in
Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling
to.mind how hospitably he had been treated
by Antipater, but more especially on account
of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved
'o get him made king of the Jews, whom he
Had himself formerly made tetrarch. The
lontest also that he had with Antigonus was
mother inducement, and that of no less weight
than the great regard he had for Herod; for
he looked upon- Antigonus as a seditious
person, and an enemy of the Romans: Rnd as
for Ciesar, Herod found him better prepared
than Antony, as remembering very fresh the
wars he had gone through together with his
father, the hospitable treatment he had met
with from him, and the entire good-will he
had shown to him; besides the activity which
he saw in Herod himself. So he called the
senate together, wherein Messalas, and after
him Atratinus, produced Herod before them,
and gave a full account of the merits of his
father, and his own good-will to the Romans.
At the same time they demonstrated that
Antigonus was their enemy, not only because
he soon quarrelled with them, but because he
sow overlooked the Romans, and took the
government by the means of the Parthians.

* This Brentenium or Brundusium has coins still pre-
•crvol.on which is written BPENAHIIOQN, as Span-
^eim iufouss us-

I These reasons greatly moved the senate-, at
which juncture Antony came in, and told
J them that it was for their advantage in the
Parthian war that Herod should be king; so
they all gave their votes for it. And when
the senate was separated, Antony and CtesaT
went out, with Herod between them; while
the consul and the rest of the magistrates
went before them, in order to offer sacrifices,
and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony
also made a feast for Herod on the first day
of his reign.

CHAPTER XV.

ANTIGONUS BESIEGES THOSE THAT WERE IN
MASADA, WHOM HEROD FREES FROM CON-
FINEMENT WHEN HE CAME BACK FROM
ROME, AND PRESENTLY MARCHES TO JERU-
SALEM, WHERE HE FINDS SILO CORRUPTED
BY BRIBES.

§ 1. Now during this time, Antigonus
besieged those that were in Masada, who had
all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, hut
were in want of water; on which account
Joseph, Herod’s brother, was disposed to run
away to the Arabians, with two hundred of
his own friends, because be had heard that
Malichus repented of his offences with regard
to Hgrod; and he had been so quick as to
have been gone out of the fortress already,
unless, on that very night when he was going
away, there had fallen a great deal of rain,
insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water,
and so he was under no necessity of running
away. After which, therefore, they made an
irruption upon Antigonus’s party, and slew a
great many of them, some in open battles, and
some in private ambush; nor had they always
success in their attempts, for sometimes they
were beaten, and ran away.

2.	In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman
general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the
incursions of the Parthians; and after he had
done that, he came into Judea, in pretence
indeed to assist Joseph and bis party, but in
reality to get money of Antigonus; and when
he bad pitched his camp very near to Jerusa-
lem, as soon as he had got money enough, he
went away with the greatest part of his forces;
yet still did be leave Silo with some part of
them, lest if be had taken them all away, his
taking of bribes might have been too openly
discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the
Parthians would come again to his assistance,
and therefore cultivated a good understanding
with Silo in the mean time, lest any interrup-
tion should be given to his hopes.

3.	Now by this time Herod had sailed out
of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais: and as
soon as he had gotten together no small army
of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, heCHAP. XV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

575

marched through Galilee against Antigonus,
wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and
Silo, both whom Dellius,* a person sent by
Antony; persuaded to bring Herod [into his
kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time
among the cities, and composing the distur-

were ior Antigonus made a contrary clamour,
and did neither permit any body to hear that
proclamation, nor to change their party; so
Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat
the enemy from the walls: accordingly, they
I soon threw their darts at them from the towers,

bances which had happened by means of the and put them to flight.

Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by I 6. And here it was that Silo discovered he
the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet t J
was not Herod himself destitute of power,

but the number of his forces increased every
day as he went along, and all Galilee, with
few exceptions, joined themselves to him.
So he proposed to himself to set about his
most necessary enterprise, and that was Ma-
sada, in order to deliver his relations from the

had taken bribes; for he set many of the sol-
diers to clamour about their want of neces-
saries, and to require their pay, in order to buy
themselves food, and to demand that he would
lead them into places convenient for their
winter quarters; because all the parts about
the city were laid waste by the means of An-
tigonus’s army, which had taken all things

siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in away. By this he moved the army, and
his way, and hindered his going thither; for attempted to get them off the siege; but

it was necessary to take that city first, which
was in the enemies’ hands, that when he
should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be
left in the enemies power behind him. Silo
also willingly joined him, as having now a

Herod went to the captains that were under
Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and
begged of them not to leave him, who was
sent thither by Caesar and Antony, and the
senate; for that he would take care to have

plausible occasion of drawing o§F his forces j their wants supplied that very day. After
[from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pur-| the making of which entreaty, he went hastily
sued him, and pressed upon him [in his re- into the t^untry, and brought thither so great
treat], Herod made an excursion upon them : an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off

with a small body of his men, and soon put
them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in
distress.

4.	After this, Herod took Joppa, and then
made haste to Masada to free his relations.
Now, as he was marching, many came in to
him; some induced by their friendship to his
father, some by the reputation he had already
gained himself, and some, in order to repay
the benefits they had received from them both;
but still what engaged the greatest number
on his side, was the hopes from him, when he
should be established in his kingdom; so that
he had gotten together already an army hard
to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an
ambush for him as he marched out, in which
he did little or no harm to his enemies. How-
ever, he easily recovered his relations again
that were in Masada, as well as the fortress
Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem,
where the soldiers that were with Silo joined
themselves to his own, as did many out of
the city, from a dread of his power.

5.	Now, when he had pitched his camp on
the west side of the city, the guards who
were there shot with arrows, and threw their
darts at them, while others ran out in com-
panies, and attacked those in the fore-front;
but Herpd commanded proclamation to be
made at the wall, that he was come for the
good of the people, and the preservation of
the city, without any design to be revenged
on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to
them, though they had been the most obsti-
nate against him. Now the soldiers that

all Silo’s pretences; and,.in order to provide
that for the following days they should not
want supplies, he sent to the people that were
about Samaria (which city had joined itself
to him) to bring corn, wine, and oil, and
■ cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of
this, he sent some of his party with orders to
hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors
of corn. This command was obeyed, and a
great multitude of armed men were gathered
together about Jericho, and lay upon the
mountains, to watch those that brought the
provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took
with him ten cohorts, five of them were Ro-
mans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together
with some mercenary troops intermixed
among them, and besides those a few horse-
men, and came to Jericho; and when he came
he found the city deserted, but that there
were five hundred men, with their wives and
children, who had taken possession of the
tops of the mountains; these he took, and
dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon
the rest of the city, and plundered it, having
fouitd the houses full of all sorts of good
things. So the king left a garrison at Jeri-
cho, and came back, and sent the Roman
army into those cities which were come over
to him, to take their winter quarters there,
viz. into Judea [or Idumea], and Galilee, and
Samaria. Antigonus also, by bribes, obtained
of Silo to let a part of his army be received
at Lydda, as a- compliment to Antonius.

• This Dellius is ruinous, or rather infamous, in the
bietorr of Mark Antony, as Spanbeiiu anil Aldrich, hert
note, from the coins from Plutarch and Dio.576

WARS OF THE JEWS.

•BOOK I.

CHAPTER XVI.

HEROD TAKES SEPPHORIS, AND SUBDUES THE
ROBBERS THAT WERE IN THE CAVES: HE
AFTER THAT AVENGES HIMSELF UPON
MACIIERAS, AS UPON AN ENEMY OF HIS,
AND GOES TO ANTONY, AS HE WAS
BESIEGING SAMOSATA.

§ 1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all
things, and rested from war. However, Herod
did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea,
and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and
four hundred horsemen; and this he did by
Bending his brother Joseph thither, that no
innovation might be made by Antigonus. He
also removed his mother, and all his relations,
who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and
when he had settled them securely, he marched
to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and
to drive away the garrisons placed there by
Antigonus.

2.	But when Herod had reached Seppho-
ris,* in a very great snow, he took'the city
without any difficulty, the guards that should
have kept it dying away before it was
assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to
his followers that had been in distress to
refresh themselves, there being in that city a
great abundance of necessaries. After which
he hasted away to the robbers that were in the
caves, who overran a great part of the coun-
try, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants
as a war itself could have done. Accordingly,
he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen,
and one troop of horsemen, to the village
Arbela, and came himself forty days after-
wards f with the rest of his forces. Yet were
not the enemy affrighted at his assault, but
met him in-arms; for their skill was that of
warriors, but their boldness was the boldness
of robbers: when, therefore, it came to a
pitched battle, they put to flight Herod’s left
wing with their right one: but Herod, wheel-
ing about on the sudden from his own right
wing, came to their assistance, and both made
his own left wing return back from its flight,
and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their
courage, till they could not bear the attempts
that were made directly upon them, and so
turned back and ran away.

3.	But Herod followed them, and slew

* This Sepphoris, the metropolis 'of Galilee, so often
mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, 2EI1-
4>!!PH\I1N. as Spanheim here informs us.

+ This way of speaking, ‘-alter forty days,” is inter-
preted by Jusephus himself, “on the fortieth dayAnticj.
b.xiv. ch. xv. sect 4. In like manner, when Josephus
says, ch. xxxiii.sect.8, that Herod lived “after” he had
ordered Antipater to lie slain *■ live days," this is by him-
self interpreted. Antiq. b.xvii.ci). viii. sect. 1, that he died
‘■on tire tilth day alterward” So also what is in this
book, cbap.xiii. sect. 1, •• after two years,” is, Antiq. b.
xiv ch. xiii. sect 3. “on the second year:” and Dean
Aldrich here notes, that this way of speaking is familiar
to Josephus.

them as he followed them, and destroyed a
great part of them, till those that remained
were scattered beyond the river [Jordan]; and
Galilee was freed from the terrors they had
been under, excepting from those that remained,
and lay concealed in caves, which required
longer time ere they could be conquered. In
order to which, Herod, in the first place, dis-
tributed the fruits of their former labours to
the soldiers,, and gave every one of them a
hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a
great deal more to their commanders, and
sent them .into their winter quarters. He
also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to
take care of a good market for them, where
they might buy themselves provisions, and to
build a wall about Alexandrium; who took
care of both those injunctions accordingly.

4.	In the mean time Antony abode at
Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and
Herod to come to the war against the Par-
thians, but ordered them first to settle the
affairs of Judea: so Herod willingly dismissed
Silo to go .to Ventidius; but he made an
expedition himself against those that lay in the
caves. Now these caves were in the preci-
pices of craggy mountains, and could not be
come at from any side, since they had only
some winding path-ways, very narrow, by
which they got up to them;. but the rock that
lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a
vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular
declivity; insomuch that the king was doubt-
ful for a long time what to do, by reason of
a kind of impossibility there was of attacking
the place. Yet did he at length make use of
a contrivance that was subject to the utmost
hazard; for he let down the most hardy of
his men in chests, and set them at the mouths
of the dens. Now these men slew the rob-
bers and their families, and when they made
resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and
burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of
saving some of them, he had proclamation
made, that they should come and deliver
themselves up to him; but not one of them
came willingly to him; and of those that
were compelled to come, many preferred death
to captivity. And here a certain old man,
the fatbdr of seven children, whose children,
together with their mother, desired him to
give them leave to go out, upon the assurance
and right hand that was offered them, slew
them after the following manner:—He ordered
every one of them to go out, while he stood
himself at the cave’s mouth, and slew that
son of his perpetually who went out. Herod
was near enough tp see this sight, and his
bowels of compassion were moved at it, and
he stretched out his right hand to the old
man, and besought him to spare his children;
yet did not he relent at all upon what
he said, but over and above reproached
Herod on the lowness of his descent, and
9lew his wife as well as his children; audCHAP. XVII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

577

when he had thrown their dead bodies down
the precipice, he at last threw himself down
after them.

5.	By this means Herod subdued these
caves, and the robbers that were in them. He
then left there a part of his army, as many as
he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition,
ar.d made Ptolemy their general, and returned
to Samaria: he led also with him three
thousand armed footmen, and six hundred
horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here
those that used to raise tumults in Galilee,
having liberty so to do upon his departure,
fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general
of his forces, and slew him: they also laid the
country waste, and then retired to the bogs,
and to places not easily to be found; but
when Herod was informed of this insurrection,
he came to the assistance of the country im-
mediately, and destroyed a great number of
the seditious, and raised the sieges of all those
fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted
the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies,
as a penalty for the mutations they had made
in the country.

6.	By this time (the Parthians being already
driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain)
Ventidius, by Antony’s command, sent a
thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxi-
liaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now
Antigonus besought Macheras, who was their
general, by letter, to come to his assistance,
and made a great many mournful complaints
about Herod’s violence, and about the injuries
he did to the kingdom; and promised to give
him money for such his assistance: but he
complied not with his invitation to betray his
trust, for he did not contemn him that sent
him, especially while Herod gave him more
money [than the other offered]. So he pre-
tended friendship to Antigonus, but came as
a spy to discover bis affairs, although he did
not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded
him from so doing; but Antigonus perceived
what his intentions Were beforehand, and
excluded him out of the city, and defended
himself against him as against an enemy, from
the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what
he had done, and retired to Emmaus to
Herod; and, #s he was in a rage at his dis-
appointment, he slew all the Jews whom he
met with, without sparing those that were for
Herod, but using them all as if they were for
Antigonus.

7.	Hereupon Herod was very angry at him,
and was going to fight against Macheras as
bis enemy; but he restrained his indignation,
and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of |
inal-adrairiistration; but Macheras was made
sensible of his offences, and followed after the
king immediately, and earnestly begged and
obtained that he would be reconciled to him.
However, Herod did not desist from his reso-
lution of going to Antony; but when he

heard that he was besieging Samosata* with
a great army, which is a strong city near to
Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as ob-
serving that this was a proper opportunity for
showing at once his courage, and for doing
what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed,
when he came, he soon made an end ot that
siege, and slew a great number of the bar-
barians, and took from them a large prey;
insomuch that Antony, who admired his cou-
rage formerly, did now admire it still more.
Accordingly, he heaped many more honours
upon him, and gave him more assured hopes
that he should gain his kingdom: and now
king Aotiochus was forced to deliver up
Samosata.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE DEATH OF JOSEPH [HEROD’S BROTHER],
WHICH HAD BEEN SIGNIFIED TO HEROD IN
DREAMS. HOW HEROD WAS PRESERVED
TWICE, AFTER .A WONDERFUL MANNER.
HE CUTS OFF THE HEAD OF PAPPUS, WHO
WAS THE MURDERER OF HIS BROTHER,
AND SENDS THAT HEAD TO [HIS OTHER
BROTHER] PHERORAS. AND IN NO LONG
TIME HE BESIEGES JERUSALEM, AND
MARRIES MARIAMNE.

§ 1. In the mean time Herod’s affairs in
Judea were in an ill state. He had left his
brother Joseph with full power, but had
charged him to make no attempts against
Antigonus till his return; for that Macheras
would not be such an assistant as he could
depend on, as it appeared by what he had done
already; but as soon as Joseph heard'that his
brother was at a very great distance, he ne-
glected the charge he had received, and march-
ed towards Jericho with five coharts, which
Macheras sent with him. This movement
was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was
nowin the midst of summer;, but wh,en his
enemies attacked him in the mountains, and
in,places which were difficult to pass, he was
both killed himself, as he was very bravely
fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman
cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts
were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria,
and there was no mixture of those called
veteran soldiers among them, who might have
supported those that were unskilful in war.

2. This victory was not sufficient for An-
tigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of
rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph bar-
barously ; for when he had gotten possession
of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut

• This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, is
well known fronFits coins, as Spanheim here assures os.
Dean Aldrich also coulirms what Josephus hers notes
that Herod was a great means of taking the city by
Antony, and that from 1’lutarch and Dio.

2 O578

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

off his head, although his brother Pheroras
would have given fifty talents as a price of
redemption for it. . And now the affairs of
Galilee were put into such disorder after this
victory of Antigonus, that those of Antigo-
nus's party brought the principal men that
were on Herod’s side to the lake, and there
drowned them. There was a great change
made also in Idumea, where Macheras was
building a wall about one of the fortresses,
that was called Gittha. But Herod had not
yet been informed of these things; for after
the taking of Samosata, and when Antony
had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and
given him orders to assist Herod against
Antigonus, he departed into Egypt. But
Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea,
to assist Herod, and followed himself soon
after with the rest of his army.

3.	Now when Herod was at Daphne, by
Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly
foreboded his brother’s death; and as he
leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner,
there came messengers that acquainted him
with that calamity. So when he had lamented
this misfortune for a while, he put off the
main part of his mourning, and made haste to
march against his enemies; and when he had
performed a march that was above his
strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he
got eight hundred men of those that lived
near to that mountain, as his assistants, and
joined with them one Roman legion, with
which, before it was day, he made an irrup-
tion into Galilee, and met his enemies, and
drove them back to the place which they had
left. He also made an immediate and conti-
nued attack upon the fortress. Yet was he
forced, by a most terrible storm, to pitch his
camp in the neighbouring village before he
could take it. But when, after a few days’
time, the^ second legion, that came from
Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy
were affrighted at his power, and left their
fortifications in the night-time.

4.	' After this he marched through Jericho,
as making what haste he could to be avenged
on his brother’s murderers: where happened
to him a providential sign, out of which when
he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the repu-
tation of being very dear to God; for that
evening there feasted with him many of the
principal men; and after that feast was over,
and all the guests were gone out, the house
fell down immediately. And as he judged this
to be a common signal of what dangers he
should undergo, and how he should escape
them in the war that he was going about, he
in the morning set forward with his army,
when about six thousand of his enemies came
running down from the mountains, and began
to fight with those in his fore-front; yet
durst they not be so very bold as to engage
the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones
and darts at them at a distance, by which

means they wounded a considerable number;
in which action Herod's own side was wounded
with a dart.

5.	Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear
to exceed Herod not only in the courage, but
in the number of his men, he sent Pappus,
one of his companions, with an army against
Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose
Macheras. But Herod overran the enemies’
country, and demolished five little cities, and
destroyed two thousand men that were in
them, and burned their houses, and then
returned to his camp; but his head-quarters
were at the village called Cana.

6.	Now a great multitude of Jews resorted
to him every day, both out of Jericho and the
other parts of the country. Some were moved
so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus,
and some out of regard to the glorious actions
Herod had done; hut others were led on by
an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell
upon them immediately. As for Pappus and
his party, tfyey were not terrified either at their
number or at their zeal, but marched out with
great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a
close fight. Now other parts of their army
made resistance for a while: but Herod, run-
ning the utmost hazard, out of the rage, he
was in at the murder of his brother, that he
might be avenged on those that had been the
authors of it, soon beat those that opposed
him; and, after he had beaten them, he always
turned his force against those that stood to
it still, and pursued them all; so that a great
slaughter was made, while some were forced
back into that village whence they came out;
he also pressed hard upon the hindermost,
and slew a vast number of them; he also fell
into the village with the enemy, where every
house was filled with armed men, and the
upper rooms were crowded above, with sol-
diers for their defence; and when he had
beaten those that were on the outside, he
pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out
those that were within; upon many he had
the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished
by heaps; and as for those that lied out of
the ruins, the soldiers received them with their
swords in their hands; and the multitude of
those slain and lying in heaps was so great,
that the conquerors could not pass along the
roads. Now the enemy could not bear this
blow, so that when the multitude of them
which was gathered together, saw that those
in the village were slain, they dispersed them-
selves and fled away; upon the confidence of
which victory, Herod had marched imme-
diately to Jerusalem, unless he had been hin-
dered by the depth of winter’s [coming on].
This was the impediment that lay in the way
of this his entire glorious progress, and was
what hindered Antigonus from being now
conquered, who was already disposed to for-
sake the city.

7.	Now when at the evening Herod hadCHAP. XVIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

670

already dismissed his friends to refresh them-
selves after their fatigue, and when he was
gone himself, while he was still hot in his
armour, like a common soldier, to bathe him-
self, and had but one servant that attended
him, and before he was gotten into the bath,
one of the enemies met him in the face with
a sword in his band, and then a second, and
then a third, and after that more of them;
these were men who had run away out of the
battle into the bath in their armour, and they
had lain there for some time in great terror,
and in’privacy; and when they saw the king,
they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a
fright, although he was naked, and endea-
voured to get off into the public road. Now
there was by chance nobody else at hand that
might seize upon these men; and for Herod,
he was contented to have come to no harm
himself, so that they all got away in safety.

8.	But on the next day Herod had Pappus’s
head cut off, who was the general for Antigo-
nus, and was slaiun the battle, and sent it to
his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment
for their slain brother; for he was the man
that slew’ Joseph. Now as winter was going
off, Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought
his army to the wall of it; this was the third
year since he had been made king at Rome;
eo he pitched his camp before the temple, for
on that side it might be besieged; and there
it was that Pompey took the city. So be
parted the work among the army, and demo-
lished the suburbs, and raised three banks,
and gave orders to have towers built upon
those banks, and left the most laborious of his
acquaintance at the works. But he went
himself to Samaria, to take the daughter of
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife,
who had been betrothed*to him before, as we
have already said; and thus he accomplished
this by the bye, during the siege of the city, for
he had his enemies in great contempt already.

9.	When he had thus married Mariainne, he
came back to Jerusalem with a greater army.
Sosius also joined him with a large army, both
of horsemen and footmen, which be sent before
him through the midland parts, while he
marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the
whole army was gotten together, which were
eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand
horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which
were no small part of the army, they pitched
their camp near to the north wall. Herod’s
dependence was upon the decree of the senate,
by which he was made king; and Sosius Relied
upon Antony, who sent the army that was
under him to Herod’s assistance.

CHAPTER XVIII.

HOW HEROD AND SOSIUS TOOK JERUSALEM
BT FORCE; AND WHAT DEATH ANTlGONUg
CAME TO. ALSO, CONCERNING CLEOPA-
TRA’S AVARICIOUS TEMPER.

§ 1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were
in the city were divided into several factions;
for the people that crowded about the temple,
being the weaker part of them, gave it out
that, as the times were, he was the happiest
and most religious man who should die first.
But as to the more bold and hardy men, they
got together in bodies, and fell a robbing
others after various manners, and these par-
ticularly plundered the places that were about
the city, and this because there was no food
left either for the horses or the men; yet
some of the warlike men, who were used to

defend the
drove those
that raised the banks a'way from the wall;
and these were always inventing one engine
or another to be a hinderance to the engines
of the enemy; nor had they so much success
any way as in the mines under ground.

2. Now, as for the robberies which were
committed, the king contrived that ambushes
should be so laid, that they might restrain
their excursions; and as for the want of
provisions, he provided that they should be
brought to them from great distances, He
was also too hard for the Jews, by the
Romans’ skill in the art of war: although they
were bold to the utmost degree,now they durst
not come to a plain battle with the Romans,
which was certain death; but through their
mines under ground they would appear in the
midst of them on the sudden, and before they
could batter down one wall, they built them
another in its stead; and to sum up all at
once, they did not show any want either of
painstaking or of contrivances, as having
resolved to hold out to the very last. Indeed,
though they had so great an army lying
round about them, they bore a siege of five
months, till some of Herod’s chosen men ven-
tured to get upon the wall, und fell into the
city, as did Sosius’s centurions after them'
and now they first of all seized upon what was
about the temple; and upon the pouring in
of the army, there was slaughter of vast mul-
titudes everywhere, by reason of the rage the
Romans were in at the length of the siege,
and by reason that the Jews that were about
Herod earnestly endeavoured that none of
their adversaries might remain; so they were
cut to pieces by great multitudes, and as
they were crow’ded together in'jiiarrow streets,
and in houses, or were running away to the
tetnple; nor was there any mercy shown either
to infants or to the aged, or to the weaker

tight regularly, were appointed to
city during the siege, and theseBOOK I.

680

WARS OF THE JEWS.

Bex; insomuch, that although the king sent
about and desired them to spare the people,
nobody could be persuaded to withhold their
right hand from slaughter, but they slew
people of all ages, like madmen. Then it
was that Antigonus, without any regard to
his former or to his present fortune, came
down from the citadel, and fell down at
Sosius’s feet, who without pitying him at all,
upon the change of his condition, laughed at
him beyond measure, and called him Anti-
gona.* Yet did not he treat him like a
woman, or let him go free, but put him into
bonds, and kept him in custody.

3.	But Herod’s concern at present, now he
had gotten his enemies under his power, was
to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries;
for the multitude of the strange people were
very eager to see the temple, and what was
sacred in the holy house itself; but the king
endeavoured to restrain them, partly by his
exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay,
partly by force, as thinking the victory worse
than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought
not to be seen were seen by them. He also
forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the
city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner,
whether the Romans, by thus emptying the
city of money and men, had a mind to leave
aim king of a desert,—and told him, that he
judged the dominion of the habitable earth too
small a compensation for the slaughter of so
many citizens. And when Sosius said, that it
was but just to allow the soldiers this plun-
der, as a reward for what they suffered during
the siege, Herod made answer, that he would
give every one of the soldiers a reward out of
bis own money. So he purchased the .deliver-
ance of bis country, and. performed his pro-
mises to them, and made presents after a
magnificent manner to each soldier, and propor-
tionably to their commanders, and with a most
royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby
nobody went away but in a wealthy condition.
Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold
to God, and then went away from Jerusalem,
leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony;
then did the axe bring him to his end,I who
still bad a fond desire of life, and some frigid
hopes of it to the last; but by his cow'ardly
behaviour well deserved to die by it.

4.	Hereupon king Herod distinguished the
multitude that was in the city; and for those
that’were of his side, he made them still more
his friends by the honours he conferred on
them; but for those of Antigonus’s party, he
Blew them; and as his money fan low, he
turned all the ornaments he had into money,
and 6ent it to Antony, and to those about
him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an

^/exemption from all sufferings; for Antony
was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra,
and was entirely conquered by her cl)arms.
Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kin-
ured, till no one near her in blood remained
alive, and after that she fell a slaying those
no way related to her. So she calumniated
the principal men among the Syrians to
Antony, aiid persuaded him to have them
slain, that so she might easily gain to be mis-
tress of what they had; nay, she extended her
avaricious humour to the Jews and Arabians,
and secretly laboured to have Herod and Mali-
chus, the kings of both those nations, slain by
his order.

5.	Now as to these her injunctions to
Antony, he complied in part; for though he
esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such
good and great kings, yet was he thereby
ulienated from the friendship he bad for them.
He also < took away a great deal of their
country; nay even the plantation of palm-
trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam-
tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also
all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus,
Tyre and Sidonf excepted. And when she
was become mistress of these, and had con-
ducted Antony in his expedition against the
Farthians, as far as Euphrates, she came by
Apamia and Damascus into Judea; and there
did Herod pacify her indignation at him by
large presents. He also hired of her those
places that had been torn away from his
kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred
talents. He conducted her also as far as
Pelusium, and paid her all the respects pos-
sible. Now it was not long after this that
Antony was come back from Parthia, and led
with him Artabazes, Tigranes’s son, captive,
as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian
was presently given her, with his money, and
all the prey that was taken with him.

CHAPTER XIX.

HOW ANTONY, AT THE PERSUASION OF CLEO.
PATRA, SENT HEROD TO FIGHT AGAINST
THE ARABIANS; AND HOW, AFTER SEVE-
RAL BATTLES, HE AT LENGTH GOT THE
VICTORY. AS ALSO CONCERNING A GREAT
EARTHQUAKE.

§ 1. Now when the war about Actium was
begun, Herod prepared to come to the assist-
ance of Antony, as being already freed from
his troubles in Judea, and having gained
Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by

• This {• a woman, not a man.

4 Thu death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch
and Strabo; the latter of whom is cited fur it by Jose-
phus himself, Antiq. b. xv.cb. i. sect. k, as Dean Aldrich
haio observes.

t This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under ths
Homans, taken notice of hy Josephus, both here and
Antiq.h. xv.ch.iv.sect 1, is confirmed by the testimon*
of .Strabo, b. xvi. p. 7.i?. as Dean Aldrich remarks;
although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted a litUo
while longer, when Augustus took it away from them.CHAP. XIX.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

581

Antfgonus’s sister. However, he was cun-
ningly hindered from partaking of the hazards
that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for
Bince, as we have already noted, she had laid
a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia],
she prevailed with Antony to commit the war
against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he
got the better, she might become mistress of
Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and
that she might destroy one of those kings by
the other.

2.	However, this contrivance tended to the
advantage of Herod; for at the very first he
took hostages from the enemy, and got toge-
ther a great body of horse, and ordered them
to march against them about Diospolis; and
h.e conquered that army although it fought
resolutely against him. After which defeat,
the Arabians were in great motion, and assem-
bled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of
Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for
the Jews. And when Herod was come thither,
he tried to manage this war with particular
prudence, and gave orders that they should
build a wall about their camp; yet did not the
multitude comply with those orders, but were
so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that
they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat
them at the first onset, and then pursued them;
yet were there snares laid for Herod in that
pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleo-
patra’s .generals, and always an antagonist to
Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that
country against him; for, upon this fresh
onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned
back, and both joined their numerous forces
about stony places, that were hard to be gone
over, and there put Herod’s men to the roht,
and made a great slaughter of them; but those
that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza,
where the Arabians surrounded their camp,
and took it, with all the men in it.

3.	In a little time after this calamity,
Herod came to bring them succours; but he
came too late. Now the occasion of that blow
was this, that the officers would not obey
orders; for had not the fight begun so sud-
denly, Athenio had not found a proper season
for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he
was even with the Arabians afterward, and
over-ran their, country, and did them more
harm than their single victory could compen-
sate. But as he was avenging himself on his
enemies, there fell upon him another provi-
dential calamity; for in the seventh* year of
his reign, when the war about Actium was

* This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the
conqnest or death of Antigonus], with the great earth-
quake in the beginning of the same spring, which are
here fully implied to be not much before the light at
Actium, between Octavius and Antony, and which is
known from the Roman historians to have been in the
beginning of September, in the 31st year before the,
Christian iera, determines the chronology of Josephus as
to the reign of Herod, viz that he began in the yi-tr :i ;.
beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworth"
ul our notice, that this seventh year of the reign of Hei od,

at the height, at the beginning of the spring,
the earth was shaken, and destroyed an
immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand
men; but the army received no harm, because
it lay in the open air. In the mean time, the
fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians
to greater courage, and this by augmenting it
to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case
in melancholy accidents, and pretending that
all Judea was overthrown. Upon thfs suppo-
sal, therefore, that they should easily get a
land that was destitute of inhabitants into
their povyer, they first sacrificed those ambas-
sadors who were come to them from the Jews,
and then marched into Judea immediately.
Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this
invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness
of their calamities one after another; whom
yet Herod got together, and endeavoured to
encourage to defend themselves by the follow-
ing speech which he made to them: —

4. “ The present dread you are under,
seems to me to have seized upon you very
unreasonably. It is true, you might justly
be dismayed at the providential chastisement
which hath befallen you; but to suffer your-
selves to be equally terrified at the invasion
of men, is unmanly. As for myself, I am so
far from being affrighted at our enemies after
this earthquake, that I imagine that God
hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that
we may be avenged on them; for their pre-
sent invasion proceeds more from our acci-
dental misfortunes, than that they have any
great dependence on their weapons, or their
own fitness for action. Now that hope which
depends not on men’s own power, but on
others’ ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for
there is no certainty among men, either in
their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily
observe, that fortune is mutable, and goes from
one side to another; and this you may readily
learn from examples among yourselves; for
when you were once victors in the former
fight, your enemies overcame you at last;
and very likely it will now happen so, that
these who think themselves sure of beating
you, will themselves be beaten; for when
men are very confident, they are not upon
their guard, while/ fear teaches men to act
with caution; insomuch, that I venture to
prove from your very timorousness, that you
ought to take courage; for when you were
more bold than you ought to have been, and
than I would have had you, and marched
on, Athenio’s treachery took place; but your
present slowness and seeming dejection of
mind, is to me a pledge and assurance of
victory; and indeed it is proper beforehand
to be thus provident: but when we come to
action, \ve ought to erect our minds, and to
make our enemies, be they ever so wicked.

or die 31st before the Christian <vra, contained the lotfnr
part ot a Sublmtic year; on which -^abbalic year, thprs>
fore, it in plaiu I Inn gn-ai tartbqn.iKe happened in Judea.582

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

believe, that neither any human, no, nor any
providential misfortune, can ever depress the
courage of Jews while they are alive; nor
will any of them ever overlook an Arabian,
or suffer such a one to become lord of his
good things, whom he has in a manner taken
captive, and that many times also:—and do
not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of
inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that
this earthquake is a Sign of another calamity;
for such affections of the elements are accord-
ing to the course of nature; nor does it im-
port any thing farther to men, than what
mischief it does immediately of itself. Per-
haps, there may come some short sign before-
hand in the case of pestilences, and famines,
and earthquakes; but these calamities them-
selves have their force limited by themselves,
[without foreboding any other calamity]; and
indeed what greater mischief can the war,’
though it should be a, violent one, do to us,
than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there
is a signal of our enemies’ destruction visi-
ble, and that a very great one also; and this
is not a natural one, nor derived from the
hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that
they have barbarously murdered our ambas-
sadors, contrary to the common law of man-
kind; and they have destroyed so many, as
if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in
relation to this war; but they will not avoid
his great eye, nor his invincible right hand;
and we shall be revenged of them presently,
in case we still retain any of the courage of
our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish
these covenant-breakers. Let every one there-
fore go on and fight, not so much for his wife
or his children, or for the danger his country
is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those
dead ambassadors will conduct this War of
ours better than we ourselves who are alive;
and if you will be ruled by me, I will myself
go before you into danger; for you know this
well enough, that your courage is irresistible,
unless you hurt yourselves by acting rash-
ly.”* .

5. When Herod had encouraged them by
this speech, and he saw with what alacrity
they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and
after that sacrifice, he passed over the river
Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp
about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and
about a fortification that lay between them.
He then shot at'them at a distance, and was
desirous to come to an engagement presently;
for some of them had been sent beforehand
to seize upon that fortification: but the king
sent some who immediately beat them out of
the fortification, while he himself went in the
fore-front of the army, which he put in

• This speech of Herod is set down twice by Jose-
phus, here and Antiq. b. xv. ch. v. sect, 3, to the very
same purpose, but by no means in the same words;*
whence it appears that the sense was Herod’s, but the
3cinposition Josephus’s.

battle-array everyday, and invited the Arabians
to fight; but as none of them came out of
their camp, for they were in a terrible fright,
and their general, Elthemus, was not able to
say a word for fear,—so Herod came upon
them; and pulled their fortification to pieces,
by which means they were compelled to come
out to fight, which they did in disorder, and
so that the horsemen and footmen were
mixed together. They were indeed superior
to the Jews in number, but inferior in their
alacrity, although they were obliged to expose
themselves to danger by their very despair of
victory.

6. Now while they made opposition, they
had not a great number slain; but as soon as
they turned their backs, a great many were
trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great
many by themselves, and so perished, till five
thousand were fallen down dead in their
flight, while the rest of the multitude pre-
vented their immediate death, by crowding
irito the fortification. Herod encompassed
these around, and besieged them; and while
they were ready to be taken by their enemies
in arms, they had another additional distress
upon them, which was thirst and want of
water; for the king was above hearkening to
their ambassadors; and when they offered five
hundred talents, as the price of their redemp-
tion, he pressed still harder upon them; and
as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came
out, and voluntarily delivered themselves up
by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days’
time four thousand of them were put into
bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude
that were left despaired of saving themselves,
and came out to fight: with these Herod
fought, and slew again about seven thousand,
insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely,
and so far extinguished the spirits of the
men, that he was chosen by the nation for
their ruler.

CHAPTER XX.

HEROD IS CONFIRMED IN HIS KINGDOM BY
CjESAR, AND CULTIVATES A FRIENDSHIP
WITH THE EMPEROR BY MAGNIFICENT
PRESENTS; WHILE C.ffi8AR RETURNS HIS
KINDNESS BY BESTOWING ON HIM THAT
PART OF HIS KINGDOM WHICH HAD BEEN
TAKEN AWAY FROM IT BY CLEOPATRA,
WITH THE ADDITION OF ZENODORUS’3
COUNTRY ALSO.

§ 1. But now Herod was under immediate
concern about a most important affair, on
account of his friendship with Anton v, who
was already overcome at Actium by Caesar, yet
he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did
not think he had quite undone Antony, while
Herod continued his assistance to him. How-
ever, the king resolved to expose himself to.CHAP. XX.

WARS .OF- THE JEWS.

583

dangers: accordingly he. sailed to Rhodes,
where Caesar then abode, and came to him
without his diadem, and in the habit and
appearance of a private person, but in his
behaviour as a king. So he concealed nothing
of the truth, but spake thus before bis face:
_L“0 Caesar, as I was made king of the. Jews
by Aatony, so do I profess that 1 have used
my royal authority in the best manner, and
entirely for his advantage: nor will 1 conceal
this farther, that thou hadst certainly found
me in arms, and an inseparable companion of
his, had not the Arabians hindered me. How-
ever, I sent him as many auxiliaries as 1 was
able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn.
Nay, indeed, 1 did not desert my benefactor
after the blow that was given Rim at Actiurn;
but 1 gave him the best advice 1 was able:
when 1 was po longer able to assist him in
the war; and 1 told him that there was but
one way of recovering his affairs, and that
was to kill Cleopatra; and 1 promised him,
that if she were once dead, 1 would afford
him money and walls for his security, with
an army and myself to assist him in his war
against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra
stopped his ears, as did God himself also,
who hath bestowed the government on thee.
I own myself also to be overcome together
with him; and with his last fortune 1 have
laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to
thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue;
and 1 desire that thou wilt first consider how
faithful a friend, and not whose friend, 1 have
been.”

2.	Caesar replied to him thus: — “ Nuy,
thou shalt ribt only be jn safety, but sbalt be
a king, and that more firmly than thou wust
before; for thou art worthy to reign over a
great many subjects, by reason of the fastness
of thy friendship; and do thou endeavour to
be equally constant in thy friendship to me
upon my good success, which is what 1 depend
upon from the generosity of thy disposition.
However, Antony hath done well in preferring
Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we
have gained thee by her madness, and thus
thou hast begun to be my friend before 1
began to be thine; on which account Quintus
Didius hath written to pie that thou sentest
him assistance against the gladiators. 1 do
therefore assure thee that 1 will confirm the
kingdom to thee by decree; I shall also
endeavour to do thee some farther kindness
hereafter, that thou mayest find no loss in the
want of Antony.”

3.	When Ceesar had spoken such obliging
things to the king, and had put the diadem
again about his head, he proclaimed what he
had bestowed on him by a decree, in which
he enlarged in the commendation of the man
after a magnificent nunner. Whereupon
Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the
presents he gave him, and he desired him to
forgive Alexander, one of Antony’s friends,

who was become a supplicant to him. But
Ciesar’s anger against him prevailed, and he
complained . of the many and very great
offences the man whom he petitioned for had
been guilty of; and by that means he. rejected
his petition. , After this, Caesar went for
Egypt through Syria, when Herod received
him with royal and rich entertainments; and
then did: he first of ail ride along with Caesar
as he was reviewing his army about Ptole-
muis, and feasted him with all his friends, and
then distributed ajpong the rest of the army
what was necessary to feast them withal. He
also made a plentiful provision of water for
them, when they were to march as far as
Pelusium, through a dry country, which he
did also in like manner on their return thence;
nor were there any necessaries wanting to that
army. It was therefore the opinion, both of
Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod’s king-
dom was too small for those generous presents
he made them; for which reason, when Csesar
was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and
Antony were dead, be did not only bestow
other marks of honour upon him, but made an
addition to bis kingdom, by giving him not
only the country which bad been taken from
him by Cleopatra, but, besides that, Gadara,
and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of
the maritime cities, Gaza,* and Anthedon,
and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. He also
made him a present of four hundred Galls
[Galatians]' as a guard for his body, which
they bad been to Cleopatra before. Nor did
any thing so strongly induce Csesar to make
these presents as the generosity of him that
received them.

4.	Moreover, after the first games at
Actium, he added to bis kingdom both the
region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its
neighbourhood, Batanca, and the country of
Auranitis; and that on the following occa-
sion:— Zenodorus, who had hired the bpuse of
I.ysanias, bad all along sent robbers out of
Trachonitis among the Damascens; wbo there-
upon had recourse to Varro, the president of
Syria, and desired of him that be would
represent the calamity they were in to Caesar.
When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent
back orders that this nest of robbers should
lie destroyed. Yarro therefore made an expe-
dition against them, and cleared the laud of
those men, and took it away from Zetiodo*
ius. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on
Herod, that it might not again become a
receptacle for those robbers that bad come

• Since Josephus, both here and in his Antiq. b. XT.
cb.yiusecLJ. reckons Gaza, wiiicli bad beeu a tree city,
among the cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet
implies that Herod had made Costobarus a governor of
ii before. Antiq b. xv. ch. vii.sect 9. Harduin has some
pretence for saying that Josephus here contradicted him-
self. But perhaps Herod thou.bt he had sufficient
authority to put a governor into Gaza, alter he was
made tetrarch or king, in times of war, before the oity
was delivered entirely into bis bands by Augustus.584

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I

against Damascus. He also made him a pro-
curator of all Syria, and this on the tenth
year afterward, when he came again into that
province; and this was so established, that
the other procurators could not do any thing
in the administration without his advice: but
when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed
on him all that land which lay between Tra-
chonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of
more consequence to Herod, he was beloved
by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa
next after Caesar; whence Jie arrived at a
very great degree of felicity; yet did the
greatness of his soul exceed it; and the main
part of his magnanimity was extended to the
promotion of piety.	'

CHAPTER XXL

OF THB [TEMPLE AND] CITIES THAT WERE
BUILT BY HEROD, AND ERECTED FROM THE
VERY FOUNDATIONS; AS ALSO OF THOSE
OTHER EDIFICES THAT WERE ERECTED BY
HIM; AND WHAT MAGNIFICENCE HE SHOW-
ED TO FOREIGNERS; AND HOW FORTUNE
WAS IN ALL THINGS FAVOURABLE TO HIM.

§ 1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of
his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and
encompassed a piece of land about it with a
wall; which land was twice as large as that
before enclosed. The expenses he laid out
upon it were vastly large also, and the riches
about it were unspeakable. A sign of which
you have in the great cloisters that were erect-
ed about the temple, and the citadel * which
was on its north side. The cloisters he built
from the foundation, but the citadel he re-
paired at a vast expense; nor was it other than
a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in
honour of Antony. He also built himself a
palace in the upper city, containing two very
large and most beautiful apartments; to which
the holy house itself could not be compared
[in largeness]. The one apartment he named
Ciesareum, and the other Agrippium, from
his [two great] friends.

2.	Yet did he not preserve their memory
by particular buildings only, with their names
given them, but his generosity went as far as
entire cities; for when he had built a most
beautiful wall round a country in Samaria,
twenty furlongs long, and had brought six
thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted
to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the

* This fort was first built, Us is snpposed, by John
HvTcanus. See Prid. at the year 107. and called Baris,”
the Tower or Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt, with
'rent improvements, by Hdrod, under the government
il Antonins, and was named from him “the Tower of
Antonia;” and about the time when Herod rebuilt the
Sempie, he seems to have put his last hand to it. See
Anhq. b. xviii. ch. v. sect 4. Of the War, b. i. ch. iii.
sect 3, and cb. v. sect. 4. It lay on the north-west
aide of the temple, and was a quarter as large.

midst of this city, thus built. had erected a
very large temple to Caesar, afqd bad laid
round about it a portion of sacred land of
three furlongs and a half, he called the city
Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, apd set-
tled the affairs of the city after a most regular
manner.	■

3.	And when Caesar had farther bestowed
upon bim another additional country, be built
there also a temple of white marble, hard by
the fountains of Jordan: tbe place is called
Paiiium, where is a top of a mountain that is
raised to an immense- height, and at its side,
beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens
itself; within which there is a horrible pre-
cipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth;
it contains a mighty quantity of water, which
is immoveable, and when any body lets down
any thing to measure tbe depth of the earth
beneath the water, no length of cord is suffi-
cient to reach it. Now tbe fountains 'A Jor-
dan rise at the roots of this cavity outv ardly^
and; as some think, this is the utmo9f origin
of Jordan: but we shall speak of that r.atter
more accurately in our following history. ,

4.	But the king ereeted other-places at
Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and
the former palace, such as were better and
more useful than the former for travellers,
and named them from the same friends of his-
To ssy all at once, there was not any place of
his kingdom fit for the purpose, that was per-
mitted to be without somewhat that was for
Caesar’s honour; and when he had filled his
own country with temples, he poured out the
like plentiful marks of his esteem into his pro-
vince, and built many cities which" be called
Cesareas.

5.	And when be observed that there was a
city by tbe sea-side that was much decayed (its
name was Strato’s Tower) but that the place,
by the happiness of its situation, was capable
of great improvements from bis liberality, he
rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it
with several most splendid palaces, wherein
he especially demonstrated his magnanimity;
for the case was this, that all the sea-shore be-
tween Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between
which this city is situated, had no good haven,
insomuch that every one that sailed from Phce-
nicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the
stormy sea, by reason of tbe south winds that
threatened them; which wind, if it blew but
a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and
dash upon tbe rocks, that, upon their retreat,
tbe sea is in a great ferment for a long way.
But the king, by the expenses he was at, and
tbe liberal disposal of them, overcame nature,
and built a haven larger than was the
Pyrecumj- [at Athens]; and in the inner

4 That Josephus speaks truth, when be assures us
that the haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod not
less, nay. rather larger, than that famous haven at A IheDS,
called the Pyrecura, will appear, says Dean Aldrich, toCHAP. XXI.

WA.RS OP THE JEWS.

58fr

retirements of the water he built other
stations [for the ships also].

6.	Now, although the place wh£re he built
was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did
he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that
the firmness of his building could not easily
be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and-
ornament of the works were such, as though
he had not had any difficulty in the operation;
for when he had measured out as large a
space as we have before mentioned, he let
down stones into twenty-fathom water, the
greatest part of which were fifty feet in length,
and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and
some still larger. But when the haven was
filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall
which was thus already extant above the sea,
till it was two hundred feet wide; one hun-
dred of which had buildings before it, in order
to break the force of the waves, whence it
was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of
the waves; but the rest of the space was
under a stone-wall that ran round it. On this
wall were very large towers, the principal and
most beautiful of which was called Drusium,
from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.

7.	There were also a great number of
arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the
places before them round about was a large
valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place]
to those that came on shore; but the entrance
was on the north, because the north wind was
there the most gentle of all the winds. At
the mouth of the haven were on each side
three great Colossi, supported by pillars,
where those Colossi that are on your left hand
as you sail into the port, are supported by a
solid tower; but those on the right hand are
supported by two upright stones joined toge-
ther, which stones were larger than that tower
which was on the other side of the entrance.
Now there were continual edifices joined to
the haven, which were also themselves of
white stone; and to this haven did the narrow
streets of the city lead, and were built at
equal distances one from another. And over-
against the mouth of the haven, upon an ele-
vation, there was a temple for Caesar, which
was excellent both in beauty and largeness;
and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not
less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it
was made to resemble. The other Colossus
of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos.
So he dedicated the city to the province,
and the haven to the sailors there; but the
honour of the building he ascribed to Caesar,*
and named it Cesarea accordingly.

8.	He also built the other edifices, the

deep amphitheatre, and theatre; and market-place,
a manner agreeable to that denomination;
and appointed games every fifth year, and
called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games;
and he first himself proposed the laWest prizes
upon the hundred ninety-second Olympiad;
in which not only the victors themselves, but
those that came next to them, and even those
that came in the third place, were partakers
of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthe-
don, a city that lay on the coast, and had been
demolished in the wars, and named it Agrip-
peum. Moreover, he had so Very great a
kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had
his name engraved upon that gate which he
had himself erected in the temple.

9.	Herod was also a lover of his father, if
any other person ever was so; for he made a
monument for his father, even that city which
he built in the finest plain that was in his
kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in
abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also
built a wall about a citadel that lay above
Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine
building, and dedicated it to his mother, and
called it Cypros. Moreover, he dedicated a
tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by
the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose
structure, largeness, and magnificence, we shall
describe hereafter. He also built another city
in the valley that leads northward from
Jericho, and named it Phasaelus.

10.	And as he transmitted to eternity his
family and friends, so did he not neglect a
memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon
a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from
himself Herodium;f and he called that hill
that was of the shape of a woman’s breast, and
was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by
the same name. He also bestowed much
curious art upon it with great ambition, and
built round towers all about the top of it, and
filled up the remaining space with the most
costly palaces round about, insomuch that not
only the sight of the inner apartments was
splendid, but great wealth was laid'out on the
outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also.
Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of
water from a great distance, and at vast charges,
and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps
of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself
moderately high, and entirely factitious. He
also built other palaces about the roots %f the
hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that
was put into them, with his friends also, inso-
much that on account of its containing all
necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city,
but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.

Josephus here, and in the Antiq.b. xv. ch.ix. sect 6, and
b. xvii. ch. ix sect. 1.

* These buildings of cities by the name of Ctesar, and
institution of solemn games in honour of Augustus
Cesar, as here and in the Antiquities, related of Herod
by Josephus, the Roman historians attest to as things
tbeu frequent in the provinces of that empire, us Dean
Aldrich observes on this chapter.

+ There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodium;
in Judea,and both mentioned hy Josephus, not only here,
but Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiii. sect 9; b. xv. ch. ix. sect 6.
Of the War, b. i. chap. siii. sect. 8; b. iii. ch. iii. sect. £.
One of them was gUU. and the other 60 furlongs distan
from Jerusalem. One of them is mentioned by Pliny,.
Hist Nat h. v. chap. xiv. as Dean Aldrich observes
here586

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

11. And when he had built so much, he I much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest

showed the greatness of his soul to no small
number of foreign cities. He built. palaces
for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and
Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as
also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples,
and market-places at Berytus and Tyre, with
theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also
built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who
lived by the sea-side; and for those of Ascalon
he built baths and costly fountains, as also
cloisters round a court, that were admirable
both for their workmanship And largeness.
Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows
to some people: nay, not a few cities there
were who had lands of his donation, as if they
were parts of his own kingdom He also
bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever
also, on the settlements for exercises, and
appointed for them, as well as for the people
of Cos, that such rewards should never be
wanting. He also gave corn to all such as
wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large
sums of money for building ships; and this he
did in many places, and frequently also. And
when Apollo’s temple had been burnt down,
he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better
manner than it was before. What need I
speak of the presents he made to the Lycians
and Samniansl or of his great liberality
through all Ionia! and that according to
every body’s wants of them. And are not
the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nico-
politans, and that Pergamus which is in
Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented
them withal! And as for that large open
place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not
he pave it with polished marble, though it
were twenty furlongs long! and this when it
was shunned by all men before, because it
was full of dirt and filthiness; when he besides
adorned the same place with a cloister of the
same length.

12. It is true, a man may say, these were
favours peculiar to those particular places on
which he bestowed his benefits; but then what
favours he bestowed on the Eleans, was a
donation not only in common to all Greece,
but to all the habitable earth, as far as the
glory of the Olympic games reached; for
when he perceived that they were come to
nothing, for want of money, and that the only
remains 4>f ancient Greece were in a manner
gone, he not only became one of the comba-
tants in that return of the fifth year games,
which in his sailing to Rome he happened to
be present at, but he settled upon them reve-
nues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that
his memorial as a combatant there can never
fail. It would be an infinite task if I should
go over his payments of people’s debts, or
tributes, for them, as he eased the people of
Phasaelus, of Batanea, and of the small cities

he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt
after greater things than he ought, while he
bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities
than did their owners themselves.

13. Now Herod had a body suited to his
soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter,
where he generally had good success, by
means of his great skill in riding horses; for
in one day he caught forty wild beasts:* that
country breeds also bears; and the greatest
part of it is replenished with 6tags and wild
asses. He was also such a warrior'as could
not be withstood: many men therefore there
are who have stood amazed at bis readiness
in his exercises, when they saw him throw the
javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow
upon the mark; and then, besides these per-
formances of his depending on his own
strength of mind and body, fortune was also
very favourable to him, for he seldom failed
of success in his wars; and when he failed,
he was not himself the occasion of such fail-
ings, but he either was betrayed by some, or
the rashness of his own soldiers procured his
defeat.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE MURDER OF ARISTOBULUS AND HYR-
CANUS THE HIGH-PRIESTS; AS ALSO OF
UARIAMNE THE QUEEN.

§ 1. However,’ fortune was avenged on
Herod in his external great successes, by
raising him up domestic troubles: and he began
to have wild disorders in his family, on account
of his wife, of whom he was so very fond;
for when he came to the government, be sent
away her whom he had before married when
he was a private person, and who was born
at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and
married Mariamne, the daughter of Alex-
ander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose
account disturbances arose in his family, and
that in part very soon, but chiefly after his
return from Rome; for, first of all, he expelled
Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake gt
his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and
permitted him to come thither at no other
times than at the festivals. After this be slew
his wife’s grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he
was returned out of Parthia to him, under
this pretence, that he suspected him of plot-
ting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had
been carried captive to Barzapharnes, when
he overran Syria; but those of his own
country beyond Euphrates were desirous he
would stay with them, and this out of the

• Here seems to he a small defect in the copies which
/''ll,' - „c . i „„	i describe the wild beasts which were bunted in a certain

Fbout Cilicia, of those annual pensions they . country by Herod, without naming an; such counti;
before paid. However, the fear he was in I at all.CHAP. XXIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.	587

commiseration they had for his condition; and
had he complied with their desires, when they
exhorted him not to go over the river to He-
rod, he had not perished: but the marriage of
his grand-daughter [to Herod] was his temp-
tation; for as he relied upon him, and was
over fond of his own country, he came back
to it. Herod’s provocation was this:—not
that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the
kingdom, but that it rvvas Utter for him to be
their king than for Herod,

2.	Now of the five children which Herod
had by Marianme, two of them were daugh-
ters, and three were sons; and the youngest
of these sons was educated at Rome, and there
died; but the two eldest he treated as those
of royal blood, on account of the nobility of
their mother, and because they were not born
till he was king; but then what was stronger
than all this, was the love that he bare tp Mari-
amne, and which inflamed him every day to a
great degree, and so far conspired with the
other motives, that he felt no other troubles,
on account of her he loved so entirely; but
Mariamne’s hatred to him was not inferior to
his love to her. She had indeed but too just
a cause of indignation, from what he had done,
while her boldness proceeded from his affection
to her; so she openly reproached him with
what he had done to her grandfather Hyr-
canus, and to her brother Aristobulus, for
be had not spared this Aristobulus, though he
were but a child; for when he had given him
the high-priesthood at the age of seventeen,
he slew him quickly after he had conferred
that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus
had put on the holy vestments, and had ap-
proached to the altar at a festival, the multi-
tude, in great crowds, fell into tears;' where-
upon the child was sent by.night to Jericho,
and was there dipped by ttrfe Galls, at Herod’s
command, in a pool till he was drowned.

3.	For these reasons Mariamne reproached
Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most
contumelious manner, while he was dumb on
account of his affection for her; yet had the
women great indignation at her, and raised a
calumny against her, that she was false to his
ned: which thing they thought most likely to
move Herod to anger. They also contriyed to
have many other circumstances believed, in
order to make the thing more credible, and ac-
cused her of having sent her picture into Egypt
to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant,
as to have thus shown herself, though she was
absent, to a man that ran mad after women,
qrid to a man that bad it in his power to use
violence to her. This charge fell like a thun-
derbolt upon Herod, and put him into dis-
order; and that especially, because his love to
her occasioned him to be jealous, and because
he considered with himself that Cleopatra was
a shrewd woman, and that on her account
Lysaniiis the king was taken off as well1 as
Mahchus the Arabian; for his fear did not

only extend to the dissolving of his marriage,
but to the danger of his life.

4.	When therefore he was about to take a
journey abroad, he committed his wife to Jo-
seph, his sister Salome’s husband, as to one
who would be faithful to him, and bare him
good-will on account of their kindred: he also
gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony
slew him, he should slay her; but Joseph,
without any ill design, and only in order to
demonstrate the king’s love to his wife, how
he could not bear to think of being separated
from her, even by death itself, discovered this
grand secret to her; upon which, when Herod
was come back, and as they talked together,
and he confirmed his love to her by many
oaths, and assured her that he had never such
an affection for any other woman as he had for
her,—“Yes,” says she, “thou didst, to be
sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the in-
junctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou
commandest him to kill me.”*

5.	When he heard that this grand secret
was discovered, he was like a distracted man,
and said, that Joseph would never have dis-
closed that injunction of his, unless he had
debauched her. His passion also made him
stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran
about the palace after a wild manner; at
which time his sister Salome took the oppor-
tunity also to blast her reputation, and con-
firmed his suspicion about Joseph; whereupon,
out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he
commanded both of them to he slain immedi-
ately; but as soon as ever his passion was
over, he repented of what he had done, and as
soon as his anger was worn off, his affections
were kindled again; and indeed the flame of
his desires for her was so ardent, that he could
not think she was dead, but would appear,
under his disorders, to speak to her as if she
were still alive, till he were better instructed
by time, when his grief and trouble, now she
was dead, appeared as great as his affection
had been for her while she was living.

CHAPTER XXIII.

CALUMNIES AGAINST THE SONS OF MARIAMNE.
ANTIPATER IS PREFERRED BEFORE THEM.
THEY ARE ACCUSED BEFORE CAESAR, AND
HEROD IS RECONCILED TO THEM.

§ 1. Now Mariamne’s sons were heirs to that
hatred which had been borne their mother; and
when they considered the greatness of He-
rod’s crime towards her, they were suspicious

* Here is either a defect or a great mistake, in * Jose-
phus’s present copies or memory; lor IVlariamDe did not
nuw reproach Herod with this his first injunction to
Joseph to kill her, if he himself were slain by Antony,
but that he bad given the like command a second tima
to Soemus also, when he was alraid of being slain by
Augustus. Autiq. b. xv. eh. iin sect. 6.588	WARS OF THE JEWS.	BOOK I.

of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first
while they were educated at Rome, but still
more when they were returned to Judea.
This temper of theirs increased upon them as
they grew up to be men; and when they were
come to an age fit for marriage, the one of
them married their aunt Salome’s daughter,
which Salome had been the accuser of their
mother; the other married the daughter of
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now
they used boldness in speaking, as well as
bore hatred in their minds. Now those that
calumniated them took a handle from such
their boldness, and certain of them spftke now
more plainly to the king, that there were
treacherous designs laid against him by both
nis sons; and he that was son-in-law to Arche-
laus, relying upon his father-in-law, was pre-
paring to fly away, in order to accuse Her5d
before Caesar; and when Herod’s head had
been long enough filled with these calumnies,
he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris,
into favour again, as a defence to him against
his other sons, and began all the ways he pos-
sibly could to prefer him before them.

2; But these sons were not able to bear
this change in their affairs; for when they
saw him that was born of a mother of no
family, the nobility of their birth made them
unable to contain their indignation; but when-
soever they were uneasy, they showed the
anger they had at it; and as these sons did
day after day improve in that their anger,
Antipater already exercised all his own abili-
ties, which were very great, in flattering his
father, and in contriving many sorts of palum-
nies against his brethren, while he told some
stories of them himself, and put it upon other
proper persons to raise other stories against
them; till at length he entirely cut his bre-
thren off from all hopes of succeeding to the
kingdom; for he was already publicly put
into his father’s will as his successor. Accor-
dingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and
other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting
the diadem. He was also able in time to
introduce his mother again into Mariamne’s
bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use
of against his brethren, were flattery and
calumny, whereby he brought matters pri-
vately to such a pass, that the king had
thoughts of putting Jiis sons to death.

3.	So the father drew Alexander as far as
Rome, and charged him with an attempt of
poisoning him, before Ctesar. Alexander
could hardly speak for lamentation; but
having a judge that was more skilful than
Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he
modestly avoided laying any imputation upon
liis father, but with great strength of reason
confuted the calumnies laid against him; and
when he had demonstrated the innocency of
his brother, who was in the like danger with
bimself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of
Arttipater, and the disgrace they were under.

He was enabled also to justify himself, not
only by a clear conscience, which he carried
within him, but by his eloquence; for.he was
a shrewd man in making speeches.-. And
upon his saying at last, that if his father
objected this crime to them, it was in his
power to put them to death, he made all the
audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that
pass, as to reject the accusations, and to
reconcile their father to them immediately.
But the conditions of this reconciliation were
these, that they should in all things be obe-
dient to their father, ana that he should have
power to leave the kingdom to which of them
he pleased.

4.	After this the king came back from
Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons
upon these accusations; but still so, that he
was not without his suspicions of them. They
were followed by Antipater, who was the
fountain-head of those accusations; yet did
not he openly discover his hatred to them, as
revering him that had reconciled them. But
as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at
Eleusa,* where Archelaus treated them in the
most obliging manner, and gave him thanks
for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was
much pleased at their reconciliation; and this
the more, because he had formerly written to
his friends at Rome that they should be
assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he con-
ducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made
him presents to the value of thirty talents.

5.	Now when Herod was come to Jerusa-
lem, he gathered the people together, and
presented to them his three sons, and gave
them an apologetic account of his absence,
and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar
greatly also, for settling his house when it was
under disturbances, and had procured con-
cord among his sons, which was of greater
consequence than the kingdom itself, — “and
which I will render still more firm; for Caesar
hath put into my power to dispose of the
government, and to appoint my successor.
Accordingly, in way of requital for his kind-
ness, and in order to provide for mine own
advantage, I do declare that these three sons
of mine shall be kings. And, in the first
place, .1 pray for the approbation of God to
what I am about; and, in the next place, I
desire your approbation also. The age of one
of them, and the nobility of the other two
shall procure them the succession. Nay,
indeed, my kingdom is so large, that it may be
sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep
those in their places whom Caesar hath joined
and their father hath appointed; and do not
you pay undue or unequal respects to them,

• That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste,
near Cilicia, bad in it the royal palace of this Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, b. xv. p 671. Sle-
phanus ol Byzantium also calls it “an island of Cilicia,
which is now Sebaste;” botb whuse testimonies are per-
tinently cited here by |)r. Hudson. See the same his-
tory, Autiq. b. xvi. ch x. sect. 7CHAP. XXIV.

WARS OP THE JEWS.

589

but to every one according to tbe prerogative
of their births; for be that pays such respects
unduly, will thereby not make him that is
honoured beyond what his age requires, so
joyful as he will make him that is dishonoured
sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends
that are to converse with them, I will appoint
them to each of them, and will so constitute
them, that they may be securities for their
concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers
of those with whom they converse will pro-
duce quarrels and contentions among them;
but that, if these with whom they converse be
of good tempers, they will preserve their na-
tural affections for one another. But still I
desire, that not these only, but all the captains
of my army have for the present thei^hopes
placed on ipe alone; for I do not give away
my kingdom to these my sons, but give them
royal honours only; whereby it will come to
pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of
government as rulers themselves, but that the
burden of-administration will rest upon my-
self whether I will or not. And let every
one consider what age I am of; how I hafte
conducted my life, and what piety I have ex-
ercised ; for my age is not so great, that men
may soon expect the end of my life; nor have
I indulged such a luxurious way of living as
cuts men off when they are young; and we
have been so religious towards God, that we
[have reason to hope we] may arrive at a
very great age. But for such as cultivate a
friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my
destruction, they shall be punished by me on
their account. I am not one who envy my
own children, and therefore forbid men to pay
them great respect; but I know that such
[extravagant] respects are.the way to make
them insolent. And if every one that comes
near them does but revolve this in his mind,
that if he proves a good man, he shall receive a
reward from me, but that if he prove seditious,
his ill-intended complaisance shall get him
nothing from him to whom it is shown, I
suppose they will all be of my side, that is,
of my sons’ side; for it will be for their ad-
vantage that I reign, and that I be at concord
with them. But do you, O my good children,
reflect upon the holiness of nature itself,
by whose means natural affection is preserved,
even among wild beasts ; in the next place,
reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this
reconciliation among us; and, in the third
place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do
what I have power to command you,—con-
tinue brethren. I give you royal garments,
and royal honours; and I pray to God to
preserve what I have determined, in case you
be at concord one with another.” When the
king had thus spoken, and had saluted every
one of his sons after an obliging manner, he
dismissed the multitude; some of whom gave
their assent to what he said, and wished it
might take effect accordingly; but for those

who wished for a change of affairs, they
pretended they did not so much as hear what
he said.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE MALICE OF ANTIPATER AND DORIS.
ALEXANDER IS VERY UNEASY ON GLA-
PHYRA’s ACCOUNT. HEROD PARDONS PHE-
RORAS, WHOM HE SUSPECTED, AND SALOME,
WHOM HE KNEW TO MAKE MISCHIEF AMONG
THEM. HEROD’S EUNUCHS ARE TORTURED,
AND ALEXANDER IS BOUtfD.

§ 1. But now the quarrel that was between
them still accompanied these brethren when
they parted, and the suspicions they had one
of th§ other grew worse. Alexander and
Aristobulus were much grieved that the
privilege of the first-born was confirmed to
Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his
brethren, that they were to succeed him. But
then the last being of a disposition that was
mutable and politic, he knew how to hold
his tongue, and used a great deal of cun-
ning, and thereby concealed the hatred he
bore to them; while the former, depending
on the nobility of their births, had every thing
upon their tongues which was in their minds.
Many also there were who provoked then
farther, and many of their [seeming]' friends
insinuated themselves into their acquaintance,
to spy out what they did. Now every thing
that was said by Alexander was presently
brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it
was brought to Herod with additions. Nor
could the young man say any thing in the
simplicity of his heart, without giving offence,
but what he said was still turned to calumny
against him. And if he had been at any time
a little free in his conversation, great impu-
tations were forged from the smallest occasions.
Antipater also was perpetually setting some
to provoke him to speak, that the lies he
raised of him might seem to have some foun-
dation of truth; and if, among the many
stories that were given out, but one of them
could be proved true, that was supposed to
imply the rest to be true also. And as to
Antipater’s friends, they were all either na-
turally so cautious in speaking, or had been
so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that
nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by
their means. Nor should one be mistaken if
he called the life of Antipater a mystery of
wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexan-
der’s acquaintance with money, or got into
their favour by flatteries; by which two means
he gained all his designs, and brought them
to betray their master, and to steal away, and
reveal what he either did or said. Thus did
he act a part very cunningly in all points, and
wrought himself a passage by his calumnies
with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on590

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

a face as if he were a kind brother- to Alex-
ander and Aristobulus, but suborned other
men to inform of what they did to Herod.
And when any thing was told against Alex-
ander, he would come in and pretend [to be
of his side], and would begin to contradict
what was said; but would afterward contrive
matters so privately, that the king should
have an indignation at him. His general aim
was this: — To lay a plot, and to make it be
believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his
father; for nothing alforded so great a confir-
mation to these calumnies as did Antipater’s
apologies for him.'

2.	By these methods Herod was inflamed,
and, as much as his natural affection to the
young men did every day diminish, so much
did it increase towards Antipater. The cour-
tiers also inclined to the same conduct^ some
of their own accord, and others by the king’s
injunction, as particularly Ptolemy, the king’s
dearest friend, as also the king’s brethren,
and all his children; for Antipater was all
in all: and what was the bitterest part of all
to Alexander, Antipater’s mother was also all
in all: she was one that gave counsel against
them, and was more harsh than a step-
mother, and one that hated the queen’s sons
more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All
men did therefore already pay their respects
to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it
was the king’s command which alienated every
body [from the brethren], he having given this
charge to his most intimate friends, that they
should not come near, nor pay any regard, to
Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also
becodie terrible, not only to his domestics
about the court, but to his friends abroad; for
Cxsar bad given such a privilege to no other
king as he had given to him, jwhich was this:
— that he might fetch back any one that fled
from him, even out of a city that was not
under his own jurisdiction. Noyv the young
men were not acquainted with the calumnies
raised against them; for which reason they
could not guard themselves against them, but
fell under them; for their father did not make
any public complaints against either of them;
though in a little time they perceived how
things were, by his coldness to them, and by
the great uneasiness he showed upon any
thing that troubled him. Antipater had also
made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy,
as well as their aunt Salome, while he was
always talking with her as with a wife, and
irritating her against them. Moreover, Alex-
ander’s wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred
against them, by deriving her nobility and
genealogy [from great persons], and pretend-
ing that she was a lady superior to all others
in that kingdom, as being derived by her
father’s side from Temenus, and by her
mother’s side from Darius, the son of Hystaspes.
She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister
and wives with the ignobility of their descent;

and that they-Were every tine chosen by him
for their beauty, but not for their family.
Now those wives of his were not a few; it being
of old permitted to the Jews to marry many
wives,*—and this king delighting in many;
all whom hated Alexander, on account of
Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches.

3.	Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel
between himself and Salome, who was his
mother-in-law, besides the anger he had con-
ceived at Glaphyra’s reproaches; for he
perpetually upbraided his wife with the mean-
ness of her family, and complained, that as
he had married a woman of a low family, so
had his brother Alexander married one of
royal blood. At this Salome’s daughter wept,
and told it her with this addition, that Alex-
ander threatened the mothers of his other
brethren, that when he should come to the
crown, he would make them weave with their
maidens, and would make those brothers of
his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest
upon them, that they had been very carefully
instructed, to fit them for such an employment.
Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger,
but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony
be suspected, since it was against her own
son-in-law. There was also another calumny
that ran abroad, and inflamed the king’s mind;
for he heard that these sons of his were per-
petually speaking of their mother, and, among
their lamentations for her, did not abstain
from cursing him; and that when he made
presents of any of Mariamne’s garments to his
later wives, these threatened, that in a little
time, instead of royal garments, they wuuld
clothe them in no better than hair-cloth.

4.	Now upon these accounts, though Herod
was somewhat afrjdd of the young men’s high
spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them
to a better mind; but before he went to
Rome, whither he was now going by 6ea, he
called them to him, and partly threatened
them a little, as a king; but for the main, he
admonished them as a father, and exhorted
them to love their brethren; and told them
that he would pardon their former offences,
if they would amend for the time to come.
But they refuted the calumnies that had been
raised of them, and said they were false, and
alleged that their actions were sufficient for
their vindication; and said withal, .that he
himself ought to shut his ears against 6flch

* That it was an immemorial custom among tha
Jews, and their forefathers, the patriarchs, to have some-
times more wives, or wives and concubines, than one at
the same time, and that this polygamy was not dtrecuy
forbidden in the law of Moses, is evident; but, that poly-
gamy was ever properly and distinctly permitted in that
law of MoBes, in the places here cited by Dean Aldrich,
Ueut, xvii. lb, 17; or xxi. 15, or indeed any wheie else,
does not appear to me. And wbat our Saviour says
about the common Jewish divorces, which may lay
much greater claim to such a permission than polygamy,
seems to me true in this case also; that Moses, -lor
the hardness of their hearts,” suffered them to have seve-
ral wives at the same time; but that “from the begin-
ning it was not so.” Matt. xix. t>; Mar It x. 5.CHAP. XXIV.

WARS OF THE JE WS.

591

tales, and not to be too easy in believing them,
for that there would never be wanting those
that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as
1 mg ar any would give ear to them.

5 When they had thus soon pacified him,
as being their father, they got clear of the
present fear they were in. Yet did they see
occasion for sorrow in some time afterwards;
for they knew that Salome, as well as their
uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were
both of them heavy and severe persons, and
especially Pheroras, who 'was a partner with
Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, ex-
cepting his diadem. He had also a hundred
talents of his own revenues, and enjoyed the
advantage of all the land beyond Jordan,
which he had received as a gift from his bro-
ther, who had asked of Caesar to make him a
tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod
had also given him a wife out of the royal
family, who was no other than his own wife’s
^ster; and after her death, had solemnly
Espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with
a dowry*of three hundred talents; but Phero-
ras refused to consummate this royal marriage,
out of his affection to a maid-servant of his.
Upon which account, Herod was very angry,
and gave that daughter in marriage to a
brother’s son of his [Joseph], who was slain
afterward by the Parthians; but in some time
h^laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and
pardoned him, as one not able to overcome
his foolish passion for the maid-servant.

- 6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long
before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive,
as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and
there came so great a number of informers,
that Herod himself, though he was an exceed-
ing lover of his brethren, was brought to be-
lieve what was said, and to be afraid of it also;

him; for one of them was appointed to be bis
butler, another of them got his supper ready
for him, and the third put him into bed, and
lay down by him. Now Alexander had pre-
vailed with these men, by large gifts, to let
him use them after an obscene manner; which,
when it was told to the king, they were tor-
tured, and found guilty, and presently con-
fessed the criminal conversation he had with
them. They also discovered the promises by
which they were induced so to do, and how
they were deluded by Alexander, who had told
them that they ought not to fix their hopes
upon Herod, an old man, and one so shame-
less as to colour his hair, unless they thought
that would make him young again; but that
they ought to fix their attention to him, who
was to be his successor in the kingdom, whe-
ther ^e would or not; and who in no long
time would avenge himself on his enemies,
and make his friends happy and blessed, and
themselves in the first place; that the men of
power did already pay respects to Alexander
privately, and that the captains of the soldiery,
and the officers, did secretly come to him.

8. These confessions did so terrify Herod,
that he durst not immediately publish them;
but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and
by day, who should make a close inquiry after
all that was done and said; and when any
were but suspected [of treason] he put them
to death, insomuch that the palace was full of
horribly unjust proceedings; for every body
forged calumnies, as they were themselves in
a state of enmity or hatred against others; and
many there were who abused the king’s bloody
passion to the disadvantage of those' with
whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily
believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner
than the calumnies were forged. He who had

and when be had brought many of those that just then been accusing another, was accused

were under suspicion to the torture, he came
at last to Pheroras’s own friends; none of
whom did openly confess the crime, but they
owned that be had made preparation to take
her whom he loved, and run away to the Par-
thians. Costobarus also, the husband of
Salome, to whom the king had given her in
marriage, after her former husband bad been
put to death for adultery, was instrumental in
bringing about this contrivance and flight of
iiis. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon
herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her,
tbftt she had made an agreement to marry Sil-
leus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia,
who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but
when she was convicted of this, and of all that
Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her
pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras
himself the crimes he had been accused of.

7. But the storm of the whole family was
removed to Alexander; and all of it rested
upon his head. There were three eunuchs
who were in the highest esteem with the king,
as was plain by the offices they w'ere in about

himself, and was led away to execution to-
gether with him whom be had convicted; for
the danger the king was in of his life made
examinations be very short; He also pro-
ceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he
could not look on any of those that were not
accused with a pleasant countenance, but was
in the most barbarous disposition towards his
own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great
many of them to come to court, and to those
whom he had not power to punish actually,
he spake harshly; but for Antipater, he insult-
ed Alexander, now he was under his misfor-
tunes, and got a stout company of his kindred
together, and raised all sorts of calumny
against him: and for the king, he was brought
to such a degree of terror by those prodigious
slanders and contrivances, that he fancied ho
saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn
sword in his hand. So he caused him to be
seized upon immediately and bound, and fell
to examining his friends by torture, many of
whom died [under the torture], but would
discover nothing, nor say any thing against592

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

their consciences; but some of them, being
forced to speak falsely by the pains they
endured, said that Alexander, and his brother
Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited
for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunt-
ing, and then fly away to Rome. These accu-
sations, though they were of an incredible
nature, and only framed upon the great dis-
tress they were in, were readily believed by
the king, who thought it some comfort to him,
after he had bound his son, that it might
appear he had not done it unjustly.

CHAPTER XXV.

AB.CHEI.AUS PROCURES A RECONCILIATION

BETWEEN ALEXANDER, PHERORAS,. AND

HEROD.

§ 1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived
it impossible to persuade his father [that he
was innocent], he resolved to meet his cala-
mities, how severe soever they were; so he
composed four books against his enemies,
and confessed that he had been in a plot;* but
declared withal that the greatest part [of the
courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly
Pheroras and Salome: nay, that Salome once
tame and forced him to lie with her in the
night-time, whether he would or no. These
books were put into Herod’s hands, and made
a great clamour against the men in power.
And now it was that Archelaus came hastily
into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-
law and his daughter; and he came as a pro-
per assistant, and in a very prudent manner,
und by a stratagem he obliged the king not to
execute what he had threatened; for when he
was come to him, he cried out, “ Where in
the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine?
Where shall I see the head of him who had
contrived to murder his father, which I will
tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do
the same also to my daughter, who hath such
a fine husband; for although she be not a
partner in the plot, yet, by being "the wife of
such a creatuie, she is polluted. And I can-
not but admire at thy patience, against whom
this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive;
for as I came with what haste I could from
Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to
death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order
to make an examination with thee about my
daughter, whom, out of regard to thee, and
thy dignity, I'had espoused to him in mar-
riage, but now we must take counsel about
them both; and if thy paternal affection be
so great, that thou canst not punisR thy son,
who hath plotted against thee, let us change
our right hands, and let us succeed one to
the other in expressing our rage upon this
occasion.”

2.	When he had made this pompous

declaration, he got Herod to remit of his
anger, though he was in disorder, who there-
upon gave him the books which Alexander
had composed to be read by him} and as he
came to every head, he considered of it, toge-
ther with Herod. So Archelaus took hence
the occasion for that stratagem -which he
made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame
on these men whose names were in these
books, and especially upon Pheroras; and
vvh?n he saw that the king believed him [to
be in earnest] he said “ We must consider
whether the young man be not himself plot-
ted against by such a number of wicked
wretches, and not thou plotted against by the
young man; for I cannot see any occasion for
his falling into so horrid a crime, since he
enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and
has the expectation of being one of thy succes-
sors; I mean this, unless there were some
persons that persuade him to it, and such per-
sons as make an ill use of the facility they
know there is to persuade young men; for by
such persons, not only young men are some-
times imposed upon, but old men also; and by
them sometimes are the most illustrious fami-
lies and kingdoms overturned.”

3.	Herod assented to what he had said, and,
by degrees, abated of his anger against Alex-
ander; but was more angry at Pheroras, who
perceiving that the king’s inclinations changed
on a sudden, and that Archelaus’s friendship
could do every thing with him, and that he
had no honourable method of preserving him-
self, he procured his safety by his impudence.
So he left Alexander, and had recourse to
Archelaus; who told him that he did not see
how he could get him excused, now he was
directly caught in so many crimes, whereby
it was evidently demonstrated that he had
plotted against the king, and had been the
cause of those misfortunes which the young
man was now under, -nless he would more-
over leave off‘his cunning knavery and his
denials of what he was charge withal, and
confess the charge, and implore pardon of his
brother, who still had a kindness for him; but
that if he would do so, he would afford him
all the assistance he was able.

4.	With this advice Pheroras complied,
and, putting himself into such a habit as
might most move compassion, he came with
black cloth upon his body, and tears in his
eyes, and threw himself down at Herod’s feet,
and begged his pardon for what he had done,
and confessed that he had acted very wickedly,
and was guilty of every thing that he had
been accused of, and lamented that disorder
of his mind and distraction which hi§ love to
a woman, he said, had brought him to. So
when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to
accuse and bear witness against himself, he
then made an excuse for him, and mitigated
Herod’s anger towards him, and this by using
certain domestic examples.; for that whea.heCHAP. XXVI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

598

had suffered much greater mischiefs from a
brother of his own, he preferred the obliga-
tions of nature before the passion of revenge;
because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross
bodies, where some member or other is ever
swelled by the body’s weight; in which case
it is not proper to cut off such member, but
to heal it by a gentle method of cure.

5.	Upon Archelaus’s saying this, and much
more to the same purpose, Herod’s displea-
sure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did
he persevere in his own indignation against
Alexander, and said he would have his daugh-
ter divorced and taken away frcm him, and
this till he had brought Herod to that pass,
that, contrary to his former behaviour to him,
he petitioned Archelaus for the young man,
and that he would let his daughter continue
espoused to him: but Archelaus made him
strongly believe that he would permit her to
be married to any one else, but not to Alex-
ander; because he looked upon it as a very
valuable advantage that the relation they had
contracted by that affinity, and the privileges
that went along with it, might be preserved :
and when the king said that his son would take
it for a great favour done to him if he would
not dissolve the marriage, especially since they
had already children between the young man
and her, and since that wife of his was so well
beloved by him, and that as while she remains
his1 wife she would be a great preservative to
him, and keep him from offending, as he had
formerly done; so if she should be torn away
from him, she would be the cause of his fall-
ing into despair; because such young men’s
attempts are best mollified when they are
diverted from them by sHtlyig their affections
at home. So Archelaus complied with what
Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and
was both himself reconciled to the young man
and reconciled his father to him also. How-
ever, he said he must, by all mean^ be sent
to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he
bad already written a full account to him of
this whole matter.

6.	Thus a period was put to Archelaus’s
stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-
law out of the dangers he was in: but when
these reconciliations were over, they spent
their time in feastings and agreeable enter-
tainments: and when Archelaus was going
away, Herod made him a present of seventy
talents, with a golden throne set with precious
stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine,
who was called Parinychis. He also paid due
honours to every one of his friends according
to their dignity. In like manner did all the
king’s kindred, by his command, make glorious
presents to Archelaus; and so he was con-
ducted on his way by Herod and his nobility
as far as Antioch.

CHAPTER XXVI.

HOW EURYCLES* CALUMNIATED THE SONS OV

MARIAMNE; AND HOW EUARATUs’s APO-
LOGY HAD NO EFFECT.

§ 1. Now a little afterward there came into
Judea a man that was much superior to Ar-
chelaus’s stratagems, who .did not only over-
turn that reconciliation that had been so wisely
made with Alexander, but proved the occasion
of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his
name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a
man, that out of the desire of getting money,
he chose to live under a king, for Greece
could not suffice his luxury. He presented
Herod with splendid gifts as a bait which he
laid, in order to compass his ends, and quickly
received them back again manifold; yet did
he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he
imbrued the kingdom in blood by his pur-
chases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the
king by flattering him, and by talking sub-
tilely to him, as'also by the lying encomiums
which he made upon him: for as he soon per-
' ceiveiHerod’s blind side, so he said and did
every thing that might please him, and thereby
became one of his most intimate friends; for
both the king, and all that were about him,
had a great regard for this Spartan, on account
of his country.-)-

2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived the
rotten parts of the family," and what quarrels
the brothers had one with another, and in what
disposition the father was towards each of them,
he chose to take his lodging at the first in the
house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander
with a pretence of friendship to him, and
falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of
Archelaus; for which reason he was presently
admitted into Alexander’s familiarity as a
faithful friend. He also soon recommended
himself to his brother Aristobulus: and when
he had thus made trial of these several persons,
he imposed upon one of them by one method,
and upon another by another; but he was
principally hired by Antipater, and so betray-
ed Alexander, and this by reproaching Anti-
pater, because, while he was the eldest son,
he overlooked the intrigues of those who
stood in the way of his expectations; and by
reproaching Alexander, because he who was

* This vile fellow, Eurycles the Lacedemonian, seems
to have been the same who is mentioned by Plutarch, as
(twenty-five years before) a companion to Mark Antony,
and as living with Herod; whence he might easily insi-
nuate himself into the acquaintance, of Herod’s sons,

tan rendered him acceptable to the Jews, as we here s
he was, is visible from the public records of the Jews ai
Spartans, owning those Spartans to be of kin to the Jev
and derived from their common ancestor Abraham, the
first patriarch of Ike Jewish nation. Antiq.b.xii, chap,
iv. sect. 10; b. xiii. chap, v. sect 6; and 1 Macc chap. xu.
ver. 7.

+ See the preceding note.

2 P594

WARS 01 THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

aorn of a queen, and was married to a king’s
daughter, permitted one that was born of a
mean woman to lay claim to the succession,
md this when he had Archelaus to support
him in the most complete manner. Nor was
lis advice thought to be other than faithful
by the young man because of his pretended
friendship with Archelaus: on which account
it was that Alexander lamented to him Anti-
pater’s behaviour with regard to himself, and
this without concealing any thing from him ;
and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he
had killed their mother, should deprive them of
her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended
to commiserate his condition, and to grieve
with him. He also, by a bait that be laid for
him, procured Aristobulus to say the same
things. Thus did he inveigle both the bro-
thers to make complaints of their father, and
then went to Antipater, and carried these
grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction
of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot
against him, and were almost ready to come
upon him with their drawn swords. For this
intelligence he received a great sum of money,
and on that account he commended Antipater

accounts, if this plot does not take he is eery
willing to die; but that in case he kill iiis
father he hath sufficient opportunity for saving
himself. In the first place, he hath Archelaus
his father-in-law, to whom he can easily fly;
and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who
had never known Herod’s character to this
day ; for that he shall not appear then before
him with that dread he used to do when his
father was there to terrify him; and that he
will not then produce the accusations that
concerned himself alone, but would, in the
first place, openly insist on the calamities of
their nation, and how they are taxed to death,
and in what ways of luxury and wicked prac-
tices that wealth is spent which was gotten by
bloodshed; what sart of persons they are
that get our riches, and to whom those cities
belong, upon whom he bestows his favours;
that he would have inquiry made what became
of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother
[Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the
gross wickedness that was in the kingdom;
on which accounts he should not be deemed
a parricide.

3. When Eurycles had made this porten-

before his father, and at length underto^r the j tous speech, he greatly commended Antipa-
work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus I ter, as the only child that had an affection for
to their graves, and accused them before their j his father, and on that account was an impe-
father. So he came to Herod and told him | diment to the others’ plot against him. Here-
that he would save bis life, as a requital for | upon the king, who had hardly repressed his
the favours he had received from him, and | anger upon the former accusations, was exas-
would preserve his light [of life] by way of perated to an incurable degree. At which

retribution for his kind entertainment; for that
a sword had been long whetted, and. Alexan-
der’s right hand had been long stretched out
against him; but that he had laid impediments
in his way, prevented his speed, and that by

time Antipater took another occasion to send
in other persons to his father to accuse his
brethren, and to tell him that they had pri-
vately discoursed with Jucundus and Tvran-
nus, who had once been masters of the horse

pretending to assist him in his design: how j to the king, but for some offences had been
Alexander said that Herod was not contented put out of that honourable employment.—

to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others,
and to make dilapidations in their mother’s
government after he had killed her; but
besides all this, that he introduced a spurious
successor, and proposed to give the kingdom
of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow An-
tipater: that he would now appease the ghosts
of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking ven-
geance on him; for that it was not fit for him
to take the succession to the government from
such a father without bloodshed; that many
things happen every day to provoke him so to
do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but
it affords occasion for calumny against him ;
for that, if any mention be made of nobility
or birth, even in other cases, he is abused un-
justly, while his father would say that nobody,
to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander,
and that his father was inglorious for Want of
such nobility. If they be at any time hunting,
and he says nothing, he gives offence; and if
he commends any body, they take it in way of
jest; that they always find their father unmer-
cifully severe, and have no natural affection
for any of them but for Antipater; on which

Herod was in a very great rage at these infor-
mations, and presently ordered those men to
be tortured: yet did not they confess any
thing of what the king had been informed;
but a certain letter was produced, as written
by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to
desire him to receive him and Aristobulus
into the castle when he had killed his father;
and to give them weapons, and what other
assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alex-
ander said that this letter was a forgery of
Diophantus. This Diophahtus was the king’s
secretary, a bold man, cunning in counter-
feiting any one’s hand; and after he bad
counterfeited a great number, he was at last
put to death for it. Herod did also order toe
governor of the castle to he tortured: but eot
nothing out of him of vvhat the accusations
Suggested.

4. However, although Herod found the
proofs too weak, he gave order to have b's
sons kept in custody: for til) now tony hud
been at liberty. He also called that "«*«i i f
his farnilv. and foreer of all this vile accu-
sation, Enrich '... Ids siviour and henolaCHAP. XXVII,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

595

and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon
which he prevented any accurate accounts
that could come of what he had done, by
going immediately into Cappadocia, and
there he got money of Archelaus, having the
impudence to pretend that he had reconciled
Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over
into Greece, and used what* he had thus
wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes.
Accordingly, he was twice accused before
Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition,
and had plundered its cities; so he was sent
into banishment. And thus was he punished
for what wicked actions he had been guilty of
about Aristobulus and Alexander.

5. But it will be now worth w'hile to put
Euaratus of Cos in oppgsition to this Spar-
tan ; for as he was one of Alexander’s most
intimate friends, and came to him in his
travels at the same time that Eurycles came;
so the king put the question to him, whether
those things of which Alexander was accused
were true? He assured him upon oath that
he had never heard any such things from the
young men; yet did this testimony avail
nothing for the clearing those miserable crea-
tures; for Herod was only disposed the most

them. Now, as soon as they had sailed to
Rome, and delivered the king’s letters to
Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the
case of the young men; yet did not he think
he ought to take the power from the father
of condemning his sons; so he wrote back t"
him, and appointed him to have the power
over his sons; but said withal, that he woula
do well to make an examination into tnis
matter of the plot against him in a public
court, and to take* for his assessors his own
kindred, and the governors of the province*
—and if those sons be found guilty, to put
them to death; but if they appear to have
thought of no more than only flying away
from him, that he should, in that case, mo-
derate their punishment.

2. With these directions Herod complied,
and came te Berytus, where Caesar had or-
dered the court to be assembled, and got the
judicature together. The presidents sat first,
as Caesar’s letters had appointed, who were
Saturninusand Pedanius, and their lieutenants
that were with them, with whom was the pro-
curator Volumnius also; next to them sat the
king’s kinsmen and friends, with Salome also,
and Pheroras; after whom sat the principal

readily to hearken to what made against1 men of all Syria, excepting Arche»aus-; for
them and every one was most agreeable to Herod bad a suspicion of him, because he
him that would believe they were guilty, and was Alexander’ father-in-law. Yet did not
showed their indignation at them.	be produce bis sons in open court; and this

_____	• vvas done very cunningly, for be knew well

1 enough that, had they but appeared only, they
CHAPTER XXVII.	I would certainly have been pitied; and if

i withal they had been suffered to speak, Alex-
herod, Wr Caesar’s direction, accuses his lander would easily have answered what they
sons at berytus. they are not pro- I were accused of; but they were in custody at

Platane, a village of the Sidonians.

3. So the king got up, and inveighed against
his sons as if they were present; and as for
that part of the accusation that they had
plotted against him, Jie urged it but faintly,
because he w*as destitute of proofs; but he
insisted before the assessors on the reproaches,
and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thou-
sand the like offences against them, which
were heavier than death itself; and when
nobody contradicted him, he moved them to
pity his case, as though he had been con-
demned himself, now he had gained a bitter
victory against his sons. So he asked every
one’s sentence; which sentence was first of
all given by Saturninus, and was this:—That
he condemned the young men, but not to
death; for that it was not fit for him, who
had three sons of his own now present, to give
bis vote for the destruction of the sons of
another. The two lieutenants also gave the
like vote; some others there were also who
followed their example; but Volumniusbeean
to vote on the more melancholy side, ana all
those that came after him condemned the
young men to die; some out of flattery, and
some out of hatred to Herod; but none out
of indignation at their crimes. And now all

DUCED BEFORE THE COURT, BUT YET ARE
CONDEMNED; AND IN A LITTLE TIME ARE
SENT TO SEBASTE, AND STRANGLED
THERE.

§ 1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod’s
cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was
desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-
law and his aunt, into the like dangers with
themselves: so-he sent to her to take care of
her own safety, and told her that the king was
preparing to put her to death, on account of
the accusation that was laid against her, as if
when she formerly endeavoured to marry
herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had dis-
covered the king s grand secrets to him, who
was the king’s enemy; and this it was that
came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the
young men, who were in great danger before;
for Salome came running to the king, and
informed him of what admonition had been
given her; whereupon he could bear no
longer, but commanded both the young men
to be bound, and kept the one asunder from
the other. He also sent Volumnius, the
general of his army, to Caesar immediately,
as also his friend Olympus with him, who
carried the informations in writing along with596

WARS OF THE JEWS.

Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and
waited for the last act of this tragedy; yet did
nobody suppose that Herod would be so bar-
barous as to murder his children: however,
he carried them away to Tyre, and thence
sailed to Cesarea, and then he deliberated
with himself what sort of death the young
men should suffer.

4.	Now there was a certain old soldier of
the king’s, whose name was Tero, who had
a son that was very familiar with, and a
friend to Alexander, and who himself parti-
cularly loved the young men. This soldier
was in a manner distracted, out of the excess
of the indignation he had at what was doing;
and at first he cried out aloud, as he went
about, that justice was trampled under foot;
that truth was perished, and nature con-
founded; and that the life of man was full of
iniquity, and every thing else that passion could
suggest to a man who spared not his own life;
and at last he ventured to go to the king, and
said, “ Truly, I think, thou art a most
miserable man, when thou hearkeneSt to most
wicked wretches, against those that ought to
be dearest to thee; since thou hast frequently
resolved that Pheroras and Salome .should he
put to death, and yet believest them against
thy sons; while these, by cutting off the suc-
cession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to
Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee
such a king as may he thoroughly in their
own power. However, consider whetherfthis
death of Antipater’s brethren will not make
him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody
but commiserates the young men; and of the
captains, a great many show their indignation
at it openly.” Upon his saying this, he named
those that had such indignation; hut the king
ordered those men, with Tero himself, and his
son, to be seized upon immediately.

5.	At which time there was a certain bar-
ber, whose name was Trypho. This man
leaped out from among the people in a kind
of madness, and accused himself, and said,
“ this Tero endeavoured to persuade me also
to cut thy throat with my razor when 1 trim-
med thee; and promised that Alexander
should give me large presents for so doing.
When Herod heard this, he examined Tero,
with his son and the barber, by the torture;
but as the others denied the accusation, and
be said nothing farther, Herod gave order
that Tero should be racked more severely;
but his son, out of pity to his father, pro-
mised to discover the whole to the king, if he
would grant [that his father should be no
longer tortured]. When he had agreed to
this, he said, thathis father, at the persuasion
of Alexander, had an intention to kill him.
Now some Baid this was forged, in order to
free his father from his torments; and some
said it was true.

6.	And now Herod • accused the captains
and Tero in assembly of the people, and

BOOK I.

brought the people together in a body against
them; and accordingly there were they put
to death, together with [Trypho] the barber;
they were killed by the pieces of wood and
the stones that were thrown at them. He
also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far
from Cesarea, and ordered them to be there
strangled; and as what he had ordered was
executed immediately, so he commanded that
their dead bodies should be brought to the
fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with
Alexander, their grandfather by the mother’s
side. And this was the end of Alexander
and Aristobulus. ‘

CHAPTER XXVIII.

HOW ANTIPATER IS HATED OP ALL MEN;
AND HOW THE KING ESPOUSES THE SONS
OF THOSE THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN TO HIS
KINDRED; BUT. THAT ANTIPATER MADE
HIM CHANGE THEM FOR OTHER WOMEN.

of herod’s marriages and children.

§ 1. But an intolerable' hatred fell upon
Antipater from the nation, though he had now
an indisputable title to the succession; be-
cause they all knew that he was the person
who contrived all the calumnies against his
brethren. However, he began to be in a
terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those
that had been slain growing up; for Alex-
ander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tygranes
and Alexander; and Aristobulus ht£ Herod,
and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, hi3 suns, with
Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters; and
all by Bernice, Salome’s daughter. As for
Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed
Alexander, sent her hack, together with her
portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice,
Aristobulus’s daughter, to Antipater’s uncle
by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in
order to reconcile her to him, when she had
been at variance with him, contrived this
match; he also got into Pheroras’s favour,
and into the favour of Caesar’s friends, by
presents, and other ways of obsequiousness,
and sent no small sums of money to Rome;
Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria,
were all well replenished with the presents he
made them; yet the more he gave the more
he was hated, as not making these presents
out of generosity, but spending his money out
of fear. Accordingly it so fell out, that the
receivers bore him no more good-will than
before, but that those to whom he gave nothing
were his more bitter enemies. However, he
bestowed his money every day more and more
profusely, on observing that, contrary to his
expectations, the king was taking care about
the orphans, and discovering at tbe'same time
his repentance for killing 1 heir fathers, by his
commiseration of thoi-e that sprang lrcm them.
2. Accordingly, Herod j;ot together hisCHAP. XXIX.

WARS OF THB JEW®.

kindred and friends, and set before them the
children, and with his eyes full of tears, said
thus to them: “ It was an unlucky fate that
took away from me these children’s fathers,
which children are recommended to me by
that natural commiseration which their orphan
condition requires; however, I wall endeavour,
though I have been a most unfortunate
father, to appear a better grandfather, and to
leave these children such curators after myself
as arfe dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy
daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these bre-
thren, the children of Alexander, that thou
mayest be obliged to take^care of them. I
also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daugh
ter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father,
to that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip]
shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by
the mother’s side, was high-priest. And let
every one that loves me be of my sentiments
in these dispositions, which none that hath
an affection ‘for me will abrogate. And I
pray God that he will join these children
together in marriage, to the advantage of
my kingdom, and of my posterity; and
may he look down with eyes more serene
upon them than he looked upon their
fathers 1”

3.	While he spake these words, he wept,
and joined the children’s right hands toge-
ther: after which he embraced tkem every one
after an affectionate manner, and dismissed
the assembly. Upon this Antipater was in
great disorder immediately, and lamented
publicly at what was done; for he supposed
that this dignity, which was conferred on these
orphans w^s for his own destruction, even in
his father’s life time, and that he should run
another risk of losing the government,if
Alexander’s sons should have both Archelaus
[a king], and Pheroras a tetrach, to support
them. He also considered how he was him-
self hated by the nation, and how they pitied
these orphans: how great affection the Jews
bare to those brethren of his when they were
alive, and how gladly they remembered them,
now they had perished by his means. So he
resolved by all the ways possible to get these
espousals dissolved.

4.	Now he was afraid of going subtilely
about this matter with his father, who was
hard to be pleased, and was presently moved
upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go
to him directly, ahd to beg of him before his
face, not to deprive him of that dignity which
he had been pleased to bestow upon him;
and that he might not have the bare' name of
a king, while the power Was in other persons;
for that he should never be able to keep the
government, if Alexander’s son was to have
both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras
for his curators; and he besought him ear-
nestly, since there were so many of tbc royal j
family alive, that he would change those [in- i
tended] marriages. Now the king had nine!

wives,* and children by seven of them; Anti-
pater was himself born of Doris, and Herod
[Philip] of Mariamne, the high-priest’s daugh-
ter ; Antipas also and Archelaus were by
Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter
Olympias, which his brother Joseph’sf son
had- married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he
had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Pha-
saelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana
and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other
by Elpis: he had also two wives who had no
children, the one his first cousin, and the other
his niece; and besides these he had two daugh-
ters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus,
by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal
family was so numerous, Antipater prayed
him to change these intended marriages.

5.	When the king perceived what disposi-
tion he was in towards these orphans, he was
angry at it, and a suspicion came into his
mind as to those sons whom he had put to
death, whether that had not been brought
about by the false tales of Antipater; so at
that time he made Antipater a long and a
peevish answer, and bade him. begone.Yet
was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly
by his flatteries, and changed the marriages;
he married Aristobulus’s daughter to him,
and his son to Pheroras’s daughter.

6.	Now one may learn, in this instance,
how very much this flattering Antipater could
do,—even what Salome in the like circum-
stances could not do; for when she, who was
his sister, had by the means of Julia, Caesar’s
wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to
Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would
esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would
leave off that project; he also Caused her,
against her own consent, to be. married to
Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her
daughters should be married to Alexas’s son,
and the other to Antipater’s uncle by the
mother’s side. And for the daughters that
the king had by Mariamne, the one was mar-
ried to Antipater, his sister's son, and the
other to his brother’s son, Ph%saelua.

CHAPTER XXIX..

antipater becomes intolerable. - HE IS

BENT TO ROME, AND CARRIES HERON’S
TESTAMENT WITH HIM. PHERORAS LEAVES
HIS BROTHER THAT HE MAY KEEP HIS
WIFE. HE DIES AT HOME.

§ 1. Now when Antipater had, cut off the
hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such

• Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine
wives of Herod were alive at thesarae time, and that
if the celebrated Mariamne, who was now dead,, be
reckoned, those wives were in all ten. Yet it is remark-
able that he had no more than fifteen children by them
ail.

+ To prevent confnsion, it may not be amiss, with
Daan Alflrieh, to distinguish hetwato (our Josephs599

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

affinities as would be most for bis own advan-
tage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain
expectation of the kingdom; and as he had
now assurance added to his wickedness, he
became intolerable; for not being able to avoid
the hatred of all people, he built his security
upon the terror be struck into them. Pbe-
roras also assisted him in his designs, looking
upon him as already fixed in the kingdom.
There was also a company of women in the
court, who excited new disturbances; for
Pheroras’s wife, together with her mother
and sister, as also Antipater’s mother, grew
very impudent in the palace. She also was
so insolent as to affront the king’s two daugh-
ters,* on which account the king hated her to
a great degree; yet although these women
were hated by him, they domineered over
others: .there was only Salome who opposed
their good agreement, and informed the king
of their meetings, as not being for the advan-
tage of his affairs; and when those women
knew what calumnies she had raised against
them, and how much Herod was displeased,
they left off their public meetings and friendly
entertainments of one another; nay, on the
contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with
another when the king was within hearing.
The like dissimulation did Antipater make
use of; and when matters were public, he
opposed Pheroras: but still they had private
cabals, and merry meetings in the night-time;
nor did the observation of others do any more
than confirm their mutual agreement. How-
ever, Salome knew every thing they did, and
told every thing to Herod.

2. But he was inflamed with anger at them,
and chiefly at Pheroras’s wife; for Salome
had principally accused her. So he got an
assembly of his friends and kindred together,
and there accused this woman of many things,
and particularly of the affronts she had offered
his daughters; and that she had supplied the
Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for
what they had .done against him, and had pro-
cured his brotner to become his enemy, by
giving him love potions. At length he turned
his speech to Pheroras, and told him that
he would give him his choice of these two
things:—Whether he would keep in with his
brother, or with his wife? And when Phe-
roras said that he certainly would die rather
thaa forsake his wife,')'—Herod, not knowing

the history of Herod. I. Joseph, Herod’s ancle, and
the [seoond I husband of his sister Salome, slain by

quaestor, or treasurer,

Joseph, Herod’s brother, slain in the battle agi

4. Joseph, Herod’s nephew, the husband of

e same account. 3.

ainst An-

Hrrod on account of Mariamne. 3. Joseph, Herod’s
i nthi
in ll
nepl
this place.

•. These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras’s wife
and Roxana, two virgins, who

frutestor. or treasurer, slaifr on
Joseph,
tigonus.

Olympias, mentioned in this place.

affronted, were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who
were bom to him of bis two wives. Elpide and Phedra.
See Herod’s genealogy, Antiq. b. xvii. ch.L sect. 3.

4 This strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his
Wife, who was one of a low family, and refusing to marry
one nearly related to Herod, though he so earnestly de-
firetl it, a* -also that wife’s admission to the councils

what to do farther in that matter, turned his
speech to Antipater, and charged him to have
no intercourse either with Pheroras’s wife,
or with Pheroras himself, or with any one
belonging to her. Now, though Antipater
did not transgress that his injunction publicly,
yet did he in secret come to their night-meet-
ings: and because he was afraid that Salome
observed what be did, he procured by the
means of his Italian friends, that he might
go and live at Rome; for when they wrote
that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to
Caesar for some $pne, Herod made no delay,
but sent him,’and fhat with a splendid atten-
dance, and a great deal of money, and gave
him his testament to carry with him,—where-
in Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to
him, and wherein Herod was named for An-
tipater's successor; that Herod, I mean, whs
was the son of Mariamne, the high-priest’s
daughter.

3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to
Rome, without any regard to Caesar’s injunc-
tions, and this in order to oppose Antipater
with all his might, as to that law-suit which
Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus
had also a great contest with Aretas his own
king; for he bad slain many others of Aretas’s
friends, and particularly Sohemu9, the most
potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he
had prevailedwith Phabatus, who was Herod's
steward, by giving him a great sum of money,
to assist him against Herod; but when Herod
gave him more, he induced him to leave Sv>-
leus, and by his means be demanded of him
all that Csesar had required of him to nav •
but when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was
to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Cae-
sar, and said that he was not a steward for
Caesar’s advantage, but for Herod’s, Phabatus
was angry at him on that account, but was
still in very great esteem with Herod,” and
discovered Sylleus’s grand secrets, and toid
the king that Sylleus had corrupted Conn-
thus, one of the guards of his body, by brib-
ing him, and of whom he must therefore have
a care. Accordingly the king complied • for
this Corinthus, though he was brought m> in
Herod’s kingdom, yet was by birth an Ara-
bian ; so the king ordered him to be taken up
immediately, and not only him, but two other
Arabians, who were caught with him; the one
of them was Sylleus’s friend, the other the
he&d of a tribe. These last, being put to the
torture, confessed that they had prevailed with
Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill

of the other great court-lad iea, together with Herod’s
own importunity as to Pheroras’s divorce and otner
marriage, all so remarkable here or in the Antiq. a.

and ch. iiL sect. 3, cannot be well
on the supposal that Pheroras be-
ruspected, that the Pharisees’ pro-
Dwn of Judea should be translated
roras’s posterity, ifnd that most pro-
posterity by this his wife, also would
ntiq. b. xvii. ch. ii. sect. 4: and cb.

ige, all so remarkable bere or in tbe Antiq.
xvii. ch. ii. sect. 4; and ch. iiL sect. 3, cannot be well
accounted lor, but on tbe supposal that Pheroras be-
lieved, and Herod
diction, as if the crown <
from Herod to Pherora
bably to I’lieroras’s
prove true. See A
IiL sect. ICHAP. XXX.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

599

Herod; and when they had been farther
examined before Saturninus, the president of
Syria, they were sent to Rome.

4. However, Herod did not leave off impor-
tuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to
put away his wife; yet could he not devise
any way by which he could bring the woman
herself to punishment, although he had many
causes of hatred to her; till at length he was
in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast
both her and his brother out of his kingdom.
Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and
went away into his own tetrarchy [Perea, be-
yond Jordan], and sware that there should be
out one end put to his flight, and that should
oe Herod’s death; and that he would never
return while he was alive.. Nor indeed would
he return whep his brother was sick, although
he earnestly sent for him to come to him,
because he had a mind to leave some injunc-
tions with him before he died; but Herod
unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward
Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed
great moderation; for he came to him, and
pitied his case, and took care of him ; but his
affection for him did him no good, for Phero-
ras died a little afterward. Now, though
Herod had so great an affection for him to the
•ast day of his life, yet was a report spread
abroad that he had killed him by poison.
However, he took care to have his dead body
carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very

was done by the management of Sylleus, who
was acquainted with that woman.

2. The king was deeply affected with so
many suspicions, and had the maid-servants
and some of the free-women also tortured;
one of whom cried out in her agonies, “ May
that God that governs the earth and the heaven
punish the author of all these our miseries,
Antipater’s mother!” The king took a handle
from this confession, and proceeded to inquire
farther iilto the truth of this matter. So this
woman discovered the friendship of Antipa-
ter’s mother to Pheroras and Antipater’s
women, as also their secret meetings, and that
Pheroras and Antipater had drank with them
for a whole night together as they returned
from the king, and would not suffer any body,
either man-servant or maid-servant to be there r
while one of the free-women discovered the
whole of the matter. t

3. Upon this, Herod tortured the maid-
servants, every one by themselves separately;
who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing
discoveries, and that accordingly by agree-
ment they went away, Antipater to Rome,
and Pheroras to Perea; for that they often-
times talked to one another thus:—That after
Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus,
he would fall upon them, and upon their
wives, because, after he had not spared Mar
riamne and her children, he would spare no-
body ; and that for this reason it was best to

great mourning to the whole nation for him, get as far off the wild beast as they were able;
and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon I and that Anti pater oftentimes lamented his

mm; and thi^ was the ehd that.one of Alex^
ander’s and Aristobulus’s murderers came to.

CHAPTER XXX.

that antipater had prepared a poi-
sonous DRAUGHT FOR HIM. HEROD CASTS
DORIS AND HER ACCOMPLICES, AS ALSO
MARIAMNE, OUT OF THE PALACE, AND

own case before his mother; and said to her,
that he had already grey hairs uppn his head,
and that his father grew younger again every
day, and that perhaps death would overtake
him before he should begin to be a king in
earnest; and that in case Herod should die,
*	which yet nobody knew when it would be,

WHEN herod made inquiry about phero- | the enjoyment of the succession could certainly
ras's death, a discovery was made be but for a little time; for that these heads of

Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobu-
lus, were growing up: that he was deprived
by his father of the hopes of being succeeded
by his children, for that his successor after his
blots her son herod out of his tes- death was not to be any one of his own sons,
-	but Herod the son of Mariamne:—that iu

this point Herod was plainly distracted, to
think that his testament should therein take

tament.

§ i. But now the punishment was transfer-
red unto the original author, Antipater, and place; for he would take care that not One of

took its rise from the death of Pheroras ; for
certain of his freed-men came with a sad
I'ountenance to the king, and told him that
ms brother had been destroyed by poison, and
that his wife had brought him somewhat that

his posterity should remain, because he was, of
all fathers, the greatest hater of his children.
Yet does he hate his brother still worse;
whence it was that, he a white ago gave him-
self a hundred talents that he should not

was prepared after an unusual manner, and lhave any intercourse with Pheroras. And
that upon his eating it. he presently fell into when Pheroras said, wherein have we done

him any harm 1 Antipater replied. “ 1 wish

his distemper; that Antipater’s mother and
sister, two days before, brought a woman out
of Arabia, that Was skillful in mixing such drugs,
that she might- prepare a love-potion for Phe-
roras; and that, instead of a jove-potion, she
had given him deadly poison; and that this

he would but deprive us of all we have, and
leave us naked and alive only; but it is in-
deed impossible to escape this wild bea.st, who
is thus given to murder; who will not permit
us to love any person openly, although we be600

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

together privately; yet may we he so openly
too, if we are but endowed with the courage
and the hands of men.”

4.	These things were said by the women
upon the torture: as also that Pheroras
resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now
Herod gave credit to all they said, on account
of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had
had no discourse with any body about them, but
only with Antipater. So he vented hip anger
first of all against Antipater’s mother, and
took away from her all the ornaments which
he had given her, which cost a great many
talents, and cast her out of the palace a second
time. He also tbok care of Pheroras’s women
after -their tortures, as being now reconciled
to them; but he was in great consternation
himself, and inflamed- upon every suspicion,
and had many innocent persons led to the tor-
ture, out of his ♦ear, lest he should perhaps
leave any guilty person untortured.

5.	And now it was that he betook himself
to Examine Antipater of Samaria, who was
the steward of [his son] Antipater; arid upon
torturing him, he learned that Antipater had
sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out
of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his;
that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it
from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for
that Antipater had charged him to take his
father off while he was at Rome, and so free
him from the suspicion of doing it himself:
that Pheroras also committed this potion to
his wife. Then did the king send for her,
and bade her bring to him what she had re-
ceived immediately. So 6he came out of her
house as if she would bring it with her, but
threw herself down from the top of the bouse,
in order to prevent any examination and tor-
ture from the king. However, it came to
pass, as it seems by the providence of God,
when he intended to bring Antipater to pun-
ishment, that she fell not upon her head, but
upon other parts of her body, and escaped.
The king, when she was brought to him, took
care of her (for she was at first quite senseless
upon her fall), and asked her why she had
thrown herself down; and gave her his oath,
that if she would speak the real truth, he
would excuse her from punishment » but that
if she concealed any thing, he would have her
body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no
part of it to be buried.

6.	Upon this the woman paused a little,
and then said, “ Why do I spare to speak of
these grand secrets, now'Pheroras is deadl
that would only tend to save -Antipater, who
is all our destruction. Hear then, O king,
and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be
decei ved, witnesses to the truth of what I am
going to say. When thou didst sit weeping
by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was that

he called ine to him, and said,____‘ My dear

wife, I have been greatly mistnlen as to the
disposition of my hii-uher tim.-.n1. me, and

have hated him that is so affectionate to me,
and have contrived to kill him who is in such
disorder for me before I am dead. As for
myself, I receive the recompense of my im-
piety; but do thou bring what poison was left
with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest,
in order to destroy him, and consume it imme-
diately in the fire in my sight, that I may not
be liable to the avenger in the invisible world/
This I brought as he bade me, and emptied the
greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a
little of it for my own use against uncertain
futurity, and out of my fear of thee.”

7.	When she had said this, she brought
the box, which had a small quantity of this
potion in it: but the king let her alone, and
transferred the tortures to Antiphilus’s mo-
ther and brother; who both confessed that
Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt,
and that they had received the potion from a
brother of his, who was a physician at Alex-
andria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander
and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and
became the inquisitors and discoverers of what
could not otherwise have been found out, and
brought such as were the freest from suspi
cion to be examined; whereby it was disco
vered that Mariamne, the high-priest’s daugh
ter, w'as conscious of this plot; and her very
brothers, when they were tortured, declared
it so to be. Whereupon the king avenged
this insolent attempt of the mother upon her
I son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her,
out of his testamept, who had been before
named therein as successor to Antipater.

CHAPTER XXXI.

♦

ANTIPATER IS CONVICTED BY BATHYLLUS;
BUT HE STILL RETURNS FROM ROME,
WITHOUT. KNOWING IT. HEROD BRINGS
HIM TO HIS TRIAL.

§ 1. After these things were over, Bathyl-
lus came under examination, in order to con-
vict Antipater, who proved the concluding
attestation to Antipater’s designs; for indeed
he was no other than his freed-man. This
man came, and brought another deadly po-
tion, the poison of asps and the juices oi
other serpents, that if the first potion did not
do the business, Pheroras and his wife might
be armed with this also to destroy the king.
He brought also an addition to Aptipater’s
insolent attempts against his father, which was
the letters which he wrote against his bre-
thren, Archelaus and Philip, who were the
king’s sons, and educated at Rome, being
yet youths, but of generous dispositions.
Antipater set himself to get rid of these as
soon as be could, that they might not l>e
prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end hoCHAP. XXXI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

601

forged letters against them in the name of
liis friends at Rome. Some of these he
corrupted by bribes, to write how they grossly
reproucbed tlieir father, and did openly be-
wail M.exandcr and Aristobulus, and were
uneasy at their being recalled; for their
father had already sent for them, which was
the \ery thing that troubled Antipater.

2. Nay indeed, while Antipater was in
Judea, and before he was upon his journey
to Rome, he gave money to have the like
letters against them sent from Rome, and then
came to his father, who as yet had no.suspicion
of him, apologized for his brethren, and alleged
on their behalf, that some of the things con-
tained in those letters were false, and others
of them were only youthful errors. Yet at
the same time that be expended a great deal
of his money by making presents to such as
wrote against his, brethren, did he aim to
bring his accounts into confusion, by buying
costly garments, and carpets of various eon-
textures, with silver and gold cups, and a
great many more curious things, that so,
among the very great expenses laid out upon
such furniture, he might conceal the money
he bad used in hiring men [to write the
letters]; for he brought in an account of his
expenses, amounting to two hundred talents,
his main pretence for which, was the law-suit

made great lamentations at it; for which some
commended him, as being for his own uncle;
though probably this confusion arore on ac-
count of his having thereby failed in his plot
[on his father’s life]; and his tears were more
for the loss of him that was to have been sub-
servient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras:
moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to
his designs, lest the poison should have been
discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia,
he received the forementioned epistle from
bis father, and made great haste accordingly.
But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a
suspicion came into his mind relating to his
mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded
some mischief to itself. Those therefore-of
his friends who were the most considerate,
advised him not rashly to go to his father, till
he had learned what were the occasion why
his mother bad been ejected, because they
were afraid that he might be involved in the
calumnies that had been cast upon his mother;
but those that were less considerate, and had
more regard to their own desires of seeing
their nati ve country than to Antipater’s safety,
persuaded him to make haste home, and not,
by delaying his journey, afford his father
ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle
to these that raised stories against him; for
that in case any thing had been moved to his
that be bad been in with Sylleus. *So while I disadvantage, it was owing to his absence,
all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort, j which durst not have been done had he been
were covered by his great villany, while all present;—and they said it was absurd to de-
the examinations by torture proclaimed bis prive himself of certain happiness, for the sake
attempt to murder his father, and the letters of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to
proclaimed his second attempt to murder his 1 return to his father, and take the royal autho-
brethren,—yet did no one of those that came! rity upon him, which was in a state of fluc.tu-
to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in ation on his account only. A’htipater com-
Judea, although seven months had intervened plied with this last advice f- for Providence
between his conviction and his return,—so hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he
great was the hatred which they all bore to; passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus,
him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of j the haven of Cesarea.	'	.

those brethren of his that had been murdered, I 4. And here he found a perfect and unex-
that stopped the mouths of those that intended I pected solitude, while every body avoided
to have told him. He then wrote from Rome,; him, and nobody durst come at him; for he
and informed his [friends] that he would soon: was equally hated by all men; and now
come to them, and how he was dismissed with': that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the

honour by Caesar.

3. Now the king being desirous to get
this plotter against him into his hands, and
being also afraid lest he should some way
come to the. knowledge how his affairs stood
and be upon his guard, he dissembled his
anger in his episthe to him, as in other points
be wrote kindly*to him, and desired him to
make baste, because if he* came quickly, he
would then lay aside the complaints he had
against his mother; for Antipater was not
ignorant that bis mother had been expellee
out of the palace. However, he had before
received a letter, which contained an account
of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum,*—and

• This Tarentura has coins still extant, as Reland in-
irnina us here in his note

dread men were in of the king’s .anger'made
men keep from him; for the whole city [of
Jerusalem] was filled with the rumours about
Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only
person who was ignorant of them; for as no
man was dismissed more magnificently when
he began his voyage to Rome, so was no man
now received back with greater ignominy.
And indeed he began already to suspect what
misfortunes there were in Herod’s family;
yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion;
and while he was inwardly ready to die for
fear, he put on a forced boldness of counte-
nance. . Nor could he now fly any whither,
nor had he any way of emerging out of the
difficulties which encompassed him; nor in-
deed had he even there any certain intelligence
of the affairs of the royal family, by reason602

WARS OF THE JEWS.	^OOE I.

of tbe threats the king had given out; yet
had he some small hopes of better tidings,
for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or,
if any discovery had been made, perhaps he
should be able to clear himself by impudence
and artful tricks, which were the only things
he relied upon for his deliverance.

5. And with these hopes did he screen
himself, till he came to the palace, without
any friends with him; for these were affronted,
and shut out at the first gate. Now Va-
rus, the president of Syria, happened to be
in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater
went in to his father, and putting on a bold
face, he came near to salute him. But He-
rod-stretched out his hands, and turned his I
head away from him, and cried out, “ Even |
this is an indication of a parricide, to be

condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be
unbiassed, and attend to my defence; for if
thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate
that I am innocent.”

2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to
hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus:—
“ I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and
every other upright judge, will determine that
Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid
that thou wilt abhor.my ill fortune, and judge
me also myself worthy of all sorts of cala-
mity for begetting such children; while yet I
ought rather to be pitied, who have been so
affectionate a father to such wretched sons;
for when I had settled the kingdom on my
former sons, even when they were young, and
when, besides the charges of their education
at Rome, I had made them the friends of

desirous to get me into his arms, when he is | Caesar, and made them envied by other kings,

lltWIor clirn npinmic appncaiionc	rw\n_ I T fnnn^ tkom' nlntfinrv ncroirtef mo ^Tfiaoo

under such heinous accusations. God con
found thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou
touch me till thou hast cleared thyself of
these crimes that are charged upon thee. I
appoint thee a court where thou art to be
judged; and this Varus, who is very season-
ably here, to he thy judge; and get thou thy
defence ready against to-morrow, for I give
thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses
for thyself.” And as Antipater was so con-
founded, that he was able to make no answer
to this charge, he went away; but his mother
and wife came to him, and told him of all the
evidence they had gotten against him. Here-
upon he recollected himself, and considered
what defence he should make against the
accusations.

CHAPTER XXXII.

ANTIPATER IS ACCUSED BEFORE VARUS, AND
IS CONVICTED OF LAYING A PLOT [AGAINBT
HISFATHEr] BY THE STRONGEST EVIDENCE.
HEROD PUTS OFF HIS PUNISHMENT TILL
HE SHOULD BE RECOVERED, AND IN THE
MEAN TIME ALTERS HIS TESTAMENT.

§ 1. Now the day following, the king assem-
bled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and
called in Antipater’s friends also. Herod
himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and
Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered
them to be brought in; among whom some
of the domestic servants of Antipater’s mo-
ther were brought in also, who bad but a little
while before been caught, as they were carry-
ing the following letter from her to her $on:
—“ Since all those things have been already
discovered to thy father, do not thou come to
him, unless thou csnst procure some assistance
from Caesar.” "When this and the other wit-
nesses were introduced, Antipater came in,
and falling on his face before his father’s feet,
be said, “ Father, I beseech thee, do nottbou

I found them plotting against me. These
have been put to death, and that, in a great
measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he
was then young, and appointed to be my suc-
cessor, I took care chiefly to secure him from
danger: but this profligate wild beast, when
he had been over and above satiated tfith that
patience which I showed him, he madq use of
that abundance I had given him against
myself; for I seemed to him to live too long,
and he was very uneasy at the old age I had
arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but
would be a king by parricide. And justly I
am served by him for bringing him back out
of the country to court, when he was of no
esteem before, and for thrusting out those
sons of mine that were born of the queen,
and for making him a successor to my domi-
nions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great
folly I was guilty of; for I provoked those
sons of mine to act against me, and cut off
their just expectations for the sake of Anti-
patei; and indeed what kindness did 1 do tc
them, that could equal what I have done tc
Antipater! to whom I have, in a manner,
yielded up my royal authority while I an
alive, and whom 1 have openly named foi
the successor to my dominions in my testa-
I ment, and given him a yearly revenue of hi
own of fifty talents, and supplied him witk
money to an extravagant degree out of my
own revenue; and when he was about to sail
to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents,
and recommended him and him alone of all
my children, to Csesar, as^ his father’s de-
liverer. Now what crimes were these other
sons of mine guilty of. like those of Antipa-
ter! and whafr evidence was there brought
against them so strong as there is to demon-
strate this son' to have plotted against me!
Yet does this parricide presume to speak for
himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by
his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must
guard thyself against him; for I know the
wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he
will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation.CHAP. £XXII.

WARS OP THE JEWS.

603

This was he who exhorted me to have a care
of Alexander, when he was alive, and not to
intrust my body with all men! This was he
who came to my very bed, and looked about,
lest any one should lay snares for me 1 This
was he who took care of my sleep, and
secured me from any fear of danger, who
comforted me under the trouble I was in
upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to
see what affection my surviving brethren bore
mel This was my protector, and the guar-
dian of my body! And when I call to mind,
O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion,
and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe
that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have
escaped such a deep plotter of mischief!—
However, since some fate or other makes my
house desolate, and perpetually raises up.
those that are dearest to me against me, I
will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and
privately groan under my lonesome condition;
yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts
after my blood shall escape punishment,
although the evidence should extend itself
to all my sons.”

3. Upon Herod’s saying this, he was inter-
rupted by the confusion he was in; but or-
dered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce
the evidence against Antipater. But in the
mean time Antipater lifted up his bead (for

)f envy. O miserable man! that thou shoulds
undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford
a great opportunity for envy to arise against
thee, and a long space for such as were lay
ing designs against thee! Yet was I absent
fathen, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not
treat thee with contempt in thine old age.—
Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and
so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth,
who oftentimes called me Philopater.* Take
here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more
to be believed than the c^umnies raised here!}
these letters are my only apology; these I use
as the demonstration of that natural affection
I have to thee. Remember, that it was against
my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as
knowing the latent hatred that was in the
kingdom against me. It was thou, O father,
however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin,
by forcing me to allow time for the calumnies
against me and envy at me. However, I am
come hither, and am ready to bear the evi-
dence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I
have passed by land and by sea, without suffer-
ing any misfortune on either of them; but this
method of trial is no advantage to me ; for it
seems, O father, that I am already condemned,
both before God and before thee; and as I am
already condemned, I beg tffat thou wilt not
believe the others that have been tortured, but

he lay on the ground before his father’s feetV let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks

and cried out aloud, “ Thou, O father, hast
made my apology for me; for how can I be a
parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to
have always had for thy guardian? Thou
callest my filial affection prodigious lies and
hypocrisy I how then could it be that I, who
was so subtle in other matters, should here be
so mad as not to understand that it was not
easy that he who committed so horrid a crime
should be concealed from men, but impossible
that he shoilld be concealed from the Judge
of Heaven, who 6ees all things, and is present
everywhere? or did not I know what end my
brethren came to, on whom God inflicted
60 great a punishment‘for their evil designs
against thee? And indeed what was there
that could possibly provoke me against thee ?
Could the hope of being a king do it ? I was
a king already. Could I suspect hatred from
thee? No: was I not beloved "by thee? and
what other fear could I have ? Nay, by pre-
serving thee safe, I was a terror to others.
Did I want money? No: for who was able to
expend, so much as myself? Indeed, father,
had I been the most execrable of all mankind,
and had I had the soul of the most execrable
wild beast, must I not b#ve been overcome
with the benefits thou hast bestowed upon me?
whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest
[into the palaCle]; whom thou didst prefer.be-
fore so many of thy sons; whom thou madest
a king in thine own life-time, and, by the
vast magnitude of the other advantages thou i
bestowedst on me, thou madest me an object I

march through my bowels; have no regard to
any lamentations that this polluted -body can
make; for if I be a parricide, 1 ought not to
die without torture.” Thus did Annipater
cry out with lamentation and weeping, and
moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to
commiserate his case. Herod was the only
person whose passion was loo strong to per-
mit him to weep, as knowing that the testi-
monies against him were trufe.

4. And now it was that, at the king’s
command, Nicolaus, when he had premised
a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater,
and had prevented the effects of their com-
miseration to him, afterwards brought in a
bitter and large accusation against him, ascri-
bing all the wickedness that had been in the
kingdom to him, and especially the murder
of his brethren, and demonstrated that they
had perished by the calumnies be had raised
against them. He also said that be bad laid
designs against them that were still alive, as
if they were laying plots for the succession;
and (said he) how can it be supposed that he
who prepared poison for his father, should
abstain from mischief as to bis brethren? He
4hen proceeded to convict him of the attempt
to poison Herod, and gave an account, in
order, of the several discoveries that bad been
made; and had great indignation as to the
affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been
for making him murder his brother, and had

* A lover of hii father.604

WARS OF THt JEWS,

BOCK 1.

corrupted those that were dearest to the king,
and filled the whole palace with wickedness;
and when he bad insisted on many other accu-
sations, and the proofs of them, he left off.

5.	Then Varus bade Antipater make his
defence; but he lay long in silence, and said
no more but this:—“God is my witness that
I am entirely innocent.” So Varus asked for
the potion, and gave it to be drank by a con-
demned malefactor, who was then in prison,
who died upon the spot. So Varus, when he
had had a very' priy|0te discourse with Herod,
and had written an account of this assembly
to Cesar, went away, after a day’s stay. The
king also bound Antipater, and sent away to
inform Cesar of his misfortunes.

6.	Now after this, it was discovered that
Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also;
for one of Antiphilus’s domestic servants
came, and brought letters from Rome, from
a maid-servant of Julia [Cesar’s wife], whose
name was Acme. By her a message was sent
to the king, that she had found a letter written
by Salome, among Julia’s papers, and had
sent it to him privately, out of her good-will
to him. This letter of Salome contained the
most bitter reproaches of the king, and the
highest accusation against him. Antipater
had forged this letter, and had corrupted
Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod.
This was proved by her letter to Antipater,
for thus did this woman write to him:—“As
thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy
father, and have sent that letter; and am per-
suaded that the king will not spare his sister
when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to
remember what thou hast promised, when all
is accomplished."jj

7.	When this epistle w’as discovered, and
what the epistle_ forged against Salome con-
tained, a suspicion came into the king’s mind,
that perhaps the letters against Alexander
were also forged; he was moreover greatly
disturbed, and in a passion, because he had
almost 6lain his sister on Antipater's account.
He did no longer delay therefore to bring him
to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he
was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was re-
strained by a severe distemper he fell into.
However, he sent an account to Caesar about
Acme, and the contrivances against Salome:
he sent also for his testament and altered it,
and therein made Antipas king, as taking no
care of Archelaus and Philip, because Anti-
pater had blasted their reputations with him ;
hut he bequeathed to Ctesar, besides other
presents that he gave him. a thousand talents;
as also to his wife, and children, and friends?
and freed-men about five hundred: he also
bequeathed to all others a great quantity of
land, and of money, and showed his respects
to Salome’his sister, by giving her most splen-
did gifts. And this was what was contained
in his testament, as it was now altered.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

THE GOLDEN EAGLE IS CUT TO FIECE8. HEROD'S

BARBARITY WHEN HE WAS BE ABF TO DIE,

HE ATTEMPTS TO KILL HIMSELF. HE COM

MANDS ANTIPATER TO BE SLAIN. HE SUR

V1VES HIM FIVE DAYS, AWD THEN DIES.

§ 1. Now Herod’s distemper became more and
more severe to him, and this because these his
disorders fell upon him in his old age, and
when he was in a melancholy condition; for
he was already almost seventy years of age,
and had been brought low by the calamities
that happened to him about his children,
whereby he had no pleas&re in life, even when
he was in health ; the grief also that Antipa-
ter was still alive aggravated his disease, whom
he resolved to put to death now, not at ran-
dom, but. as soon as he should be well again ;
and resolved to have him slain [in a public
manner].

.2. There also now happened to him among
his other calamities, a certain popular sedition.
There were two men of learning in the city
[Jerusalem], who were thought the most
skilful in the laws of their country, and were
on that account had in very great esteem all
‘over the nation; they were, the one,Judas, the
son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the
son of Margalus. There was a great concourse
of the young men to these men when they
expounded the laws, and there got together
every day a kind of an army of such as were
growing up to be men. Now when these
men were informed that the king was wear-
ing away with melancholy, and with a distem-
per, they dropped words to their acquaintance,
how it was now a very proper time to defend
the cause of God, and to pull down what had
been erected contrary to the laws of their
country ; for it was unlawful there should be
any such thing in the temple as images, or
faces, or the like representation of any animal
whatsoever. Now the king had put up a
golden eagle over the great gate of the temple,
which these learned men exhorted them to
cut down: and told them that if there should
any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to
die for the laws of their country; because
i that the soul was imnjortal, and that an eter-
i nal enjoyment of happiness did await such as
died on that account; while the mean-spirited,

[ and those that were not wise enough to show
a right love of their souls, preferred death by
a disease, before that which Is the result of
a virtuous behaviour.

3. At the same time that these men made
this speech to their disciples, a rumour was
spread abroad that the king was dying, which
made the young men set about the work with
greater boldness ; they therefore let them-
selves down from the top of the temple witfiCHAP. XXXIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

605

thick cords, and this at Ciid-day, and while
a great number of people were in the temple,
and cut down that golden eagle with axes.
This was presently told to the king’s captain
of the temple, who came running with a great
oody of soldiers, and caught about forty of
the young men, and brought them to the 'King.
And when he asked them, first of all, whether
they had been so hardy as to cut down the
golden eagle, they confessed they had done so;
and when he asked them by whose command
they had done it, they replied, at the corn-

continual pains in his colon, and dropsical
tumours about his feet, and an inflammation of
•the abdomen,—and a putrefaction of his privy
member, that produced worms. Besideswhich
he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and
could not bleathe but when he sat upright,
and had a convulsion cf all Lis members;
insomuch that the diviners said those diseases
were a punishment upon aim for what he had
done to the rabbins. Yet did he struggle
with his numerous disorders, and still had a
desire to live, and hope for recovery, and con-

mand of the law of their country; and when | sidered of several methods of cure. Acrcrd-
ce farther asked them how they could be so | ingly, he went over Jordan, and made us: of

joyful when they were to be put to death,
they replied, because they'should enjoy greater
happiness after they were dead.*

4. At this the king was in such an extra-
vagant passion, that he overcame his disease
jifor the time], and went out, and spake to
the people; wherein he made a terrible accu-
sation against those men, as being guilty of
sacrilege, and as making greater attempts
under pretence of their law; and he thought
they deserved to be punished as impious
persons. Whereupon the public were afraid

those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which run' into
the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet
enough to be drank. And here the physicians
thought proper to bathe ^his w'hole body in
warm oil, by letting it down into a large
vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed
him, and he came and went as if he were
dying; and as a tumult was then made by
his servants, at their voice he revived again.
Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and
gave orders that each soldier should have fifty
drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders

lest a great number should be found guilty, [ and friends should have great sums of money
and desired that when he had first punished i given them.

those that put them upon this work, and then
those that were caught in it, he would leaive
off his anger as to the rest. With this the
king complied, though not without difficulty;
and ordered those that had let themselves
down, together with their rabbins, to be burnt
alive; but delivered the rest that were caught
to the proper officers, to be put to death by
them.

5. After this, the distemper seized upon his
whole body, and greatly disordered all its
parts with various symptoms; for there was
a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable
itching over all the surface of his body, and

* Since in-these two sections we have.ati evident ac-
count of the Jewish '

about a ful
dead, as in

le Jewish opinions in the days of Josephus,
ure happy state, and the resurrection of the
i the New Testament (John xi. 24.), I shall
here refer to the other places in Josephus, before be be-
came a Catholic Christian, which concern the same
matters. Of the War, b. ii. ch. viii, sect. 10, 11 j b. iii.
ch, viii. sect. 4; b. vii. ch.vi. sect. 7; Contr. Apion.b. ii.

sect. 30; where we may observe, that none of these
sages are in his Boohs of Antiquities, written pecul
for the use of the Gentiles, to whom he thought it not

ere.
cially i
before

pas-
uliarly
t pro-
these

per to insist on topics so much out of (heir^vay a:
were. Nor is this observation to be omitted here, espe-

; have now

used by the rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard
their lives for the vindication of God’s law against im-
ages, by Moses, as well as of thoanswers those scholars
made to Herod, when they were caught, and ready to
die for the same; I mean as compared with the parallel
arguments and answers represented in the Antiquities,
b. xvii. ch. vi. sect. 2, 3. A like difference between Jew-
ish and Gentile notions, the reader will find in my notes
quities, b. iii. ch. vii. sect. 7; h. xv. ch. ix. sect,
the like also in the case of the three Jewish sects

on Anti
1. See

in the Antiquities, b. xiii. ch. v. sect. 9, and ch. x. sect.
4 and 5; b. xviii. ch. i. sect 5; and compared with this
in Ins Wars of the Jews, b. ii. ch. viii. sect 2. 14. Nor
dnesSt. I*nnI himself reason to Genti'is a< Athens, Acts
XVli. ,0, 34. as lie does to Jews in his 1 pislles.

6.	He then returned back and came to
Jericho, in such a melancholy state of;%ody
as almost threatened him with present death,
when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wicked-
ness; for he got together the most illustrious
men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every
village, into a place called the Hippodrome,
and there shut them in. He then called for
his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas,
and made this speech to them:—“I know
well enough that the Jews will keep a festival
upon my death; however, it' is in my power
to be mourned for on other accounts, and to
have a splendid funeral, if you will but be
subservient to my commands. Do you but
tekt care to send soldiers to encompass these
men that are how in custody, and slay them
immediately upon my death, and then all
Judea, and every family of them, will weep at
it whether they will or no.”

7.	These were the commands he gave them:
when there came letters from his ambassadors
at Rome, whereby information was given that
Acme was put to death at Caesar’s command,
and that Antipater was condemned to die;
however, they wrote withal, that if Herod
had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar
permitted him so to do. So he for a little
while revived, and had a desire to live; but
presently after he was overborne by his pains,
and was disordered by want of food, and by
a convulsive cough, and endeavoured to pre-
vent a natural death; so he took an apple,
and asked for a knife, for he used to pare
apples and eat them; he then looked round
abo if to see that there was nobodv lo hinder
h'm, ,ii.(, lifted up his right hand as if he would006

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I.

stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin,
came running to him, and held his hand, and
bindere him from so doing; on which occa-
sion a very great lamentation was made in ihe
palace as if the king were expiring. As soon
as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage;
and with joy in his looks, besought his keep-
ers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let
him go; but the principal keeper of the prison
did not only obstruct him in that his intention,
but ran and told the king what his design
was; hereupon the king cried out louder than
his distenqper would well bear, and immedi-
ately sent some of his guards and slew Anti-
pater^ he also gave order to have him buried
at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament
again, — and therein made Archelaus, his
eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his
successor; and made Antipas tetrarch.

8. So Herod, having surviving the slaughter
of his son five days, died, having reigned
thirty-four years, since he had caused Antigo-
nus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom;
but thirty-seven years since he had been made
king by the Romans. Now, as for his for-
tune, it was prosperous in all other respects,
if ev$r any other man could be so; since,
from a private man, he obtained the kingdom,
and kept it so long, and left it to his own
sonst; but still in his domestic affairs, he was
a most unfortunate man. Now before the
soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her
husband came, out and dismissed those tjiat
were in bonds, wl^»m the king had com-
manded to be slain, and told them that he had
altered his mind, and would have every one of
them sent to their own homes. When these
men were gone, Salome told the soldiers [the
king was dead], and got them and the rest of
the multitude together to an assembly, in the
amphitheatre at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who
was intrusted by the king with his signet-
ring, came before them, and spake of the hap-
piness the king had attained, and comforted
the multitude, and read the epistle which had

| been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly
exhorted them to bear good-will to his suc-
cessor; and after he had read the epistle, he
opened fnd read his testament, wherein
Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the
neighbouring countries, and Antipas was to
be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus
was made king. He had also been com-
manded to carry Herod’s ring to Caesar, and
the settlements he had made, sealed up, be-
cause Caesar was to be lord of all the settle-
ments he had made, and was to confirm his
testament; and he ordered that the disposi-
tions he had made were to be kept as they
were in his former testament.	*

9. So there was an acclamation made to
Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his
advancement; and the soldiers, with the mul-
titude, went round about in troops, and pro-
mised him their good-will, and besides, prayed
God to bless his government. After this,
they betook themselves to prepare for the
king’s funeral; and Archelaus omitted no-
thing of magnificence therein, but brought out
all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp
of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold,
embroidered with precious stones, and a pur-
ple bed of various contexture, with the dead
body upon it, covered with purple; and a
diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of
gold above it, and a sceptfe in his right hand;
and near to the bier were Herod’s sons, and
a multitude of his kindred; next to whom
came his guards, and the regiment of Thra-
cians, the Germans also and Gauls, all ac-
coutred as if they were going to war;#but the
rest of the army went foremost, armed, and
following their captains and officers in a
regular manner; after whom, five hundred of
his domestic servants and freed-men followed,
with sweet spices in their hands; and the
body was carried two hundred furlongs, to
Herodium, where he had given order to bq
buried. And this shall suffice for the-con-
clusion of the life of Herod.607

BOOK II.

containing tbs inte hval or sixty-nine t«ahsu

FROM THE DEATH OF HEROD TILL VESP ASIAN WAS SEN^ TO
SUBDUE THE JEWS BY NERO.

CHAPTER L

ARCHELAUS MAAES A FUNERAL FEA6T FOR

THE PEOPLE, ON THE ACCOUNT OF HEROD.

AFTER WHICH A GREAT TUMULT IS RAISED

BY THE MULTITUDE, AND HE SENDS THE

SOLDIERS OUT UPON THEM, WHO DESTROY

ABOUT THREE THOUSAND OF THEM.

§ 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was
under of taking a journey to Rome was the
occasion of new disturbances, for when he
had mourned for his father seven days,* and
had given a very expensive funeral feast to
the multitude (which custom is the occasion
of poverty to many of the Jews, because they
are forced to feast the multitude; for if any
one omits it, he is not esteemed a holy per.
son), he |yit on a white garment, and went up
to the temple, where the people accosted him
with various acclamations.' He also spake
kindly to the multitude, from an elevated
seat and a throne of gold, and returned them
thanks for the zeal they had shown about his
father’s funeral, and the submission they had
made to him, as if he were already settled in
the kingdom; but he told them withal, that
he would not at present take upon him either
the authority of a king, or the names thereto
belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of
this whole affair by the testament, confirms
the succession; for that when the soldiers
would have set the diadem on his head at Je-
richo, he would not accept of it; but that he
would make abundant requitals, not to the
soldiers only^ but to the people, for their alac-

• Hear Dean Aldrich's note on this place : “The law
or custom of the Jews (says Ue) requires seven days'
mourning for the dead (Antiq. b. xvii. cb. viii. sect. 4);
whrnoe the author of the book of F.cclesiasticus (ch. xxii.
13' assigns seven days as the proper time of mourning
tor the dead, and (ch.xxxviii. 17) enjoins men to mourn
for the dead, that they may Dot be evil spoken of; for, as
Josephns says presently, if any one omits this mourning
[funeral feast], he is not esteemed a holy person. Now
it is certain that such a seven days’ mourning has been
ms tomary from times of the greatest antiquity. Gen. I.
20. Funeral feasts are also mentioned as of considerable
antiquity, Ezek. xxiv. 17; Jer. xvi. 7; Prov. xxxi. 6;
Deut xxvi. 14; Josephus, (ill the War, l>. iii. ch. ix.
net A)"

rity and good-will to him, when the superior
lords [the Romans] should have given him a
complete title to the kingdom; for that it
should be his study to appear in all thing*
better than his father.

2.	Upon this the multitude were pleased,
and presently made a trial of what he intended,
by asking great things of him; for some made
a clamour that he would ease them in their
taxes; others, that he would take off the
duties upon commodities; and some, that he
would loose those that were in prison; in all
which cases he answered readily to their satis-
faction, in order to get the good-will of the
multitude; after which he offered [the proper]
sacrifices, and feasted with bis friends. And
here it was that a great many of those that
desired innovations came in crowds towards
the evening, and began then to mourn on
their own account, when the public mourning
for the king was over. These lamented those
that were put to death by Herod, because they
bad cut down the golden eagle that bad been
over the gate of the temple. Nor was this
mourning of a private nature, but the lamen-
tations were very great, the mourning solemn,
and the weeping such as was loudly heard all
over the city, as being for those men who had
perished for the laws of their country, and
for the temple. They cried put, that a pun-
ishment ought to be inflicted for these men
upon those that were honoured by Herod;
and that, in the first place, the man whom be
had made high-priest should be deprived; and
that it was fit to choose a person of greater
piety and purity than he was.

3.	At these clamours Archelaus was pro-
voked ; but restrained himself from taking
vengeance on the authors, on account of the
haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing
lest, upon his making war on the multitude,
Buch an action might detain him at home;
Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the inno-

| vators by persuasion rather than by force, and
i sent his general in a private way to them, and
: bv him exhorted them to be quiet. But tbs
seditious threw stones at him, and drove hint
‘ away, as he came into the temple, and befofS008	WARS OF THE JEWS.	BOOK II.

be could say any thing to them. The like
treatment they showed to others, who came to
them after him, many of whom were sent by
Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobrie-
ty, and these answered still on all occasions
after a passionate manner; and it openly ap-
peared that they would not he quiet, if their
numbers were but considerable. And indeed,
at the feast of unleav *ned bread, which was
now at hand, and Is by the Jews called the
passover, and used to be celebrated with a
great number of sacrifices, an innumerable
multitude of the people came out of the coun-
try to w’orship: some of these stood in the
temple bewailing the rabbins [that bad been
put to death], and procured their sustenance
by begging, in order to support their sedition.
At this Archelaus was affrighted, and pri-
vately sent a tribune, with his cohort of sol-
diers upon them, before the disease should
spread over the whole multitude, and gave
orders that they should constrain those that
began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At
these the whole multitude were irritated, and
threw stones at many of the soldiers, and
killed them; but the tribune fled away
wounded, and had much ado to escape so.
After which they betook themselves to their
sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor
did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude
could be restrained without bloodshed; so he
sent his whole army upon them, the footmen
in great multitudes, by the way of the city,
and the horsemen by the way of the plain,
who, fulling upon them on the sudden, as they
were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about
three thousand of them; but the rest of the
multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining
mountains: these were followed by Arche-
laus’s heralds- who commanded every one to
retire to their own homes; whither they all-
went, and left the festival.

CHAPTER IL

ARCHELAUS GOSS TO BOMS WITH A GREAT
NUMBER OF HIS KINDRED: HE IS THERE
ACCUSED BEFORE CiESAR BY ANTIPATER;
BUT IS SUPERIOR TO HIS ACCUSERS IN
JUDGMENT, BY THE MEANS OF THAT DE-
FENCE WHICH NICOLAUS MADE FOR HIM.

$ 1. Archelaus went down now to the
sea-side, with his mother and his friends,
Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left
behind him Philip, to be his steward in the
palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs.
8alome went also along with him with her
sons, as did also the king’s brethren and
•ons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to
five him all the assistance they were able, in
oaur to secure his succession, but in reality

to accuse him far his breach of the laws by
what he had done at the temple.

2 But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabi-
nue, the procurator of Syria, met teem; he
was going up to Judea, to secure Herod’ti
effects; but Varus [president of Synp], who
was come thither, restrained him from going
any farther. This Varus, Archelaus nad sent
for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptoleirv. At
this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus,
neither went to the citadels, nor did Le shut
up the treasuries where his father’s money
was laid up, but promised that he would lie
still, until Caesar should have taken cogni-
zance of the affair. So he abode at Cesarea;
but as soon as those that were his hinderance
were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch,
and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he imme-
diately went on to Jerusalem, and seized
upon the palace; and when he had called for
the governors of the citadels, and the stewards
[of the king’s private affairs}, he tried to sift
out the accounts of the money, and to take
possession of the citadels. But the gover-
nors of those citadels were not unmindful of
the commands laid upon them by Archelaus,
and continued to guard them, and said, the
custody of them rather belonged to Cesar than
to Archelaus.

3.	In the mean time Antipas went also to
Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist
that the former testament, wherein he was
named to be king, was valid before the latter
testament. Salome bad also promised to as-
sist him, as had many of Archelaus’s kindred,
who sailed along with Archelaus hiupelf also.
He also carried along with him his mother,
and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who
seemed one of great weight, on account of
the great trust Herod put in him, he having
been one of his most honoured friends. How-
ever, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus,
the orator; upon whose authority he had
rejected such as advised him to yield to Ar-
chelaus, because be was his elder brother, and
because the second testament gave the king-
dom to him. The inclinations also of all
Archelaus’s kindred, who hated him, were
removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome;
although, in the first place, every one rather
desired to live under their own laws [without
a king], and to be under a Roman governor;
but if they should fail in that point, these
desired that Antipas might be their king.

4.	Sabinus did also afford these his assist-
ance to the same purpose by the letters he sent,
wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar,
and highly commended Antipas. Salome also,
and those with her, put the crimes which they
accused Archelaus of in order, and put them
into Caesar's hands; and after they had done
that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his
claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father's
ring, and his father’s accounts; and when
Ceesar had maturely weighed by himself whatCHAP. lit.

Wars op the je^s.

609

both had to allege for themselves) Rs'also had should suppose Hterod’s judgment, when he

considered of the great burdfen of the king-
dom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal
the number of the children Herod had left
behind him, and had moreover read the letters
he had received from Varus and Sabinus on
tbis occasion, he assembled the principal per-
sons among the Romans together (in which
assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa and his
daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for
bis own son, sat in the first seat|) and gave the
pleaders leave to speak.

5, Then stood up Salome’s son, Antipater
(who of all Archelaus’s antagonists was the
shrewdest pleader), and accused him in the
following speech:—That Archelaus did in
words contend for the kingdom, but that in
deeds he had long exercised royal authority,
and so did insult Caesar in desiring to be now
heard on that account, since he had not
staid for his determination about the succes-
sion, and since he had suborned certain per-
sons, after Herod’s death, to move for putting
the diadem, upon his head; since he had set
himself down in the throne, and given answers
as a king, and altered the disposition of the
army, and granted to some- higher dignities:
that be had; also complied in all things with
the people in the requests they had made to
him as to their king, and had also dismissed
those that had been put into bonds by his
father, for most important reasons. Now,
after all this, he desires the shadow of that
royal authority, whose substance he had al-
ready seized, to himself, and so hath made
Caesar Iprd, not of things, but of words. He
also reproached him farther, that his mourning
for his father was only pretended, while he
put on a sad countenance in the day-time,
but drank to great excess in the night; from
which behaviour, be said, thelate disturbances
among the multitude came, while they had
an indignation thereat; and indeed the pur-
port of his whole discourse was to aggravate
Archelaus’s crime in slaying such a multitude
about the temple, which multitude came to
the festival, but were barbarously slain in tbe
midst of their own sacrifices; and he said
there was such a vast number of dead bodies
heaped together in the temple, as even
foreign . war, should that come upon them
[suddenly], before it was denounced, could
not have heaped together; and he added, that
it was the foresight his father had of that his
barbarity, which made him never give him
any hopes of the kingdom; but when his
mind was more infirm than his body, and he
was not able to reason soundly, and did not
well know what was the character of that son,
whom in his second testament he made his
successor; and this was done by him at a
time when he had no complaints to make of
him whom he had named before, when he was
sound in body, and when his mind was free
from all passion. That, however, if any one

was sick, was superior to that at another time,
yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by
his own behaviour, and those his actions,
which were contrary to the law, and to its
disadvantage. Or what sort of a King will
this man be, when he bath obtained (he go-
vernment from Caesar, Who hath slain so many
before he hath obtained it 1

6. When Antipater had spoken largely to
this purpose, and had produced a great num-
ber of Archelaus’s kindred as witnesses, to
prove every part of the accusation, he ended
his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to
plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the
slaughter in the temple could not be avoided;
that those that were slain were become ene-
mies not to Archelaus’s kingdom only, but to
Caesar, who was to determine about him.
He also demonstrated, that Archelaus’s ac-
cusers had advised him to perpetrate other
things of which he might have been accused;
but he insisted that the latter testament should,
for this reason, above all others, be esteemed^
valid, because' Herod had therein appointed
Caesar to be the person who should confirm
the succession; for he who showed such pru-
dence as to recede from his own power, and
yield it up to the lord,of the world, cannot
be supposed mistaken in his judgment
about him that was to be his heir; and he
that so well knew whom to choose for arbi-
trator of the succession, could not be un-
acquainted with him whom he chose for his
successor.

7. When Nicolaus had gone through all
he had *to say, Archelaus came, and fell
down before Caesar’s knees, without any noise;
—upon which he raised him up, after a very
obliging manner, and declared, that truly
he was worthy to succeed his father. How-
ever, he still made no firm determination in
his case; but when he had dismissed those
assessors that had been with him that day,
he deliberated by himself about the allega-
tions which he had heard, whether it were fit
to constitute any of those named in the testa-
ments for Herod’s successor, or whether the
government should be parted among all his
posterity; and this because of the number of
those that seemed to stand in need of support
therefrom.

CHAPTER III.

THE JEWS FIGHT A GREAT BATTLE WITH
SABINDs’s SOLDIERS, AND A GREAT DE-
STRUCTION IS MADE AT JERUSALEM.

§ 1. Now before Caesar had determined any
thing about these affairs, Malthace, Arche-
laus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also
were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a
revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus,
2 Q610

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOR II

who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed,
went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promo*
ters of the sedition, since it was manifest that
the nation would not be at rest; so he left
one of those legions which he brought with
him out of Syria in the city, and went him-
self to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he
was gone, and gave them an occasion of
making innovations; for he compelled the
keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to
him, and made a bitter search after the king’s
money, as depending not only on the soldiers
who were left by Varus, but on the multitude
of his own servants, all whom he armed and
used as the instruments of his covetousness.
Now when that feast, which was observed
after seven weeks, and which the Jews called
Pentecost (t. e. the 50th day) was at hand, its
name being taken from the number of the
days [after the Passover], the pepple got to-
gether, but not on account of the accustomed
divine worship, but of the indignation they
had [at the present state of affairs]. Where-
fore an immense multitude ran together, out
of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and
Perea that was beyond Jordan; but the peo-
ple that naturally belonged to Judea itself
were above the rest both in number and in the
alacrit y of the men. So they distributed them-
selves into three parts, and pitched their camps (
in three places; one at the north side of the
temple, another at the south side, by the
Hippodrome, and the third part were at the
palace on the west. So they lay round about
the Romans on every side, and besieged
them.

2.	Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at
their multitude and at their courage, and sent
messengers to Varus continually, and be-
sought him to come to bis succour quickly, for
that, if he delayed, his legion would be cut to
pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to
the highest tower of the fortress, which was
called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with
Herod’s brother, who was destroyed by the
Partbians; and then he made signs to the sol-
diers of that legion to attack the enemy; for
his astonishment was so great, that he durst
not go down to his own men. Hereupon the
soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out
into the temple, and fought a terrible battle
with the Jews; in which, while there were
none over their heads to distress them, they
were too bard for them-, by .their skill, and
the others’ want of skill in war; but when
once many of the Jews had gotten up to the
top of the cloisters, and threwtheir darts down-
wards upon the heads of the Romans, there
were a great many of them destroyed. Nor
was it easy to avenge themselves upon those
that threw their weapons from on high, nor
was it more easy for them to sustain those
who came to fight them hand to hand,

3.	Since therefore the Romans were sorely
afflicted by both these circumstances, they set

fire to the cloisters, which were works to be
admired, both on account of their magnitude
and costliness. Whereupon those that were
above them were presently encompassed with
the flame, and many of them perished there-
in ; as many of them also were destroyed by
the enemy, who came suddenly upon them;
some of them also threw themselves down
from the Walls backward, and some there were,
who, from the desperate condition they were
in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves
with their own swords: but so many of them
as crept out from the walls, and came upon
the Romans, were easily mastered by them,
by reason of the astonishment they were
under; until at last some of the Jews being
destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror
they were in, the soldiers fell upon the trea-
sure of God, which was now deserted, and
plundered about four hundred talents, of
which sum Sabinus got together all that was
not carried away by the soldiers.

4.	However, this destruction of the works
[about the temple], and of the men occa-
sioned a much greater number, and those of a
more warlike-6ort, to get together, to oppose
the Romans. These encompassed the palace
round, and threatened to destroy all that were
in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for
they promised that Sabinus should come to no
harm, if he should go out with his legion.
There were also a great many of the king’s
party who deserted the Romans, and assisted
the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of
them all, who were three thousand of the men
of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. -Rufus
also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same
(Gratus having the foot of the king’s party
under him, and Rufus the horse); each of
whom, even without the forces under them,
were of great weight, on account of their
strength and wisdom, which turn the scales
in war. Now the Jews persevered in the
siege, and tried to break down the walls of
the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his
party, that they should go their ways, and not
prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped,
after a long time, to recover that ancient
liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed.
Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out
of the danger he was in; but he distrusted the
assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected
such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a
snare for them: this consideration, together
with the hopes he bad of succour from Varus,
made him bear the siege still longer.CHAP. IV. V.	WAjRS OF THE JEWS.

011

CHAPTER IV.

hebod’s yeteban soldiers become tumul-

TOOtJS. THE ROBBERIES OF JODAS. -SIMON
AND ATHRONGEU3 TAKE THE NAME OF
KING UPON THEM.

§ 1. At this time there were great disturb*
luces in the country, and that in many places;
ind the opportunity that now offered itself
.nduced a great many to set up for kings; aild
indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod’s
veteran soldiers got together, and armed them-
selves and fought against those of the king’s
party; against whom Achiabus, the king’s first
:ousin, fought, and that out of some of the
places that were the roost strongly fortified;
but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them
in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of
Galilee, there was one Judas fthe^son of that
arch robber Hezekias, who formerly overran
the country, and had been subdued by king
Herod); this man got no small multitude
together, and broke open the place where the
royal armour was laid up, and armed those
about him, and attacked those that were so
sarnest to gain the dominion.

2.	In Perea also, Simon, one of the ser-
vants to the king, relying upon the handsome
appearance, and taliness of his body, put a
diadem upon his own head also; he also went
about with a company of robbers that he had
gotten together, and burnt down the royal
palace that was at Jericho, arid many other
costly edifices besides, and procured himself
very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them
out of the fire; and he had soon burnt down
all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of
the foot of the king’s party, had not taken the
Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of
Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were
slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also
cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying
ilong a strait valley, when he gave him an
jblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away,
ind broke it. The royal palaces that were
lear Jordan, at Betharamptha, were also burnt
down by some other of the seditious that came
out of Perea.

3.	At this time it was that a certain shep-
nerd ventured to set himself up for a king:
ne was called Athrongeus. It was htt strength
rf body that made him expect such a dignity,
ts well as his soul, which despised death; and
Desides these qualifications, he had four bre-
thren like himself. He put a troop of armed
men under each of these his brethren, and
made use of them as his generals and com-
manders, when he made his incursions, while
he did himself act like a king, and meddled
only with the more important affairs; and at
this time he put a diadem about his head, and

ontinued after tha' to over-run the country

for no little time with his brethren, and be-
came their leader in killing both the Romans
and those of the king’s, party; nor did any
Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to
him thereby. , He once ventured to encom-
pass a whole troop- of Romans at Emmaus,
who were carrying com and weapons to their
legion: his men shot their arrows and darts,
and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and
forty of the stoutest of his men, while the
rest of them, wffo were in danger of the same
fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those
of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped; and
when these men had thus served both their
own countrymen and foreigners, and that
through this whole war, three of them were
after some time subdued; the eldest by Arcbe-
laus, the two next by faffing into the hands
of Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth
delivered himself up to Archalaus, upon his
giving him his right hand for his security.
However, this their end was not tiff after-
ward, while at present they filled all Judea
with a piratic war.

CHAPTER V.

VARUS COMPOSES THE TUMULTS IN JUDEA,
AND CRUCIFIES ABOUT TWO THOUSAND OF
THE SEDITIOUS.

§ 1. Upon Varus’s receptym of the letters
that were written by Sabinus and the captains,
he could not avoid being afraid for the whole
legion [he had left there], - So he made haste
to their relief, and took with him the other
two legions, with the four troops of horsemen
to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais,
—having given orders for the auxiliaries that
were sent by the kings and governors of cities
to meet him there. Moreover, he received
from the people of Berytus, as he passed
through their city, fifteen hundred armed
men. Now as soon as the other body of auxi-
liaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as
Aretus the Arabian (who, out of the hatred
he bore to Herod, brought a great army of
horse and foot), Varus sent a part of his army
presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptole-
mais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their
captain. This Caius put those that met him
to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and
burnt it, and nriade slaves of its inhabitants.
But as for Varus himself, he marched to Sa-
maria with his whole army, where he did not
meddle with the city itself, because be found
that it had made no commotion during these
troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain
village which was called Arus. It belonged
to Ptolemy, and on that account was plun-
dered by the Arabians, who were very angry
even at Herod’s friends also. He thence
marched on to the village Sampho, another612

WARS OF THE JEWS.	BOOK H.

fortified place, which they plundered, as they
had done the other. As they carried off all
the money they lighted upon belonging to the
public revenues, all was now full of fire and
bloodshed, and nothing could resist the plun-
ders of the Arabians. Eramaus was also
burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and
this at the command of Varus, out of his rage
at"the slaughter of those that were about
Arius.

2.	Thence he marched on to Jerusalem,
and us soon as he was but seen by the Jews,
he made their camps disperse themselves: they
also went away, and fled up and down the
country. But the citizens received him, and
cleared themselves of having any hand in this
revolt, and said that they had raised no com-
motions, but had only been forced to admit
the multitude^ because of the festival, and
that they were rather besieged together with
the Romaps, than assisted those that had
revolted. There had before this met him
Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and
Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those
of Sebaste, as well as the king's army: there
also met him those of the Roman legion,
armed after their accustomed manner ; for as
to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus’s
sight, but was gone out of the city before
this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part
of his army into the country, against those
that had been the authors of this commotion,
and as they caught great numbers of them,
those that appealed to have been the least
concerned in these tumults he put into cus-
tody, but such as were the most guilty he
crucified; these were in number about two
thousand.

3.	He .was also informed that there con-
tinued in Idumea ten thousand men still in
arms; but when he found that the Arabians
did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the
war according to their own passions, and did
mischief to the country otherwise than he in-
tended, and this out off their hatred to Herod,
he sent them away, but made haste, with his
own legions, to march against those that had
revolted ; but these, by the advice of Achia-
bus, delivered themselves up to him before it
came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the
multitude their offences, but sent their cap-
tains to Cffisar to be examined by him. Now
Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that
certain of the king’s relations (for some of
those that were among them were Herod’s
kinsmen) should be put to death, because they
had engaged in a war against a king of their
own family. When, therefore, Varus had set-
tled matters at Jerusalem after this manner,
and had left the former legion there as a gar-
rison, he returned to Antioch.

CHAPTER VI.'

THE.JEWS GREATLY COMPLAIN OF ARCHE-
LAUS, AND DESIRE THAT THEY MAY BE
MADE SUBJECT TO HOMAN GOVERNORS.
BUT WHEN CiESAR HAD HEARD WHAT
THEY HAD TO SAY, HE DISTRIBUTED
HEROD’S DOMINIONS AMONG HIS SONS,
ACCORDING TO HIS OWN PLEASURE.

§ 1. But now came another accusation from
the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which
he was to answer to. It was made by those
ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come,
by Varus’s permission, to plead for the liberty
of their country ; those that came were fifty
in number, but there were ^more than eight
thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported
them; and when (Jaesar had assembled a coun-
cil of the principal Romans in Apollo’s* tem-
ple, that was in the palace (this was what he
had himself built and adorned, at a vast
expense), the multitude of the Jews stood
with the ambassadors, and on the other side
stood Archelaus, with his friends : but as for
the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on nei-
ther side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side,
their hatred to him, and envy at him, would
notgive them leave; while yet they were afraid
to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. Be-
sides these, there was present Archelaus’s
brother, Philip, being sent thither beforehand,
out of kindness, by Varus, for two reasons:
the one was this, that he might be assisting
to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in
case Caesar should make a distribution of what
Herod possessed among his posterity, he might
obtain some share of it.

2. And now, upon the permission that was
given the accusers to speak, they, in the first
place, went over Herod’s breaches of. their
law, and said that he was not a king, but the
most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they
had found him to be such by the sufferings
they underwent from him : that when a very
great number had been slain by him, those
that were left had endured such miseries, that
they called those that were dead happy men;
that he had not only tortured the bodies of his
subjects, but entire cities, and had done much
harm to jjie cities of his own country, while
he adorned those that belonged to foreigners;
and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do
kindness to those people who were oui of their
bounds: that he had filled the nation full of
poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead
of that happiness and those laws which' they
had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the

• This holding of a council in the temple of Apollo, in
the emperor’s palace at Rome, hy Augustus, and even
the building of this temple magnificently hy himself in
that palace, are exactly agreeable to Augustus, in his
elder years, as Aldrich and Spanhcim observe and prove,
from nuetonius and I’ropertiuaCHAP. VII.	WARS OF* THE JEWS.

m

J.iws had borne more calamities from Herod,
in a few years, than had their forefathers dar-
ing all that interval of time that had passed
since they had come out of Babylon, and re-
turned home, in the reign of Xerxes :* that,
however, the nation was come to so low a con-
dition, by being inured to hardships, that they
submitted to his successor of their own accord,
though he brought them into bitter slavery;
that accordingly they readily called Archelaus,
though he was the son of so great a tyrant,
king, after the decease of his father, and joined
with him in mourning for the death of Herod,
and in wishing him good success in that bis
succession; while yet this Archelaus, lest he
should be in danger of not being thought the
genuine son of Herod, began his reign with
the murder of three thousand citizens; as if
he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacri-
fices to God for his government, and to fill
the temple with the like number of dead
bodies at that festival: that, however, those
that were left after so many miseries, had just
reason to consider now at last the calamities
they had undergone, and to oppose them-
selves, like soldiers in war, to receive those
stripes upon their faces, [but not upon their
backs as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed
that the Romans would have compassion
upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not
expose what was left of them to such as bar-
barously tore them to pieces, and that they
would join their country to Syria, and admi-
nister the government by their own comman-
ders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated
that those who are now under the calumny of
seditious persons, and lovers of war, know
how to bear governors that are set over them,
if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews
concluded their accusations with this request.
Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accu-
sations that were brought against the kings,
and himself accused the Jewish nation, as
hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient
to kings. He also reproached' all those kins-
men of Archelaus who had left him and were
gohe over to his accusers.

3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides,
dissolved the assembly for that time; but a
few days afterward, he gave the one half of
Herod’s kingdom to Archelaus, by the name
of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king
also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy
of that dignity; but as to the other half, he
divided it into two tetrachies, and gave them
to two other sons of Herod, the one of them
to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who
contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Un-
der this last was Perea and Galilee, with a
revenue of two hundred talents: but Batanea,

•'Here we have a strong confirmation that it was
Xerxes, and not Artaxerxes, under whom the main part
of the Jews returned out of the Babylonian captivity; Le.
in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah. The same thing is
in the Antiq.b. xL chap. v. sect 1.

and Tracbonitis, and Auranitis, and certain
parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia. witn a
revenue of a hundred talents, were made suo-
ject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea,
parts of the ethnareny if
Samaria was eased of one
quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not
having revolted with the rest of the nation.
He also made subject to him the following
cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and
Joppa, and Jerusalem; .but as to the Grecian
cities Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut
them off from the kingdom, and added them
to Syria. Now the revenue of the country
that was given to Archelaus, was four hun-
dred talents. Salome also, besides what the
king had left her in his testaments, was now
made mistjess of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and
Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon
her the royal palace of A$calon; by all which
she got together a revenue of sixty talents;
but he put her house under the ethnarchy of
Archelaus; and for the rest of Herod’s off-
spring, they received what was bequeathed to
them in his testaments; but, besides that, Cs-
sar granted to Herod’s two virgin daughters
five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and
gave them in marriage to the sons of Phero-
ras: but after this family distribution, he gave
between them what had been bequeathed to
him by Herod, which was a thousand talents,
reserving to himself only some inconsiderable
presents, in honour of the deceased.

CHAPTER VIL

THE HISTORY Or THE SPURIOUS ALEXANDER.
ARCHELAUS IS BANISHED, AND GLAPHYRA
DIES, AFTER WHAT WAS.TO HAPPEN TO
BOTH OF THEM HAD BEEN SHOWN THEM
IN DREAMS.

§ 1. In the mean time there was a man, who
was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon
with one of the Roman freed-raen, who falsely
pretended, on account of the resemblance of
their countenances, that he was that Alex-
ander who was slain by Herod. This man
came to Rome, in hopes of not being de-
tected. He had one who was his assistant,
of his own nation, and who knew all the af-
fairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say
how those that were sent to kill him and Aris-
tobulus had pity upon them, and stole them
away, by putting bodies that were like their9
in their places. This man deceived the Jews
that were at Crete, and got a great deal of
money of them, for travelling in splendour;
and thence sailed to Melos, where he was
thought so certainly genuine, that he got a
great deal more money, and prevailed with
those who bad treated him to sail along with
him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia
[Puteoli], and got very large presents from

and Samaria, were
Archelaus, although614	'	WARS QF TEE JEWS.	BOOK II

the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted
by his father’s friends as if he were a king;
nay, the resemblance in his countenance pro-
cured him so much credit that those who had
seen Alexander, and had known him very
well, would take their oaths that he was the
very same person. Accordingly, the whole
body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out
in crowds to see him, and an innumerable
multitude there was who stood in the narrow
places through which he was carried; for
those of Melos were so far distracted, that
they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a
royal attendance for him at their own proper
charges.

2.	But Ctesar, who knew perfectly well
the lineaments of Alexander’s face, because
he had been accused by Herod ^efore him,'
discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even
before he saw the man. However, he suffered
the agreeable fame that went of him to have
some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one
who well knew Alexander, and ordered him
to bring the young man to him. But when
Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a
difference in his countenance; and when he
bad discovered that bis whole body was of a
more robust texture, and like that of a slave,
he understood the whole was a contrivance.
But the impudence of what he said greatly
provoked him to be angry at him; for when
he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that
he was also preserved alive, and was left on
purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, be-
cause it would be harder for plotters to get
them both into their power while they were
separate. Then did Caesar take him by him-
self privately, and said to him,—“ I will give
thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it
was that persuaded thee to forge such stories. ”
So he said that he would discover him, and
followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who
abused the resemblance of his face to get
money; for that he had received more pre-
sents in every city than ever Alexander did
when he was alive. Caesar laughed at the
contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander
among his rowers, on account of the strength
of his body; but ordered him that persuaded
him to be put to death. But for the people
of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished
for their folly, by the expenses they had been
at on his account.

3.	And now Archelaus took possession of
his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only,
hut the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this
out of his resentment of their old quarrels
with him. Whereupon they both of them
sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and
in the ninth year of his government he was
banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his
effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. But
the report goes, that before he was sent' for
by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn,
*ull and large, but devoured by oxen. When,

therefore, he had sent for the diviners, nnd
some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them
what they thought it portended ;< and wnen
one of therp had one interpretation, and ano-
ther had another, Simon, one of the sect ot
the Essens, said thht he thought the ears oi
corn denoted years; and the oxen denoted a
mutation of things, because by their plough-
ing they made an alteration of the country.
That therefore he should reign as many years
as there were ears of corn; and after he had
passed through various alterations of fortune,
should die. Nqw five days after Archelaus
had heard this interpretation, he was called to
his trial.

4.	I cannot hut think it worthy to be re-
coYded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had
at first been wife to Alexander, who was the
brother of Archelaus,. concerning .whom we
have been discoursing. This Alexander was
the son of Herod the king, by whom he was
put to death, as we have already related.
This Glaphyra was married, after his death,
to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death,
was returned home, and lived a widow with
her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the
ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love
with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who
was then his wife, and married her. When,
therefore, she was come into Judea, and had
been there for a little while, she thought she
saw Alexander stand by her, and that he 6aid
to her,—“ Thy marriage with the king of
Libya might have been sufficient for thee;
hut thou wast not contented with him, but
art returned again to my family, to a third
husband; and hjm, thou impudent woman,
hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is
my brother. However, I shall not overlook
the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon]
have thee again, whether thou wilt or not.”
Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration
of this dream pf hers two days.

CHAPTER VIIL

ARCHELAUS’S ETHNARCHY IS BEDUCED'iNTO
a [roman] PROVINCE. THE SEDITION OF
JUDAS OF GALILEE. THE THREE SECTS OF
THE JEWS.

§ 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea
was reduced into a province, and Coponius,
one of the equestrian order among the Ro-
mans, was sent as a procurator, having the
power of [life and] death put into his handB
by Caesar. Under his administration it was
that a certain Galilean, whose nqme was Judas,
prevailed with his countrymen to revolt; and
said they were cowards if they would endure
to pay a tax to the Romans, and would, after
Gqd, submit to mortal men as their lords.CHAP. VHI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

615

This man was a teacher of a peculiar Beet of but every one of them gives what he hath to

his own, and was not at all like the rest of
those their leaders.

2.	For there are three philosophical sects
among-the Jews. The followers of»the first
of whom are the Pharisees; of the second the
Sadducees; and the third sect, who pretends
to a severer discipline, are called Essens.
These last are Jews by birth, and seem to
have a greater affection for one another than
the other sects have. These Essens reject
pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence,
and the conquest over our passions, to be vir-
tue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out
other persons’ children, while they are pliable,
and fit for learning; and esteem them to be of
their kindred, and form them according to their
own manners. They do not absolutely deny
the fitness of marriage, and the succession of
mankind thereby continued; but they guard
against the lascivious behaviour of women,
and are persuaded that none of them preserve
their fidelity to one man.

3.	These men are despisers of riches, and
so very communicative as raises our admi-
ration. Nor is there any one to be found
among them who hath more than another;
for it is a law among them, that those who
come to them must let what they have be
common to the whole order,—insomuch, that
among them all there is no appearance of
poverty or excess of riches, but every one’s
possessions are intermingled with every other’s
possessions; and so there is, as it were, one
patrimony among all the brethren. They
think that oil is a defilement; and if any one
of them be anointed without his own approba-
tion, it is wiped off his body; for they think
to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also
to be clothed in white garments. They also
have stewards appointed to take care of their
common affairs, who every one of them have
no separate business for any, but what is for
the use of them all.

4.	They have no certain city, but many of
them £ well in every city; and if any of their
sect come from other places, what they have
lies open for them, j list ps if it were their own;
and they go into such as they never knew
before, as if they had been ever so long ac-.
quainted with them. For which reason- they
carry nothing with them when they travel
into remote parts, though still they take theii'
weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Ac-
cordingly there is, in every city where they
live, one appointed particularly to take care of
strangers, and to provide garments and other
necessaries for them. But the habit and
management of their bodies is such as chil-
dren use who are in fear of their masters.
Nor do they allow of the change of garments,
or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to
pieces, or worn out by time. Nor do they
either buy or sell any thing to one another:

him that wanteth, it, and receives from him
again in lieu of it what may be convenient for
himself; and although there be no requital
made, they are fully allowed to take what they
want of whomsoever they please.

5.	And as for their piety towards God, it
is very extraordinary; for before sun-rising
they speak not a word about profane matters,
but put up certain prayers which they have
received from their forefathers, as if they
made a supplication for its rising. After this
every one of them are sent away by their
curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein
they are skilled, in which they labour with
great diligence till the fifth hour. After
which they assemble themselves together
again into one place; and when they have
clothed themselves in white veils, they then
bathe their bodies in cold water. And after
this purification is over, they every one meet
together in an apartment of their own, into
which it is not permitted to any of another
sect to enter; while they go, after a pure
manner, into the dining-room, as into a
certain holy temple, and quietly set themselves
down; upon which the baker lays them loaves
in order; the cook also brings a single.plate
of one sort of food, and sets it before every
one of them; but a priest says grace before
meat; and it is unlawful for any one to taste
of the food before grace be said. The same
priest, when he hath dined, says grace again
after meat; and when they begin, and when
they end, they praise God, as he that bestows
their food upon them; after which they lay
aside their [white] garments, and betake them-
selves to their labours again till the evening;
then they return home to supper, after the
same manner; and if there be any strangers
there, they sit down with them. Nor is there
ever any clamour or disturbance to pollute
their house, but they give every one leave to
speak in their turn; which silence thus kept
in their house, appears to foreigners like some
tremendous mystery; the cause of which is
that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the
same settled measure of meat and drink that
is allotted to them, and that such as is abun-
dantly sufficient for them.

6.	And truly, as for other things, they
do nothing but according to the injunctions
of their curators; only these two things are
done among them at every one’s own free
will, which are, to assist those that want it,
and to show mercy; for they are permitted of
their own accord to afford succour to such as
deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and
to bestow food on those that are in distress;
but they cannot give any thing to their kin-
dred without the curators. They dispense
their anger after a just manner, and re-
strain their passion. They are eminent for
fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; what-016

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BQ0K II.

soever they say also is firmer than an oath; but
swearing is avoided by them-, and they esteem
it worse than perjury:* for they say, that he
who cannot be believed without [swearing by]
God. is already condemned. They also take
great pains in studying the w'ritings of the
ancients, and choose out of them What is most
for the advantage of their soul and body; and
they inquire after such roots and medicinal
stones as may cure their distempers.

7.	But now, if any one- hath a mind to
come over to their sect, he is not immediately
admitted, but he is prescribed the 6ame
method of living which they use, for a year,
while he continues excluded; and they give
him a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned
girdle, and the white garment. And when
be hath given evidence, during that time, that
he can observe their continence, he approaches
nearer to their way of living, and is made a
partaker of the waters of purification; yet is
he not even now admitted to live with them;
for after this demonstration of his fortitude,
his temper is tried two more years, and if he
appear to be worthy, they then admit him
into their society. And before he is allowed
to touch their common food, he is obliged to
take tremendous oaths; that, in the first place,
he will exercise piety towards God; and then,
that he will observe justice towards men; and
that he will do no harm to any one, either of
his own accord, or by the command of others;
that he will always hate the wicked, and be
assistant to the righteous; that he will ever
show fidelity to all men, and especially to
those in authority, because no one obtains the
government without God’s assistance; and
that if he be in authority, he will at no time
whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavour
to outshine his subjects, either in his garments,
or any other finery; that he will be perpetu-
ally a lover of truth, and propose to himself
to reprove those that tell lies; that he will
keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul
from unlawful gains; and that he will neither
conceal any thing from those of his own sect,
nor discover any of their doctrines to others,
no, not though any one should compel him
so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover,

and

than

irjnry. is delivered here in general words, as
the parallel injunctions of our Saviour, Malt vi. 34;
xxiii. 16; and of St. James v. 12; but all admit of par-
ticular exceptions for solemn causes, and on great and
necessary occasions. Thus these very Essens, who here
related in

do so zealously avoid swearing, are related in the very
next section, to admit none till they take tremendous
oaths to perform their several duties to God, and to their
neighbour, without supposing they thereby break this
rule. Not to swear at all. The case is the same in Chris-
tianity, as we learn from the Apostolical Constitutions,
which, although they agree with Christ and St. Janies,
hn forbidding to swear in general, ch. v. 12, vi. 23; yet
do they explain it elsewhere, hy avoiding to swear falsely,
and to swear often and in vain, ch. ii. 36; and again by
Hnot swearing at all ” but withal adding, that “ if, that
cannot be avoided, to awear truly,” ch. vii. 3; which
abundantly explain to usthe nature, of the measure of
this general injunction.

he swears to communicate their doctrines to
no one any otherwise than as he received them
himself; that he will abstain from robbery,
and will equally preserve the books belonging
to their sect, and the names of the angels f [or
messengers]. These are the oaths by which
they secure their proselytes to themselves.

8.	But for those that are caught in any
heinous sins, they cast them out of their
society; and he who is thus separated from
them, does often die after a miserable man-
ner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath
taken, and by the customs he hath been en-
gaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of
that food that be meets with elsewhere, but is
forced to eat grass, and to famish his body
with hunger till he perish; for which reason
they receive many of them again when they
are at their last gasp, out of compassion to
them, as thinking the miseries they have en-
dured till they came to the very brink of
death, to be a sufficient punishment for the
sins they had been guilty of.

9.	But in the judgments they exercise they
are most accurate and just; nor do they pass
sentence hy the votes of a court that is fewer
than a hundred. And as to what is once de-
termined by_ that number, it is unalterable.
What they most of all honour, after God him-
self, is the name of their legislator [Moses];
whom, if any one blaspheme, be is punished
capitally. They also think it a good thing
to obey their elders, and the major part. Ac-
cordingly, if ten of them be sitting together,
no one of them will speuk while .the other
nine are against it. They also avoid spitting
in the midst of them, or on the right side.
Moreover, they are stricter than any other of
the Jews in resting from their labours on the
seventh day; for they not only get their food
ready the day before, that they may not be
obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they
will not remove any vessel out of its place,
nor go to stool thereon. Nay, on the other
days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a
peddle (which kind of hatchet is given them
when they are first admitted among them);
and covering themselves round with their
garment,ithat they may not affront the divine
rays of light, they ease themselves into that
pit, after which they put the earth that was

t + This mention of the “names of an pels,” so parti-
cularly preserved by the Bssens (if it means more than
those “ messengers ” who were employed to bring them
the peculiar books of their sect), looks like a prelude to
that “worshipping of angels,” blamed by St. Paul, as
superstitious and unlawful in some such sort-of people
as these Essens were, Coloss. ii. & As is the prayer to
or towards the Sun, for his rising every morning, men-
tioned before, sect. 5, very like those not much later

of worship of angels, of the month, and of the moon,
and not celebrating the new moons, or other festivals,
unless the moon appeared. Which, indeed, seems to
me the earliest mention of any regard to the moon’s
phases in fixing the Jewish calendar, of which the Tal-
mud and'later rabbins talk so much, and upon so very
little ancient foundation.CHAP. vm.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

617

dug out again into the pit; and even this they
do only in the more lonely places, which they
choose out for this purpose; and although this
.casement of the body be natural, yet it is a
'■ule with them to wash themselves after it,
as if it were a defilement to them.

10.	Now after the time of their prepara-
tory trial is over, they are parted into four
classesand so far are the juniors inferior to
the seniors, that if the seniors should be
touched by tb£ juniors, they must wash tjiem-
selves, as if they had intermixed .themselves
with the company of a foreigner. They are
long-lived also; insomuch that many of them
live above a hundred years, by means of the
simplicity of their diet; nay, as*I thinlc, by
means of the regular course of life they ob-
serve also. They contemn the miseries of
life, and are above pain, by the generosity of
their mind. And as for death, if it will'be
for their glory, they esteem it better than liv-
ing always; 'and indeed our war with the
Romans gave abundant evidence wbat great
souls they had in their trials, ■ wherein, al-
though they were tortured and distorted,
burnt and torn to pieces, and wept through
all kinds of instruments of torment, that they
might be forced either to blaspheme their
legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them,
yet could they not be made to do either of
them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors,
or to shed a tear; but they smiled in their
very pains, and laughed those to scorn who
inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned
up their souls with great alacrity, as expect-
ing to receive them again.

11.	For their doctrine is this:—That bodies
are corruptible, and that the matter they are
made of is not permanent; but that the souls
are immortal, and continue for ever; and
that they come out of the most subtile air,
and are united to their bodies as in prisons,
into which they are drawn by a certain natu-
ral enticement; but that when fhey are set
free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as
released from a long bondage, rejoice and
mount upward. And this is like the opinion
of the Greeks, that good souls have their habi-
tations beyond the ocean, in a region that is
neither oppressed with storms of rain, or snow,
or with intense heat, but that this place is
such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of
a west wind, t£at is perpetually blowing fro^
the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark
and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing
punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem
to me to have followed the same notion, when
they allot the islands of the blessed to their
brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-
gods; and to the souls of the wicked, the
region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their
fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisy-
phus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus,
ari punished; which is built on this first sup-
position,'that souls arc immortal; and thence

are those exhortations to virtue, and dehor-
tations from wickedness collected; whereby
good men are bettered in the conduct of their
life, by the hope they have of reward after their
death, and whereby the vehement inclinations
of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear
and expectation they are in, that although they
should lie concealed in this life, they should
suffer immortal punishment after their death.
These are the divine doctrines of the Essens*
about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait
for such as have once had a taste of their phi-
losophy.

12.	There are also those among them who
•undertake to foretel things to come.f by
reading the holy books, and using several
sorts of purifications, and being perpetually
conversant in the discourses of the prophets;
and it is but seldom that they miss in their
predictions.

13.	Moreover, there is another order of
Essens, who agree with the rest as to their
way of living, and customs, and laws, but
differ from them in the point of marriage, as
thinking that by not marrying they cut off
the principal part of human life, which is the
prospect of succession; nay rather, that if all
men should be of the same opinion, the whole
race of mankind would fail. However, they
try their- spouses for three years; and if they
find that they have their natural purgations
thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruit-
ful, they then actually marry them. But they
do not use to accompany with their wives
when they are with child, as a demonstration
that they do not marry out of regard to plea-
sure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the
women go into the baths with some of their
garments on, as the men do with somewhat
girded about them. And these are the cus-
toms of this order of Essens.

14.	But tHen as to the two other orders at
first mentioned; the Pharisees are those who
are esteemed most skilful in the exact expli-
cation of their laws, and introduce the first
sect. These ascribe all to fate [or provi-
dence], and to God, and yet allow, that to
act what is right or the contrary, is princi-
pally in the power of men, although fate does
co-operate in evftry action. They say that all
souls are incorruptible; but that the soulsf of

* Of these Jewish or Essene (and indeed Christian)
doctrines concerning souls, both good and bad, in Hades,
see that excellent discourse or homily of cur Josephus
concerning Hades, at the end of the volume.

n Aldrich reckons up three exam pres of th is gift of
Y, in several of these Essens out (

+ Deal
prophecy.

ese Essens out of Josephus him7
self, viz. in the History of the War, b. i. ch. iii. sect. 5.—
Judas foretold the death of Antigonus at Strato’s Tower;
b. ii. ch. vii. sect 3. Simon foretold that Archelaus

should reign but nine or ten years; and Antiq. b. xv.
ch. x; sect. 4, 5, Menahem foretold that Herod should
be king, and should reign tyrannically, and that for more
than twenty or even thirty years. All which came to
pass accordingly.

J There is so much more here about the Essens than
is cited from Josephus in Porphyry and Eusebius, and yet
so much le-s about the Pharisees and Sadduoees, the two
other Jewish sects, than would naturally be expected inWARS GP THE JEWS;,

BOOK II.

CIS

good men are only removed into other bodies, queathed
—but that the souls of bad men are subject to '
eternal punishment. But the Sadducees are those
that compose the second order, and take away
fate entirely, anfl suppose that God is not con-
cerned in our doing or not doing what is evil;
and they say, that to act what is good or what is
evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or
the other belongs so to every one, that they may
act as they please. They also take away the
belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and
the punishments and rewards in Hades. More-
over, the Pharisees are friendly to one another,
and are for the exercise of concord and regard
for the public. But the behaviour of the Sad-
ducees one towards another is in some degree
wild; and their conversation with those that
are of their own party is as barbarous as if
they were strangers to them. And this is what
I had to say concerning the philosophic sects
among the Jews.

CHAPTER IX.	(

THE DEATH OF SALOME. THE CITIBS WHICH
HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT. PILATE OCCASIONS
DISTURBANCES. TIBERIUS PUTS AGRIPPA IN-
TO BONDS, BUT CAIUS FREES HIM FROM THEM,
AND MAKES HIM KING. HEROD ANTIPAS IS
BANISHED.

$ 1. And now, as the ethnarchy of Arche-
laus was fallen into a Roman province, the
other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod
who was called Antipas, each of them took
upon them the administration of their own
tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she be-

proportion to the Essens or third sect, nay, than
seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that ODe
is tempted to suppose Josephus had at first written
less of the one, and more or the two others, than his
present copies afford us; fcs also, that, by some un-
known accident, our present copies are here made up
of the larger edition in the first case, and of the smaller
in the second. See the note in Havercamp’s edition.
However, what Josephus says in the name of the Pha-
risees. that only the souls of good men go out of one
body into another, although all souls be immortal, and
still the souls of the had are liable, to eternal punish-
ment : as also what he says afterwards, Antiq. b. xviii.
chap i. sect. 8, that the soul’s vigqur is immortal, and
that under the earth they receive rewards or punish-
ments according as their lives have been virtuous or
vicious in the present world; that to the bad is allot-
ted an eternal prison, but that the good are permitted
to live again in this world, are nearly agreeable to the
doctrines of Christianity. Only Josephus’s rejection
of the return of the wijked into other bodios, or into
this world, Which he grants to the good, looks some-
what like a contradiction to St. Paul’s account of the
doctrine of the Jews, that “themselves allowed that
there should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the
just and unjust’V-Acts, ch. xxiv. 15; yet because Jo-
sephus’s account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Paul’s
that of the Jews in general, and of himself, the contra-
diction is not very certain.

to Julia, the Wife of Augustus, both
her toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her planta-
tion of palm-trees that were in Phasaelis.*
But when the Roman empire was translated to
Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of
Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years,
six months, and two days, both Herod and
Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the
latter of them built the city Cesarea. at the
fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas;
as also the city Julias, in the Lower GaUlontis.
Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee,
and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that Was
also called Julias.

2.	Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator
into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those im-
ages of Cesar that are called Ensigns, into Jeru-
salem*. This excited a very great tumult among
the Jews when it was day; for those that were
near them were astonished at the sight of them,
as indications that their laws were trodden un-
der |foot: for those laws do not permit, any
sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay,
besides the indignation which the citizens them-
selves had at this procedure, a.vast number
of people came running out of the country.
These came zealously to Pilate to Cesarea, and
besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jeru-
salem, and to preserve them their ancient laws
inviolable; but upon Pilate’s denial of their re-
quest, they fell down prostrate upon the ground,
and continued immoveable in that posture for
five days and as many nights.

3.	On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribu-
nal, in the open market place, and called to him
the multitude, as desirous to give them an an-
swer ; and then gave a signal to the soldiers that
they should all by agreement at once encompass
the Jews with thqir weapons; so the band of
soldiers stood round about the Jews in three
ranks. The Jews were under the utmost con-
sternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also
said to them, that they should be cut in pieces,
unless they would admit of Cssar’s images; and
gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their na-
ked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at
one signal, fell down in vast numbers together,
and exposed their necks bare, and cried out that
they were sooner ready to be slain, than that then
law should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate
was greatly Airprised at their prodigious super-
stition, and gave order that the ensigns should
be presently carried out of Jerusalem.

4.	After this he raised another disturbance,
by expending that sacred treasure which is

* "We have here, in that Greek MS. which was once
Alexander Petavius’s, but it is now in the library at
Leyden, two most remarkable additions to the com-
mon copies, though deemed worth little remark by
the editor; which upon the mention of Tiberius's
coming to the empire, inserts first the famons testi-

as it
iii. sect.

>ny of Josephus concerning Jesus Christ;
nds verbatim in the Antiq. b. xviii, chap, iii,

here principally
thin, that in this homily, Josephus, having just men-
tioned Christ, as “God the Word, and the Judge of
the world; appointed by the Father,” &c., adds, that
“be had himself elsewhere spoken .about him more
nicely or particularly.”CHAP. X.

WARS OF THE JEWfi.

m

called Corltan * upon aqueducts, whereby he
brought water from the distance of four hun-
dred furlongs. At this the multitudfe had
great indignation; and when Pilate was come
to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and
made a clamour at it. Now when he was
apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he
mixed his own soldiers in their armour with
the multitude, and ordered them to conceal
themselves under the habits of private men,-
and not indeed to use their swords, but with
their staves to beat those that made the cla-
mour. He then gave the signal from his tri-
bunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now
the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of
them perished by the 6tripes they received, and
many of them perished as trodden to death, by
which means the multitude was astonished at
the calamity of those that were slain, and held
their peace.

5. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of
that Aristobulus who had been 6lain by his
father Herod, came to Tiberius to accuse
Herod the tetrarch; who not admitting of his
accusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a
friendship with others of the irien of note, but
principally with Caius the son of Germanicus,
who was then but a private person. Now
this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius;
and as he was very complaisant to him on
several other accounts, he at length stretched
out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius
might die, and that be might quickly see him
emperor of the world. This was told to
Tiberius by one of Agrippa’s domestics; who
thereupon was very angry, and ordered
Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill
treated in the prison for six months, until
Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-
two years, and six months, and three days.

6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he
released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him
king of Philip’s tetrarchy, who was now dead;
but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree
of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of
Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced
to hope for the royal authority by his wife
Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth,
and told him that it was only because he
would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute
of that great dignity; for since Caesar had
made Agrippa a king, from a private person,
much more would he advance him from a
tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments
prevailed with Herod, so that he came to
Caius, by whom he was punished for his am-
bition, by being banished into Spain; for
Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him;
to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by
way of addition. So Herod died in Spain,
whither his wife had followed him.

• This use of corban or oblation, as here applied
to the sacred money dedicated to Gnd in the treasury of
the temple, illustrates our Saviour’s words. Mark rii.

CHAPTER X.

CAIUS COMMANDS THAT HIS STATUE SHOUIU

BE SET UP IN THE TEMPLE ITSELF; AND,

WHAT PETRONIUS DID THEREUPON.

§ 1. Now Caius Cssar did so grossly abuse
the fortune he had arrived at, as to take him-
self to be a god, and to desire to be so called
also, and to cut off those of the greatest no-
bility out of his country. He also extended
his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly,
be sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem,
to place his statues in the temple.f and Com-
manded him that, in case the Jews would not
admit of them, he should slay those that op-
posed it, and carry all the rest of the- nation
into captivity: but God concerned himself
with these his commands. However, Petro-
nius marched out of Antioch into Judea,
with three legions, and many Syrian auxili-
aries. Now as to the Jews, some of them
co.uld not believe the stories that spake of a
war; but those that did believe them.were
in the utmost distress how to defend them-
selves, and the terror diffused itself presently
through them all; for the army was already
come to Ptolemais.

2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of
Galilee, built in the great plain. It is en-
compassed with mountains: that on the east
side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee ;
but that on the south belongs to Carmel,
which is distant from it a hundred aDd twenty
furlongs; and that on the north is the high-
est of them all, a*nd is called by the people ot
the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians,
which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs.
The very small river BelusJ runs by it, at
the distance of two furlongs; near which
there is Memnon’s monument, § and hath
near it a place no larger than a hundred cu-
bits, which deserves admiration; for the place
is round and hollow, and affords such sand
as glass is made of; which place when it hath
been emptied by thi many ships there loaded,
it is filled again by the winds, which bring
into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which
lay remote, and was no more than bare com-
mon sand, while this mine presently turns it
into glassy sand; and what is to me still more
wonderful, that glassy sand which is super-
fluous, and is once removed out of the

+ Tacitus owns that Caius commanded the Jews tc
place his effigies in their temple, though he be mistaken
when he adds that the Jews thereupon took arms.

t This account of a place near the mouth of the rivet
Belus in Phcenicia, whence came that sand out of which
the anlients made their glaes. is a known thing in his.
tory; particularly in Tacitus and Strabo, and more
largely in Pliny.

i This Memnon had several monuments; and one ni
them' appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to haw
been in Syria, and not improbably in this very place.620

WARS OF THE JEWS*

BOOK II,

place, becomes bare common sand again; and
this is the nature of the place we are speak-
ing of.

3.	But now the Jews got together in great
numbers, with their wives and children, into
that plain that was hy Ptolemais, and made
supplication to Petronius, first for their laws,
and, in the next place, for themselves. So
he was prevailed upon by the multitude of

some hazard himself; "for either, by the di-
vine assistance, I shall prevail with Cxsar;
and shall myself escape the danger as well as
you, which will be matter of joy to us both;
or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will
be ready to expose my own life fpt such u
great number as you are.” Whereupon he
dismissed the multitude, who,prayed greatly
for his prosperity; and he took the army out

the supplicants, and by their supplications, | of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from

and left his army and statues at Ptolemais,
and then went forward into Galilee, and called
together the multitude and all the men of
note to Tiberias, and showed them the power
of the Romans, and the threatenings of Ciesar.;
and, besides this, proved that their petition
was unreasonable, because, while all the na-
tions in subjection to' them had placed the
images of Caesar in their several cities, among
the rest of their gods,—for them alone to
oppose it, was almost like the behaviour of
revolters, and was injurious to Cesar.

4.	And when they insisted on their law,
and the custom of their country, and how it
was not only not permitted them to make
either an image of God, or indeed of a man,
and to put it in any despicable part of their
country, much less in the temple itself, Petro-
nius replied, " And am not I also,” said he,
" bound to keep the law of my own lord?
For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but
just that I perish; while he that sent me,
and not I, will commence a war against you;
for I am under command as well as you.”
Hereupon the whole multitude cried out, that
they were ready to suffer for their law. Pe-
trOnius then quieted them, and said to them,
" Will you then make war against Caesar?”
The Jew9 said, "We offer sacrifices twice
every day for Caesar, and for the Roman peo-
ple;” but that if he would place the images
among them, he must first sacrifice the whole
Jewish nation; and that they were ready to
expose themselves, together with their children
and wives, to be slain. At this Petronius
was astonished and pitied them on account of
the inexpressible sense of religion the men
were under, and that courage of theirs
which made them ready to die for it; so they
were dismissed without success.

5.	But on the following days, he got to-
gether the men of power privately, and the
multitude publicly, and sometimes he used,
persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave
them his advice; but he chiefly made use of
threatenings to them, and insisted upon the
power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius;
and, besides, upon the necessity he was him-
self under [to do as he was enjoined]. But
as they could no way be prevailed upon, and,
he saw that the country was in danger of lying
without tillage (for it was about seed-time
that the multitude continued for fifty days
together idle), so be at last got them together,
and told them that it was best for him to run

whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar,
and informed him of the irruption he had
made into Judea, and of the supplications of
the nation; and that unless he had a mind to
lose both the country, and the men in it, he
must permit them to keep their law, and must
countermand his former injunction. Caius
answered that epistle in a violent way, and
threatened to have Petronius put to death
for his being so tardy in the execution of
what he had commanded. But it happened
that those who brought Caius’s epistle were
tossed by a storm, and were detained on the
sea for three months, while others that brought
the news of Caius’s death had a good voyage.
Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle
concerning Caius, seven-and-twenty days
before he received that which was against
himselfi

CHAPTER XL

CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OF CLAU-
DIUS, AND THE REIGN OF AGRIFFA. CON-
CERNING THE DEATH OF AGRIFPA AND
OF HEROD, AND WHAT CHILDREN THEY
BOTH LEFT BEHIND THEM.

§ 1. Now when Caius had reigned three years
and eight months, and had been slain by
treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the
armies that were at Rome to take the govern-
ment upon him; but the .senate, upon the
reference of the consuls, Sentius Satuminus,
and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the
three regiments of soldiers that staid with
them, to keep the city quiet, and went
into the Capitol in great numbers, and resolved
to oppose Claudius by force, on account of
the barbarous treatment they had met with
from Caius; and they determined either to
settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they
had of old been governed, or at least to choose
by vote such a one for emperor as might be
worthy of it.

2. Now it happened, that at this time
Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both
the senate called him to consult with them,
and at the same time Claudius sent for him
out of the camp, that he might be serviceable
to him, as he should, have occasion for bis
service. So he, perceiving that Claudius was
in effect made Csssar already, went to him.CHAP. XI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

621

who sent him, as an ambassador to the senate
to let them know what his intentions were:
that, in the first place, it was without his seek-
ing. that he was hurried away by the soldiers;
moreover; that he thought it was not just to
desert those soldiers in such tbeir zeal for
him, and that if he should do so, his own for-
tune would be an uncertainty; for that it was
a dangerous case to have been once called to
the empire. He added farther, that he would •
administer the government as a good prince,
and not like a tyrant; for that he would be
satisfied with the honour of being called Em-
peror, but would, in every one of his actions,
permit them all to give him their advice; for
that although he had not been by nature for
moderation, yet would tbe death of Cains
afford him a sufficient demonstration how
soberly he ought to act in that station.

3.	This message was delivered by Agrippa:
to which the senate replied, that since they
had an army, and the wisest counsels on their
side, they would not endure a voluntary sla-
very. When Claudius heard what answer the
senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them
again, with the following message:—That he
could not bear the thoughts of betraying them
that had given their oaths to be true to him;
and that he saw he must fight, though unwil-
lingly, against such as he had no mind to
fight; that, however [if it did come to that],
it was proper to choose a place without the
city for the war, because it was not agreeable
to piety to pollute the temples of their own
city with the blood of their own countrymen,
and this only on occasion of their imprudent
conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this
message, he delivered it to the senators.

4.	In the mean time, one of the soldiers
belonging to the senate drew his sword, and
cried out, “ O my fellow-soldiers, what is the
meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our
brethren, and to use violence to our kindred
that are with Claudius! while we may have
him for our emperor whom no one can blame,
and who hath so many just reasons [to lay
claim to the government] 1 and this with
regard to those against whom we are going to
fight!” When he had said this, he marched
through the whole senate, and carried all the
soldiers along with him. Upon which all the
patricians were immediately in a great fright
at their being thus deserted. But still, be-
cause there appeared no other way whither
they could turn themselves for deliverance,
they made haste the same way with the sol-
diers, and went to Claudius. But those that
had the greatest luck in flattering the good
fortune of Claudius betimes, met them before
the walls with their naked swords, and there
was reason to fear that those that came first
might have been in danger, before Claudius
could know what violence the soldiers were
going to offer them, had not Agrippa run
before, aud told him what a dangerous thing

they were going about, and that unless he
restrained the violence of these men, who
were in a fit of madness against the patricians,
he would lose those on whose account it was
most desirable to rule, and would be emperor
over a desert.

5.	When Claudius heard this he restrained
the violence of the soldiery, and received the
senate into the camp, and treated them after
an obliging manner, and went out with them
presently, to offer their thank-offerings to God,
which were proper upon his first coming to
the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrip-
pa his whole paternal kingdom immediately,
and added to it, besides those countries that
had been given by Augustus to Herod, Tra-
chonitis, and Auranitis, and still besides these,
that kingdom which was called the kingdom
of Lysanias. This gift he declared to the
people by a decree, but ordered the magis-
trates to have the donation engraved on
tables of brass, and to be set up in the Capi-
tol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who
was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his
daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.

•6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by
his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor
did he abuse the money he had on small mat-
ters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem
with such a wall, 'which, had it been brought
to perfection, had made it impracticable for tbe
Romans to take it by siege; but his death,
which happened at Cesarea, before he bad
raised the walls to their due height, prevented
him. He had then reigned three years, as he
bad governed his tetrarchies three other years.
He left behind him three daughters, born to
him by Cypros; Bernice, Mariamne, and
Drusilla; and a son born of the same mother,
whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very
young child, so that Claudius made the coun-
try a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fa-
dus to be its procurator, and after him Tibe-
rius Alexander, who, making no alterations
of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tran-
quillity. Now after this, Herod the king of
Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons,
born to him of his brother’s daughter Bernice;
their names were Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus.
[He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom
he had by his former.wife Mariamne. There
was besides, another brother of his that died a
private person, his name was also Aristobulus,
who left behind him a daughter, whose name
was Jotape: and these, as I have formerly
said, were the children of Aristobulus, the son
of Herod; which Aristobulus and Alexander
were born to Herod by Mariamne, and wjre
slain by him. But as for Alexander’s poste-
rity, they reigned in Armenia.WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK ir.

622

CHAPTER XIT.

MANY TUMULTS UNDER CUMANUS, 'WHICH

WERE COMPOSED BY QUADRATUS. FELIX IS

PROCURATOR OF JUDEA. AGR1PFA IS ADVAN-
CED FROM CHALC1S TO A GREATER KINGDOM.

§ 1. Now after the death of Herod, king of
Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of
Agrippa, over his uncle’s kingdom, while
Cumanus took upon him the office of procu-
rator of the rest, which was a Roman province,
and therein he succeeded Alexander; under
which Cumanus began the troubles, and the
Jews’ ruin came on; for when the multitude
were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast
of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood
over the cloisters of the temple (for they
always were armed and kept guard at the
festivals, to prevent any innovation which the
multitude thus gathered togethermightmake),
one of the soldiers pulled back his garment,
and cowering down after an indecent manner,
turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such
words as you might expect upon such a pos-
ture. At this the whole multitude had indig-
nation, and made a clamour to Cumanus, that
he would punish the soldier; while the rasher
part of the youth, and such as were naturally
the most tumultuous fell to fighting, and
caught up stones, and threw them at the sol-
diers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest
all the people should make an assault upon
him, and sent to call for more armed mm,
who, when they came in great numbers into
the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great
consternation; and being beaten out of the
temple, they ran into the city; and the vio-
lence with which they crowded to get out was
so great, that they trod upon each other, and
squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them
were killed, insomuch that this feast became
the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and
every family lamented [their own relations].

2.	Now there followed after this another
calamity, which arose from a tumult made by
robbers; for at the public road of Beth-lioren,
one'Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some
furniture, which the robbers fell upon and
seized. U^on this Cumanus sent men to go
round about taxtbe neighbouring villages, and
to bring their Habitants to him bound, as
laying it to their charge that they had not pur-
sued after the thieves, and caught; them. Now
here it was that a certain soldier, finding the
sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and
threw it into the fire.* Hereupon the Jews
were in great disorder, as if their whole coun-
try were in a flame, and assembled themselves

• Reland notes here, that the Tnlmnd, in recounting
ten sad accidents for which the Jews ought to rend their
garments, reckons this for one,—“ When they bear that
U» Jaw of God is burnt.”

so many of them by their zeal for their religion,
as by an engine; and ran together with united
clamour to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made
supplication to him that he would not over-
look this man, who had offered such an affront
to God, and to his law ; but punish him for
what he had done. Accordingly, he perceiving
that the multitude would not be quiet unless
they had a comfortable answer from him, gave
order that the soldier should be brought, and
drawn through those that required to have
him punished to execution; which being done,
the Jews went their ways.

3.	After this there happened a fight between
the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened
at a village called Gemon, which is situate in
the great plain of Samaria; where as a great
number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem
to the feast [of tabernaeles], a certain Gali-
lean was slain; and besides a vast number
of people ran together out of Galilee, in order
to fight with the Samaritans. But the prin-
cipal men among them came to Cumanus, and
besought him that, before the evil became
incurable, he would come into Galilee, and
bring the authors of this murder to punish-
ment ; for that there was no other way to
make the multitude separate, without coming
to blows. However, Cumanus postponed
their supplications to the other affairs he was
then about, and sent the petitioners away
without success.

4.	But when the affair of this murder
came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the mul-
titude into disorder, and they left the feast;
and without any generals to conduct them,
they marched with great violence to Samaria;
nor would they be ruled by any of the ma-
gistrates that were set over them; but they
were managed by one Eleazar, the son of
Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their
thievish and seditious attempts. These men
fell upon those that were in the neighbourhood
of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them,
without sparing any age, and set the villages
on fire.

5.	But Cumanus took one troop of horse-
men, called the Troop of Sebaste, out of Ce-
sarea, and came to the assistance of those that
were spoiled; he also seized upon a great num-
ber of those that followed Eleazar, and slew
more of them. And as for the rest of the
multitude of those that went so zealously to
fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jeru-
salem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and
having ashes on their heads, and begged of
them to go their ways, lest by their attempt
to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans,
they should provoke the Romans to come
against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon
their country and temple, their children and
their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers
of destruction upon them, in order to avenge
themselves upon one Galilean only. The
Jews complied with these persuasions ofCHAP. XIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

623

theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still
there were a great number who betook them-
selves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and
rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort
happened over the whole country. And the
men of power among the Samaritans came to
Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus,* the presi-
dent of Syria, and desired that they that had
laid waste the country might be punished:
the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan
the son of Ananus, the high-priest, came
thither, and said that the Samaritans were the
beginners of the disturbance, on account of
that murder they had committed; and that
Cumanus had given occasion to what had hap-
pened, by his unwillingness to punish the
original authors of that murder.

6.	But Quadratas put both parties ofF for
that time, and told them, that when he should
come to those places he would make a diligent
inquiry after every circumstance. After which
he went to Cesarea, and crucified all those
whom Cumanus had taken alive; and when
from thence he \\'as come to the city Lydda,
he beard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent
for eighteen of the Jew's, whom he had learned
to have been concerned in that fight, and be-
headed them; but he sent two othe.sof those
that were of the greatest power among them,
and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high-
priests, as also Ananus the son of this Ana-
nias, and certain others that were eminent
among the Jews, to Caesar; as be did in like
manner by the most illustrious of the Sama-
ritans. He also ordered that Cumanus [the
procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail
to Rome, in order to give an account of what
had been done to Caesar. When be bad fin
ished these matters, he went up from Lydda
to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude cele-
brating their feast of unleavened bread with-
out any tumult, he returned to Antioch.

7.	Now when Caesar at Rome had heard
what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to

the Jews, as in like manner many of the great
men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the
Samaritans, and commanded that three of the
most powerful men among them should be
put to death: he banished Cumanus, and sent
Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered
over to the Jews to be tormented; that he
should be drawn round the city, and then
beheaded.

8. After this Casar sent Felix,f the bro-

ther of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee,
and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa
from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for
he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged
to Philip, which contained Batanea, Truoio-
nitis, an'd Gaulonitis: he added to it the king-
dom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene]
which Varus had governed. But Claudius
himself, when he had administered the govern-
ment thirteen years, eight months, and twenty
days, died, and left Nero to be his successor
in the empire, whom he had adopted by his
wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his
successor, although he had a son of his own
whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina
his former wife, and a daughter whose name
was Octavia, whom he had married to Nero;
he had also another daughter by Petina, whose
name was Antonia.

CHAPTER XIII.

NERO ADDS FOUR CITIES TO AGRIPPA’s KING-
DOM; BUT THE OTHER PARTS OF JUDEA
WERE UNDER FELIX. THE DISTURBANCES
WHICH WERE RAISED BY THE SICARII, THE
MAGICIANS, AND AN EGYPTIAN FALSE
PROPHET. THE JEWS AND SYRIANS HAVE
A CONTEST AT CESAREA.

§ 1. Now as to the many things in which
Nero acted like a madman, out of the extra-
vagant degree of the felicity and riches which
be enjoyed, and by that means used his good
fortune to the injury of others; and after
what manner he slew his brother, and wife,
and mother; from whom his barbarity spread
itself to others that were most nearly related
to him; and how, at last, he was so distracted
that he became an actor in the scenes, and

here by Dean Aldrich:
the authority of a king.	,

other Pallas
of all kinds

practices.” Observe also the time when he
was made procurator. A. D. 52; that when St. Paul
pleaded his cause before hin
been •’ many years a jud

(Acts xxiv. 10);

rich: “Felix exercised (says Tacitus)
king, with the disposition of a slave,

say (where it was done in the hearing of1 an<*	upon the great power ot his brother Pallas

.	.	1	11	J ,1_	r at court, thought he might safely be guilty ol

"SrIPPa» Who Zealously espoused the cause OI 0y winked practices.” Observe also the tim

made procurator. A. D. 52; that when . uu,
ided his cause before him, A. D. 56. he might have
a “ many years a judge unto that nation,” as St. Paul
i he had then been (Acts xxiv. 10); but as to wliat

Numidius,
i, is mentior

This Ummidins,
urn, Vinidius Quadra'

cription, still preserved, as Spanbelm here informs us,

or, as Taciti
ned in i

tus calls
cient in-

him, Vinidi
scription, st
which calls him Ummidius Quadratus.

+ Take the character of this Felix (who is well known)
>m the Acts of the Apostles, particularly from his

from the Acts of the Apostles, particularly
trembling when St. Paul discoursed of “ right
chastity, and judgment to come” (Acts xxiv.

, when we

ousness,
15); and
he lived

no wonder, when we have elsewhere seen that he lived this account, but with a doubtful clause;
in adultery with Drusilln. another man’s wife (Antiq. b. cito, “ If we may believe Tacitus.” Pears.
XX. eb. vii. sect. XI, in ‘he words of Tacitus, produced I lin. page 8; Marshall’s TahUs, at a. d. 49.

says he had then been (Acts xxiv. 10); but as to win
Tacitus here says, that before the death of Cumanu
Felix was procurator over Samaria only, it does noi
well agree with St. Paul’s words, who would hardly
have called Samaria a Jewish nation. In short, since

what Tacitus here says is about countries very remote
from Home, where he lived; since what he says of two
Roman procurators, the one over Galilee, the othei
over Samaria at the same time, is without all example
elsewhere; and since Josephus, who lived at that very
time in Judea, appears to have known nothing of this
procuratorship of Felix. before the death of Cumnnus,
—1 much suspect the story itself as nothing better than
a mistake of Tacitus, especially when it seems not only
omitted, but contradicted by Josephus, as any one may
find that compares their histories toother. Possibly
Felix might have been a subnrdinale judge among the
Jews sometime before, under Cumarus; but that he was
ill earnest a procurator of Samaria before. I do not be-
lieve, Bishop Pearson, as well as Bishop l.loyd. quote
:ount, but with a doubtful clause; Si Jides Ta-
Pears. Annal. Pau-624

wars of the jews.

BOOK H,

upon the theatre,—I omit to say any more
about them, because there are writers enough
upon those subjects everywhere; but I shall
turn myself to those actions of his time in
which the Jews were concerned.

2.	Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom

of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus,
Ilerod's* son, and he added to ’Agrippa’s
kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to
them belonging:	I mean Abila, and that

Julias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and
Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea
he made Felix procurator. This Felix took
Eleazar the arch robber, and many that were
with him, alive, when they had ravaged the
country for twenty years together, and sent
them to Rome; but as to the number of the
robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of
those who were caught among them, and
whom he brought to punishment, they were a
multitude not to be enumerated.

3.	When the country was purged of these,
there sprang up another sort of robbers in
Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who
slew men in the day-time, and in the midst of
the city; this they did chiefly at the festivals,
when they mingled themselves among the
multitude, and concealed daggers under their
garments, w'ith which they stabbed those that
were their enemies; and when any fell dow'n
dead, 1 he. murderers became a part of those
that had indignation against them ; by which
means they appeared persons of such reputa-
tion, that they could by no means be discover-
ed. The first man who w:as slain by them
was Jonathan the high-priest, after whose
death many were slain every day, while the
fear men were in of being so served, was more
afflicting than the calamity itself; and while
every body expected death every hour, as men
do in war, so men were obliged to look be-
fore them, and to take notice of their enemies
at a great distance; nor, if their friends W'ere
coming to them, durst they trust them any
longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions
and guarding of themselves, they were slain.
Such was the celerity of the plotters against
them, and so cunning was their contriv-
ance.

4.	There was also another body of wicked
men gotten together, not so impure in their
actions, but more wicked in their intentions,
who laid waste the happy state of the city no
less than did these murderers. These were
such men as deceived and deluded the people
under pretence of divine inspiration, but
were for procuring innovation's and changes
of the government; and these prevailed with
the multitued to act like madmen, and went
before them into the wilderness, as pretend-
ing that God would there show them the
signals of liberty; but Felix thought this
procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt;

• i. e. Herod, ItiDg of Chalcis.

so he sent some horsemen and footmen, both
armed, who destroyed a great number of
them.

5.	But there was an Egyptian false pro-
phet that did the Jews more mischief than
the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended
to be a prophet also, and got together thirty
thousand men that were deluded by him;
these he led round about from the wilderness
to the mount which w'as called the Mount of
Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusa-
lem by force from that place; and if he could
but once conquer the Roman garrison and
the people, he intended to domineer over
them by the assistance of those guards of his
that were to break into the city with him;
but Felix prevented his attempt, and met him
with his Roman soldiers, while all the people
assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch
that, when it came to a battle, the Egyptian
ran away, with a few others, W'bile the
greatest part of those that were with him were
either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest
of the multitude were dispersed every one to
their own homes and there concealed them-
selves.

6.	Now, when these were quieted, it hap-
pened, as it does in a diseased body, that an-
other part was subject to an inflammation; for
a company of deceivers and robbers got to-
gether, and persuaded the Jew's to revolt,
and exhorted them to assert their liberty, in-
flicting death on those that continued in obe-
dience to the Roman government, and saying,
that such as willingly chose slavery ought to
be forced from such their desired inclinations;
for they parted themselves into different
bodies, and lay in wait up and down the
country, and plundered the houses of the great
men, and slew the men themselves, and set the
villages on fire; and this till all Judea was
filled with the effects of their madness. And
thus the flame was every day more and more
blown up, till it came to a direct war.

7.	There was also another disturbance at
Cesarea:—those Jew's who were mixed with
the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult
against them. The Jews pretended that the
city was theirs, and said that he who built it
was a Jew; meaning king Herod. The
Syrians confessed also that its builder was a
Jew; but they still said, however, that the
city was a Grecian city; for that he who set
up statues and temples in it could not design
it for Jew's. On which account both parties
had a contest with one another; and this con-
test increased so much, that it came at last to
arms, and the bolder sort of them marched
out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were
not able to put a stop to their own people
that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the
Greeks thought it a shame for them to be
overcome by the Jews. Now these Jews
exceeded the others in riches and strength ofCHAP. XIV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

625

body; but the Grecian part bad the advantage
or assistance from the soldiery; for the great-
est part of the Roman garrison was raised
out of Syria; and being thus related to the

Syrian part, they were ready to assist it_____

However, the governors of the rft'y were con-
cerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they
caught those that were most for fighting on
either side, they punished them with stripes
and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of
those that were caught affright the remainder,
or make them desist; but they were still
more and more exasperated, and deeper en-
gaged in the sedition. And as Felix came
once into the market-place, and commanded
the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians,
to go their ways, and threatened them if they
would not, and they would not obey him, he
sent his soldiers out upon them and slew a
great many of them, upon which it fell out
that what they had was plundered. And as
the sedition still continued, he chose out the
most eminent men on both sides as ambassa-
dors to Nero, to argue about their several
privileges.

CHAPTER XIV.

FESTUS SUCCEEDS FELIX, WHO IS SUCCEEDED
BY ALBINUS, AS HE IS BY FLORUS; WHO, BY
THE BARBARITY OF HIS GOVERNMENT,
FORCES THE JEWS INTO THE WAR.

§ 1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix
as procurator, and made it his business to
correct those that made disturbances in the
country. So he caught the greatest part of
the robbers, and destroyed a great many of
them. But then Albinus, who succeeded
Festus, did not execute his office as the other
had done; nor was there any sort of wicked-
ness that could be named but he had a band
in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in bis
political capacity, steal and plunder every
one’s substance, nor did he only burden the
whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the
relations of such as were in prison for robbery,
and had been laid there, either by the senate
of every city, or by the former procurators,
to redeem them for money; and nobodv
remained in the prisons as a malefactor but
he who gave him nothing. At this.t.ime it
was that the enterprises of the seditious at
Jerusalem were very formidable; the princi-
pal men among them purchasing leave of Al-
binus to go on with their seditious practices ;
while that part of the people who delighted
in disturbances joined themselves to such as
had fellowship with Albinus; and everyone
of these wicked wretches was encompassed
with his own band of robbers, whiie he him-
seif, like an arch robber, or a tyrant, made a
figure among his company, and abused his
authority over those about him, in order to

plunder those that lived quietly. The effe ’t
of which was this, that those who lost their
goods were forced to hold their peace, when
they had reason to show great indignation at
what they had suffered; but those who had
escaped, were forced to flatter him that de-
served tp be punished, out of the fear they
were in of suffering equally with the others.
Upon the whole nobody durst speak their
minds, for tyranny was generally tolerated;
and at this time were those seeds sown which
brought the city to destruction.

2.	And although such was the character of
Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus,* who suc-
ceeded him, demonstrate him to have been a
most excellent person, upon the comparison :
for the former did the greatest part of his ro-
gueries in private, and with a sort of dissimu-
lation ; but Gessius did his unjust actions to
the harm of the nation after a pompous man
ner; and as though he had been sent as an
executioner to punish condemned malefactors,
he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation :
where the case was really pitiable, he was
most barbarous; and in things of the greatest
turpitude, he was most impudent; nor could
any one outdo him in disguising the truth;
nor could any one contrive more subtle ways
of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it
but a petty offence to get money out of single
persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined
entire bodies of men at once, and did almost
publicly proclaim it all the country over, that
they had liberty given them to turn robbers,
upon this condition, that he might go shares
with them in the spoils. Accordingly, this
his greediness of gain was the occasion that
entire toparchies were brought to desolation;
and a great many of the people left their own
country, and fled into foreign provinces.

3.	And truly, while Cestius Gallus was pre-
sident of the province of Syria, nobody durst do
so much as send an embassage to him against
Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem,
upon the approach of the feast of unleavened
bread, the people came about him not fewer
in number than three millionsf; these be-
sought him to commiserate the calamities of
their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the
bane of their country. But as he was pre-

* Not loop after this beginning of Florus, the w:ckedest
of all the Roman procurators of Judea, and the immediate
occasion of the Jewish war, at the twelfth year of Nero,
and the seventeenth of Agrippa. or a.d. 66. the history in
the twenty books of'Josephus’s Antiquities ends; although
Josephus did not finish these books till the thirteenth of
Domitian, or a d. 9); twenty-seven years afterward; as
he did not finish their Appendix, containing an account
of his own life, till Agrippa was dead, which happened
in the third year of Trajan, or A.D. 100; as 1 have several
times observed hefore.

+ Here we may note, that three millions of the Jews
were present at the passover. A D. 65; which confirms
what Josephus elsewhere informs us of. that at a pass-
over a little later, they counting two hundred and fifty-six
thousand five hundred paschal lambs; which, at twelve
to each lamb, which is no immoderate calculation, come
to three millions seventy-eight thousand. ' Sec b. vi. ch.
ix. sect 3.

9. R620

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II

sent, and stood by Cestius, be laughed at their
words. However, Cestius, when he had
quieted the multitude, and had assured them
that lie would take care that Florus should
hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner,
returned to Antioch; Florus also conducted
him as far as Cesarea, and deluded him,
though he had at that very time the purpose
of showing his anger at the nation, and pro-
curing a war upon them, by which means alone
it was that he supposed he might conceal his
enormities; for he expected that, if the peace
continued, he should have the Jews for his
accusers before Cicsar; but that if he could
procure them to make a revolt, he should
divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge,
by a misery that was so much greater ; he
therefore did every day augment their calami-
ties, in order to induce them to a rebellion.

4.	Now at this time it happened that the
Grecians at Ceserea had been too hard for
the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the go-
vernment of the city, and had brought the
judicial determination: at the same time began
the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of
Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of
Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar],
Novv the occasion of this war was by no means
proportionable to those heavy calamities which
it brought upon us; for the Jews that dwelt at
Cesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose
owner was a certain Cesarean Greek ; the Jews
had endeavoured frequently to have purchased
the possession of the place, and had offered
many times its value for its price; hut as the
owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise
other buildings upon the place, in way of affront
to them, and made working-shops of them,
and left them but a narrow passage, and such
as was v^ry troublesome for them to go along
to their synagogue; whereupon the warmer
part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the
workmen, and forbade them to build there;
but as Florus would not permit them to use
force, the great men of the Jews, with John
the publican, being in the utmost distress
what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer
of eight talents, to hinder the work. He
then, being intent upon nothing but getting
money, promised he would do for them all
they desired of him, and then went away from
Cesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to
take its full course, as if he had sold a license
to the Jews to fight it out.

5.	Now on the next day, which was the
Seventh day of the week, when the Jews were
crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain
man of Cesarea, of a seditious temper, got an
earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom up-
ward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and
sacrificed birds.* This thing provoked the

Jews to an incurable degree, because their
laws were affronted, and the place was pol-
luted; whereupon the sober and moderate part
of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse
to their governors again, while the seditious
part, and such as were in the fervour of their
youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight.—
The seditious also among [the Gentiles of]
Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose,
for they had, by agreement, sent the man to
sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him];
so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon
Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was
ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, ar.d
took away the earthen vessel, and endeavoured
to put a stop to the sedition; but when he
was overcome by the violence of the people
of Cesarea, the Jews caught up their books
of the law, and retired to Narbata, which
was a place to them belonging, distant from
Cesarea sixty furlongs. But John, and twelve
of the principal men with him, went to Flo-
rus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable com-
plaint of their case, and besought him to help
them : and with all possible decency, put
him in mind of the eight talents they had
given him ; but he had the men seized upon,
and put in prison, and accused them for
carrying the books of the law out of Ce-
sarea.

6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusa-
lem, although they took this matter very ill,
yet did they restrain their passion; but Flo-
rus acted herein as if he had been hired, and
blew up the war into a flame, and sent some
to take seventeen talents out of the sacred
treasure, and pretended that Cesar wanted
them. At this the people were in confusion
immediately, and ran together to the temple,
with prodigious clamours, and called upon
Caesar by name, and besought him to free
them from the tyranny of Florus. Some also
of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and
cast the greatest reproaches upon hint, and
carried a basket about, and begged some spills
of money for him, as for one that was desti-
tute of possessions, and in a miserable condi-
tion. Yet was not he ro'.de ashamed hereby
of his love of money, but was more enraged,
and provoked to get still more; and instead
of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have
done, and quenching the flame of war, which
was beginning thence, and so taking away
the occasion of any disturbances, on which
account it was that he had received a reward
[of eight talents], he marched hastily with
an army of horsemen and footmen against
Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the
arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror,
and by^his threatenings, bring the city into
subjection.

* Take here Dr. Hudson’s very pertinent note. “By
this action.” says he, “the killing of a bird over an ear-
then vessel, the Jews were exposed as a leprous people;
for that was to be done by the law in the cleansing of a

leper (Levit. ch. xiv). It is also known that the Gentiles
reproached the Jews as subject to the leprosy, end be.
lieved that they were driven out of Mgvpt on that account.
This that eminent person, Mr. llelaod, suggested to m«.»CHAP. XV„

WARS OF THE JEWS.

627

7.	But tbe people were
Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his
soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves
in order to recei>»' him very submissively;
hut he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand,
with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and
not now make a show of receiving him in an
obliging manner, whom they had so foully
reproached before; and said that it was in-
cumbent on them, in case they had generous
souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon
him to his face, and appear to be lovers of
liberty, not only in words, but with their
weapons also. With this message was the
multitude amazed; and upon the coming of
Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them,
they were dispersed before they could salute
Florus, or manifest their submissive behaviour
to him. Accordingly, they retired to their
own houses, and spent that night in fear and
confusion of face.

8.	Now at this time Florus took up his
quarters at the palace; and on the next day
he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon
it, when the high-priests, and the men of
power, and those of the greatest eminence in
the city, came all before that tribunal; upon
which Florus commanded them to deliver up
to him those that had reproached him, and
told them that they should themselves partake
of the vengeance to them belonging, if they
did not produce the criminals; but these de-
monstrated that the people were peaceably dis-
posed, and they begged forgiveness for those
that had spoken amiss; for that it was no
wonder at all that in so great a multitude
there should be some more daring than they
ought to be, and by reason of their younger
age, foolish also; and that it was impossible
to distinguish those that offended from the
rest, while every one was sorry for what he
had done, and denied it out of fear of what
would follow: that he ought, however^ to
provide for the peace of the nation, and to
take such counsels as might preserve the city
for the Romans, and rather, for the sake of a
great number of innocent people, to forgive a
few that were guilty, than for the sake of a
few of the wicked, to put so large and good a
body of men into disorder.

9.	Florus was more provoked at this, and
called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder
that which was called the Upper Market
Place, and to slay sueh as they met with. So
the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their
commander in a sense agreeable to their de-
sire of gain, did not only plunder the place
they were sent to, but forcing themselves into
every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the
citizens fled aloug the narrow lanes, and the
soldiers slew those that they caught, and no
method of plunder was omitted; they also
caught many of the quiet people, and brought
them before Florus, whom he first chastised
with stripes, and then crucified- Accordingly,

desirous of making the whole number of those that were destroyed

that day, with their wives and children (for
they did not spare even the infants them-
selves), was about three thousand and six
hundred; and what made this calamity the
heavier, was this new method of Roman bar-
barity ; fpr Florus ventured then to do what
no one had done before, that is, to have men
of the equestrian order whipped,* and nailed
to the cross before his tribunal; who, although
they were by birth Jews, yet were they of
Roman dignity notwithstanding.

CHAPTER XV.

CONCERNING BERNICE’S PETITION TO FLORUS,
TO SPARE THE JEWS, BUT IN VAIN; AS
ALSO HOW, AFTER THE SEDITIOUS FLAME
WAS QUENCHED, IT WAS KINDLED AGAIN
BY FLORUS.

§ 1. About this very time king Agrippa was
going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexan-
der upon his having obtained the government
of Egypt from Nero; but as his sister Ber-
nice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the
wicked practices of the soldiers, she was
sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the
masters of her horse and her guards to Florus,
and begged of him to leave off these slaugh-
ters; but he would not comply with her
request, nor have any regard either to the
multitude of those already slain, or to the
nobility of her that interceded, but only to the
advantage he should make by his plundering;
nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to
such a degree of madness, that it spent itself
on the queen herself; for they did not only
torment and destroy those whom they had
caught under her very eyes, but indeed bad
killed herself also, unless she had prevented
them by flying to the palace, and had staid
there all night with her guards, which she had
about her for fear of an insult from the sol-
diers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in
order to perform a vowf which she bad made

• Here we have examples of native Jews who were nl
the equestrian order among the Romans, and so ought
never to have been whipped or crucified, according to the
Roman laws. See almost the like case in St. Paul bira-

ws.

self. Acts xxil. 25—29.

+ This vow which Bernice (here and elsewhere called
Queen, not only as a daughter and sister to two kings
Agrippa the Great, and Agrippa junior, but the wido w
ol Herod, king of Chalcia) came now to accomplish at
Jerusalem, was not that of a Nazarite, but such a one
as religious Jews used to make, iD hopes of any deliver-
ance from a disease or other danger, as Josephus here
intimates. However, these thirty days’ abode at Jeru-
salem, for fasting and preparation against the oblation
of a proper sacrifice, seems to be too long, unless it
were wholly voluntary in this great lady. It is not re-
quired in the law of Moses relating to Nazarit<-s. Numb,
vi.; and is very diiTert-nt from St Paul’s time for such
preparation, which was but one day. Acts xxL 2ti. So
we want already the continuation of the Antiquities to
ailord us light here, as the; have hitherto doue, ou so
many occasions elsewhere. Perhaps in this age the tra-
ditions of the Pharisees had obliged the Jews to this
degree of rigour, not only as to those thirty days prA.628

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II

to God; for it is usual with tbose that bad
been either afflicted with a distemper, or with
any other distresses, to make vows; and for
thirty days before they are to offer their sacri-
fices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the
hair of their head. Which things Bernice
was now performing, and stood barefoot before
Florus’s tribunal, and besought him [to spare
the Jews]. Yet could she neither have reve-
rence paid to her, nor could "she escape with-
out some danger of being slain herself.

2.	This happened upon the sixteenth day
of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now on
the next day, the multitude, who were in a
great agony, ran together to the upper mar-
ket-place, and made the loudest lamentations
for those that had perished; and the greatest
part of the cries were such as reflected on
Florus; at which the men of power were
affrighted, together with the high-priests, and
rent their garments, and fell down before each
of them, and besought them to leave off, and
not to provoke Florus to some incurable pro-
cedure, besides what they had already suffered.
Accordingly, the multitude complied imme-
diately, out of reverence to those that had de-
sired it of them, and out of the hope they had
that Florus would do them no more injuries.

3.	So Florus was troubled that the distur-
bances were over, and endeavoured to kindle
that flame again, and sent for the high-priests,
with the other eminent persons, and said, the
only demonstration that the people would not
make any other innovations should be this,—
that they must go out and meet the soldiers
that were ascending from Cesarea, whence
two cohorts were coming; and while these
men were exhorting the multitude so to do,
he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the
centurions of the cohorts that they should
give notice to those that were under them, not
to return the Jews’ salutations; and that if
they made any reply to his disadvantage, they
should make use of their weapons. Now the
high-priests assembled the multitude in the
temple, and desired them to go and meet the
Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly,
before their miserable case should become in-
curable. Now the seditious part would not
comply with these persuasions; but the con-
sideration of those that had been destroyed
made them incline to those that were the
boldest for action.

pafation, but as to the coins barefoot all that tine,—
which here Bernice submitted to also. For we know
that as God’s and our Saviour’s yoke is usually easy,
and bis burden comparatively light, in such' positive
injunctions, Mat. xi. 30, so did the Scribes and Phari-
sees sometimes “bind upon men heavy burdens, and
grievous to be borne,” even when they themselves
“ would not touch them with one of their fingers,’’
Mat, xxiii. 4; Luke xi. 46. However, Noldius well
observes. De Herod. No. 404, 414. that Juvenal, in his
sixth satire, alludes to this remarkable penance or sub-
mission of this Bernice to Jewish discipline, and jests
upon her for it; as do Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, and
Sextus Aurelius, mention her as one well known at
RoM.iMt

4.	At this time it was that every priest,
and every servant of God, brought out the
holy vessels, and the ornamental garments
wherein they used to minister in sacred things.
The harpers also, and the singers of hymns,
came out with their instruments of music,
and fell down before the multitude, and beg-
ged of them that they would preserve those
holy ornaments to them, and not to provoke
the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures.
You might also see then the high-priests them-
selves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty
upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of
any covering but what was rent; these be-
sought every one of the eminent men by
name, and the multitude in common, that
they would not for a small offence betray their
country to those that were desirous to have
it laid waste; saying, “ What benefit will it
bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from
the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs
will it bring you, if you do not now go out
to meet them? and that if they saluted them
civilly, all handle would be cut off from Flo-
rus to begin a war ; that they should thereby
gain their country, and freedom from all far-
ther sufferings; and that, besides, it would
be a sign of great want of command of them-
selves, if they should yield to a few seditious
persons, while it was fitter for them who were
so great a people, to force the others to act
soberly.”

5.	By these persuasions, which they used
to the multitude and to the seditious, they
restrained some by threatenings, and others
by the reverence that was paid them. After
this they led them out, and they met the sol-
diers quietly, and after a composed manner,
and when they were come up with them, they
saluted them; but when they made no answer,
the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which
was the signal given for falling upon them.
The soldiers therefore encompassed them
presently, and struck them with their clubs,
and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled
them down; so that a great many fell down
dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more
by their own violence in crushing one another.
Now there was a terrible crowding about
the gates, and while every body was making
haste to get before another, the flight of
them all was retarded, and a terrible de-
struction there was among those that fell
down, for they were suffocated, and broken
to pieces by the multitude of tbose that were
uppermost; nor could any of them be distin-
guished by his relations, in order to the care
of his funeral; the soldiers also who beat
them fell upon tbose whom they overtook
without showing them any mercy, and thrust
the multitude through the place called Beze-
tha,* as they forced their way, in order to get

• I take this Bezetha to be that small hill adjoining
to the north side of the temple, whereon vis the he*.CHAP. XVI.

WARS .OF THE JEWS.

in and seize upon the temple, and the tower
Antonia. Florus also, being desirous to get
those places into his possession, brought such
as were with him out of the king’s palace, and
would have compelled them to get as far as the
citadel [Antonia]; but his attempt failed, for
the people immediately turned back upon him,
and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as
they stood upon the tops of their houses they
threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they
were sorely galled thereby, because those wea-
pons came from above, and they were not able
to make a passage through the multitude,
which stopped up the narrow passages, they
retired to the camp which was at the palace.

6. But for the seditious, they were afraid
lest Florus should come again, and get pos-
session of the temple, through Antonia; so
they got immediately upon those cloisters of
the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut
them down. This cooled the avarice of Flo-
rus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the
treasures of God [in the temple], and on that
account was desirous of getting into Antonia,
as soon as the cloisters vvere broken down he
left off his attempt; he then sent for the high-
priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that
he was indeed himself going out of the city,
but that he would leave them as large a gar-
rison as they should desire. Hereupon they
promised that they would make no innova-
tions, in case he would leave them one band;
but not that which had fought with the Jews,
because the multitude bore ill-will against
that band on account of what they had suf-
fered from it; so he changed the band as
they desired, and with the rest of his forces
returned to Caesarea.

CHAPTER XVI.

CESTIUS SENDS NEOPOLITANUS THE TMBUNE
TO SEE IN WHAT CONDITION THE AFFAIRS
OF THE JEWS WERE. AGRIPPA MAKES A
SPEECH TO THE PEOPLE OF THE JEWS, THAT
HE MAY DIVERT THEM FROM THEIR INTEN-
TIONS OF MAKING WAR WITH THE ROMANS.

§ I. However, Florus contrived another way
to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent
to Cestius and accused the Jews falsely of re-
volting [from the Roman government], and
imputed the beginning of the former fight to
them, and pretended they had been the authors

pital with five porticoes or cloisters, and beneath whit
was the sheep-pool of Dethesda; into which ao angel '

ep-pool ol Dethesoa; into which an an
messenger, at a certain season, descended ; and where he
or they, who were the “ first put into the pool,” were
cured, John v. I. fitc. This situation of Bezelha, in Jo-
sephus, on the north side of the temple, and not far off

ower Antonin, exactly agrees to the place of the
same pool at this day; only the remaining cloisters are
but three. See Maundrel, page 106. The entire build-
ings seem td have been called the New City; and this
part, where was the hospital, peculiarly Bezetha or Be-
theada. See cb. xix. seot. 4.

629.

of that disturbance, wherein they were only
the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of
Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did
themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice
also, about the illegal practices of which Fiona
had been guilty against the city; who, upon
reading both accounts, consulted with his cap-
tains [what he should do]. Now some of
them thought it best for Cestius to go up with
his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was
real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer
foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under
them; but he thought it best himself to send
one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see
the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful
account of the intentions of the Jews. Accord-
ingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name
was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa
as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jam-
nia, and told him who it was that sent him, and
on what errands he was sent.

2. And here it was that the high-priests
and men of power among the Jews, as well
as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the
king [upon his safe return]; and after they
had paid him their respects, they lamented
their own calamities, and related to him
what barbarous treatment they had met with
from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa
had great indignation, but transferred, after a
subtle manner, bis anger towards those Jews
whom he really pitied, that he might beat
down their high thoughts of themselves, and
would have them believe that they bad not
been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade
them from avenging themselves. So these
great men, as of better understanding than the
rest, and desirous of peace, because of the pos-
sessions they had, understood that this rebuke
which they king gave them was intended for
their good; but as to the people, they came
sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congra-
tulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; but
the wives of those that had been slain came
running first of all and lamenting. The peo-
ple also, when they heard their mourning, fell
into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa
to assist them: they also cried out to Neopoli-
tanus, and complained of the many miseries
they had endured under Florus; and they
showed them, when they were come into the
city, how the market-place was made desolate,
a.nd the bouses plundered. They then per-
suaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa,
that be would walk round the city, with only
one servant, as far as Siloam, that he might
inform himself that the Jews submitted to all
the rest of the Romans, and were only dib.
pleased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding
barbarity to them. So he walked round, and
had sufficient experience of the good temper
the people were in, and then went up to the
temple, where he called the multitude together,
and highly commended them for their fidelity
to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them'to630

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

keep tbe peace; and having performed such
parts of divine worship at the temple as he was
allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.

3.	But as for the multitude of the Jews,
they addressed themselves to the king, and to
the bigh-priests, and desired they might have
leave to send ambassadors to Nero against
Florus, and not by their silence afford a sus-
picion that they had been the occasion of such
great slaughters as had been made, and were
disposed to revolt, alleging that they should
seem to have been the first beginners of the
war, if they did not prevent the report by
showing who it was that began it; and it ap-
peared openly that they would not be quiet, if
any body should hinderthem from sending such
an embassage. But Agrippa, although he
thought it too dangerous a thing for them to
appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus.
yet did he not think it fit fcr him to overlook
them, as they were ;n a disposition for war.
He therefore called the multitude together into
a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in
the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be
seen by them (which house was over the gal-
lery, at the passage to the upper city, where
the bridge joined the temple to the gallery),
and spake to them as follows:—

4.	* “ Had I perceived that you were all
zealously disposed to go to war with the Ro-
mans, and that the purer and more sincere
part of the people did not propose to live in
peace, I had not come out to you. nor been
so bold as to give you counsel; for all dis-
courses that tend to persuade men to do what
they ought to do is superfluous, when tbe
hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But
because some are earnest to go to war because
they are young, and without experience of
the miseries it brings; and because some are

* In this sprrrh of king Agrippa we have an authen-
tic account of the extent and slrenglh of ttie Roman
empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech,
with oi her circumstancf-s in Josephus, demonstrates how
,e and I ow great a person Awn». aid uhv .In.

Be |<
d»T

same A grip

a most won.

perse

I'hus elsewhere calls him Ou.vua.cu
Itil. or admirable man, C'onlr Ap. i. 9.	1

e Airrippa who said to I'nul. u Almosl thou per
est me to he a Christian ” Actsxxvi.16; and ol whom

i. 9. He is the
suari-

wse and 1 ow great a person Agrippa was. aid why Jo-
uac
Ir ,

. u i
x XX

M. ran) said. He was i xoert in ad the customs and
nest ions of the Jews,” v. 5. See another intimation of
»mpire.
rus to ni

ns. that when Josephus,
the (iif» ks and Romans, tor whose use he wrote his An*

q n <

the limits ol the same Roman empire. Of the War b.
in. eh. v. seel. 7. But what seems to me very remark-
able lore is this, that when Josephus, in imitation of

ii». eh. v. seel. 7. But what

tiquitirs. did himsell frequently compose the speeches
which he put into their mouths, ihey a: pear, by the
politeness of their composition, ai d their flights of
onitory. to he not the real speeches of the persons con-
cerned. who usually were no orators, but of his own
eieimnl composition. The spei ch before us is of ano-
ther natuie. fill) of undeniable facts, and composed in
a plain and unartful, but moving way; so it appears to
be k'ne Aerippn’s own speech, and to have heen given
Josephus by Aprippa himself, with whom Josephus had
tbe greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa’s

greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa’s
constant doctrine here, that this roman empire was
raided und supported by Divine Providence; and that
therefore it was in vain for
think of destroying it.	may we neglect to lake

notice of Agnppa’s s<
used; th * like

the Jews, or any others, to

np it. r*
s solemn

■apt’

im v. 21. and by the apostles in general, in the form

any

may we negle'

solemn appeal to the angels, here
•peals to which we have in Sr. Daul. 1

of the ordination o b:thops, Con&titnt. Apost. viii.4.

for it, out of an unreasonable expectation of
regaining their liberty, and because others
hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly
bent upon it; that in the confusion of your
affairs they may gain what belongs to those
that are too weak to resist them, 1 have
thought proper to get you all together, mid
to say to you what 1 think to be lor your ad-
vantage; that so tbe former may grow wiser,
and change their minds, and that the best men
may come to no harm by the ill conduct ot
some others. And let not any one be tumul-
tuous against me, in case what they hear me
say do not please them; for as to those that
admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a
revolt, it will still be in their power to retain
the same sentiments after my exhortation is
over; but still my discourse will fall to the
ground, even with relation to those that have
a mind to hear me, tmless you will all keep
silence. I am well aware that many make a
tragical exclamation concerning the injuries
that have been offered you by your procura-
tors, and concerning the glorious advantages
of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry,
who you are that must go to war, and who
they are against whom you must fight,— I
shall first separate those pretences that are by
some connected together; for if you aim at
avenging yourselves on those that have done
you injury, why do you pretend this to be a
war for recovering your liberty? but if you
think all servitude intolerable, to what pur-
pose serve your complaints against your par-
ticular governors? for if they treated you
with moderation, it would still he equally an
unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider
now the several cases that may be supposed,
how little occasion there is for your going to
war. Your first occasion is the accusations
you have to make against your procurators :
now' here you ought to be submissive to
those in authority, and not give them any
provocation: but when you reproach men
greatly for small offences, you excite ihose
whom you reproach to be your ad*ersaries;
lor this will oidy make them leave off hurt-
ing you privately, and with some degree of
modesty, and to lay what you have waste
openly. Now nothing so much damps the
loice of strokes as bearing them with pa-
tience; and the quietness of those who are
injured, diverts the injurious persons from
afflicting. But let us take it for granted, that
the Roman ministers are injurious to you,
and are incurably severe; yet are they not all
the Romans who thus injure you; nor haih
Caesar, against whom you are going to make
war, injured you: it is not by their command
that any wicked governor is sent to you; for
ihey who are in tbe w:est cannot see those that
are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them
there, even to hear what is done in these parts.
Now it is absurd to make war with a great
many for tbe sake of one; to do so with suchCHAP. XVI,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

mighty people, for a small cause; and this
when these people are not able to know of
what you complain: nay, such crimes as we
complain of may soon be corrected, for the
Bame procurator will not continue for ever;
and probable it is that the successors will
come with more moderate inclinations. But
as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily
laid down again, nor borne without calamities
coming therewith. However, as to the de-
sire of recovering your liberty, it is unsea-
sonable to indulge it so late; whereas you
ought to have laboured earnestly in old time
that you might never have lost it: for the
first experience of slavery was hard to be en-
dured, and the struggle that you might never
have been subject to it would have been just;
but that slave who hath been once brought
into subjection, and then runs away, is rather
a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for
it was then the proper time for doing all that
was possible, that you might never have
admitted the Romans [into your city] when
Pompey came first into the country. But so
it was, that our ancestors and their kings,
who were in much better circumstances than
we are. both as to money and [strong] bodies,
and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of
a small body of the Roman army. And yet
you who have not accustomed yourselves to
obedience from one generation to another,
and who are so much inferior to those who
first submitted in your circumstances, will
venture to oppose the entire empire of the
Romans; while those Athenians, who, in or-
der to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once
set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes,
that proud prince, when he sailed upon the
sea; and could not be contained by the seas,
but conducted such an army as was too broad
for Europe; and made him run away like a
fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a
part of Asia at the Lesser Salamis, are yet at
this time servants to the Romans; and those
injunctions which are sent from Italy, become
laws to the principal governing city of Greece.
—Those Lacedemonians also, who got the
great victories at Thermopvl® and Platea,
and had Agesilaus [for their king], and
searched every corner of Asia, are contented
to admit the 6anie lords. These Macedoni-
ans also, who still fancy what great men their
Philip and Alexander were, and see that the
latter had promised them the empire over the
world, these bear so great a change, and pay
their obedience to those whom fortune hath
advanced in their stead.—Moreover, ten thou-
sand other nations there are, who had greater
reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and
yet do submit. You Hre the only people who
think it a disgrace to be servants to those to
whom all the world bath submitted. What sort
of an army do you rely on? What are the
arms you depend on? Where is your fleet that
may seize upon the Roman seas? and where

631

are those treasures which may be sufficient for
your undertakings? Do you suppose, I pray
you, that you are to make war with the Egyp-
tians, and with the Arabians ? Will you not
carefully reflect upon the Roman empire?
Will you not estimate your own weakness?
Hath not your army been often beaten even
by your neighbouring nations, while the power
of the Romans is invincible in all parts of tbs
habitable earth ? nay, rather, they 6eek for
somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphra-
tes is not a sufficient boundary for them on
the east side, nor the Danube on the north ;
and for their southern limit, Libya hath been
searched over by them, as far as countries
uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west;
nay, indeed, they have Bought for another
habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have
carried their arms as far as such British
islands as were never known before. What
therefore, do you pretend to? Are you richer
than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans,
wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than
all men upon the habitable earth ?—What
confidence is it that elevates you to oppose
the Romans? Perhaps it will be said. It ia
hard to endure slavery. Yes; but bow much
harder is it to the Greeks, who were es*
teemed the noblest of all people under the
sunl These, though they inhabit in a large
country, are in subjection to six bundles of
Romati rods. It is the same case with the
Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim
their liberty than you have. What is the case
of five hundred cities of Asia? do they not
submit to a single governor, and to the con.
sular bundle of rods? What need I speak of
the Heniochi, and Colchi, and the nation of
Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and
the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who
formerly knew not so much as a lord of their
own, but are now subject to three thousand
armed men, and where forty long ships keep
the sea in peace, which before was not navi-
gable, and very tempestuous? How strong a
plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the
people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cili-
cians, putin for liberty 1 but they are made
tributary without an army. What are the
circumstances of the Thracians, whose coun-
try extends in breadth five days’ journey, and
in length seven, and is of a much more harsh
constitution, and much more defensible than
yours, and, by the rigour of its cold, suffi-
cient to keep otf armies from attacking them?
do not they submit to two thousand men of
the Roman garrisons? Are not the Illyrians,
who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as
Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely
two legions ? by which also they put a stop
to the incursions of the Dacians; and for
the Dalmatians, who have made such fre-
quent insurrections, in order to regain their
liberty, and who could never before be so
thoroughly subdued, but that they alwaysWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

632

gathered their forces together again, and re-
volted, yet are they now very quiet under one
Romas legion. Moreover, if great advan-
tages might provoke any people to revolt, the
Gauls might do it best of all, as being so
thoroughly walled round by nature; on the
east side by the Alps, on the north by the
river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean
mountains, and on the west by the ocean.
Now, although these Gauls have such ob-
stacles before them to prevent any attack
upon them, and have no fewer than three
hundred and five nations among them, nay,
have, as one may say, the fountains of domes-
tic happiness within themselves, and send out
plentiful streams of happiness over almost the
whole world, these bear to be tributary to
the Romans, and derive their prosperous con-
dition from them; and they undergo this, not
because they are of effeminate minds, or be-
cause they are of an ignoble stock, as having
borne a war of eighty years, in order to pre-
serve their liberty; but by reason of the great
regard they have to the power of the Romans,
and their good fortune, which is of greater
efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, there-
fore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred
soldiers, who are hardly so many as are their
cities; nor hath the gold dug out of the mines
of Spain been sufficient for the support of a
war to preserve their liberty, nor could their
vast distance from the Romans by land and
by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of
the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no
more could the ocean, with its tide, which
yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants.
Nay, the Romans have extended their arms
beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have
walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean
mountains, and have subdued these nations;
and one legion is a sufficient guard for these
people, although they were so hard to be
conquered, and at a distance so remote from
Rome. Who is there among you that hath
not heard of the great number of tbe Ger-
mans? Tou have, to be sure, yourselves seen
them to be strong and tall, and that frequent-
ly, since the Romans have them among their
captives everywhere; yet these Germans
who dwell in an immense country, who have
minds greater than their bodies, and a soul
that despises death, and who are in rage
more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine
for the boundary of their enterprises, and are
tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of
them as were taken captives became their ser-
vants'; and the rest of the entire nation were
obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you
also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem,
consider what a wall the Britons had: for the
Romans sailed away to them, and subdued
them while they were encompassed by the
ocean, and inhabited an island, that is not less
than [the continent of] this habitable earth,
aiid four legions me a sufficient guard to so

large an island : and why should I speak
much more about this matter, while the Par-
thians, that most warlike body of men, and
lords of so many nations, and encompassed
with such mighty forces, send hostages to the
Romans; whereby you may see, if you please,
even in Italy, the noblest nation of the east,
under the notion of peace, submitting to serve
them. Now, when almost all people under
the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you
be the only people that make war against
them? and this without regarding the fate
of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of
their brags of the great Hannibal, and tbe
nobility of their Phenician original, fell by
the hand of Scipio. Nor indeed have the
Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians,
nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far
as the regions uninhabitable for want of water,
nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as
barely hear it described, the Nassamons and
Moors, and the immense multitude of the
Numidians, been able to put a stop to the
Roman valour; and as for the third part of
the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations
are so many, that it is not easy to number
them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic
sea, and the Pillars of Hercules, and feeds an
innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far
as the Red Sea, these have the Romans sub-
dued entirely. And besides the annual fruits
of the earth, which maintain the multitude of
the Romans for eight months in the year, this,
over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and
affords revenues suitable to the necessities of
the government. Nor do they, like you,
esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them,
although they have but one Roman legion that
abides among them; and indeed what occa-
sion is there for showing you the power of the’
Romans over remote countries, when it is so
easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neigh-
bourhood? This country is extended as far
as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and
borders upon India; it hath seven millions
five hundred thousand men, besides the inha-
bitants of Alexandria, as may be learned fronv
the revenue of the poll-tax; yet it is not
ashamed to submit to the Roman government,
although it hath Alexandria as a grand temp-
tation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of
people and of riches, and is besides exceeding
large, its length being thirty furlongs, and its
breadth no less than ten; and it pays more
tribute to the Romans in one month than you
do in a year: nay, besides what it pays in
money, it sends corn to Rome that supports
it for four months [in the year] : it is also
walled round on all sides, either by almost
impassable deserts, or seas that have no
havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; yet have
none of these things been found too strong
for the Roman good fortune; however, two
legions that lie in that city are a bridle both
.for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for theCHAP. XVI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

633

parts inhabited by the more noble Macedo-
nians. Where then are those people whom
you are to have for your auxiliaries? . Must
they come from the parts of the world that are
uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable
earth are [under the] Romans.—Unless any
of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the
Euphrates, and suppose that those of your
own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come
to your assistance (but certainly these will
not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable
war, nor, if they should follow such ill ad-
vice, will the Parthians permit them so to
do); for it is their concern to maintain the
truce that is between them and the Romans,
and they will be supposed to break the cove-
nants between them, if any under their go-
vernment march against the Romans. What
remains, therefore, is this, that you have re-
course to divine assistance; but this is already
on the side of the Romans; for it is impos-
sible that so vast an empire should be settled
without God’s providence. Reflect upon it,
how impossible it is for your zealous observa-
tion of your religious customs to be here pre-
served, which are hard to be observed, even
when you fight with those whom you are able
to conquer; and how can you then most of
all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being
forced to transgress his law, you will make
him turn his face from you ? and if you do
observe the custom of the Sabbath-days, and
will not be prevailed on to do any thing there-
on, you will easily be taken, as were your
forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest
in his siege on those days on which the be-
sieged rested ; but if in time of war you
transgress the law of your country, I cannot
tell on whose account you will afterward go
to war; for your concern is but one, that
you do nothing against any of your forefa-
thers ; and how will you call upon God to
assist you, when you are voluntarily trans-
gressing against his religion? Now, all men
that go to war, do it either as depending on
divine or on human assistance; but since your
going to war will cut off both those assis-
tances, those that are for going to war choose
evident destruction. What hinders you from
slaying your children and wives with your
own hands, and burning this most excellent
native city of yours ? for by this mad prank
you will, however, escape the reproach of
being beaten; but it were best, O my friends*
it were best, while the -vessel is still in the
haven, to. foresee the impending storm, and not
to set sail out of the port into the middle of the
Hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall
into great misfortunes without foreseeingthem;
but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he
gains reproaches [instead of commiseration].
But certainly no one can imagine that you
can enter into a war as by an agreement, or
that when the Romans have got you under
their power, they will use you with modera-

tion, or will not rather, for an example to other
nations, bum your holy city, and utterly de-
stroy your whole nation; for those of you who
shall survive the war will not be able to find
a place whither to flee, since all men have the
Romans for their lords already, or are afraid
they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, tl;e
danger concerns not those Jews that dwell
here only, but those of them who dwell in
other cities also; for there is no people upon
the habitable earth which have not some por-
tion of you among them, whom your enemies
will slay, in case you go to war, and on that
account also; and so every city which hath
Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the
sake only of a few men, and they who slay
them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter
be not made by them, consider how wicked a
thing it is to take arms against those that are
so kind to you. Have pity, therefore, if not
on your children and wives, yet upon this
your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare
the temple, and preserve the holy house, with
its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the
Romans get you under their power, they will
no longer abstain from them w'hen their for-
mer abstinence shall have been so ungratefully
requited. 1 call to witness your sanctuary,
and the holy angels of God, and this country
common to us all, that 1 have not kept back
any thing that is for your preservation ; and
if you will follow that ad vice which you ought
to do, you will have that peace which will be
common to you and to me; but if you indulge
your passions, you will run those hazards
which I shall be free from.”

5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he
and his sister wept, and by their tears repres-
sed a great deal of the violence of the people;
but still they cried out that they would not
fight against the Romans but against Florus,
on account of what they had suffered by his
means. To which Agrippa replied, that what
they bad already done was like such as make
war against the Romans; “for you have not
paid tbe tribute which is due to Caesar;* and
you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple]
from joining to the tower Antonia. You will
therefore prevent any occasion of revolt, if you
will but join these together again, and if you
will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does
not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay
the tribute money to Florus.”

* Julius Ctesar had decreed, that the Jews of Jerusa-
lem should pay an annual tribute to the Homans, except-
ing the city of Joppa, and for the Sabbatical year; as
Spanheim observes from the Antiq. b iciv; chap, x
sect. &WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II

034

CHAPTER XVII.

HOW THE WAR OF THE JEWS WITH THE RO-
MANS BEGAN ; AND CONCERNING MANA-

HEM.

§ 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and
went up into the temple with the king and
Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters:
the rulers also and senators divided themselves
into the villages, and collected the tributes,
and soon got together forty talents, which was
the sum that was deficient. And thus did
Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was
threatened. Moreover, he attempted to per-
suade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar
should send one to succeed him; but they
were hereby more provoked, and cast re-
proaches upon the king, and got him excluded
out of the city; nay, some of the seditious
had the impudence to throw stones at him.
So when the king saw that the violence of
those that were for innovations was not to be
restrained, and being very angry at the con-
tumelies he had received, he sent their rulers,
together with their men of power, to Florus,
to Cesarea, that he might appoint whom he
thought fit to collect the tribute in the coun-
try, while be retired into his own kingdom.

2.	And at this time it was that 6ome of
those that principally excited the people to go
to war, made an assault upon a certain for-
tress called Masada. They took it by treach-
ery, Hiid slew the Romans that were there, and
put others of their own party to keep it. At
the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the
higb-priest, a very bold youth, who was at
that time governor of the temple, persuaded
those that officiated in the divine service to
receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner.
And this wa9 the true beginning of our war
with the Romans: for they rejected the sacri-
fice of Caesar on this account: and when many
of the high-priests and principal men besought
them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was
customary for them to offer for their princes,
they would not be prevailed upon. These
relied much upon their multitude, for the most
flourishing part of the innovators assisted
them; but they had the chief regard to Elea-
zar, the governor of the temple.

3.	Hereupon the men of power got toge-
ther, and conferred with the high-priests, as
did also the principal of the Pharisees; and
thinking all was at stake, and that their cala-
mities were becoming incurable, took counsel
whut was to be done. Accordingly they de-
termined to try what they could do with the
seditious by words, and assembled the people
before the brazen gate, which was that gate
of the inner temple [court of the priests]
which looked towards the sun-rising. And,
in the first place, they showed the great
indignation thev had at this attempt for a

revolt, and for their bringing so great a war
upon their country ; after which they confuted
their pretence as unjustifiable, and told them
that their forefathers had adorned their tem-
pie in great part with donations bestowed on
them by foreigners, and had always received
what bad been presented to them from foreign
nations; and that they had been so far from
rejecting any person’s sacrifice (which would
be the highest instance of impiety), that they
had themselves placed those donations about
the temple which w'ere still visible, and had
remained there so long a time that they did
now irritate the Romans to lake arms against
them, and invited them to make war upon
them, and brought up novel rules of a strange
divine worship, and determined to run the
hazard of having their city condemned for
impiety, while they wmuld not allow any fo-
reigner but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to
worship therein. And if such a law should
ever be introduced in the case of a single per-
son only, he would have indignation at it,
as an instance of inhumanity determined
against him; while they have no regard to the
Romans or to Caesar, and forbade even their
oblations to be received also: that however
they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting
their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to
offer their own ; and that this city will lose
its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly,
and restore the sacrifices as formerly ; and
indeed amend the injury [they have offered
to foreigners] before the report of it comes
to the ears of those that have been injured.

4.	And as they said these things, they pro-
duced those priests that were skilful in the
customs of their country, who made the re-
port, that all their forefathers had received the
sacrifices from foreign nations.—But still not
one of the innovators would hearken to what
was said; nay, those that ministered about
the temple would not attend their divine ser-
vice, but were preparing matters for beginning
the war. So the men of power, perceiving
that the sedition was too hard for them to
subdue, and that the danger which would
arise from the Romans would come upon
them first of all, endeavoured to save them-
selves, and 6ent ambassadors; some to Flo-
rus, the chief of whom was Simon the son of
Ananias; arid others to Agrippa, among whom
the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas,
and Costobarus, who were of the king’s kin-
dred ; and they desired of them both that
they would come w'ith an army to the city,
and cut off the sedition before it should be
too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible
message was good news to Florus; and be-
cause his design was to have a war kindled,
he gave the ambassadors no answer at all.
But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those
that were revolting, and for those against
whom the war was to be made, and was de-
sirous to preserve the Jews fgr the Romans,CHAP. XVII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

635

and the temple and metropolis for the Jews ;
he was also sensible that it was not for his
own advantage that the disturbances should
proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen
to the assistance of the people out of Aurani-
tis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these
under Darius, the master of his horse; and
Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his
army.

5.	Upon this the men of power, with the
high-priests, as also all the part of the mul-
titude that were desirous of peace, took cou-
rage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount
Sion] ; for the seditious part had the lower
city and the temple in their power: so they
made use of stones and slings perpetually
against one another, and threw darts conti-
nually on both sides; and sometimes it hap-
pened that they made excursions by troops,
and fought it out baud to hand, while the
seditious were superior in boldness, but the
king’s soldiers in skill. These last strove
chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those
out of it who profaned it; as did the seditious,
with Eleazar (besides what they had already),
labour to gain the upper city. Thus were
there perpetual slaughters on both sides for
seven dais’ time ; but neither side would yield
up the parts they had seized upon.

6.	Now the next day was the festival of
Xylophory ; upon which the custom was for
every one to bring wood for the altar (that
there might never be a want of fuel for that
fire which was unquenchable and always burn-
ing). Upon that day they excluded the oppo-
site party from the observation of this part
of religion. And when they had joined to
themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded
in among the weaker people (that vvas the
name for such robbers as had under their
bosoms swords called Sicae), they grew bolder,
and carried their undertakings farther; inso
much that the king’s soldiers were overpow-
ered by their multitude and boldness; and so
they gave way, and were driven out of the
upper city by force. The others then set fire
to the house of Ananias the high-priest, and
to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice ; after
which they carried the fire to the place where
the archives were reposited, and made haste
to burn the contracts belonging to their cre-
ditors, and thereby dissolve their obligations
for paying their debts; and this was done, in
order to gain the multitude of those who had
been debtors, and that they might persuade
the poorer sort to join in their insurrection
with safety against the more wealthy; so the
keepers of the records fled away, and the rest
set fire to them. And when they had thus
burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell
upon their enemies; at which time some of
the men of power and of the high-priests,
went into the vaults under ground, and con-
cealed tucinselves, while others fled with the
king’s soldiers to the upper palace, and shut

the gates immediately; among whom were
Ananias the high-priest, and the ambassadors
that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the
seditious were contented with the victory they
had gotten, and the buildings they had burnt
down, and proceeded no farther.

7.	But on the next day, which was the
fifteenth of the month Lous [Ab], they made
an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the
garrison which was in it two days, and then
took the garrison, and slew them, and set the
citadel on fire; after which they marched to
the palace, whither the king’s soldiers were
fled, and parted themselves into four bodies,
and made an attack upon the walls. As for
those that were within it, no one had the
courage to sally out, because those that as-
saulted them were so numerous; but they dis-
tributed themselves into the breast-works and
turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby
many of the robbers fell under the walls; nor
did they cease to fight one with another either
by night or by day; while the seditious sup-
posed that those within would grow weary for
want of food; and those without, supposed
the others would do the like by the tedious-
ness of the siege.

8.	In the mean time one Manahem, the
son of Judas, that was called the Galilean
(who vvas a very cunning sophister, and had
formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius,
that after God they were subject to the Ro-
mans). took some of the men of note with him,
and retired to Masada, where he broke open
king Herod’s armoury, and gave arms not
only to his own people, but to other robbers
also. These he made use of for a guard, and
returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem;
he became the leader of the sedition, and gave
orders for continuing the siege; but they
wanted proper instruments, and it was not
practicable to undermine the wall, because the
darts came down upon them from above. But
still they dug a mine from a great distance,
under one of the towers and made it totter;
and having done that they set on fire what
was combustible, and left it: and when the
foundations were burnt below, the tower fell
down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with
another wall that had been built within, for
the besieged were sensible beforehand of what
they were doing, and probably the tower shook
as it was undermining; so they provided
themselves of another fortification : which
when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while
they thought they had already gained the
place, they were under some consternation.
However, those that were within sent to Ma-
nabem, and to the other leaders of the sedition,
and desired they might go out upon a capi-
tulation ; this was granted to the king’s sol-
diers and their own countrymen only, who
went out accordingly; hut the Romans that
were left alone were greatly dejected, for they
were not uble to force their way through such636

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK 11.

q multitude; and to desire them to give them
their right hand fortheir security, they thought
would be a reproach to them ; and besides, if
they should give it them, they durst not de-
pend upon it; so they deserted their camp,
as easily taken, and ran away to the royal
towers,—that called Hippicus, that called
Phasatlus, and that called Mariamne. But
Manahem and his party fell upon the place
whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as
many of them as they could catch, before thev
got up to the towers, and plundered what they
left behind them, and set tire to their camp.
This was executed on the sixth day of the
month Gorpieus [Elul].

9. But on the next day the high-priest was
caught, where be had concealed himself in an
aqueduct; he was slain, together with Heze-
kiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon
the seditious besieged the towers, and kept
them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers
should escape. Now the overthrow of the
places of strength, and the death of the high-
priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that
he became barbarously cruel; and, as he
thought he had no antagonist to dispute the
management of affairs with him, he was no
better than an insupportable tyrant: but Elea-
zar and his party, when words had passed be-
tween them, how it was not proper when they
revolted from the Romans, out of the desire
of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their
own people, and to bear a lord, who, though
he should be guilty of no violence, was yet
meaner than themselves; as also, that, in case
they were obliged to set some one over their
public affairs, it was fitter they should give
that privilege to any one rather than to him,
they made an assault upon him in the temple;
for he went up thither to worship in a pompous
manner, and adorned with royal garments,
and had his followers with him in their
armour. But Eleazar and his party fell vio-
lently upon him, as did also the rest of the
people, and taking up stones to attack him
withal, they threw them at the sophister, and
thought that if he were once ruined the en-
tire sedition would fall to the ground. Now
Manahem and his party made resistance for a
while; but when they perceived that the whole
multitude were falling upon them, they fled
which way every one was able; those that
were caught were slain, and those that hid
themselves were -searched for. A few there
were of them who privately escaped to Masada,
among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus,
who W3s of kin to Manahem, and acted the
part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for
Manahem himself, he ran away to the place
called Ophla, and there lay skulking in pri-
vate ; but they took him alive, and drew him
out before them all; they then tortured him
with many sorts of torments, and after all
slew him, as they did by those that were cap-
tains under him also, and particularly by thel

principal instrument of his tyranny, whose
name was Apsalom.

10. And, as I said, so far truly the people
assisted them, while they hoped this-might
afford some amendment to the seditious prac-
tices; but the others were not in haste to put
an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it
with less danger, now they had slain Manahem.
It is true, that when the people earnestly de-
sired that they would leave off besieging the
soldiers, they were the more earnest in press-
ing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was
the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and de-
sired that they would give them security to
spare their lives ordy; but agreed to deliver
up their arms, and what else they had with
them. The others readily complied with
their petition, sent to them Gorion, the sop
of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sad-
duk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that
they might give them the security of their
right hands, and of their oaths: after which
Metilius brought down his soldiers; which
soldiers, while they were in arms, were not
meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was
there any appearance of treachery: but as
soon as, according to the articles of capitula-
tion, they had all laid down their shields and
their swords, and were under no farther sus-
picion of any harm, but were going away, Elea-
zar’s men attacked them after a violent man-
ner, and encompassed them round, and slew
them, while they neither defended themselves
nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out
upon the breach of their articles of capitula-
tion and their oaths. And thus were all these
men barbarously murdered, excepting Meti-
lius; for when he entreated for mercy, and
promised that he would turn Jew, and be cir-
cumcised, they saved him alive, but none else.
This loss to the Romans was but light, there
being no more than a few slain out of an im-
mense army; but still it appeared to be a
prelude to the Jews’ own destruction, while
men made public lamentation when they saw
that such occasions were afforded for a war as
were incurable; that the city was all over
polluted with such abominations, from which
it w’as but reasonable to expect some ven-
geance, even though they should escape re-
venge from the Romans; so that the city was
filled with sadness, and every one of the mo-
derate men in it were under great disturbance,
as likely themselves to undergo punishment
for the wickedness of the seditious; for in-
deed it so happened that this murder was per-
petrated on the Sabbath day, on which day
the Jews have a respite from their works oo
account of divine worship.HAP. XVIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

637

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE CALAMITIES AND SLAUGHTERS THAT
CAME UPON THE JEWS.

§ 1. Now the people of Caesarea had slain
the Jews that were among them on the very
same day and hour [when the soldiers were
slain], which one would think must have
come to pass by the direction of Providence;
insomuch that in one hour’s time above twenty
thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea
was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for
Florus caught such as ran away, and sent
them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which
stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the
whole nation was greatly enraged; so they
divided themselves into several parties, and
laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and
their neighbouring cities, Philadelphia, and
Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scytho-
polis, and after them Gadara, and Hippos;
and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they
destroyed there, and some they set on fire,
and then they went to Kedasa, belonging to the
Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and
to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste (Samaria)
or Askelon able to oppose the violence with
which they were attacked; and when they
had burned these to the ground, they entirely
demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also
of the villages that were about every one of
those cities were plundered, and an immense
slaughter was made of the men who were
caught in them.

2.	However, the Syrians were even with
the Jews in the multitude of the men whom
they slew; for they killed those whom they
caught in their cities, and that not only out
of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but
to prevent the danger under which they were
from them; so that the disorders in all Syria
were terrible, and every city was divided into
two armies encamped one against another,
and the preservation of the one party was in
the destruction of the other; so the day-time
was spent in shedding of blood, and the night
in fear,—which was of the two the more ter-
rible ; for when the Syrians thought they had
ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in
suspicion also; and as each side did not care
to slay, those whom they only suspected on
the other, so did they greatly fear them when
they were mingled with the other, as if they
were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greedi-
ness of gain was a provocation to kill the
opposite party, even to such as had of old
appeared very mild and gentle towards them;
for they without fear plundered the effects of
the slain, and carried off the spoils of those
whom they slew to their own houses, as if
they had been gained in a set battle; and he
was esteemed a man of honour who got the

greatest share, as having prevailed over the
greatest number of his enemies. It was
then common to see cities tilled with dead
bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old
men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scat-
tered about together; women also lay amongst
them, without any covering for their naked-
ness: you might then see the whole province
full of inexpressible calamities, while the
dread of still more barbarous practices whiu-i
were threatened, was everywhere greater than
what had been already perpetrated.

3.	And thus far the conflict had been be-
tween Jews and foreigners; but when they
made excursions to Scythopolis,' they found
Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood
in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and
preferred their own safety before their relation
to us, they fought against their own country-
men ; nay, their alacrity was so very great,
that those of Scythopolis suspected them.
These were afraid, therefore, lest they should
make an assault upon the city in the night-
time, and to their great misfortune, should
thereby make an apology for themselves tc
their own people for their revolt from them.
So they commanded them, that in case they
would confirm their agreement, and demon-
strate their fidelity to them, who were of a
different nation, they should go out of the
city, with their families, to a neighbouring
grove: and when they had done as they were
commanded, without suspecting any thing,
the people of Scythopolis lay still for the in-
terval of two days, to tempt them to be se-
cure ; but on the third night they watched
their opportunity, and cut all their throats,
some of them as they lay unguarded, and some
as they lay asleep. The number that was
slain was above thirteen thousand, and then
they plundered them of all that they had.

4.	It will deserve our relation what befell
Simon: he was the son of one Saul, a man
of reputation among the Jews. This man was
distinguished from the rest by the strength of
his body, and the boldness of his conduct,
although he abused them both to the mis-
chieving of his countrymen; for he came
every day and slew a great many of the Jews
of Scythopolis, and he frequently put tbem
to flight, and became himself alone the cause
of his army’s conquering. But a just punish-
ment overtook him for the murders he bad
committed upon those of the same nation
with him; for when the people of Scythopo-
lis threw their darts at them in the grove, he
drew his sword, but did not attack any of the
enemy; for be saw that he could do nothing
against such a multitude; but he cried out,
after a very moving manner, and said,—“ O
you people of Scythopolis, 1 deservedly suffer
for what I have done with relation to you,
when I gave you such security of my fidelity
to you, by slaying so many of those that were
related to mo. Wherefore wc very justly038

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

experience the perfidiousness of foreigners,
while we acted after a most wicked manner
against our own nation. I will therefore
die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own
hands; for it is not fit I should die by the
hand of our enemies; and let the same action
be to me both a punishment for my great
crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my
commendation, that so no one of our enemies
may have it to brag of, that he it was that
slew' rne; and no one may insult upon me
as I fall.” Now when he had said this, he
looked round about him upon his family
with eyes of commiseration and of rage (that
family consisted of a wife and children,
and his aged parents); so, in the first place,
he caught his father by his grey hairs, and
ran bis sword through him,—and after him
he did the same to his mother, who willingly
received it; and after them he did the like to
his wife and children, every one almost offer-
ing themselves to his sword, as desirous to
prevent being slain by their enemies; so when
he had gone over all his family, he stood upon
their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching
out his right hand, that his action might be
observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword
into his own bowels. This young man was
to be pitied, on account of the strength of his
body and the courage of his soul; but since
he had assured foreigners of his fidelity
[against his own countrymen] he suffered
deservedly.

5.	Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the
other cities rose up against the Jews that were
among them: those of Askelon slew two thou-
sand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two
thousand, and put not a few into bonds; those
of Tyre also put a great number to death, but
kept a greater number in prison ; moreover,
those of Hippos and those of Gadara did the
like, while they put to death the boldest of the
Jews, but kept those of whom they were most
afraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities
of Syria, according as they every one either
hated them or were afraid of them ; only the
Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians
spared those that dwelt with them, and they
would not endure either to kill any of the
Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps
they spared them, because their own number
was so great that they despised their attempts.
But 1 think that the greatest part of this fa-
vour was owing to their commiseration of
those whom they saw to make no innovations.
As for the Gerasens, they did no harm to
those that abode with them; and for those
who had a mind to go away, they conducted
them as far as their borders reached.

6.	There was also a plot laid against the
Jews in Agrippa’s kingdom; for he was him-
self gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but
had left one of his companions, whose name
was Noarus,* to take care of the public af-
fairs; which Noarus was of kin to king

Sohemus.* Now there came certain men,
seventy in number, out of Bntanea, who were
the most considerable for their families and
prudence of the rest of the people; the-e
desired to have an army put into their hands,
that if any tumult should happen, they might
have about them a guard sufficient to restrain
such as might rise up against them. This
Noarus sent out some of the king’s aimed
men by night, and slew all those [seventy]
men ; which bold action he ventured upon
without the consent of Agrippa, and was such
a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked
to his own countrymen, although he brought
ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly
did he treat that nation, and this contrary to
the laws also, until Agrippa was informed
of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to
death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he
put an end to his procuratorship immediately.
But as to the seditious, they took the citadel
which tvas called Cypros, and was above Jeri-
cho, and cut the throats of the garrison, and
utterly demolished the fortifications. This
was about the same time that the multitude
of the Jews that were at Macherus persuaded
the Romans who were in garrison to leave the
place, and deliver it up to them. These Ro-
mans being in great fear, lest the place should
be taken by force, made an agreement with
them to depart upon certain conditions; and
when they had obtained the security they de-
sired, they delivered up the citadel, into which
the people of Macherus put a garrison for
their own security, and held it in their own
power.

7.	But for Alexandria, the sedition of the
people of the place against the Jews was per-
petual, and this from that very time when
Alexander [the Great], upon finding the rea-
diness of the Jews in assisting him against the
Egyptians, and as a reward for 6uch their
assistance, gave them equal privileges in this
city with the Grecians themselves;—-which
honorary reward continued among them un-
der his successors, who also set apart for them
a particular place that they might live with-
out being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were
thereby not so much intermixed with foreign-
ers as before: they also gave them this far-
ther privilege, that they should be called Ma-
cedonians. Nay, when the Romans got pos-
session of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor
any one that came after him, thought of di-
minishing the honours which Alexander had
bestowed on the Jew's. But still conflicts
perpetually arose with the Grecians; and
although the governors did every day punish
many of them, yet did the sedition grow
w'orse; but at this time especially, when there
were tumults in other places also, the disor-

* Of this Sohemus we have mention made by Tacitus.
We also learn from Dio, that his father was king of tlie
Arabians of Iturea, [which Iturea is mentioned by $L
Luke, iii. 1,] both whose testimonies are auoted bore by
Dr, Hudson. See Noldius, No. 371.CHAP. XVIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

639

ders among them were put into a greater
flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a
public assembly, to deliberate about an em-
bassage they were sending to Nero, a great
number of Jews came flocking to the theatre;
but when their adversaries saw them, they
immediately cried out, and called them their
enemies, and said they came as spies upon
them; upon which they rushed out and laid
violent hands upon them; and as for the rest,
they were slain as they ran away; but there
were three men whom they caught, and haul-
ed them along; in order to have them burnt
alive; but all the Jews came in a body to
defend them, who at first threw stones at the
Grecians; but after that they took lamps,
and rushed with violence into the theatre,
and threatened that they would burn the peo-
ple to a man; and this they had soon done,
unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of
the city, had restrained their passions. How-
ever, this man did not begin to teach them
wisdom by arms, but sent among them pri-
vately some of the principal men, and thereby
entreated them to he quiet, and not provoke
the Roman army against them ; but the sedi-
tious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius,
and reproached him for so doing.

8.	Now when he perceived that those who
were for innovations would not be pacified
till some great calamity should overtake them,
he sent out upon them those two Roman le-
gions that were in the city, and together with
them five thousand other soldiers, who, by
chance, were come together out of Libya, to
the ruin of the Jews. They were also per-
mitted not only to kill them, but to plunder
them of what they had, and set fire to their
houses. These soldiers rushed violently into
that part of the city which was called Delta,
where the Jewish people lived together, and
did aB they were bidden, though not without
bloodshed on their own side also; for the
Jews got together, and set those that were the
best armed among them in the fore-front,
and made resistance for a great while; but
when once they gave back, they were de-
stroyed unmercifully; and this their destruc-
tion was complete, some being caught in the
open field, and others forced into their houses,
which houses were first plundered of what
was in them, and then set on fire by the Ro-
mans ; wherein no mercy was shown to the
infants, and no regard had to the aged; but
they went on in the slaughter of persons of
every age, till all the place was overflowed
with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay
dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder
been preserved, had they not betaken them-
selves to supplication. So Alexander com-
miserated their condition, and gave orders to
the Romans to retire: accordingly, these,
being accustomed to obey orders, left off kill-
ing at the first intimation; but the populace
of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to

the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them;
and it was a hard thing to make them leave
their dead bodies.

9.	And this was the miserable calamity
which at this time befell the Jews at Alexan-
dria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer
to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere
up in arms; so he took out of Antioch the
twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the
rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts
of footmen, and four troop3 of horsemen, be-
sides those auxiliaries which were sent by the
kings; of which Antiochus* sent two thou-
sand horsemen, and three thousand footmen,
with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the
same number of footmen, and one thousand
horsemen; Sohemus also followed with four
thousand, a third part whereof were horsemen,
but most part were archers, and thus did he
march to Ptolemais. There were also great
numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from
the [free] citjes, who indeed had not the same
skill in martial affairs, but made up in their
alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what
they wanted in skill. There came also along
with Cestius, Agrippa himself, both as a guide
in his march over the country, and a director
of what wa3 fit to be done; so Cestius took part
of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon,
a strong city of Galilee, which was called the
City of Men, and divides the country of Pto-
lemais from our nation; this he found deserted
by its men, the multitude having fled to the
mountains, but full of all sorts of good things;
those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder,
and set fire to the city, although it was of ad-
mirable beauty, and had its houses built like
those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus. Af-
ter this he overran all the country, and seized
upon whatsoever came in his way, and set
fire to the villages that were round about
them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But
when the Syrians, and especially those of
Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews
plucked up their courage again, for they
knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon
those that were left behind unexpectedly, and
destroyed about two thousand of them.

10.	And now Cestius himself marched from
Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea; but he sent
part of his army before him to Joppa, and
gave orders, that if they could take that city
[by surprise] they should keep it; but that in
case the citizens should perceive they were
coming to attack them, they then should stay
for him, and for the rest of the army. So
some of them made a brisk march by the sea-
side, and some by land, and so coming upon
them on both sides, they took the city with
ease; and as the inhabitants had made no pro-
vision aforehand for a flight, nor bad gotten

* Spanheira Dotes on the place, that, this latter Antio
chus, who was called F.piphanes. is mentioned by Dio,
lix. p. 64o; and that he is mentioned by Josephus elso-
where twice also. b. v.chap. xi. sect, 3; and Antiq. b.
xix. chap. viii. sect 1.640

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II,

any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell
upon them, and slew them all, with their fa-
milies, and then plundered and burnt the
city. The number of the slain was eight thou-
sand four hutidred. In-like manner Cestius
sent also a considerable body of horsemen to
the topapcby of Narbatene, that adjoined to
Cesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew
a great multitude of its people; they also
plundered what they had, and burnt their vil-
lages.

11. Hut Cestius sent Gallus, the-commander
of the twelfth legion into Galilee, and deli-
vered to him as many of his forces as he sup-
posed sufficient to subdue that nation. He
was received by the strongest city of Galilee,
which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of
joy; which wise conduct of that city occa-
sioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet;
while the seditious part and the robbers ran
away to that mountain which lies in the very
middle of Galilee, and is situated over against
Sepphoris; it is called Asamoff. So Gallus
brought his forces against them; but while
those men were in the superior parts above
the Romans they easily threw their darts upon
the Romans, as they made their approaches,
and slew about two hundred of them; but
when the Romans had gone round the moun-
tains, and were gotten into the parts above
their enemies, the others were soon beaten ;
nor could they who had only light armour on
sustain the force of them that fought them
armed all over; nor when they were beaten
could they escape the enemy’s horsemen; in-
somuch that only some few concealed them-
selves in certain places hard to be come at,
among the mountains, while the rest, above
two thousand in number, were slain.

CHAPTER XIX.

WHAT CESTIUS DID AGAINST THE JEWS; AND
HOW, UPON HIS BESIEGING JUKI SALEM, HE
RETREATED FIIOM THE CITY, WITHOUT ANY
JUST OCCASION IN THE WORLD. AS ALSO
WHAT SEVERE CALAMITIES HE UNDERWENT
FROM THE JEWS IN HIS RETREAT.

§ 1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more
that looked towards an innovation in Galilee,
retur”id with his army to Cesarea: but Ces-
tius removed with his whole army, and march-
ed to Antipatris; and when he was informed
that there was a great body of Jewish forces
gotten together in a certain tower called
Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them ;
but this party dispersed the Jews by affright
ing them before it came to a battle: so they
came, and finding their camp deserted, they
burnt it, as well as the villages that lay about
it. But when Cestius had marched from An-
tipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty

of its men, for the whole multitude* were
gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of taberna-
cles ; yet did he destroy fifty of those that
showed themselves, and burnt the city, and
so marched forwards; and ascending by Bet.b-
oron, he pitched his camp at a certain place
called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Je-
rusalem.

2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the
war approaching to their metropolis, they left
the feast, and betook themselves to their arms;
and taking courage greatly from their multi-
tude, went in a sudden and disorderly man-
ner to the fight, with a great noise, and with-
out any consideration had of the rest of the
seventh day, although the Sabbath was the
day to which they had the greatest regard;
but that rage which made them forget the
religious observation [of the Sabbath], made
them too hard for their enemies in the fight:
with such violence, therefore, did they fall
upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks,
and to march through the midst of them,
making a great slaughter as they went, inso-
much that unless the horsemen, and such part
of the footmen as were not yet tired in the
action, had wheeled round, and succoured
that part of the army which was not yet bro-
ken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been
in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen
of the Romans were slain, of which number
four hundred were footmen, and the rest horse-
men, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of
whom the most valinnt were the kinsmen of
Monohazus, king of Adiabene, and their names
were Monobazus and Kenedeus ; and next to
them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Ba-
bylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa
to the Jews; for he had formerly served in
his army. "When the front of the Jewish army
had been cut off, the Jews retired into the
city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell
upon the backs of the Romans as they were
ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost
of the army into disorder, and carried off

* Here we have an eminent example of that Jewish
language, which [)r. " all truly observes, we several
times find used in the sacred writings; I mean where
the words-all,” or “whole multitude,” flee, are used
for much the greatest part only; but not so as to include
every person without exception; for when Josephus had
said, that the “whole multitude” [all the males] of
l.ydda were gone to the feast of tabernacles, he imme-
diately adds, that, however, no fewer thnn fifty of them
appeared, and were slain by the RomanB. Other exam-
ples somewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in
Josephus; but, as I think, none so remarkable as this.
See M all’s Critical Observations on tbe Old Testament,
p. 41, .V).

He have also in this and the next section, two emi-
nent facts to be observed, viz. the fir-t example, that I
remember in Josephus, of the onset of the Jews’ene-
mies upon their country when their males were gone up
lo Jerusalem to one of their three sacred lestrvals; which,
during the theocracy, Cod had promised to preserve them
from. I'.xod. xxxiv. ii-l The second fact is this, the
breach of the >ablialh by the seditious Jews in an offen-
sive light, contrary to the universal doctrine and prao-
lice of their nation in these ages, and even contrary to
what they themselve' afterward practised in the rest of
this war. See the note on Antiq b. xvi ch. ‘J, secL4.CHAP. XIX.

WARS OF THE JEWS,

(341

many of the beasts that carried the weapons
of war, and led them into the city; but as
Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews
seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and
set watches at the entrances into the city, and
uppeared openly resolved not to rest when once
the Romans should begin to march.

. 3. And now when Agrippa observed that
even the affairs of the Romans were likely to
be in danger, while such an immense multi-
tude of their enemies had seized upon the
mountains round about, he determined to try
what the Jews would agree to by words, as_
thinking that he should either persuade them
all to desist from fighting, or, however, that
he should cause the sober part of them to
separate themselves from the opposite party.
So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the per-
sons of his party that were the best known
to them, and promised them that Cestius
should give them his right band, to secure
them of the Romans’ entire forgiveness of
what they had done amiss, if they would throw
away their arms, and come over to them: but
the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude,
in hopes of security to themselves, should go
over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall
upon and kill the ambassadors: accordingly
they slew Phebus before he said a word, but
Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented
his fate by flying away. And when the peo-
ple were very angry at this, they had the
seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and
drove them before them into the city.

4.	But now Cestius observing that the dis-
turbances that were begun among the Jews
afforded him a proper opportunity to attack
them, took his whole army along with him,
and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them
to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp
upon the elevation called Scopus [or watch-
tower], which was distaiit seven furlongs from
the city; yet did he not assault them in three
days’ time, out of expectation that those with-
in might perhaps yield a little ; and in the
mean time he sent out a great many of his
soldiers into neighbouring villages, to seize
upon their corn; and on the fourth day,
which was the thirtieth of the month Hyper-
bereteus [Tisri], when he put his army in
array, he brought it into the city. Now for
the people, they were kept under by the sedi-
tious ; but the seditious themselves were great-
ly affrighted at the good order of the Romans,
and retired from the suburbs, and retreated
into the inner part of the city, and into the
temple. But when Cestius was come into
the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which
is also called Cenopolis [or the new city], on
fire; as he did also to the timber-market:
after which he came into the upper city, and
pitched his camp ov^r against the royal
palace ; and had he but at this very time
attempted to get within the walls by force, he
had won the city presently, and the war had

been put an end to at once; but Tyrannies
Priscus, the muster-master of the army, and
a great number of the officers of the horse,
had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted
him from that his attempt; and that was (he
occasion that this war lasted so very long, and
thereby the Jews were involved in such in-
curable calamities.

5.	In the mean time, many of the principal
men of the city were persuaded by Ananus,
the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into
the city, and were about to open ihe gates
for him ; but he overlooked this offer, partly
out of his anger at the Jews, and partly be-
cause he did not thoroughly believe they were
in earnest; whence it was that he delayed
the matter so long, that the seditious per-
ceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and
those of his party down from the wall, and,
pelting them with stones, drove them into
their houses; but they stood themselves at
proper distances in the towers, and threw their
darts at those that were getting over the wall.
Thus did the Romans make their attack
against the wall for five days, but to no pur-
pose. But on the next day, Cestius took a
great many of his choicest men, and with
them the archers, and attempted to break
into the temple at the northern quarter of it:
but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters,
and repulsed them several times when they
were gotten near to the wall, till at length the
multitude of the darts cut them off, and made
them retire: but the first rank of the Ro
mans rested their shields upon the wall, and
so did those that were behind them, and the
like did those that were still more backward,
and guarded themselves with what they call
Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which
the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off
without doing them any harm; so the soldiers
undermined the wall, without being them-
selves hurt, and got all things ready for set-
ting fire to the gate of the temple.

6.	And now it was that a horrible fear seized
upon the seditious, insomuch that many of
them ran out of the city, as though it were to
be taken immediately; but the people upon
this took courage, and where the wicked part
of the city gave ground, thither did they
come, in order to set open the gates, and to
admit Cestius as their benefactor, who, had
he but continued the siege a little longer, had
certainly taken the city; but it was, I sup-
pose, owing to the aversion God had already
at the city and the sanctuary, that he was
hindered from putting an end to the war that
very day.*

* There may another very important, and very pro-
videnlia], reason be here assigned for this strange and
foolish retreat of Cestius; which, if Josephus hod been
now a Christian, he might probably have taken notice
of also; and that is. the affording the Jewish Christians
in the city an opportunity of calling to mind the p
diction and caution given them by Christ about thir
s years and a half before, that “ when they eb>
the abomination of desolation ” [the idolat

three

see

9 <3

rty-

ehould

trout642

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK 11.

7.	It then happened that Cestius was not
conscious either how the besieged despaired of
success, nor how courageous the people were
for him; and so he recalled bis soldiers from
the place, and by despairing of any expectation
of taking it, without having received any dis-
grace, he retired from the city, without any
reason in the world. That when the robbers
perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they
resumed their courage, and ran after the hinde
parts of his army, and destroyed a considerable
number of both their horsemen and footmen ;
and now Cestius lay all night at the camp,
which was at Scopus; and as he went off far-
ther next day, he thereby invited the enemy
to follow him, who still fell upon the hind-
most, and destroyed them; they also fell upon
the flank on each side of the army, and threw
darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those that
were hindmost turn back upon those who
wounded them behind, as imagining that the
multitude of those that pursued them was
immense; nor did they venture to drive away
those that pressed upon them on each side,
because they were heavy with their arms, and
were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces,
and because they saw the Jews were light and
ready for making incursions upon them. And
this was the reason why the Romans suffered
greatly without being able to revenge them-
selves upon their enemies; so they were galled
all the way, and their ranks were put into dis-
order, and those that were thus put out of their
ranks were slain ; among whom were Priscus
the commander of the sixth legion, and Lon-
ginus the tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the
commander of a troop of horsemen. So it
was not without difficulty that they got to
Gabao, their former camp, and that not with-
out the loss of a great part of their baggage.
There it was that Cestius staid two days; and
was in great distress to know what he should
do in these circumstances; but when, on the
third day, he saw a still greater number of
enemies, and all the parts round about him
full of Jews, he understood that his delay was
to his awn detriment, and that if he stakl any
longer there, he should have still more ene-
mies upon him.

8.	That therefore he might fly the faster,
he gave orders to cast away what might hin-
der his army’s march; so they killed the mules
and other creatures, excepting those that car-
ried their darts and machines, which they

Homan armies, with the images of their idols in their

unman armies, wun tne images ot tneir idols in tneir
ensigns, ready to lay Jerusalem desolate,] “ stand where
it ought not,” or, “in the holy place;” or “ when they
should see Jerusalem encompassed with armies." they

should then “flee to the mountains.” By complying
with which those Jewish Christians fled to the moun-
tains of Perea, and escaped this destruction. See Lit.
Accompl. of Proph page 69. 70. Nor was there, per-
haps, anyone instance of a more unpolilic, but more
providential conduct than this retreat of Cestius, visible
during this whole siege of Jerusalem; which yet was
providentially such a “ great tribulation, as had not been
(Turn the beginning of the world to that time;
ever should be.”—Ibid, pages 70,71.

no, nor

retained for their own use, and this principally
because they were afraid lest the Jews should
seize upon them. He then made his army
march on as far as Bethorori. Now the Jews
did not so much press upon them when they
were in large open places ; hut when they
were penned up in their descent through nar-
row passages, then did some of them get be-
fore, and hindered them from getting out of
them; and others of them thrust the binder-
most down into the lower places; and the
whole multitude extended themselves over
against the neck of the passage, and covered
the Roman army with their darts. In which
circumstances, as the footmen knew not how
to defend themselves, so the danger pressed
the horsemen still more, for they were so pelt-
ed, that they could not march along the road
in their ranks, and the ascents were so high,
that the cavalry were not able to march against
the enemy; the precipices also, and valleys
into which they frequently fell, and tumbled
down, were such on each side of them, that
there was neither place for their flight, nor
any contrivance could be thought of for ibeir
defence; till the distress they weie at last in
was so great that they betook themselves to
lamentations, and to such mournful cries as
men use in the utmost despair: the joyful
acclamations of the Jews also, as they encou-
raged one another, echoed the sounds back
again, these last composing a noise of those
that, at once rejoiced and were in a rage. In-
deed these things were come to such a pass,
that the Jews had almost taken Cestius’s
entire army prisoners, had not the night come
on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and
the Jews seized upon all the places round
about them, and watched for their coming out
[in the morning].

9.	And then it was that Cestius, despairing
of obtaining room for a public march, contri-
ved how he might best run away; and when
he had selected four hundred of the most
courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at
the strongest of their fortifications; and gave
order, that when they went up to the morn-
ing guard, they should erect their ensigns, that,
the Jews might be made to believe that the
entire army was there still, while he himself
took the rest of his forces with him, and
marched, without any noise, thirty furlongs.
But when the Jews perceived, in the morn-
ing, that the camp was empty, they ran upon
those four hundred who had deluded them,
and immediately threw their darts at them,
and slew them ; and then pursued after Ces-
tius. But he had already made use of a great
part of the night in his flight, and still marched
quicker when it was day; insomuch that the
soldiers, through the astonishment and fear
they were in, left behind them their engines
for sieges, and for throwing of stones, and a
great part of the instruments of war. So
the Jews went on pursuing the Romans aaCRAP. XX.

WARS OF TflK JEWS.

643

far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they
could not overtake them, they came back and
took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies;
and gathered the prey together which the Ro-
mans had left behind them, and came back
running and singing to their metropolis;
while they had themselves lost a few only,
but had slain of the Romans five thousand and
three hundred footmen, and three hundred
and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened
on the eighth day of the month Dius [Mar-
hesvan], in the twelfth year of the reign of
Nero.

CHAPTER XX.

CESTIUS SENDS AMBASSADORS TO NERO. THE
PEOPLE OF DAMASCUS SLAY THOSE JEWS
THAT LIVED WITH TIIKM. THE PEOPLE OF
JERUSALEM, AFTER [THEY HAD LEFT OFF]
PURSUING CESTIUS, RETURN TO THE CITY,
AND GET THINGS READY FOR ITS DEFENCE,
AND MAKE A GREAT MANY GENERALS FOR
THEIR ARMIES, AND PARTICULARLY JOSE-
PHUS, THE WRITER OF THESE BOOKS. SOME
ACCOUNT OF HIS ADMINISTRATION.

§ 1. After this calamity had befallen Ces-
tius, many of the most eminent of the Jews
swam away from the city, as from a ship when
it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore,
and Saul, who were brethren, together with
Philip, the son of Jucimus, who was the com-
mander of king Agrippa’s forces, ran away
from the city, and went to Cestius. But then
how Antipas, who had been besieged with
them in the king’s palace, but would not fly
away with them, was afterwards slain by the
seditious, we shall relate hereafter. However,
Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own
desire, to Actinia, to Nero, to inform him of
the great distress they were in; and to lay the
blame of their kindling the war upon Florus,
as hoping to alleviate his own danger, by
provoking his indignation against Florus.

2.	In the mean time, the people of Damas-
cus, when they were informed of the destruc-
tioii'Of the Romans, set about tbe slaughter
of those Jews that were among them; and
as they had them already cooped up together
in the place of public exercises, which they had
done,outof the suspicion they had of them, they
thought they should meet with no difficulty in
the attempt; yet did they distrust their own
wives, which were almost all of them addicted
to the Jewish religion; on which account
it was that their greatest concern was, how
they might conceal these things from them;
so they came upon the Jews, and cut their
throats, as being in a narrow place, in number
ten thousand, and h11 of them unarmed, and
this in one hour’s time, without any body to
disturb them.

3.	But as to those who had pursued after

Cestius, when they were returned back to
Jerusalem, they ovemore some of those that
favoured the Romans by violence, and some
they persuaded [by entreaties! to join with
them, and got together in great numbers in
the temple, and appointed a great many
generals for the war. Joseph also, the son of
Gorion,* and Ananus the high-priest, were
chosen as governors of all affairs within the
city, and with a particular charge to repair
the walls of the city; for they did not ordain
Eleazar, the son of Simon, to that office,
although he had gotten into his possession the
prey they had taken from the Romans, and
tbe money they had taken from Cestius, to-
gether with a great part of the public treasures,
because they saw he was of a tyrannical
temper; and that his followers were, in their
behaviour, like guards about him. However,
the want they were in of Eleazar’s money,
and the subtile tricks used by him, brought ull
so about, that the people were circumvented,
and submitted themselves to his authority
in all public affairs.

4.	They also chose other generals for Idu-
mea; Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of the
high-priests; and Eleazar the son of Ananias,
the high-priest; they also enjoined Niger, the
then governor of Idumea, f who was of a
family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan,
and was thence called the Peraite, that he
should be obedient to those fore-named com-
manders. Nor did they neglect the care of
other pa rts of the country; but Joseph the son
of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as
was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene,
to the toparchy of Thamna; Lyuda was also
added to his portion, und Joppa and Emmaus.
But John, the son of Matthias, was made
the governor of the toparchies of Gophnitica
and Acrahatenp, as was Josephus, the son
of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala
also, which was tbe strongest city in those
parts, was put under'his command.

5.	So every one of the other commanders
administered the affairs of his portion with
that alacrity and prudence they were masters
of; but as to Josephus, when he dame into
Galilee, his first care was to gain the good-
will of the people of that country, as sensible
that he should thereby have in general good
success, although he should fail in other
points. And being conscious to himself that
if he communicated part of his power to the

* From this name of Joseph the son of Gorion, or
Gorion the son of Joseph, as (l). iv. chap. iii. sect. U.)
one of the governors of Jerusalem, who was slain at the
beginning of the tumults by the zealots (b. iv. chap. vi.
sect. 1). the much later Jewish author of an history of
that nation takes his title, and yet personates our true
Josephus, the son of Matthias; but tbe cheat is too groBS
to he put upon the learned world.

+ We may observe here, that the Idumeans, as
having been proselytes of justice since the days of John
Hyrcanus, during about 196 years, were now estcemcKi
as part of the Jewish nation, and here provided w\m a
Jewish commauder accordingly. See the note upon
Antiq. b. xiii. chap. ix. sect. 1644

WARS OF THE JEW3.

BOOK II.

great men, he should make them his fast
friends; and that he should gain the same
favour from the multitude, if he executed his
commands by persons of their own country,
Riid with whom they were well acquainted;
he chose out seventy* of the most prudent
men, and those elders in age, and appointed
them to be rulers of all Galilee, as he chose
seven judges in every city to hear the lesser
quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and
those wherein life and death were concerned,
he enjoined they should be brought to him
and the seventy elders.

6.	Josephus also, when he had settled these
rules for determining causes by the law, with
regard to the people’s dealings one with
another, betook himself to make provisions for
their safety against external violence; and as he
knew the Romans would fall upon Galilee, he
built walls in proper places about Jotapata,
and Bersabee, and Salamis; and besides these
about Capbareccho, and Japha, and Sigo, and
what they call Mount Tabor, and Tarichese,
and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls about
the caves near the lake of Gennessar, which
places lay in the Lower Galilee; the same as
he did to the places of Upper Galilee, as well
as to the rock called the Rock of the Acha-
bari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and Meroth;
and in Gaulanitis he fortilied Seleucia, and
Sogane, and Gainala; but as to those of Sep-
phuris, they were the only people to whom he
gave leave to build their own walls, and this,
because he perceived they were rich and
wealthy, and ready to go to war, without stand-
ing in need of any injunctions for that purpose.
The case was the same with Gischala, which
had a wall built about it by John the son of
Levi himself, but with the consent of Jose-
pluis; but for the building of the rest of the
fortresses, he laboured together with all the
other builders, and was present to give all the

» VVe see here, and in Josephus’s account of his own
life, sect. 14, how exactly he imitated his legislator Moses,
or percaps only obeyed what he took to he his perpetual
law, in appointing seven lesser judges, lor smaller causes,
m particular cities, and perhaps lor the lirst hearing of
greater causes, with tne liberty oi an appeal tu seventy-
one supreme judges, especially in tiiose causes where lii'e
and death is concerned; as Anliq.b.iv.cli. viii. sect. 14;
and of Ins Life, sect. 14. See also Oi the War, b. iv. ch. v
sect. 4. Moreover, we find 'sect. 7) that he imitated
Moses, as well as the Romans, in the nuuiber and distri-
bution ot the subaltern officers of bis army, as I- xod. xviii.
26; Deul. i. 16; aDd in bis cnarge a.ainst the nllences
common among soldiers, as Deut. xxiii. 1); in all which
lie showed bis great wisdom and piety, and skilful con-
duct in martial atfairs. Yet may we discern in his very
high character of Ananus the high-priest, b. iv. ch. v.
sect. 2, who seems to have been the same that condemned
St. James, bishop of Jerusa em, to be stoned, under Albi-
nus the procurator, that when be wrote these books of
the War. he was not so much as an Ebionite Christian:
otherwise he would not have lailed, according to his usual
custom, to have reckoned this his barbarous murder as a
just punishment upon him for that his cruelty to the
chief, or rather only Christian bishop of the circumcision.
Nor, bad he been then a Christian, could he immediately
have spoken so movingly of the causes of the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, without one word of either the con-
demnation of James, or crucifixion of Christ, as he did
when he was beoomc a Christian afterward.

necessary orders for ibat purpose. He also got
together an army out of Galilee, of more than
a hundred thousand young men, all of whom
he armed with the old weapons which he had
collected together and prepared for them.

7.	And when he had considered that the
Roman power became invincible, chiefly by
their readiness in obeying orders, and the
constant exercise of their arms, he despaired
of teaching these his men the use of their
arms, which was to be obtained by experience;
but observing that their readiness in obeying
orders was owing to the multitude of their
officers, be made his partitions in bis army
more after the Roman manner, and appointed
a great many subalterns. He also distributed
the soldiers into various classes, whom he put
under captains of tens, and captains of hun-
dreds, and then under captains of thousands;
and besides these he bad commanders of
larger bodies of men. He also taught them
to give the signals one to another, and to call
and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, bow
to expand the wings of an army, and make
them wheel about; and when one wing hath
bad success, to turn again and assist those that
were hard set, and to join in the defence of
what had most suffered. He also continually
instructed them in what concerned the courage
of the soul and the hardiness of the body; and,
above all, he exercised them for war, by decla-
ring to them distinctly the good order of the
Romans, and that they were to fight with men
who, both by the strength of their bodies and
courage of their souls, had conquered in a man-
ner the whole habitable earth. He told them
that he should make trial of the good order
they would observe in war, even before it
came to any battle, in case they would abstain
from the crimes they used to indulge them-
selves in, such as theft, and robbery, and
rapine, and from defrauding their own country-
men, and never to esteem the harm done to
those that were so near of kin to them to be
any advantage to themselves; for that wars
are then managed the best when the warriors
preserve a good conscience; but that such as
are ill men in private life, will not only have
those for enemies which attack them, but God
himself also for their antagonist.

8.	And thus did he continue to admonish
them. Now he chose for the war such an
army as was sufficient, t. e. sixty thousand
footmen, and two hundred and fifty horse-
men;! arid besides these, on which he put
the greatest trust, there were about four thou-
sand five hundred mercenaries: he had also
six hundred men as guards of his body. Now
the cities easily maintained the rest of his

4 I should think that an army of sixty thousand foot-
men should require many more than two hundred and
fifty horsemen; and we find Josephus had more horse-
men under bis command than two hundred and filty in
his future history. I suppose the number of the thou-
sands is dropped in our present copies.CHAP. XXI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

army, excepting the mercenaries; for every
one of the cities enumerated before sent out
half their men to their army, and retained the
other half at home, in order to get provisions
for them; insomuch that the one part went to
the war, and the other part to their work:
and so those that sent out their corn were
paid for it by those that were in arms, by that
security which they enjoyed from them.

CHAPTER XXI.

CONCERNING JOHN OF .GISCHALA. JOSEPHUS
USES STRATAGEMS AGAINST THE PLOTS JOHN
LAID AGAINST HIM, AND RECOVERS CERTAIN
CITIES WHICH HAD REVOLTED FROM HIM.

§ 1. Now, as Josephus was thus engaged in
the administration of the affairs of Galilee,
there arose a treacherous person, a man of
Gischala, the son of Levi, whose name was
John. His character was that of a very cun-
ning, and very knavish person, beyond the
ordinary rate of the other men of eminence
there; and for wicked practices he had not
his fellow anywhere. Poor he was at first,
and for a long time his wants were a hin-
derance to him in his wicked designs. He
was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gain-
ing credit to his fictions: he thought it a
point of virtue to delude people, and would
delude even such as were the dearest to him.
He was a hypocritical pretender to humanity,
but, where he had hopes of gain, he spared
not the shedding of blood: his desires were
ever carried to great things, and he encouraged
his hopes from those mean wicked tricks
which he was the author of. He had a
peculiar knack at thieving; but in some
time he got certain companions in his impu-
dent practices: at first they were but few,
but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they
became still more and more numerous. He
took care that none of his partners should be
easily caught in their rogueries, but chose
such out of the rest as had the strongest con-
stitutions of body, and the greatest courage
of soul, together with great skill in martial
affairs; so he got together a band of four
hundred men, who came principally out of
the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that
had run away from its villages; and by the
means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and
irritated a considerable number, who were in
great expectation of a war then suddenly to
arise among them.

2. However, John’s want of money had
hitherto restrained him in his ambition after
command, and in his attempts to advance
himself; but when be saw that Josephus was
highly pleased with the activity of his temper,
be persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust
him with the repairing of the walls of his

645

native city [Gischala]; in which work he got
a great deal of money from the rich citizens.
He after that contrived a very shrewd trick,
and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in
Syria were obliged to make use of oil that
was made by others than those of their own
nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send
oil to their borders; so he bought four am-
phorae with such Tyrian money as was of the
value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every
half-amphora at the same price; and as
Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was pecu-
liarly so at that time, by sending away great
quantities, and having the sole privilege so to
do, he gathered an immense sum of money
together, which money he immediately used
to the disadvantage of him who gave him that
privilege; and, as he supposed, that if he
could once overthrow Josephus, >he should
himself obtain the government of Galilee; so
he gave order to the robbers that were under
his command, to be more zealous in their
thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many
that desired innovations in the country, he
might either catch their general in his snares,
as he came to the country’s assistance, and
then kill him; or if he should overlook the
robbers, he might accuse him for his negli-
gence to the people of the country. He also
spread abroad a report far and near, that
Josephus was delivering up the adminis-
tration of affairs to the Romans;—and many
such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him.

3. Now at the same time that certain young
men of the village Dabaritta, who kept guard
in the Great Plain, laid snares for Ptolemy,
who was Agrippa’s and Bernice’s steward,
and took from him all that he had with him;
among which things there were a great many
costly garments, and no small number of sil-
ver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold; yet
were they not able to conceal what they had
stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to
Taricheae. Hereupon he blamed them for the
violence they had offered to the king and
queen, and deposited what they brought to
him with Eneas, the most potent man of Ta-
richeae, with an intention of sending the things
back to the owners at a proper time; which
act of Josephus brought him into the greatest
danger; for those that had stolen the things,
had an indignation at him, both because they
gained no share of it for themselves, and
because they perceived beforehand what was
Josephus’s intention, and that he would freely
deliver up what had cost them so much
pains to the king and queen. These ran
away by night to their several villages, and
declared to all men that Josephus was going
to betray them; they also raised great disor-
ders in all the neighbouring cities, insomuch
that in the morning a hundred thousand armed
men came running together; which multitude
was crowded together in the hyppodrome
at Taricheie, and made a very peevish646

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II,

clamour against him; while some cried out,
tiiht they should depose the traitor; and
others, that they should burn him. Now John
irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus,
the son of Sapphias, who was then governor
of Tiberias. Then it was that Josephus’s
friends, and the guards of his body, were so
afFrighted at this violent assault of the multi-
tude, that they all fled away but four; and
as he was asleep, they awaked him, as the
people were going to set fire to the house;
and although those four that remained with
him persuaded him to run away^he was nei-
ther surprised at his being himself deserted,
nor at the great multitude that came against
him, but leaped out to them with his clothe?
rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with
his hands behind him, and bis sword hanging
at his neck. At this sight his friends, espes-
cially those of Taricheae, commiserated his
condition; but those that came out of the
country, and those in their neighbourhood,
to whom his government seemed burdensome,
reproached him, and bade him produce the
money which belonged to them all imme-
diately, and to confess the agreement he had
made to betray them; for they imagined, from
the habit in which he appeared, that he could
deny nothing of what they suspected concern-
ing him, and that it was in order to obtain
pardon, that he had put himself entirely into
so pitiable a posture; but this humble appear-
ance was only designed as preparatory to a
stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to
set those that were so angry at him at vari-
ance one with another about the things they
were angry at. However, he promised he
would confess all: hereupon he was permit-
ted to speak, when he said, “ I did neither
intend to send this money back to Agrippa,
nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem
one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor
did I look upon what would tend to your
disadvantage, to be my advantage. But, O
you people of Taricheae, I saw that your city
stowd iii more need than others of fortification
for your security, and that it wanted money,
iii order for the building it a wall. I was
also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and
other cities should lay a plot to seize upon
these spoils, and therefore it was that I
intended to retain this money privately, that
1 might encompass you with a wall. But if
this does not please you, I will produce what
was brought me, and leave it to you to plun-
der it: but if I have conducted myself so well
as to please you, you may, if you please,
punish your benefactor.”

4.	Hereupon the people of Taricheae loudly
commended him; but those of Tiberias, with
tne rest of the company, gave him hard names,
and threatened what they would do to him;
bo both sides left off quarrelling with Josephus,
auu fell to quarrelling with one another. So
he grew bold upon the dependence he had on

his friends, which were the people of Tariche®,
and about forty thousand in number, and
spake more freely to the whole multitude, and
reproached them greatly for their- rashness;
and told them, that with this money he would
build walls about Taricheae, and would put
the other cities in a state of security also; for
that they should not want money, if they
would but agree for whose benefit it was to
be procured, and would not suffer themselves
to be irritated against him who had procured
it for them.

5.	'- Hereupon the rest of the multitude that
had been deluded retired; but yet so that they
went away angry, and two thousand of them
made an assault upon him in their armour;
and as he was already gone to his own house,
they stood without and threatened him. On
which occasion Josephus again used a second
stratagem to escape them; for he got upon
the top of the house, and with his right hand
desired them to be silent, and said to them,
“ I cannot tell what you would have, nor can
hear what you say, for the confused noise you
make:” but he said he would comply with all
their demands, in case they would but send
some of their number in to him that might
talk with him about it. And when the prin-
cipal of them, with their leaders, heard this,
they came into the house. He then drew
them to the most retired part of the house, and
shut the door of that hall where he put them,
and then had them whipped till every one of
their inward parts appeared naked. In the
mean time the multitude stood round the
house, and supposed that he had a long dis-
course with those that were gone in, about
what they claimed of him. He had then the
doors set open immediately, and sent the men
out all bloody, which so terribly affrighted
those that had before threatened him, that
they threw away their arms and ran away.

6.	But as for John, his envy grew greater
[upon this escape of Josephus], and he framed
anew plot against him; he pretended to be
sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus
would give him leave to use the hot baths
that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his
health. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto
suspected nothing of John’s plots against him,
wrote to the governors of the city, that they
would provide a lodging and necessaries for
John; which favours, when he had made use
of, in two days’ time he did what he came
about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds,
and others with money, and so persuaded them
to revolt from Josephus. This Silas, who was
appointed gpardian of the city by Josephus,
wrote to him immediately, and informed him
of the plot against him; which epistle, when
Josephus had received, be marched with great
diligence all night, and came early in the morn-
ing to Tiberias; at which time the rest of the
multitude met him. But John, who suspected
that hia coining was not for his advantage, sentCHAP. XXI.

WARS OF THE JEWS

647

however one of his friends, and pretended that
he was sick, and that being confined to his bed
he could not come to pay him bis respects. But
as soon as Josephus had got the people of Ti-
berias together in the stradium, and tried to dis-
course with them about the letters that he had
received, John privately sent some armed men,
and gave them orders to slay him. But when
the people saw that the armed men were about
to draw their swords, they cried out;—at which
cry Josephus turned himself about, and when
he saw that the swords were just at his throat,
he marched away in great haste to the sea-
shore, and left off that speech which he was
going to make to the people, upon an elevation
of six cubits high. He then seized on a ship'
which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with
two of his guards, and fled away into the
midst of the lake.

7. But now the soldiers he had with him
took up their arms immediately, and marched
against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid
lest a civil war should be raised by the envy
of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so
he sent some of his party to tell them that they
should do no more than provide for their own
safety; that they should not kill any body,
nor accuse any for the occasion they had
afforded [of a disorder]. Accordingly, these
men obeyed his orders, and were quiet; but
the people of the neighbouring country, when
they were informed of this plot, and of the
plotter, got together in great multitudes to
oppose John. But he prevented their at-
tempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native
city, while the Galileans came running out of
their several cities to Josephus; and as they
were now become many ten thousands of
armed men, they cried out, that they were
come against John the common plotter against
their interest, and would at the same time
burn him, and that city which had received
him. Hereupon Josephus told them that he
took their good-will to him kindly, hut still
he restrained their fury, and intended to sub-
due his enemies by prudent conduct, rather
than by slaying them; so he excepted those
of every city which had joined in this revolt
with John, by name, who had readily been
shown him by those that came from every
city, and caused public proclamation to be
made, that he would seize upon the effects of
those that did not forsake John within five
days’ time, and would burn both their houses
and their families with the. Whereupon three
thousand of John’s party left him immedi-
ately, who came to Josephus, and threw their
arms down at his feet. John then betook
himself, together with his two thousand Sy-
rian runagates, from open attempts, to more
secret ways of treachery. Accordingly, he
privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to
accuse Josephus, as having too great power,
oud to let them know that he would soon
come as a tyrant to thoir metropolis, unless

they prevented him. This accusation th<
people were aware of beforehand, but had no
regard to it. However, some of the gran-
dees, out of envy, and some of the rulers
also, sent money to John privately, that he
might be able to get together mercenary
soldiers, in order to fight Josephus; they
also made a decree of themselves, and this foi
recalling him from his government, yet did
they not think that decree sufficient; so they
sent withal two thousand five hundred armed
men, and four persons of the highest rank
amongst them; Joazar the son of Nomicus,
and Ananias the son of Sadduk; as also
Simon and Judas, the sons of Jonathan tall
very able men in speaking), that these persons
might withdraw the good-will of the people
from Josephus. These had it in charge, that if
he would voluntarily come away, they should
permit him to [come and] give an accountof bis
conduct; but if he obstinately insisted upon
continuing in his government, they should treat
him as an enemy. Now, Josephus’s frieuds
had sent him word that an army was coming
against him, but they gave him no notice be-
forehand what the reason of their coming was,
that being only known among some secret
councils of his enemies; and by this means
it was that four cities revolted from him im-
mediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gis-
chala, and Tiberias. Yet did he recover these
cities without war; and when he had routed
those four commanders by stratagems, and
had taken the most potent of their warriors,
he sent them to Jerusalem; and the people
[of Galilee] had great indignation at them,
and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not
only these forces, but those that sent them
also, had not these forces prevented it by
running away.

8. Now John was detained afterward within
the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in
of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias
revolted again, the people within it inviting
king Agrippa [to return to the exercise of
his authority there]; and when he did not
come at the time appointed, and when a few
Roman horsemen appeared that day, they ex-
pelled Josephus out of the city. Now, this
revolt of theirs was presently known at Turi-
cheae; and as Josephus had sent out all the
soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he
knew not how either to march out alone against
the revolters, or to stay where he was, because
he was afraid the king’s soldiers might prevent
him if he tarried, and might get into the city;
for he did not intend to do any thing • on the
next day, because it was the Sabbath-day, and
would hinder his proceeding. So he con-
trived to circumvent the revolters by a strata-
gem; and, in the first place, he ordered the
gates of Taricheae to be shut, that nobody
might go out and inform [those of Tiberias],
for whom it was intended, what stratagem he
was about: he then got together all the shipsWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK II.

648

that were upon the lake, which were found | that he would himself cut off the other hand;

to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of
them he put no more than four mariners. So
he sailed to Tiberias with haste, and kept at
such a distance from the city, that it was
not easy for the people to see the vessels, and
ordered that the empty vessels should float up
and down there, while himself, who had but
seven of his guards with him, and those
unarmed also, went so near as to be seen; but
when his adversaries, who were still reproach-
ing him, saw him from the walls, they were
so astonished that they supposed all the ships
were full of armed men, and threw down their
arms, and by signals of intercession they
besought him to spare the city.

9.	Upon this, Josephus threatened them
terribly, and reproached them, that when they
were the first that took up arms against the
Romans, they should spend their force before-
hand in civil dissensions, and do what their
enemies desired above all things; and that
besides, they should endeavour so hastily to
seize upon him, who took care of their safety,
and had not been ashamed to shut the gates
of their city against him that built their walls;
that, however, he would admit of any inter-
cessors from them that might make some
excuse for them, aiyl with whom he would
make such agreements as might be for the
city’s security. Hereupon ten of the most
potent men of Tiberias came down to him pre-
sently, and when he had taken them into one
of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried
a great way off from the city. He then com-
manded that fifty others of their senate, such
as were men of the greatest eminence, should
come to him, that they also might give him
some security on their behalf. After which,
under one new pretence or another, he called
forth others, one after another, to make the
leagues between them. He then gave order
to the masters of those vessels which he had
thus filled, to sail away immediately for Tari-
chete, and to confine those men in the prison
there; till at length he took all their senate,
consisting of six hundred persons, and about
two thousand of the populace, and carried
them away to Tarichese.

10.	And when the rest of the people cried
out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief
author of this revolt, they desired him to
spend his anger upon him [only]; but Jose-
phus, whose intention it was to slay nobody,
commanded one Levius, belonging to his
guards, to go out of the vessel, in order to
cut off both Clitus’s hands; yet was Levius
afraid to go out by himself alone, to such a
large body of enemies, and refused to go.
Now Clitus saw that Josephus was in a great
passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of
it, in order to execute the punishment him-
self; he begged therefore from the shore,
that he would leave him one of his hands,
which Josephus agreed to, upon condition

accordingly he drew his sword, and with his
right hand cut off his left,—so great was the
fear he was in of Josephus himself. And
thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners,
and recovered the city again with empty
ships* and seven of his guard. Moreover,
a few days afterward he retook Gischala,
which had revolted with the people of Sep-
phoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder
it; yet did he get all the plunder together,
and restored it to the inhabitants; and the
like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and
Tiberias: for when he had subdued those
cities, he had a mind, by letting them be
plundered, to give them some good instruc-
tion, while at the same time he regained their
good-will by restoring them their money
again.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE JEWS MAKE ALL READY FOR THE WAR;

AND SIMON, THE SON OF GIORAS, FALLS

TO PLUNDERING.

§ 1. And thus were the disturbances of Gali-
loe quieted, when, upon their ceasing to pro-
secute their civil dissensions, they betook
themselves to make preparations for the war
with the Romans. Now in Jerusalem the
high-priest Ananus, and as many of the men
of power as were not in the interest of the
Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a
great many warlike instruments, insomuch
that, in all parts of the city, darts and all sorts
of armour were upon the anvil. Although
the multitude of the young men were engaged
in exercises, without any regularity, and all
places were full of tumultuous doings; yet
the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and
a great many there were who, out of the pro-
spect they had of the calamities that were
coming upon them, made great lamentations.
There were also such omens observed as were
understood to be forerunners of evils, by such
as loved peace, but were by those that kin-
dled the war interpreted 'so as to suit their
own inclinations; and the very state of the
city, even before the Romans came against it,
was that of a place doomed to destruction.
However, Ananus’s concern was this, to lay
aside, for a while, the preparations for the
war, and to persuade the seditious to consult
their own interest, and to restrain the madness
of those that had the name of zealots: but
their violence was too hard for him; and what
end he came to we shall relate hereafter.

2. But as for the Acrabbene toparchy,

* I cannot but think this stratagem of Josephus,
which is related both here and in his Life, sect.32, 33, to
be one of the finest that ever was invented and executed
by any warrior whatsoever.CHAP. I.

. WARS OF THE JEWS.

649

Simon, the son of Gioras, got a great number
of those that were fond of innovations together,
and betook himself to ravage the country;
nor did he only harass the rich men’s houses,
but tormented their bodies, and appeared
openly and beforehand to affect tyranny in
l-.i< government. And when an army was
real against him by Anauus, and the other
ml.-ho and Ids ban i retired to the robbers
that V.* .; at Masada, and staid there, and

plundered the country of Idumea with them,
till both Ananus and his other adversaries
were slain; and until the rulers of that
country were so afflicted with the multitude
of those that were slain, and with the
continual ravage of what they had, that they
raised an army, and put garrisons into the
villages, to secure them from those insults.
And in this state were the affairs of Judea at
that time.

BOOK III.

CONTAININQ THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE TBAB.

FROM VESPASIAN’S COMING TO SUBDUE THE JEWS TO THE
TAKING OF GAMALA.

CHAPTER L

VESPASIAN IS SENT INTO SYRIA BY NERO, TO
MAKE WAR WITH THE JEWS.

§ 1. When Nero was informed of the Ro-
mans’ ill success in Judea, a concealed con-
sternation and terror, as is usual in such
cases, fell upon, him; although he openly
looked very big, and was very angry, and
said, that what had happened was rather owing
to the negligence of the commander than to
any valour of the enemy: and as be thought
it .(it for him who bare the burden of the
whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he
now pretended so to do, and to have a soul
superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever.
Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul
plaiidy appear by the solicitude he was in
[iiow to recover his affairs again].

2. And as he was deliberating to whom he
should commit the care of the east, now it
was in so great a commotion, and who might
be best able to punish the Jews for their re-
bellion, and might prevent the same distem-
per from seizing upon the neighbouring
nations also,—he found no one but Vespasian
equal to the task, and able to undergo the
great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he
was growing an old man already in the camp,
and from his youth had been exercised in
warlike exploits: he was also a man that had
long ago pacified the west, and made it
subject to the Romans, when it had been put
into disorder by the Germans: be had also

recovered to them Britain by his arms, which
had been little known before;* whereby he
procured to his father Claudius to have a
triumph bestowed on him without any sweat
or labour of his own.

3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances
as favourable omens, and saw that Vespasian’s
age gave him sure experience, and great skill,
and that he had his sons as hostages for his
fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing
age they were in would make them fit in-
struments under their father’s prudence.
Perhaps also there was some interposition of
Providence, which was paving the way for
Vespasian’s being himself emperor afterwards.
Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon
him the command of the armies that were in
Syria; but this not without great encomiums
and flattering compellations, such as neces-
sity required, and such as might mollify
him into complaisance. So Vespasian sent
his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been
with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with
him from thence the fifth and tenth legions,
while be himself, when he had passed over
the Hellespont, came by land into Syria,

• Take the confirmation of this in the words of Sue-
tonius, here produced by Dr. Hudson: — “In the reis;n
of Claudius,” says he, “ Vespasian, for the sake of Nar-
cissus, was sent as a lieutenant of a legion into 9er-
many. Thence lie removed into Britain, and 'ought
thirty battles with the enemy.” inVesp. sect. 4. We
may also here note from Josephus, that Claudius tho
emperor, who triumphed fur tlie conquest of Britain,
was euabled so to do by Vespasian’s xmduct and
bravery, and that he is here styled “the Father uf
Vespasian.”WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

650

where he gathered together the Roman forces,
with a considerable number of auxiliaries
from the kings in that neighbourhood.

CHAPTER II.

A GREAT SLAUGHTER OF THE JEWS ABOUT

ASCALON. VESPASIAN COMES TO PTOLE-

MAIS.

9 1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten
Cestius, were so much elevated with their
unexpected success, that they could not govern
their zeal, but, like people blown up into a
flame by their good fortune, carried the war
to remoter places. Accordingly, they pre-
sently got together a great multitude of all
their most hardy soldiers, and marched away
for Ascalon. This is an ancient city that is
distant from Jerusalem five hundred and
twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy
to the Jews; on which account they deter-
mined to make their first effort against it, and
to make their approaches to it as near as pos-
sible. This excursion was led on by three
men, who were the chief of them all, both for
strength and sagacity:	Niger, called the

Peraite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them,
John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strongly
walled about, but had almost no assistance
to be relied on [near them], for the garrison
consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one
troop of horsemen, whose captain was Anto-
ni us.

2. These Jews, therefore, out of their
anger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if
they had come but a little way, approached
very near the city, and were come even to
it; but Antonius, who was not unapprised of
the attack they were going to make upon the
city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and
being neither daunted at the multitude nor
at the courage of the enemy, received their
first attacks with great bravery; and when
they crowded to the very walls, he beat them
off. Now the Jews were unskilful in war,
but were to fight with those who were skilful
therein; they were footmen, to fight with
horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight
those that were united together; they were
poorly armed, to fight those that were com-
pletely so; they were to fight more by their
rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed
to soldiers that were exactly obedient, and
did every thing they were bidden upon the
least intimation. So they were easily beaten;
for as soon as ever their first ranks were once
in disorder, they were put to flight by the
enemy’s cavalry, and those of them that came
behind such as crowded to the will, fell upon
their own party’9 weapons, and became one
another’s enemies; and this so long till they
were all forced to give way to the attacks of

the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain
over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the
horsemen; which circumstance was very com-
modious for the Romans, and occasioned the
slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews;
for 6iich as ran away, they could overrun
them, and make them turn back; and when
they had brought them back after their flight,
and driven them together, they ran them
through, and slew a vast number of them,
insomuch that others encompassed others of
them, and drove them before them whitherso-
ever they turned themselves, and slew them
easily with their arrows; and the great num-
ber there were of the Jews seemed a solitude
to themselves, by reason of the distress they
were in, while the Romans bad such good
success with their small number, that they
seemed to themselves to be the greater multi-
tude; and as the former strove zealously
under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a
sudden flight, and hopes of the change in
their success, so did the latter feel no weari-
ness by reason of their good fortune; inso-
much that the fight lasted till the evening, till
ten thousand men of the Jews’ side lay dead,
with two of their generals, John and Silas;
and the greater part of the remainder were
wounded, with Niger, their remaining gene-
ral, who fled away together to a small city of
Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the
Romans were wounded in this battle.

3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews
broken by so great a calamity, but the losses
they had sustained rather quickened their
resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking
the dead bodies which lay under their feet,
they were enticed by their former glorious
actions to venture on a second destruction; so
when they had lain still so little a while that
their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured,
they got together all their forces, and came
with greater fury, and in much greater num-
bers, to Ascalon; but their former ill fortune
followed them, as the consequence of their
unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war;
for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the
passages they were to go through, where they
fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they
were encompassed about with horsemen before
they could form themselves into a regular
body for fighting, and were above eight thou-
sand of them slain: so all the rest of them
ran away, and with them Niger, who still did
a great many bold exploits in his flight. How-
ever, they were driven along together by the
enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a
certain strong tower belonging to a village
called Bezedel. However, Antonius and his
party, that they might neither spend any con-
siderable time about this tower, which was
hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander,
and the most courageous man of them all, to
escape from them, they set the wall on fire;
and as the tower was burning, the RomansCHAP. III.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

651

went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted
that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out
of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the
innermost part of it, and was preserved; and
on the third day afterward he spake out of the
ground to those that with great lamentations
were searching for him, in order to give him
a decent funeral; and when he was come
out, he tilled all the Jews with an unexpected
joy, as though he were preserved by God’s
providence to be their commander for the
time to come.

4. And now Vespasian took along with him
his army from Antioch (which is the metro-
polis of Syria, and, without dispute, deserves
the place of the third city in the habitable
earth that was under the Roman empire, *
both in magnitude and other marks of pros-
perity), where he found king Agrippa, with
all his forces, waiting for his coming, and
marched to Ptolemais. At this city also the
inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him,
who were for peace with the Romans. These
citizens had beforehand taken care of their
own safety, and being sensible of the power of
the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gal-
lus before Vespasian came, and had given
their faith to him, and received the security
of his right hand; and had received a Roman
garrison; and at this time withal they received
Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly,
and readily promised that they would assist
him against their own countrymen. Now
the general delivered them, at their desire, as
many horsemen and footmen as he thought
sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews,
if they should happen to come against them;
—and indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris
would be no small one, in this war that was
now beginning, seeing it was the largest city
of Galilee, and built in a place by nature
very strong, and might be a security of the
whole nation’s [fidelity to the Romans].

CHAPTER III.

A DESCRIPTION OF GALILEE, SAMARIA, AND
JUDEA.

§ 1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass
about the Galilees, which are two, and called
the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are
bounded towards the sun-setting, with the
borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais,
and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly
belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged
to the Tyrians; to. which mountain adjoins
Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, be-
cause those horsemen that were dismissed by

* Sfwnh»im and Reland both agree, that the two
cities here esteemed greater than Antioch, the metro-
polis of Syria, were Koine and Alexandria; nor is then
any occasion £jr doubt in so plain a case.

Herod the king dwelt therein; they are bound*
ed on the south with Samaria and Scy thopolis,
as far as the river Jordan; on the east with
Hippene and Gadaris, and also with Gaulanitis,
and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa;
its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and
the country of the Tyrians. As for that
Galilee which is called the Lower, it extends
in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and ol
the maritime places, Ptolemais is its neigh-
bour; its breadth is from the village called
Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as fur as
Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken
the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the
village Baca, which divides the land of the
Tyrians from it; its length is also from Meloth
to Thella, a village near to Jordan.

2.	These two Galilees, of so great largeness,
and encompassed with so many nations of
foreigners, have always been able to make a
strong resistance on all occasions of war; for
the Galileans are inured to war from their
infancy, and have been always very numerous;
nor hath the country been ever destitute of
men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of
them; for their soil is universally rich and
fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of
all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most
slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its
fruitfulness: accordingly, it is all cultivated by
its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle.
Moreover, the cities lie here very thick; and
the very many villages there are here, are
everywhere so full of people, by the richness

j of their soil, that the very least of them con-
tain above fifteen thousand inhabitants.

3.	In short, if any one will suppose that
Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he
will be obliged to prefer it before it in its
strength: for this is all capable of cultivation,
and is everywhere fruitful; but for Perea,
which is indeed much larger in extent, the
greater part of it is desert, and rough, and
much less disposed for the production of the
milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil
[in other parts], and produces all kinds of
fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of
all sorts, while yet the olive-tree, the vine, and
the palm-tree, are chiefly cultivated there. It is
also sufficiently watered with torrents, which
issue out of the mountains, and with springs
that never fail to run, even when the torrents
fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Now
the length of Perea is from MacLerus to Pella,
and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan;
its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we
have already said, as well as its western with
Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern
border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia,
and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene
and Gerasa.

4.	Now, as to the country of Samaria, it
lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at
a village that is in the great plain called
Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy,652

WARS OF I HE JEWS.

BOOK III.

and is entirely of the same nature with Judea;
for both countries are made up of hills and
valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture,
and are very fruitful. They have abundance
of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both
that which grows wild, and that which is the
effect of cultivation. They are not naturally
watered with many rivers, but derive their
chief moisture from rain-water, of which they
have no want; and for those rivers which
they have, all their waters are exceeding
sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass
they have, their cattle yield more milk than
do those in other places; and, what is the
greatest sign of excellency and of abundance,
they each of them are very full of people.

5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies
the village Anuath, which is also named
Borceos. This is the northern boundary of
Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be
measured lengthways, are bounded by a village
adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews
that dwell there call it Jordan. However,
its breadth is extended from the river Jordan
to Joppa. The city Jerusalem is situated in
the very middle; on which account some have,
with sagacity enough, called that city the
Navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea
destitute of such delights as come from the sea,
since its maritime places extend as far as Pto-
lemais: it was parted into eleven portions, of
which the royal city of Jerusalem was the
supreme, and presided over all the neighbour-
ing country, as the head does over the body.
As to the other cities that were inferior to it,
they presided over their several toparchies;
Gophna was the second of those cities, and
next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna,
and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idu-
mea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jeri-
cho; and after them came Jamnia and Joppa,
as presiding over the neighbouring people;
and besides these there was the region of
Gamala, and Gaulanitis, and Batanea, and
Trachonitis, which are also parts of the king-
dom of Agrippa. This [last] country begins
at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jor-
dan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of
Tiberias; and in length is extended from a
village called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its
inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians.
— And thus have I, with all possible brevity,
described the country of Judea, and thflse that
lie round about it.

CHAPTER IV.

JOSEPHUS MAKES AN ATTEMPT UPON SEPPHO-
BIS, BUT IS REPELLED. TITUS COMES WITH
A GREAT ARMY TO PTOLEMAIS.

§ 1 Now the auxiliaries who were sent to
assist the people of Seppboris, being a thousand

horsemen, and six thousand footmen, under
Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in
two bodies in the great plain. The foot were
put into the city to be a guard to it; but the
horse lodged abroad in the camp. These last,
by marching continually one way or other,
and over-running the parts of the adjoining
country, were very troublesome to Josephus
and his men; they also plundered all the
places that were out of the city’s liberty, and
intercepted such as durst go abroad. On
this account it was that Josephus marched
against the city, as hoping to take what he
had lately encompassed with so strong a wall,
before they revolted from the rest of the Gali-
leans, that the Romans would have much
ado to take it: by which means he proved too
weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to
forcing the place, and to his prevailing with
the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to
him. By this means he provoked the Romans
to treat the country according to the law of
war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger
they bore at this attempt, leave off either by
night or by day, burning the places in the
plain, or stealing away the cattle that were in
the country, and killing whatsoever appeared
capable of fighting perpetually, and leading
the weaker people as slaves into captivity; so
that Galilee was all over filled with fire and
blood, nor was it exempted from any kind of
misery or calamity; for the only refuge they
Lad was this, that when they were pursued,
they could retire to the cities which had walls
built them by Josephus.

2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from
Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than
the winter season did usually permit; so he
took with him those forces he was sent for,
and marching with great expedition, he came
suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his
father, together with the two legions, the fifth
and tenth, which were the most eminent legions
of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion
which was with his father: eighteen cohorts
followed these legions; there came also five
cohorts from Cesarea, with one troop of horse-
men, and five other troops of horsemen from
Syria. Now these ten cohorts had severally
a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen
cohorts had no more than six hundred footmen
a-piece, with a hundred and twenty horse-
men. There were also a considerable num-
ber of auxiliaries got together, that came from
the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohe-
mus, each of them contributing one thousand
footmen that were archers, and a thousand
horsemen. Malchus also, the king of Ara-
bia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five
thousand footmen, the greatest part of whom
were archers; so that the whole army, inclu-
ding the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well
horsemen as footmen, when all were united
together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides
the servants, who, as they followed in vastCHAP. V.

WARS OK THE JEWS.

653

numbers, so because they bad been trained up
in war with the rest, ought not to be dis-
tinguished from the fighting men; for as they
were in their masters’ service in times of
peace, so did they undergo the like dangers
with them in times of war, insomuch that
they were inferior to none, either in skill or
in strength, only they were subject to their
masters.

CHAPTER V.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE ROMAN ARMIES AND
ROMAN CAMPS; AND WHAT THE ROMANS
ARE COMMENDED FOR.

§ 1. Now here one cannot hut admire at the
precaution of the Romans, in providing them-
selves of such household servants, as might
not only serve at other times for the common
offices of life, but might also be of advantage
to them in their wars; and indeed, if any one
does but attend to the other parts of their
military discipline, he will be forced to confess
that their obtaining so large a dominion, hath
been the acquisition of their valour, and not
the bare gift of fortune; for they do not begin
to use their weapons first in time of war, nor
do they then put their hands first into motion,
while they avoided so to do in times of peace;
but, as if their weapons did always cling to
them, they have never any truce from warlike
exercises; nor do they stay till times of war
admonish them to use them; for their military
exercises differ not at all from the real use of
their arms, but every soldier is every day
exercised, and that with great diligence, as if
it were in time of war, which is the reason
why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily;
for neither can any disorder remove them
from their usual regularity, nor can fear
affright them out of it, nor can labour tire
them; which firmness of conduct makes them
always to overcome those that have not the
same firmness; nor would he be mistaken that
should call those their exercises unbloody
battles, and their battles bloody exercises.
Nor can their enemies easily surprise them
with the suddenness of their incursions; for
as soon as they have marched into an enemy’s
land, they do not begin to fight till they have
walled their camp about; nor is the fence

they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do
they all abide in it, nor do those that are in
it take their places at random; but if it hap-
pens that the ground is uneven, it is first
levelled: their camp is also four-square by
measure, and carpenters are ready, in great
numbers, with their tools, to erect their build-'
ings for them.*

• This description of the exact symmetry and regula-
rity of the Roman army, and of the Human encampments,
with the sounding their trumpets, &c and uider of war.

2.	As for what is within the camp, it is set
apart for tents, but the outward circumference,
hath the resemblance of a wall, and is adorned
with towers at equal distances, where between
the towers stand the engines for throwing
arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and
where they lay all other engines that can
annoy the enemy, all ready for their several
operations. They also erect four gates, one
at every side of the circumference, and these
large enough for the entrance of the beasts,
and wide enough for making excursions, if
occasion should require. They divide the
camp within into streets, very conveniently,
and place the tents of the commanders in the
middle; but in the very midst of all is the
general’s own tent, in the nature of a temple,
insomuch that it appears to be a city built on
the sudden, with its market-place, and place
for handicraft trades, and with seats for the
officers, superior and inferior; where, if any
differences arise, their causes are heard and
determined. The camp, and all that is in it,
is encompassed with a wall round about, and
that sooner than one would imagine, and this
by the multitude and the skill of the labour-
ers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn
round the whole, whose depth is four cubits,
and its breadth equal.

3.	When they have thus secured themselves,
they live together by companies, with quiet-
ness and decency, as are all their other affairs
managed with good order and security. Each
company hath also their wood, and their com,
and their water, brought them, when they
stand in need of them; for they neither sup
nor dine as they please themselves singly, but
all together. Their times also for sleeping,
and watching, and rising, are notified before-
hand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any
thing done without such a signal; and in the
morning the soldiery go every one to their
centurions, and these centurions to their tri-
bunes, to salute them; with whom all the
superior officers go to the general of the whole
army, who then gives them of course the watch-
word and other orders, to be by them carried
to all that are under their command; which
is also observed when they go to fight, and
thereby they turn themselves about on the sud-
den, when there is occasion for making sallies,
as they come back when they are recalled, in
crowds also.

4.	When they are to go out of their camp,
the trumpet gives a sound, at which time
nobody lies still, but at the first intimation they

described in this and the next chapter, is so very like to
the symmetry and regularity of the people of Israel in iho
wilderness (see Description of the Temples, ch. ix.) that
one cannot well avoid the supposai, that the one was iho
ultimate pattern of the other, and that the tactics of thn
ancients were taken f.oiu the rules given by God to
Moses. And it is thought by some skilful in those mat-
ters, that these accounts of .losejdtus, as to the Roman
comp and armour, and conduct in war. are preferable to
ibono in the Roman authors themselves.654

WARS OF THE JEWS.

book \rr.

take down their tents, and all is made ready
for their going out; then do the trumpets
sound again, to order them to get ready for
the march; then do they lay their baggage
suddenly upon their mules and other beasts of
burden, and stand, at the place for starting,
ready to march; when also they set tire to
their camp, and this they do because it will
be easy for them to erect another camp, and
that it may not ever be of use to their ene-
mies. Then do the trumpets give a sound
the third time, that they are to go out in order
to excite those that on any account are a little
tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank
when the army marches. Then does the crier
stand at the general’s right hand, and asks
them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they
be now ready to go out to war or not. To
which they reply as often, with a loud and
cheerful voice, saying, “ We are ready.”
And this they do almost before the question is
asked them; they do this as filled with a kind
of martial fury, and at the time that they so
cry out, they lift up their right hands also.

5.	When, after this, they are gone out of
their camp, they all march without noise, and
in a decent manner, and every one keeps his
own rank, as if they were going to W'ar. The
footmen are armed with breast-plates and head-
pieces, and have swords on each side; but the
sword which is upon their left side is much
longer than the other; for that on the right side
is not longer than a span. Those footmen also
that are chosen out from amongst the rest to be
about the general himself, have a lance and a
buckler; but the rest of the foot-soldiers have a
spear and a long buckler, besides a saw’ and a
basket, a pick-axe, and an axe, a thong of
leather, and a hook, with provisions for three
days; so that a footman hath no great need of
a mule to carry his burdens. The horsemen
have a long sword on their light sides, and a
long pole in their hand: a shield also lies by
them obliquely on one side of their horses,
with three or more darts that are borne in their
quiver, having broad points, and no smaller
than spears. They have also head-pieces and
breast-plates, in like manner as have all the
footmen. And for those that are chosen to
be about the general, their armour no way
differs from that of the horsemen belonging
to other troops; and he always leads the
legions forth, to whom the lot assigns that
employment.

6.	This is the manner of the marching and
resting of the Romans, as also these are the
several sorts of weapons they use. But when
they are to fight, they leave nothing without
forecast, nor to be done off-hand, but counsel
is ever first taken before any work is begun,
and what hath been there resolved upon is
put in execution presently; for which reason
they seldom commit any errors; and if they
nave been mistaken at any time, they easily
correct those mistakes. They also esteem any

errors they commit upon taking counsel be-
forehand, to be better than such rash success
as is owing to fortune only; because such a
fortuitous advantage tempts them to be in-
considerate, while consultation, though it may
sometimes fail of success, hath this good in
it, that it makes men more careful hereafter;
but for the advantages that arise from chance,
they are not owing to him that gains them;
and as to what melancholy accidents happen
unexpectedly, there is this comfort in them,
that they had however taken the best consul-
tations they could to prevent them.

7.	Now they so manage their preparatory
exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies
of the soldiers oidy, but their souls, may also
become stronger: they are moreover hardened
for war by fear; for rheir laws indict capital
punishments, not only for soldiers running
away from their ranks, but for slothfulness
and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser
degree; as are their generals more severe than
their laws, for they prevent any imputation of
cruelty towards those under condemnation,
by the great rewards they bestow on the
valiant soldiers; and the readiness of obeying
their commanders is so great, that it is very
ornamental in peace; but when they come to
a battle, the whole army is but one body, so
well coupled together are their ranks, so sud-
den are their turnings about, so sharp their
hearing as to what orders are given them, so
quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nim-
ble are their hands when they set to work;
whereby it came to pass, that what they do
is done quickly, and what they suffer they
bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we
find any examples where they have been con-
quered in battle, when they came to a close
fight, either by the multitude of the enemies,
or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties
in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune
neither, for their victories have been surer to
them than fortune could have granted them.
In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes
before action, and where, after taking the best
advice, that advice is followed by so active an
army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on
the east, the ocean on the west, the most fer-
tile regions of Libya on the south, and the
Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the
limits of this empire. One might well say,
that the Roman possessions are not inferior to
the Romans themselves.

8.	This account I have given the reader,
not so much with the intention of commend-
ing the Romans, as of comforting those that
have been conquered by them, and for deter-
ring others from attempting innovations un-
der their government. This discourse of the
Roman military conduct may also perhaps be
of use to such of the curious as are ignorant
of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I
return now trom this digression.CHAP. VI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

655

CHAPTER VI.

PLACIDUS ATTEMPTS TO TAKE JOTAPATA,
AND IS BEATEN OFF. VESPASIAN MARCHES
INTO GALILEE.

§ I. And now Vespasian, with his son Titus,
had tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had
put his army in order. But when Placidus,
who had over-run Galilee, and had besides
slain a number of those whom he bad caught
(which were only the weaker part of the Gali-
leans, and such as were of timorous souls),
saw that the warriors ran always to those
cities whose walls had been built by Josephus,
he marched furiously against Jotapata, which
was of them all the strongest, as supposing
he should easily take it by a sudden surprise,
and that he should thereby obtain great honour
to himself among the commanders, and bring
a great advantage to them in their future
campaign; because, if this strongest place of
them all were, once taken, the rest would be
so affrighted as to surrender themselves. But
he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking;
for the men of Jotapata were apprised of his
coining to attack them, and came out of the
city, and expected him there. So they fought
the Romans briskly when they least expected
it, being both many in number, and prepared
for lighting, and of great alacrity, as esteem-
ing their country, their wives, and their chil-
dren, to be in danger, and easily put the
Romans to flight, and wounded many of them,
and slew seven of them;* because their
retreat was not made in a disorderly manner,
because the strokes only touched the surface
of their bodies, which were covered with
their armour in all parts, and because the
Jews did rather throw their weapons upon
them from a great distance, than venture to
come hand to hand with them, and had only
light armour on, while the others were com-
pletely armed. However, three men of the
Jews’ side were slain, and a few wounded; so
Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the
city, ran away.

2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to
fall upon Galilee, he marched out from Ptole-
mais, having put his army into that order
wherein the Romans used to march. He

* I cannot but here observe an eastern way of speak-
ing. frequent union* tiiem, hiit nut usual among us,
where the word *• only ’’ or 4- alone” is not set down, but
perhaps some way supplied in the pronunciation, t hus
Josephus here says, that those of Jotapata slew seven of
the (tomans as they were inarching off, because the
Romans' retreat was regular, their hodh s were covered
ovit with tlirir armour, and the Jews ioug"t at some
di'tauce; bis meaning is clear, that, these were the rea-
sons why they slew only, or no more than seven. I have
ITU- witr. many the like examples in the Scriptures, in
Josephus, ficc.j hut aid out note down the particular
planes. Tins observation ought to be borne in mind
upon many occasions.

ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly
armed, and the archers, to march first,
that they might prevent any sudden insults
from the enemy, and might search out the
woods that looked suspiciously, and were
capable of ambuscades. Next to these fol-
lowed that part of the Romans who were
most completely armed, both footmen and
horsemen. Next to these followed ten out
of every hundred, carrying along with them
their arms, and what was necessary to mea-
sure out a camp withal; and after them,
such as were to make the road even and
straight, and if it were anywhere rough and
bard to be passed over, to plane it, and to
cut down the woods that hindered their march,
that the army might not be in distress, or
tired with their march. Behind these he set
such carriages of the army as belonged both
to himself and to the other commanders, with
a considerable number of their horsemen for
their security. After these he marched him-
self, having with him a select body of foot-
men, and horsemen, and pikemen. After
these came the peculiar cavalry of his own
legion, for there were an hundred and twenty
horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every
legion. Next to these came the mules that
carried the engines for sieges, and the other
warlike machines of that nature. After these
came the commanders of the cohorts, and tri-
bunes, having about them soldiers chosen out
of the rest. Then came the ensigns encompas-
sing the eagle, which is at the head of every
Roman legion, the king and the strongest of
all birds, which seems to them a signal ot
dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer
all against whom they march; these sacred
ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then
came the main army in their squadrons and
battalions, with six men in depth, which were
followed at last by a centurion, who, according
to custom, observed the rest. As for the ser-
vauts of every legion, they all followed the
footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers,
which was borne by the mules and other beasts
of burden. But behind all the legions came
the whole multitude of the mercenaries; and
those that brought up the rear came last of all
for the security of the whole army, being both
footmen, and those in their armour also, with
a great number of horsemen.

3. And thus did Vespasian march with his
army, and came to the bounds of Galilee,
where he pitched his camp and restrained his
soldiers, who were eager for war; he also
showed his army to the enemy, in order to
affright them, and to afford them a season for
repentance, to see whether they would change
their minds before it came to u battle, and at
the same time he got things ready for besieg-
ing their strongholds. And indeed this sight
of the general brought many to repent of their
revolt, and put them all into a consternation;
for those that were in Josephus’s_ir-mp, which656

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

was at the city called Garis, not far from
Sepplnoris, when they heard that the war was
come near them, and that the Romans would
suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed
themselves and fled, not only before they
came to a battle, but before the enemy ever
came in sight, while Josephus and a few others
were left behind; and as he saw that he had not
an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that
the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the
greater part would willingly come to terms,
if they might be credited, he already des-
paired of the success of the whole war, and
determined to get as far as he possibly could,
out of danger; so he took those that staid
along with him, and fled to Tiberias.

CHAPTER VII.

VESPASIAN, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY
GADARA, MARCHES TO JOTAPATA. AFTER
A LONG SIEGE, THE CITY IS BETRAYED BY A
DESERTER, AND TAKEN BY VESPASIAN.

§ 1. So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara,
and took it upon the first onset, because he
found it destitute of any considerable number
of men grown up and fit for war. He came
then into it, and slew all the youth, the Ro-
mans having no mercy on any age whatso-
ever; and this was done out of the hatred
they bore the nation, and because of the in-
iquity they had been guilty of in the affair of
Cestius. He also set fire, not only to the
city itself, but to all the villas and small cities
that were round about it; some of them were
quite destitute of inhabitants; and out of
some of them he carried the inhabitants as
slaves into captivity.

2.	As to Josephus, his retiring into that city,
which he chose as the most fit for his security,
put it into great fear; for the people of Ti-
berias did not imagine that he would have
run away, unless he had entirely despaired of
the success of the war; and, indeed, as to
that point, they were not mistaken about his
opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the
Jews would tend at last, and was sensible
that they had but one way of escaping, and
that was by repentance. However, although
he expected that the Romans would forgive
him, yet did he choose to die many times over
rather than to betray his country, and to dis-
honour that supreme command of the army
which had been entrusted with him, or to
live happily under those against whom he was
sent to fight. He determined, therefore, to
give an exact account of affairs to the princi-
pal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he
might not, by too much aggrandizing the
power of the enemy, make them too timorous;
nor, by relating that their power beneath the
truth, might encourage them to stand out

when they were perhaps disposed to repent-
ance. He also sent them word, that if they
thought of coming to terms, they must sud-
denly write him an answer; or if they re-
solve upon war, they must send him an army
sufficient to fight the Romans. Accordingly,
he wrote these things, and sent messengers
immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem.

3.	Now Vespasian was very desirous of
demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intel-
ligence that the greater part of the enemy had
retired thither; and that it was, on other ac-
counts, a place of great security to them. Ac-
cordingly, he sent both footmen and horsemen
to level the road, which was mountainous and
rocky, not without difficulty to be travelled
over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable
for horsemen. Now these workmen accom-
plished what they were about in four days’
time, and opened a broad way for the army.
On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first ol
the month Artemisius (Jyar), Josephus pre-
vented him, and came from Tiberias, and
went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping
spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter
told this good news to Vespasian, that Jose-
phus had removed himself thither, which
made him make haste to the city, as suppos-
ing, that with taking that he should take all
Judea, in case he could but withal get Jose-
phus under his power. So he took this news
to be of the vastest advantage to him, and be-
lieved it to be brought about by the provi-
dence of God, that he who appeared to be the
most prudent man of all their enemies, had of
his own accord shut himself up in a place of
sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus
with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius, a
decurion, a person that was of eminency both
in council and in action, to encompass the city
round, that Josephus might not escape away
privately.

4.	Vespasian also, the very next day, took
his whole army and followed them, and by
marching till late in the evening, arrived then
at Jotapata; and bringing bis army to the
northern side of the city, he pitched his camp
on a certain small hill which was seven fur-
longs from the city, and still greatly endea-
voured to be well seen by the enemy, to put
them into a consternation, which was indeed
so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no
one of them durst go out beyond the wall.
Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that
time, because they had marched all the day,
although they placed a double row of batta-
lions round the city, with a third row beyond
them round the whole, which consisted of
cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an
exit; which thing, making the Jews despair
of escaping, excited them to act more boldly;
for nothing makes men fight so desperately in
war as necessity.

5.	Now when an assault was made the next
day by the Romans, the Jews at first staidCHAP. VII,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

657

out of the walls, and opposed them; and met
them, as having formed themselves a camp
before the city walls. But when Vespasian
had set against them the archers and slingers,
and the whole multitude that could throw to
a great distance, he permitted them to go to
work, while he himself, with the footmen,
got upon an acclivity, whence the city mipht
easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear
for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jew-
ish multitude with him; these fell together
upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove
them away from the wall, and performed a
great many glorious and bold actions. Yet
did they sulfer as much as they made the
enemy suffer; for as despair of deliverance
encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame
equally encourage the Romans. These last
had skill as well as strength; the other had
only courage, which armed them, and made
them fight furiously. And when the fight
had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the
coming on of the night. They had wounded
a great many of the Romans, and killed of
them thirteen men; of the Jews’ side seven-
teen were slain, and six hundred wounded.

6.	On the next day the Jews made another
attack upon the Romans, and went out of
the walls, and fought a much more desperate
battle with them than before; for they were
now become more courageous than formerly,
and that on account of the unexpected good
opposition they had made the day before, as
they found the Romans also to fight more
desperately; for a sense of shame inflamed
these into a passion, as esteeming their failure
of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat.
Thus did the Romans try to make an impres-
sion upon the Jews till the fifth day continu-
ally, while the people of Jotapata made sallies
out, and fought at the walls most desperately;
nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength
of the enemy, nor wore the Romans discou-
raged at the difficulties they met with in
taking the city.

7.	Now Jotapata is almost -all of it built
upon a precipice, having on all the other sides
of it every way valleys immensely deep and
steep, insomuch that those vvho would look
down would have their sight fail them before
it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be
come at on the north side, where the utmost
part of the city is built on the mountain, as
it ends obliquely at a plain. This mountain
Josephus had encompassed with a wall when
he fortified the city, that'its top might not be
capable of being seized upon by the enemies.
The city is covered all round with other
mountains, and can no way be seen till a man
comes just upon it. And this was the strong
situation of Jotapata.

8.	Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how
he might overcome the natural strength of
the place, as well as the bold defence of the
Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege

with vigour. To that end he called the com-
manders that were under him to a council of
war, and consulted wifh them which waj the
assault might be managed to the best advan-
tage; and when the resolution was there
taken to raise a bank against that part of'the
wall which was practicable, he sent his whole
army abroad to get the materials together.
So when they had cut down all the trees on
the mountains that adjoined to the city, ami
had gotten together a vast heap of Etones,
besides the wood they had cut down, some of
them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the
effects of the darts that were shot from above
them. These hurdles they spread over their
banks, under cover whereof they formed their
bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by
the darts that were thrown upon them from
the wall, while others pulled the neighbour-
ing hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought
•earth to them; so that while they were busy
three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. How-
ever, the Jews cast great stones from the walls
upon the hurdles which protected the men,
with all sorts of darts also; and the noise
of what could not reach them was yet so ter-
rible, that it was some impediment to the
workmen.

9.	Vespasian then set the engines for throw-
ing stones and darts round about the city;
the number of the engines was in all a hun-
dred and sixty; and bade them fall to work,
and dislodge those that were upon the wall.
At the same time such engines as were
intended for that purpose, threw at once
lances upon them with great noise, and stones
of the weight of a talent were thrown by the
engines that were prepared for that purpose,
together with fire, and a vast multitude of
arrows, which made the wall so dangerous,
that the Jews durst not only not to come upon
it, but durst not come to those parts within
the walls which were reached by the engines;
for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as
well also as all those that threw darts and
slung stones, fell to work at the same time
with the engines. Yet did not the others lie
still when they could not throw at the Romans
from a higher place; for they then made sal-
lies out of the city like private robbers, by
parties, and pulled away the hurdles that
covered the workmen, and killed them when
they were thus naked; and when those work-
men gave way, these cast away the earth that
composed the bank, and burnt the wooden
parts of it, together with the hurdles, till at
length Vespasian perceived that the intervals
there were between the works were of disad-
vantage to him; for those spaces of ground
afforded the Jews a place for assaulting tee
Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at
the same time joined one part of the army to
the other, which prevented the private excur-
sions of the Jews.

10.	And when the bank was now raised,WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III,

658

and brought nearer than ever to the battle-
ments that belonged to the walls, Josephus
fhought it would be’entirely wrong in him
if he could make no contrivances in opposi-
tion to theirs, and that might be for the city's
preservation; so he got together his work-

other necessaries, and that the men were of
good courage, and being desirous to protract
the sietre to the Romans longer than they
expected, ordered their drink to be given them
by measure; but this scanty distribution of
water by measure was deemed by them as a

men, and ordered them to build the wall I thing more hard upon them than the want of

higher; and when they said that this was im-
possible to be done while so many darts were
thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover
for them: — He bade them fix piles, and ex-
pand before them raw hides of oxen nevvly
killed, that these bides, by yielding and hol-
lowing themselves when the stones were
thrown at them, might receive them, for that
the other darts would slide off them, and the
fire that was thrown would be quenched by
the moisture that was in them; and these he
set before the workmen; and under them
these workmen went on with their works in
safety, and raised the- wall higher, and that
both by day and by night, till it was twenty
cubits high. He also built a good number
of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong
battlements. This greatly discouraged the
Romans, who, in their own opinions, were al-
ready gotten within the walls, while they were
now at once astonished at Josephus’s contri-
vance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that
were in the city.

11.	And now Vespasian was plainly irri-
tated at the great subtilty of this stratagem,
and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapa-
ta; for taking heart again upon the building
of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the
Romans, and had every day condicts with
them by parties, together with all such con-
trivances as robbers make use of, and with the
plundering of all that came to hand, as also
with the setting fire to all the other works;
and this till Vespasian made his army leave
off fighting them, and resolved to lie round
the chy, and to starve them into a surrender,
as supposing that either they would be forced
to petition him for mercy by want of provi-
sions, or if they should have the courage to
hold out till the last they should perish by
famine: and he concluded he should conquer
them the more easily in fighting, if he gave
them an interval, and then fell upon them
when they were weakened by famine; but
still he gave orders that they should guard
against their coming out of the city.

12.	Now the besieged had plenty of corn
within the city, and indeed of all other neces-
saries, but they wanted W'ater, because there
was no fountain in the city, the people being
there usually satisfied with rain water; yet it
is a rare thing in that country to have rain id
summer, and at this season, during the siege,
they were in great distress for some contri-
vance to satisfy their thirst; and they were
very sad at this time particularly, as if they
were already in want of water entirely, for
Josephus seeing that the city abounded with

it; and their not been able to drink as much
as they would, made them more desirous of
drinking than they otherwise had been; nay,
they were so much disheartened heieby as if
they were come to the last degree of thirst.
Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the
state they were in, for when they stood over
against them, beyond the wall, they could see
them running together, and taking their water
by measure, which made them throw their
javelins thither, the place being within their
reach, and kill a great many of them.

13.	Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their
receptacles of water would in no long time be
emptied, and that they would be forced to de-
liver up the city to him; but Josephus being
minded to break such his hope, gave command
that they should wet a great many of their
clothes, and bang them out about the battle-
ments, till the entire wall was of a sudden all
wet with the running down of the water. At
this sight the Romans were discouraged, and
under consternation, when they saw them able
to throw away in sport so much water, when
they supposed them not to have enough to
drink themselves. This made the Roman
general despair of taking the city by their
want of necessaries, and to betake himself
again to arms, and to try to force them to
surrender, which was what the Jews greatly
desired; for as they despaired of either them-
selves or their city being able to escape, they
preferred a death in battie before one by
hunger and thirst.

14.	However, Josephus contrived another
stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty

of what they wanted______There was a certain

rough and uneven place that could hardly be
ascended, and on that account was not guarded
by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain
persons along the western parts of the
valley, and by them sent letters to whom he
pleased of the Jews that were out of the city,
and procured from them what necessaries
soever they wanted in the city in abundance;
he enjoined them also to creep generally along
by the watch as they came into the city, and
to cover their bucks with such sheep-skins as
had their wool upon them, that if any one
should spy them in the night-time, they might
be believed to be dogs. This was done till
the watch perceived their contrivance, and en-
compassed that rough place about themselves.

15.	And now it was that Josephus perceived
that the city could not hold out long, and
that his own life would be in doubt if he con-
tinued in it; so he consulted how he and the
most potent men of the city might fly out oiCHAP. VII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

659

it. When the multitude understood this, they
came all round about him, and begged of him
not to overlook them while they entirely
depended on him, and him alone; for that
there was still hope of the city’s deliverance
it he would stay with them, because every body
would undertake any pains with great cheer-
fulness on his account, and in that case there
would be some comfort for them also, though
they should be taken: that it became him nei-
ther to dy from his enemies, nor to desert his
friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of
a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which
he came when it was quiet and in a calm; for
that by going away he would be the cause of
drowning the city, because nobody would then
venture to oppose the enemy when he was
once gone, upon whom they wholly confided.

1G. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting
them know that he was to go away to provide
for his own safety, but told them that he would
go out of the city for their sakes; for that if
lie staid with them, he should be able to do
them little good while they were in a safe
condition; and that if they were once taken,
be should only perish with them to no pur-
pose; but that if he were once gotten free
from this siege, he should be able to bring
them very great relief; for that he would then
immediately get the Galileans together, out
of the country, in great multitudes, and draw
the Romans off their city by another war.
That he did not see what advantage he could
Driug to them now, by staying among them,
Dut only provoke the Romans to besiege them
more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable
thing to take him; but that if they were once
informed that he was fled out of the city, they
would greatly remit of their eagerness against
it. Yet did not this plea move the people,
but inflamed them the more to hang about
him. Accordingly, both the children and the
old men, and the women with their infants,
came mourning to him, and fell down before
him, and all of them caught hold of his feet,
und held him fast, and besought him, with
great lamentations, that he would take his
share with them in their fortune;—and I
think they did this, not that they envied his
deliverance, but that they hoped for their
own; for they could not think they should
suffer any great misfortune, provided Jose-
phus would but stay with them.

17.	Now, Josephus thought, that if he
resolved to stay, it would he ascribed to their
entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by
force, he should be put into custody. His
commiseration also of the people under their
lamentations, had much broken that of his
eagerness to leave them; so heresolved tostay,
and arming himself with the common despair
of the citizens, he said to them, “ Now is the
time to begin to fight in earnest, when there
is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave
thing to prefer glory before life, and to set

about some such noble undertaking as may
be remembered by late posterity.” Having
said this, he fell to work immediately, and
made a sally, and dispersed the enemies' out-
guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp
itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents
to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set
fire to their works. And this was the man-
ner in which he never left off fighting, nei-
ther the next day nor the day after it, but
went on with it for a considerable number of
both days and nights.

18.	Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the
Romans distressed by these sallies (although
they were ashamed to be made to run away
by the Jews; and when at any time they
made the Jews run away, their heavy armour
would not let them pursue them far; while
the Jews, when they had performed any
action, and before they could be hurt them-
selves, still retired into the city), ordered his
armed men to avoid their onset, and not to
tight it out with men under desperation,
while nothing is more courageous than despair;
but that their violence would be quenched
when they saw they failed of their purposes,
as fire is quenched when it wants fuel; and
that it was most proper for the Romans to
gain their victories as cheap as they could,
since they are not forced to fight, but only to
enlarge their own dominions. So he repelled
the Jews in great measure by the Arabian
archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those
that threw stones at them, nor was there any
intermission of the great number of their
offensive engines. Now, the Jews suffered
greatly by these engines, without being able
to escape from them; and when these engines
threw their stones or javelins a great way, and
the Jews were within their reach, they pressed
hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately,
without sparing either soul or body, one part
succouring another by turns, when it was tired
down.

19.	When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon
himself as in a manner besieged by these sal-
lies of the Jews, and-when his banks were now
not far from the walls, be determined to make
use of his battering ram. This battering
ram is a vast beam of wmod like the mast of a
ship; its fore-part is armed with a thick piece
of iron at the head of it, which is so carved
as to be like the head of a ram, whence its
name is taken. This ram is slung in the air
bv ropes passing over its middle, and is hung
like the balance in a pair of scales from
another beam, and braced by strong beams
that pass on both sides of it in the nature of
a cross. When this ram is pulled backward
by a great number of men with united force,
and then thrust forward by the same men,
with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with
that iron part which is prominent; nor is
there any tower so stTong, or walls so broad,
that can resist any more than its first batteries,360

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

but all are forced to yield to it at last.
This was the experiment which the Roman
general betook himself to when he was eagerly
bent upon taking the city, and found lying
in the field so long to be to his disadvantage,
because the Jews would never let him be
quiet. So these Romans brought the several
enginesforgallingan enemy nearer to the walls,
that they might reach such as were upon the
wall, and endeavoured to frustrate their
attempts; these threw stones and javelins at
them ; in the like manner did the archers and
slingers come both together closer to the wall.
This brought matters to such a pass that none
of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then
it was that the other Romans brought the
battering ram that was cased with hurdles
all over, and in the upper part was secured
with skins that covered it, and this both for
the security of themselves and of the engine.
Now, at the very first stroke of this engine,
the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamour
was raised by the people within the city, as if
they were already taken.

20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram
still battering the same place, and that the
wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he
resolved to elude for a while the force of the
engine. With this design he gave orders to
fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down
before that place where they saw the ram al-
ways battering, that the stroke might be turn-
ed aside, or that the place might feel less of
the strokes by the yielding nature of the
chaff. This contrivance very much delayed
the attempts of the Romans, because let
them remove their engine to what part they
pleased, those that were above it removed their
sacks, and placed them over against the strokes
it made, insomuch that the wall was no way
hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the
Romans made an opposite contrivance of long
poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut
off the sacks. Now, when the battering-ram,
thus recovered its force, and the wall having
been but newly built, was giving way, Jose-
phus and those about him, had afterward im-
mediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves
withal; whereupon they took what materials
soever they had that were but dry, and made
a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines,
and the hurdles, and the banks of the Ro-
mans themselves; nor did the Romans well
know how to come to their assistance, being
at once under a consternation at the Jews’
Doidness, and being prevented by the fames
from coming to their assistance; for the ma-
terials being dry with the bitumen and pitch
tnat were among them, as was brimstone also,
sne fire caught hold of every thing imme-
diately; and what cost the Romans a great
aeai of pains, was in one hour consumed.

xi. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy
nf our relation and commendation ; he was
tne son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar,

and was born at Saab, in Galilee, This
man took up a stone of vast bigness, and
threw it down from the wall upon the ram,
and this with so great a force that it broke off
the head of the engine. He also leaped down
and took up the head of the ram from the
midst of them, and without any concern, car-
ried it to the top of the wall, and this, while
he stood as a fit mark to be pelted by all his
enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes
upon his naked body, and was wounded with
five darts; nor did he mind any of them while
he went up to the top of the wall, where he
stood in sight of them all, as an instance of
the greatest boldness: after which he threw
himself on a heap with his wounds upon him,
and fell down, together with the head of the
ram. Next to him, two brothers showed their
courage; their names were Netir and Philip,
both of them of the village Ruma, and both
of them Galileans also; these men leaped
upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell
upon the Romans with such a noise and force
as to disorder their ranks, and put to flight
all upon whomsoever they made their as-
saults.

22. After these men’s performances, Jose-
phus, and the rest of the multitude with him,
took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the
machines, and their coverings, with the works
belonging to the fifth, and to the tenth legion,
which they put to flight; when others fol-
lowed them immediately, and buried those in-
struments and all their materials under ground.
However, about the evening the Romans
erected the battering ram again, against that
part of the wall which had suffered before;
where a certain Jew that defended the city
from the Romans, hit Vespasian with a dart
in his foot, and wounded him a little, the dis-
tance being so great, that no mighty impression
could be made by the dart thrown so far off.
However, this caused the greatest disorder
among the Romans; for when those who
stood near him saw his blood, they were dis-
turbed at it, and a report went abroad, through
the whole army, that the general was wound-
ed, while the greatest part left the siege, and
came running together with surprise and fear
to the general; and before them all came Ti-
tus, out of the concern he had for his father,
insomuch that the multitude were in great
confusion, and this out of the regard they had
for their general, and by reason of the agony
that the son was in. Yet did the father soon
put an end to the son’s fear, and to the dis-

order the army was under, for being superior
to his pains, and endeavouring soon to be
seen by all that bad been in a fright about
him, he excited them to fight the Jews more
briskly; for now every body was willing to
expose himself to danger immediately, in
order to avenge their general; and then tnev
encouraged one another with loud voices, and
ran hastily to the walls.CflAP. VII.

WARS OF TilJF.SVS

661

23.	But still Josephus and those with him,
nlthough they fell down dead one upon
nnother by the darts and stones which the
.•ngines threw upon them, yet did not they
desert the wall, but fell upon those who
managed the ram, under the protection of the
hurdles, with fire, and iron weapons, and
stones; and these could do little or nothing,
hut fell themselves perpetually, while they
were seen by those whom they could not see,
for the light of their own flame shone about
them, and made them a most visible mark to

enemy, as they were in the day-time,
while the engines could not be seen at a great
distance, and so what was thrown at them
was hard to be avoided; for the force with
which these engines threw stones and darts
made them hurt several at a time, and the
violent noise of the stones that were cast by
the engines was so great, that they carried
away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off"
the corners of the towers; for no body of men
could be so strong as not to be overthrown to
the last rank by the largeness of the stones;
and any one may learn the force of the
engines by what happened this very night; for
as one of those that stood round about Jose-
phus was near the wall, his head was carried
away by such a stone, and his skull was flung
as far as three furlongs. In the day-time also,
a woman with child had her belly so violently
struck, as she was just come out of her house,
that the infant was carried to the distance of
half a furlong; so great was the force of that
engine. The noise of the instruments them-
selves was very terrible, the sound of the
darts and stones that were thrown by them,
was so also; of the same sort was that noise
the dead bodies made, when they were dashed
against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the
clamour which these things raised in the
women within the city, which was echoed
back at the same time by the cries of such as
were slain; while the whole space of ground
whereon they fought ran with blood, and the
wall might have been ascended over by the
bodies of the dead carcasses; file mountains
also contributed to increase the noise by their
echoes; nor was there on that night any thing
of terror wanting that could either affect the
hearing or the sight: yet did a great part of
those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall
manfully, as were a great part of them
wounded. However, the morning watch was
come ere the wall yielded to the machines
employed against it, though it had been bat-
tered without intermission. However, those
within covered their bodies with their armour,
and raised works over-against that part which
was thrown down, before those engines were
laid by which the Romans were to ascend into
the city.

24.	In the morning Vespasian got his army
together, in order to take the city [by storm],
after a little recreation upon the hard pains

they had been at the night before; and 83 he
was desirous to draw off those that opposed
him from the places where the wall had been
thrown down, he made the most courageous
of the horsemen get off their horses, and
placed them in three ranks over-against those
ruins of the walls, but covered with their
armour on every side, and with poles in their
hands, that so these might begin their ascent
as soon as the instruments for such ascent were
laid; behind them he placed the flower of the
footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he
ordered them to extend themselves over-
against the wall, upon the whole hilly coun-
try, in order to- prevent any from escaping out
of the city when it should be taken; and
behind these he placed the archers round
about, and commanded them to have all their
darts ready to shoot. The same command he
gave to the slingers, and to those that managed
the engines, and bade them to take up other
ladders and have them ready to lay upon those
parts of the wall which were yet untouched,
that the besieged might be engaged in trying
to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the
guard of the parts that were thrown down,
while the rest of them should be overborne by
the darts cast at them, and might afford his
men an entrance into the city.

25.	But Josephus, understanding the mean-
ing of Vespasian’s contrivance, set the old
men, together with those that were tired out,
at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting
no harm from those quarters, but set the
strongest of his men at the place where the
wall was broken down, and before them all,
six men by themselves, among whom he took
his share of the first and greatest danger.
He also gave orders, that when the legions
made a shout they should stop their ears, that
they might not be affrighted at it, and that
to avoid the multitude of the enemies’ darts,
they should bend down on their knees, and
cover themselves with their shields, and that
they should retreat a little backward for a
while, till the archers should have emptied
their quivers; but that, when the Romans
should lay their instruments for ascending the
walls, they should leap out on the sudden,
and with their own instruments should meet
the enemy, and that every one should strive
to do bis best, in order not to defend his own
city, as if it were possible to be preserved,
but in order to revenge it, when it was already
destroyed; and that they should set before
their eyes how their old men were to be slain,
and their children and their wives to be killed
immediately by the enemy; and that they
would beforehand spend "all their fury, on
account of the calamities just coming upon
them, and pour it out on the actors.

2G. And thus did Josephus dispose of both
his bodies of men; but then for the useless part
of the citizens, the women and children, when
they saw their city encompassed by a threefold662

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK HI.

army (for none of the usual guards that had
been fighting before were removed), when
they also saw not only the walls thrown down,
but their enemies with swords in their bauds,
as also the hilly country above them shining
with their weapons, and the darts in the hands
of the Arabian archers, they made a final and
lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the
misery were not only threatened, but actually
come upon them already. But Josephus
ordered the women to be shut up in their
houses, lest they should render the warlike
actions of the men too effeminate, by making
them commiserate their condition, and com-
manded them to hold their peace, and
threatened them if they did not, while he came
himself before the breach, where his allotment
was; for all those who brought ladders to
the other places, he took no notice of them,
but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows
that was coming.

27. And now the trumpeters of the several
Roman legions sounded together, and the
army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as
by order, flew so fast that they intercepted the
light. However, Josephus’s men remembered
the charges he had given them, they stopped
their ears at the sounds, and covered their
bodies against the darts; and as to the en-
gines that were set ready to go to work, the
Jews ran out upon them, before those that
should have used them were gotten upon
them. And now, on the ascending of the
soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many
actions of the hands and of the soul were ex-
hibited, while the Jews did earnestly endea-
vour, in the extreme danger they were in,
not to show less courage than those who,
without being in danger, fought so stoutly
against them; nor did they leave struggling
with the Romans till they either fell down
dead themselves, or killed their antagonists.
But the Jews grew weary with defending
themselves continually, and had not enow
to come in their places to succour them,—
while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men
still succeeded those that were tired; and
still new men soon got upon the machines
for ascent, in the room of those that were
thrust down; those encouraging one another,
and juining side to side with their shields,
which were a protection to them, they became
a body of men not to be broken; and as this
band thrust away the Jews, as though they
were themselves but one body, they began
already to get upon the wall.

23. Then did Josephus take necessity for
his counsellor in this utmost distress (which
necessity is very sagacious in invention, when
it is irritated by despair), and gave orders to
pour scalding oil upon those whose shields
protected them. Whereupon they soon got
it ready, being many that brought it, and
what they brought being a great quantity
also, and poured it u:i all sines upon the

Romans, and threw down upon them their ves-
sels as they were still hissing from the heat
of the fire: this so burnt the Romans, that
it dispersed that united band, who now tum-
bled down from the wall with horrid pains,
for the oil did easilv run down the whole
body from head to foot, under their entire
armour, and fed upon their flesh like flame
itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it
soon heated and slowly cooled; and as the
men were cooped up in their head-pieces and
breast-plates, they could no way get free
from this burning oil; they could only ^ap
and roll about in their pains, as they fell down
from the bridges they had laid. And as they
were thus beaten back, and retired to their
own party, who still pressed them forward,
they were easily wounded by those that were
behind them.

29.	However, in this ill success of the Ro-
mans, their courage did not fail them, nor
did the Jews want prudence to oppose them;
for the Romans, although they saw their
own men thrown down, and in a miserable
condition, yet were they vehemently bent
against those that poured the oil upon them,
while every one reproached the man before
him as a coward, and one that hindered him
from exerting himself; and while the Jews
made use of another stratagem to prevent their
ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon
the boards, in order to make them slip and
fall down; by which means neither could
those that were coming up, nor those that
were going down, stand on their feet; but
some of them fell backward upon the ma-
chines on which they ascended, and were
trodden upon ; many of them fell down on
the bank they had raised, and when they
were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews;
for when the Romans could not keep their
feet, the Jews being freed from fighting haim
to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at
them. So the general called off those sol-
diers in the evening that had suffered so
sorely, of whom the number of the slain was
not a few, while that of the wounded was
still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no
more than six men were killed, although
more than three hundred were carried olf
wounded. This fight happened on the
twentieth day of the month Desius [Sivan].

30.	Hereupon Vespasian comforted his
army on occasion of wbat had happened, and as
he found them angry indeed, but rather want-
ing somewhat to do than any farther exhorta-
tions, he gave orders to raise the banks still
higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty
feet high, and that they should cover them
with plates of iron on every side, that they
might be both firm by their weight, and not
easily li'able to be set on tire. These towers
be set upon the banks, and placed upon them
such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the
iighter engines lor throwing stones and dartsCHAP. VII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

663

also; and besides these, be set upon them the
stoutest men among the slingers, who not
being to be seen by reason of the height they
stood upon, and the battlements that protected
them, might throw their weapons at those
that were upon the wall, and were easily seen
by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being
easily able to escape those darts that were
thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge
themselves on those whom they could not see,
and perceiving that the height of the towers
was so great, that a dart which they threw
with their hand could hardly reach it, and that
the iron plates about them made it very hard
to come at them 6y tire, they ran away from
the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and
fell upon those that shot at them. And thus
did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans,
while a great number of them were every day
killed, without their being able to retort the
evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep
them out of the city without danger to them-
selves.

31. About this time it was that Vespasian
sent out Trajan against a city called Japha,
that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired inno-
vations, and was puffed up with the unex-
pected length of the opposition of Jotapata.
This Trajan was the commander of the tenth
legion, and to him Vespasian committed one
thousand horsemen, and two thousand foot-
men. When Trajan came to the city, he
found it hard to be taken, for besides the
natural strength of its situation, it was also
secured by a double wall: but when he saw
the people of this city coming out of it, and
ready to fight him, he joined battle with
them,-and after a short, resistance which they
made, he pursued after them; and as they
fled to their first wall, the Romans followed
them so closely, that they fell in together
with them: but when the Jews were endea-
vouring to get again within their second wall,
their fellow-citizens shut them out, as being
afraid that the Romans would force them-
selves in with them. It was certainly God,
therefore, who brought the Romans to punish
the Galileans, and did then expose the people
of the city every one of them manifestly to be
destroyed by their bloody enemies; for they
fell upon the gates in great crowds, and ear-
nestly calling to those that kept them, and
that by their names also, yet had they their
throats cut in the very midst of their suppli-
cations; for the enemy shut the gates of the
first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates
of the second, so they were enclosed between
two walls, and were slain in great numbers
together; many of them were run through
by swords of their own men, and many by
their own swords, besides an immense num-
ber that were slain by the Romans;—nor had
they any courage to revenge themselves; for
there was added to the consternation they
were in from the enemy, their being betrayed

by their own friends, which quite broke their
spirits: and at last they died, cursing not the
Romans, but their own citizens, till they were
all destroyed, being in number twelve thou-
sand. So Trajan gathered that the city was
empty of people that could fight, and although
there should a few of them be therein, he
supposed that they would be too timorous
to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved
the taking of the city to the general. Accor-
dingly he sent messengers to Vespasian, and
desired him to send his son Titus to finish
the victory he had gained. Vespasian here-
upon imagining there might be some pains
still necessary, sent his son with an army of
five hundred horsemen, and one thousand
footmen. So he came quickly to the city,
and put his army in order, and se^ Trajan
over the left wing, while he had the right him-
self, and led them to the siege: and when the
soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the
wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them
from above for a while; but soon afterward
they left the walls. Then did Titus’s men
leap into the city, and seized upon it presently;
but when those that were in it were gotten
together, there was a fierce battle between
them; for the men of power fell upon the
Romans in the narrow streets, and the women
threw whatsoever came next to hand at them,
and sustained a fight with them for six hours’
time; but when the fighting men were spent,
the rest of the multitude had their throats cut,
partly in the open air and partly in their own
houses, both young and old together. So
there were no males now remaining, besides
infants, who with the women were carried as
slaves into captivity; so that the number of
the slain, both now in the city and at the for-
mer fight, was fifteen thousand, and the cap-
tives were two thousand one hundred and
thirty. This calamity befel the Galileans on
the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius
[Sivan].

32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their
share of misfortunes at this time; for they
assembled themselves together upon the moun-
tain called Gerizzim, which is with them a
holy mountain, and there they remained;
which collection of theirs, as well as the cou-
rageous minds they showed, could not but
threaten somewhat of war; nor were they
rendered wiser by the miseries that had come
upon their neighbouring cities. They also,
notwithstanding the great success the Romans
had, marched on in an unreasonable manner,
depending on their own weakness, and were
disposed for any tumult upon its first appear-
ance. Vespasian therefore thought it best to
prevent their motions,and to cutoff thefounda-
tion of their attempts; for although all Sama-
ria had ever garrisons settled among them,
yet did the number of those that were come to
mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy toge-
ther, give gTound to fear what they would304

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

be at; he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the
commander of the fifth legion, with six hun-
dred horsemen and three thousand footmen,
who did not think it safe to go up to the
mountain and give them battle, because many
of the enemy were on the higher part of the
ground; so he encompassed all the lower
part of the mountain with his army, and
watched them all that day. Now it happened
that the Samaritans, who were now destitute
of water, were indamed with a violent heat
(for it was summer-time, and the multitude had
not provided themselves with necessaries), in-
somuch that some of them died that very day
with heat, while others of them preferred sla-
very before such a death as that was, and fled
to the Romans; by whom Cerealis understood
that th»se who still stayed there were very
much broken by their misfortunes. So he
went up to the mountain, and having placed
his forces round about the enemy, he, in the
first place, exhorted them to take the security
of his right hand, and come to terms with him,
and thereby save themselves; and assured
them, that if they would lay down their arms,
he would secure them from any harm ; but
when he could not prevail with them, he fell
upon them and slew them all, being in number
eleven thousand and six hundred. This was
done on the twenty-seventh day of the month
Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calami-
ties that befell the Samaritans at this time.

33. But as the people of Jotapata still held
out manfully, and bore up under their miseries
bey ond all that could be hoped for, on the forty-
seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up
by the Romans were become higher than the
wall; on which day a certain deserter went
to Vespasian, and told him how few were left
iu the city, and how weak they were, and that
they had been so worn out with perpetual
watching, and also perpetual fighting, that they
could not now oppose any force that came
against them, and that they might be taken by
stratagem, if any one would attack them; for
that about the last watch of the night, when
they thought they might have some rest from
the hardships they were under, and when a
morning sleep used to come upon them, as
they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch
used to fall asleep: accordingly his advice
was, that they should make their attack at
that hour. But Vespasian had a suspicion
about this deserter, as knowing how faithful
the Jews were to one another, and how much
they despised any punishments that could be
inflicted on them; this last, because one of
the people ofJotapata had undergone all sorts
of torments, and though they made him pass
through a fiery trial of his enemies in his ex-
amination, yet would he inform them nothing
of the affairs within the city, and as he was
crucified, smiled at them I However, the pro-
bability there was in the relation itself did
partly confirm the truth of what the deserter

told them, and they thought he might pro-
bably speak the truth. However, Vespasian
thought they should be no great sufferers if
the report was a sham; so he commanded
them to keep the man in custody, and pre-
pared the army for taking the city.

34. According to which resolution they
marched without noise, at the hour that had
been told them, to the wall; and it was Titus
himself that first got upon it, with one of his
tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of
the fifteenth legion along with him. So they
cut the throats of the watch, and entered the
city very quietly. After these came Cerealis
the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those
that were under them. Now when the cita-
del was taken, and the enemy were in the
very midst of the city, and when it was already
day, yet was not the taking of the city known
by those that held it; for a great many of
them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which
then by chance fell upon the city, hindered
those that got up from distinctly seeing the
case they were in, till the whole Roman army
was gotten in, and they were raised up only
to find the miseries they were under; and as
they were slaying, they perceived the city was
taken. And for the Romans, they so well re-
membered what they had suffered during the
siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any,
but drove the people down the precipice
from the citadel, and slew them as they drove
them down; at which time the difficulties of
the place hindered those that were still able
to fight from defending themselves; for as
they were distressed in the narrow streets, and
could not keep their feet sure along the pre-
cipice, they were overpowered with the' crowd
of those that came fighting them down from
the citadel. This provoked a great many,
even of those chosen men that were about
Josephus, to kill themselves with their own
hands; for when they saw that they could kill
none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent
being killed by the Romans, and got together
in great numbers, in the utmost parts of the

as at the

first perceived they wrere taken, and ran away
as fast as they could, went up into one of the
towers on the north side of the city, and for
a while defended themselves there; but as
they were encompassed with a multitude of
enemies, they tried to use their right hands
when it was too late, and at length they cheer-
fully offered their necks to be cut off by those
that stood over them. And the Romans might
have boasted that the conclusion of that siege
was without blood [on their side], if there had
not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain
at the'taking of the city. His death was oc-
casioned by the following treachery; fortheie
was one of those that were fled into the ca-
verns, which wete a great number, who ot-
sired that this Anrouius would reach him ius

city, and killed themselves.

35. However, such of the watchCHAP. VIII,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

right hand for his security, and would assure
him that he would preserve him, and give him
his assistance in getting up out of the cavern;
accordingly, he incautiously reached him his
right hand, when the other man prevented
him, and stabbed him under his loins with a
spear, and killed him immediately.

36. And on this day the Romans slew all
the multitude that appeared openly; but on
the following days they searched the hiding-
places, and fell upon those that were under
ground, and in the caverns, and went thus
through every age, excepting the infants and
the women, and of these there were gathered
together as captives twelve hundred; and as
for those that were slain at the taking of the
city, and in the former fights, they were num-
bered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian
gave order that the city should be entirely
demolished, and all the fortifications burnt
down. And thus was Jotapata taken, in the
thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the
first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].

CHAPTER VIII.

IIOW JOSEPHUS WAS DISCOVERED BY A WOMAN,
AND WAS WILLING TO DELIVER HIMSELF UP
TO THE ROMANS; AND WHAT DISCOURSE HE
HAD WITH HIS OWN MEN, WHEN THEY
ENDEAVOURED TO HINDER HIM; AND WHAT
HE SAID TO VESPASIAN, WHEN HE WAS
BROUGHT TO HIM; AND AFTER WHAT MAN-
NER VESPASIAN USED HIM AFTERWARDS.

§ 1. And now the Romans searched for Jose-
phus both out of the hatred they bore him,
and because their general was very desirous
tii have him taken; for he reckoned that if he
were once taken, the greatest part of the war
would be over. They then searched among
the dead, and looked into the most concealed
recesses of the city; but as the city was first
taken, he was assisted by a certain superna-
tural providence; for he withdrew himself
from the enemy w'hen he was in the midst of
them, and leaped into a certain deep pit,
whereto there adjoined a large den at one side
of it, which den could not be seen by those
that were above ground; and here he met
with forty persons of eminence that had con-
cealed themselves, and with provisions enough
to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the
day-time he hid himself from the enemy, who
had seized upon all places; and in the night-
time he got up out of the den, and looked
about for some way of escaping, and took
exact notice of the watch: but as all places were
guarded everywhere on his account, that there
was no way of getting off unseen, lie went
down again into the den. Thus he concealed
himself two days; but on the third day, when
they had taken a woman who had been with

655

them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespa-
sian sent immediately and zealously two tri-
bunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered
them to give Josephus their right hands as a
security for his life, and to exhort him to
come up.

2.	So they came and invited the man to
come up, and gave him assurances that his life
should be preserved; but they did not prevail
with him; for he gathered suspicions from the
probability there was that one who had done
so many things against the Romans must suf-
fer for it, though not from the mild temper
of those that invited him. However, he was
afraid that he was invited to come up, in order
to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides
these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he‘
was one that was well known to Josephus, and
had been his familiar acquaintance in old
time. When he was come, he enlarged upon
the natural mildness of the Romans towards
those they have once conquered; and told
him, that he had behaved himself so valiantly,
that the commanders rather admired than
hated him; that the general was very desirous
to have him brought to him, not in order to
punish him, for that he could do though he
should not come voluntarily, but that he was
determined to preserve a man of his courage.
He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had
he been resolved to impose upon him, would
not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor
put the fairest colour upon the vilest action,
hy pretending friendship and meaning perii-
diousness; nor would he have himself acqui-
esced, or come to him, had it been to deceive
him.

3.	Now, as Josephus began to hesitate with
himself about Nicanor’s proposal, the soldiery
were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire
to the den; but the tribune would not permit
them so to do, as being very desirous to take
the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard
at Josephus to comply, and he understood
how the multitude of the enemy threatened
him, he called to mind the dreams which he
had dreamed in the night-time, whereby God
had signified to him beforenand both the
future calamities of the Jews, and the events
that concerned the Roman emperors. Now
Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures
about the interpretation of such dreams as
have been ambiguously delivered by God.
Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the
prophecies contained in the sacred books, as
being a priest himself, and of the posterity of
priests: and just then was he in an ecstacy;
and setting before him the tremendous images
of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a
secret prayer to God, and said, — “Since it
pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish
nation, to depress the same, and since all their
good fortune is gone over to the Romans;
and since thou bast made choice of this soul
of mine to foretel what is t" come to passWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK III.

666

hereafter, I willingly give them my hands,
and am content to live. And I protest openly,
that I do not go over to the Romans as a
deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from
thee.”

4.	When he had said this, he complied with
Nicanor’s invitation. But when those Jews
who had fled with him, understood that he
yielded to those that invited him to come up,
they came about him in a body, and cried out,
“Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our fore-
fathers, which God ordained himself, well
groan to purpose; that God we mean who
hath created the souls of the Jews of such a
temper, that they despise death. O Josephus I
art thou still fond of life; and canst thou
bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How
soon hast thou forgotten thyself 1 How many
hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for
liberty 1 Thou hast therefore had a false repu-
tation for manhood, and a like false repu-
tation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for
preservation from those against whom thou
hast fought so zealously, and art however wil-
ling to be preserved by them, if they be in ear-
nest. But although the good fortune cf the
Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we
ought to take care that the glory of our fore-
fathers may not be tarnished. We will lend
thee our right hand and a sword; and if\thou
wilt die willingly, thou wilt die as genCTal of
the Jews; but if unwillingly, thou wfit die as
a traitor to them.” As soon as they said this,
they began to thrust their swords at him, and
threatened they would kill him, if he thought
of yielding himself to the Romans.

5.	Upon this, Josephus was afraid of their
attacking him, and yet thought he should
be a betrayer of the commands of God if he
died before they were delivered. So he began
to talk like a philosopher to them in the
distress he was then in, when he said thus to
them: — “ O my friends, why are we so ear-
nest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our
soul and body, which are such dear compa-
nions, at such variance? Can any one pretend
that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay,
the Romans are sensible how that matter
stands well enough. It is a brave thing to
die in war; but so that it be according to the
law of war, by the hand of conquerors. If,
therefore, I avoid death from the sword of
the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed
by my own sword, and my own hand; but if
i noy admit of mercy, and would spare their
enemy, how much more ought we to have
mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselvesl
lor it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to
ourselves which we quarrel with them for
doing to us. I confess freely, that it is a brave
thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be
in war, and done by those who take that
liberty from us; but at present our enemies do
neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us.
Now, he is equally a coward who will not die

'when he is obliged to die, and he who will
die when he is not obliged so to do. What
are we afraid of, when we will not go up to
the Romans? Is it death? If so, what we are
afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies
will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on our-
selves for certain? But it may be said, we
must be slaves. And are we then in a clear
state of liberty at present? It may also be
said, that it is a manly act for one to kill him-
self. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one;
as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant
coward who, out of fear of a storm, should
sink his ship of his own accord. Now, self-
murder is a crime most remote from the com-
mon nature. of all animals, and an instance
of impiety against God our Creator: nor
indeed is there any animal that dies by its
own contrivance, or by its own means; for
the ^iesire of life is a law engraven in them
all; on which account we deem those that
openly take it away from us to be our ene-
mies, and those that do it by treachery, are
punished for so doing. And do not you
think that God is very angry when a man
does injury to what he hath bestowed on him?
for from him it is that we have received our
being; and we ought to leave it to his dis-
posal to take that being away from us. The
bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are
created out of corruptible matter; but the
soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the
Divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides,
if any one destroys or abuses a depoxitum lie
hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed
a wicked and perfidious person; but then
if any one cast out of his body this divine
depositum, can we imagine that he who is
thereby affronted does not know of it ? More-
over, our law justlv ordains that sla\p< "h-i
run away from their master shall be punished,
though the masters they ran away from may
have been wicked masters to them. And
shall we endeavour to run away from God,
who is the best of all masters, and not think
ourselves highly guilty of impiety? Do not
you know that those who depart out of
this life, according to the law of nature, and
pay that debt which was received from God,
when he that lent it us is pleased to require
it back, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses
and their posterity are sure, that their souls
are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy
place in heaven, from whence, in the revolu-
tion of ages they are again sent into pure
bodies; while the souls of those whose hands
have acted madly against themselves, are
received by the darkest place in Hades, and
while God, who is their father, punishes
those that offend against either of them in
their posterity? for which reason God hates
such doings, and the crime is punished by
our most wise legislator. Accordingly our
laws determine, that the bodies of such as
kill 'themselves should be exposed till theCHAP. VIII

WARS OF THE JEWS.

667

sun be set, without burial, although at the
same time it be allowed by them to be lawful
to bury our enemies [sooner]. The laws of
other nations also enjoin such men’s bands
to be cut off when they are dead, which had
been made use of in destroying themselves
when alive, while they reckoned that as
the body is alien from the soul, so is the
hand alien from the body. It is, therefore,
my friends, a right thing to reason justly, ar.d
not add to the calamities which men bring
upon us, impiety towards our Creator. If
we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us
do it; for to be preserved by tbose our
enemies, to whom we have given, so many
demonstrations of cur courage, is no way in-
glorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is

come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to
determination by lot. He whom the lot falls
to first, let him be, killed by him that hath the
second lot, and thus fortune shall make its
progress through us all; nor shall any of us
perish by his own right hand, for it would be
unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody
should repent and save himself.” This pro-
posal appeared to them to be very just; and
when he had prevailed with them to determine
this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for
himself also. He who had the first lot laid
his neck bare to him that had the next, as
supposing that the general would die among
them immediately; for they thought death,
if Josephus might but die with them, was
sweeter than life: yet was he with another

good to die by the hand of those that have i left to the last, whether we must say it hup-
conquered us. For my part, 1 will not run | pened so by chance, or whether by the provi-
over to our enemies’ quarters, in order to be j dence of God: and as he was very desirous
a traitor to myself; for certainly I should \ neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he

then be much more foolish than those that
deserted to the enemy, since they did it, in
order to save themselves, and 1 should do it
for my own destruction. However, 1 heartily
wish the Romans may prove treacherous in
this matter: for if, after their olfer of their
right hand for security, I be slain by them, I
shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me
the sense of their perfidiousness, as a conso-
lation greater than victory itself.”

6. Now these and many the like motives
(iid Josephus use to these men, to prevent

had been left to the last, to imbrue his right
hand in the blood of his countryman, he per-
suaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to
live as well as himself.

8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with
the Romans, and in this his own war with
his friends, and was led by Nieanor to Vespa-
sian; but now all the Romans ran together
to see him, and as the multitude pressed one
upon another about their general, there was
a tumult of a various kind ; while some re-
joiced that Josephus was taken, and some

their murdering themselves; but desperation | threatened him, and some crowded to see him

had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted
themselves to die. and they were irritated at
Josephus. They then ran upon him with their
swords in their hands, one from one quarter,
and another from another, and called hiina cow-
ard, and every one of them appeared openly
as if he were ready to smite him ; but, he
calling to one of them by name, and looking
like a general to another, and taking a third
by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of
himself, by praying him to forbear, and being
in this condition distracted with various pas-
sions (as he well might in the great distress
he was then in), he kept olf every one of their
swords from killing him, and was forced to
do like such wild beasts as are encompassed
about on every side, who always turn them-
selves against those that la?t touched them.
Nay, some of their right hands were debili-
tated by the reverence they bare to their ge-
neral in these his fatal calamities, and their
swords dropped out of their bands; and not
a few of them there were, who, when they
aimed to smite him with their swords, were not
thoroughly either willing or able to do it.

7. However, in this extreme distress, he
was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but
trusting himself to the providence of God, he
put his life into hazard [in the manner fol-
lowing]:—“And now,” said he, “since it
is resolved among you that you will die,

very near; but those tuat were more remote
cried out to have this their enemy put to
death, while those that were near called to
mind the actions he had done, and a deep
concern appeared at the change of his fortune.
Nor were there any of the Roman command-
ers, how much soever they had been enraged
at him before, but relented when they came
to the sight of him. Above all the rest,
Titus’s own valour, and Josephus's own
patience under bis atfiictions, made him pity
him, as <liu also the commiseration of his age,
when he recalled to mind that but a little
while ago be was fighting, but lay now in the
hands of his enemies, which made him con-
sider the power of fortune, and how quick is
the turn of affairs iu war, and how no state
of men is sure; for which reason he then
made a great many more to be of the same
pitiful temper with himself, and induced them
to commiserate Josephus. He was also of
great weight in persuading his father to pre-
serve him. However, Vespasian gave strict
orders that he should he kept with great cau-
tion, as though he would, in a very little time,
send him to Nero.

9. When Josephus heard him give those
orders, he said that he had somewhut in his
mind that he would willingly say to himself
alone. When, therefore, they were all ordered
to withdraw, excepting Tit u« ami;.. u of their668

BOOK in.

WARS Of Tl-lt JEWS.

friends, he said, “Thou, O Vespasian,thinkest
no more than that thou hast taken Josephus
himself captive; but I come to thee as a
messenger of greater tidings; for had not I
been sent by God to thee, I knew what was
the law of the Jews in this case,* and how it
becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me
to Nero? For why? Are Nero’s successors
till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O
Vespasian, art Ctesar and emperor, thou, and
this thy son. Bind me now still faster, ana
keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, art
not only lord over me, but over the land and
the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I
deserve to be kept in closer custody than I am
now in, in order to be punished, if I rashly
allirm any thing of God.” When he had said
this, Vespasian at present did not believe him,-
but supposed that Josephus said this as a cun-
ning trick, in order to his own preservation;
but in a little time he was convinced, and be-
lieved what he said to be true, God himself
erecting his expectations, so as to think of
obtaining the empire, and by other signs fore-
showing his advancement. He also found
Josephus to have spoken truth on other occa-
sions ; for .one of those friends that were
present at that secret conference, said to
Josephus, “I cannot but wonder how thou
couluest not foretell to the people of Jotapata
that they should be taken, nor couldest foretell
this-captivity which hath happened to thyself,
unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing,
in order to avoid the rage that is risen against
thyself.” To which Josephus replied, “I
did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they
would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and
that I should be caught alive by the Romans.”
Now when Vespasian had inquired of the
captives privately about these predictions, he
found them to be true, and then he began to
believe those that concerned himself. Yet
did he not set Josephus at liberty from his
bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes,
and other precious gifts; he treated him also
in a very obliging manner, and continued so
to do, Titus still joining his interest in the
honours that were done him.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW JOPPA WAS TAKEN, AND TIBERIAS
DELIVERED UP.

§ 1. Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais
on the fourth day of the month Panemus
[Tamuz], and from thence he came to

* I do not know where to find the law ol' Moses here
mentioned by Josephus, and afterwards by UraZiir, b.
vii. ch. viii. sect 7, and almost implied in it. i. ci.. xiii.
sect. 10, by Josephus’s commendation of Plmsaelus for
doing so; 1 mean whereby Jewish generals and people
were obliged to kill themselves, rather than go into sla-
ver) ni di: hraihens. I doubt this would have been SO

Cesarea, which lay by the sea-side. This was a
very great city of Judea, and for the greatest
part inhabited by Greeks; the citizens here
received both the Roman army and its gene-
ral with all sorts of acclamations and rejoi-
cings, and this partly out of the good-will they
bore to the Romans, but principally out of the
hatred they bore to those that were conquered
•by them; on which account, they came cla-
mouring against Josephus in crowds, and de-
sired he might be put to death; but Vespasian
passed over this petition concerning him, as
offered by the injudicious multitude, with a
bare silence. Two of the legions also he
placed at Cesarea, that they might there take
their winter-quarters, as perceiving the city
very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the
tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis, that he
might not distress Cesarea with the entire
army. This place was warm, even in winter,
as it was suffocating hot in the summer-time,
by reason of its situation in a plain, and near
to the sea [of Galilee].

2.	In the mean time there were gathered
together, as weU such as had seditiously got
out from among their enemies as those that
had escaped out of the demolished cities,
which were in all a great number, and repaired
Joppa, which had been left desolate by
Cestius, that it might serve them for a place
of refuge; and because the adjoining region
had been laid waste in the war, and was not
capable of supporting them, they determined
to go off to sea. They also built themselves
a great many piratical ships, and turned
pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phce-
nicia, and Egypt, anil made those seas onnuvi-
gable to all men. Now as soon as Vespasian
knew of their conspiracy, he sent both foot-
men and horsemen to Joppa, which was un-
guarded in the night-time; however, those
that were in it perceived that they should be
attacked, and were afraid of it; yet did they
not endeavour to keep the Romans out, but
fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night,
out of the reach of their darts.

3.	Now Joppa is not naturally a haven,
for it ends in a rough shore, where all the
rest of it is straight, but the two ends bend
towards each other, where there are deep
precipices, and great stones that jut out into
the sea, and where the chains wherewith An-
dromeda was bound have left their footsteps,
which attest to the antiquity of that fable;
but the north wind opposes and beats upon
the shore, and dashes mighty waves against
the rocks which receive them, and renders
the haven more dangerous than the country
they had deserted. Now as those people of
Joppa were floating about in this sea, in the
morning there fell a violent wind upon them;

better than “ self-murder;” and I believe it was rather
some vain doctrine, or interpretation, of the rigid Pha-
risees, or Essenes, or Herodians, than a just consequence
from an; law of God delivered by Moses.CHaP. IX.	WARS OF THE JEWS.	60lf

!•/ is called by those that saiL there “ the black
north wind,” and there dashed their ship* one
against another, and dashed some of them
against the rocks, and carried many cf them
by force, while they strove against the oppo-
site waves, into the main sea; for the shore
was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy
upon it, that they were afraid to come to
land; nay, the .waves rose so very high, that
they drowned them; nor was there any place
whither they could fly, nor any way to save
themselves: while they were thrust out of the
seH, by the violence of the wind, if thuv staid
where they were, and out of the eity by t he vio-
lence of the Romans; and much lamentation
there was when the ships were dashed against
one another, and a terrible noise when they
were broken to pieces; and some of the mul-
titude that were in them were covered with
the waves, and so perished, and a great many
were embarrassed with shipwrecks; but some
of them thought, that to die by their own
swords was lighter than by the sea, and so
they killed themselves before they- were
drowned; although the greatest part of them
were carried by the waves, and dashed to
pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks,
insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way,
and the maritime parts were full of dead
bodies; for the Romans came upon those that
were carried to the shore, and destroyed them;
and the number of the bodies that were thus
thrown out of the sea was four thousand
and two hundred. The Romans also took
the city without opposition, and utterly
destroyed it.

4.	And thus was Joppa taken twice by the
Romans in a little time; but Vespasian, in
order to prevent theee pirates from coming
thither any more, erected a camp there, where
the citadel of Joppa had been, and left a body
of horse in it, with a few footmen; that these
last might stay there and guard the camp,
und the horsemen might spoil the country
that lay round it, and might destroy the neigh-
bouring villages and smaller cities. So these
troops overran the country, as they were
ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces
and laid desolate the whole region.

5.	But now, when the fate of Jotapata was
related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first
disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of
the calamity, and because they had no eye-
witness to attest the truth of what was related
about it; for not one person was saved to be
a messenger of that news, but a fame was
spread abroad at random that the city was
taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news
about. However, the truth was known by
degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and
appeared to all to be too true. Yet were
there fictitious stories added to what was
really done; for it was reported that Josephus
was slain at the taking of the city; which
piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow.

In every bouse also, and among all to whom
any of the slain were allied, there was a
lamentation for them; but the mourning rof
the commander was a public one; and some
mourned for those that had lived with them,
others for their kindred, others for their
friends, and others for their brethren, hut all
mourned for Josephus; insomuch that the
lamentation did not cease in the city before
the thirtieth day; and a great many hired
mourners,* with their pipes, who should
begin the melancholy ditties for them.

6.	But as the truth came out in time, it
appeared how the afifairs of Jotapata really
stood; yet it was found that the death of Jose-
phus wa& a fiction; und when they understood
that he was alive, and was among the Romans,
and that the commanders treated him at
another rate than they treated captives, they
were as vehemently angry at him now as they
had shown their good-will before, when*be
appeared to have been dead. He was also
abused by some as having been a coward,
and by others as a deserter; and the' city
was full of indignation at him, and of
reproaches cast upon him; their rage was
also aggravated by their afflictions, and more
inflamed by their ill success; and what usu-
ally becomes an occasion of caution to wise
men, 1 mean affliction, became a spur to them
to venture on farther calamities, and the end
of one misery became still the beginning of
another; they therefore resolved to fall on
the Romans the more vehemently, as resolv-
ing to be revenged on him in revenging them-
selves on the Romans. And this was the
state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which
now came upon it.

7.	But Vespasian, in order to see the king-
dom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded
himself so to do (partly, in order to his treat-
ing the general and his army in the best and
most splendid manner his private affairs would
enabl# him to do, and partly that he might,
by their means, correct such things a9 were
amiss in his government), he removed from
that Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and
went to'that which is called Cesarea Phi-
lippi ;f and there he refreshed his army, for
twenty days, and was himself feasted by king
Agrippa, where be also returned public thanks
to God for the good success he had had in
his undertakings. But as soon as he was
informed that Tiberias was fond of innova-
tions, and that Taricheae had revolted, both
which cities were parts of the kingdom of
Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that
the Je ws were every where perverted [from their

• These pobllo mourners, hired upon the supposed
death of Josephus, and the real death of many more,
■lustrate some passages in the Bible, which suppose
the same custom, as Matt. xii. 17; where the reader may
coDsult the notes of Grotius.

+ Of this Cesarea Philippi, twice mentioned in our
New Testament (Matt.xvi. 13; Mark viii.27), there ale
coins still extant, as Span be im bare informs u*670

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK I».

obedience to their governors], he thought it sea*
so.nable to make an expedition against those
cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and
in order to bring his cities to reason. So he
sent away his.son Titus to [the other} Cesarea,
that be might bring the army that lay there to
Seythopolis, which is the largest city of Deea-
polis, and in the neighbourhood of Tiberias,
whither he came, and where he waited for his
son. He then came with three legions, and
pitched his camp thirty furlongs off Tiberias,
at a certain station easily seen by the innova-
tors; it is named Sennabris. He also sent
Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to
speak peaceably to those that were in the city,
and to exhort them to give him assurances of
their fidelity; for he had heard that the peo-
ple were desirous of peace, but were obliged
by some of the seditious part to join with
them, and so were .forced to fight for them.
When Valerian had marched up to the place,
and was near the wall, he alighted off his
horse, and made those that were with him do
the same, that they might not be thought to
come to skirmish with them; but before they
could come to a discourse one with another,
the most potent men among the seditious
made a sally upon them armed; their leader
was one whose name was Jesus, the son of
Shapbat, the principal head of a band of rob-
bers.

them to continue at Tiberias, so they ran away
to Taricheae. The next day Vespasian sent
Trajan before, with some horsemen to the
citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whe-
ther they were all disposed for peace; and as
soon as he knew that the people were of the
same mind with the petitioner, he took his
army, and went to the city; upon which the
citizens opened to him their gates, and met
him with acclamations of joy; and called him
their saviour and benefactor. But as,.the army
was a great while in getting in at the gates,
they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded
the south wall to be broken down, and so
made a broad passage for their entrance.
However, he charged them to abstain from
rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the
king; and on his account spared the rest of
the wall, while the king undertook for them
that they should continue [faithful to the Ro-
mans] for the time to come.' And thus did
he restore this city to a quiet state, after it
had been grievously afflicted by the sedition.

CHAPTER X.

HOW TARICHEAE WAS TAKEN. A DESCRIPTION
OF THE RIVER JORDAN, AND OF THE
COUNTRY OF GEWNESARETH.

Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe
to fight contrary to the commands of the ge-
neral, though he were secure of a victory, and ! § 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp

knowing that it was a very hazardous under-
taking for a few to fight with many, for those
that were unprovided to fight those that were
ready, and being"on other accounts surprised
at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran
away on foot, as did five of the rest in like
manner, and left their horses behind them;
which horses Jesus led away into the city, and
rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle,
and not by treachery.

8. Now the seniors of the people, and such
as were of principal authority among them,
fearing what would be the issue of this matter,
fled to the camp of the Romans; they then
took their king along with them, and fell
down before Vespasian to supplicate his fa-
vour, and besought him not to overlook them,
nor to impute themadness of a few to the whole
city, to spare a people that had been ever civil
and obliging to the Romans; but to bring the
authors of this revolt to due punishment; who
had hitherto so watched them, that though
they were zealous to give them the security of
their right hands of a long time, yet could they
not accomplish the same. With these suppli-
cations the general complied, although he
were very angry at the whole city about the
carrying off bis horses, and this because he
saw that Agrippa was under a great concern
tor them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had
accepted of their right hands by way of secu-
rity* Jesus and his party thought it not safe for

^between this1- city and Taricheae, but fortified
' his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he
should be forced to stay there, and have 8
long war; for all the innovators had",gotten
together at Taricheae, as relying upon the
strength of the city, and on the lake that lay
by it. This lake is called by the pepple of
the country the Lake of Gennesarettu The
city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bot-.
tom of a mountain ; and on those sides which
are not washed by the Sea, had been strongly
fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly
as Tiberias; for the wall of Tiberias had been
built at the beginning at the Jews’ ■ revolt,
when he had great'plenty of money, and great
power, but Taricheae partook only the remains
of that liberality. Yet had they a great num-
ber of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that,
in case they were beaten at land, they might
retire to them; and they were so fitted up,
that they might undertake a sea-fight also.
But as .the Romans were building a wall
about their camp, Jesus and his party were
neither affrighted at their number nor at the
good order they were in, but made a sally
upon them; and at the very first onset the
builders of the wall were dispersed; and these
pulled what little they bad before built to
pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed
men getting together, and before they had
suffered any thing themselves, they retired to
their own men. But then the RomansCHAP. X.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

671

pursued them, and drove them into their
ships, where they launched out as far as might
give them an opportunity of reaching the
Romans with what they threw at them, and
then cast anchor, and brought their ships close,
as in a line of battle, and thence fought the
enemy from the sea, who were themselves at
land. But Vespasian hearing that a great mul-
titude of them were gotten together in the
plain that was before the city, he thereupon
sent his son, with six hundred chosen horse-
men to disperse them.

2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy
was very numerous, he sent to his father, and
informed him that he should want more
forces. But as he saw a great many of the
horsemen eager to fight, and that before any
succours could come to them, and that yet
some of them were privately under a sort of
consternation at the multitude of th^f'Jews,
he stood in a place whence he might hie heard,
and said to them, “My brave Romans 1 for
it is right for me to put you in mind of what
nation you are, in the beginning of my Speech,
that so you may not be ignorant who you are,
and -who they are against whom we:are going
to fight. For as to us, Romans, ho part of
the habitable earth hath been able to escape
our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that
I may speak of them too, though they have
been already beaten, yet'flo they not give up
the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us
to grow weary under good success, when they
bear up under their ^misfortunes. its to the
alacrity which you show publicly, I see it,
and:-rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the
multitude of the enemy should bring a con-
cealed fright upon some of you; let such a
one consider again, who we are that are to
fight; and who those are against whom we are
to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very
bold and great despisers of death, are but a dis-
orderly.body, and unskilful in war, and may
rather be ealled a rout than an army; while I
need say nothing of our skill and our good
order > for this is the reason why we Romans
alone ate exercised for war in time of peace,
that we may not think of number for number
when we come to fight with our enemies; for
what advantage should we reap by our conti-
nual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal
in number to such as have not been used to
war! Consider farther, that you are to have a
conflict with men in effect unarmed; while you
are well-armed; with footmen, while you are
horsemen; with those that have no good gene-
ral, while you have one, and as these advan-
tages make you in effect manifold more than
you are, so do their disadvantages mightily
diminish their1 number. Now it is not the
multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that
manages v/ars with success, but it is their bra-
very that dpt&it, though they be but a few; for
a few are easily set ih battle array, and can
Choiiv assist one another, while over-numerous

armies are more hurt by themselves than by
their enemies. It is boldness and rashness,
the' effects of madness, that conduct of the
Jews. Those passions indeed make a great
figure when they succeed, but are quite extin-
guished upon the least ill success ; but we are
led on by courage, and obedience, and forti-
tude, which shows itself indeed in our good
fortune, but still does not for ever desert us
in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your fighting
is to be on greater motives than those of the
Jews; for although they "run the hazard of wai
for liberty, and for their country, yet what can
be a greater motive to us than glory? and that
it may never be said, that after we have got
dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are
able to confront us. We must also reflect
upon this, that there is no fear of our suffer-
ing any incurable disaster in the-present case;
for those that are ready to assist us are many,
and at hand also; yet it is in our power to
seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think
we ought to prevent the coming of those my
father is sending to us for our assistance, that
our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and
of greater reputation to us; and I cannot but
think this an opportunity wherein my father,
and I, and you, shall be all put to the trial,
whether he be worthy of his former glorious
performances, whether I be his son in reality,
and whether you be really my soldiers: for it
is usual for my father to conquer; and for
myself, I should not bear the thoughts of
returning to him if I were once taken by
the enemy; and.how will you be able to avoid
being ashamed, if you do not show equal
courage with your commander, when he goes
before you into danger? For you know
very well that I shall go into the danger
first, and make the first attack upon the
enemy. Do not you therefore desert me, but
persuade yourselves that God will be assist-
ing to my onset. Know this also before we
begin, that we shall now have better success
than we should have, if we were to fight at a
distance.”

3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordi-
nary fury fell upon the men: and as Trajan
was already come before the fight began, with
four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at
it, because the reputation of the victory would
be diminished by being common to so many.
Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and
Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given
it them in charge to seize upon the mountain
that was over-against the city, and repel those
that were upon the wall; which archers did
as they were commanded, and prevented those
that attempted to assist them that way; and
now Titus made his own horse march first
against the enemy, as did the others with a
great noise after him, and extended themselves
upon the plain as wide as the enemy w ho con-
fronted them; by which means they appeared
much more numerous than they really were.WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK lit.

m

Now the Jews, although they were surprised
at their onset, and at their good order,
made resistance against their attacks for a
little while; but when they were pricked with
their long poles, and overborne by the violent
noise of the horsemen, they oame to be tram-
pled under their feet; many also of them
were slain On every side, which made them
disperse themselves and run to the city, as
fast as every one of them was able. So Titus
pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them;
and of the rest, some he fell upon as they
stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and
met them in the mouth, and run them through;
many also he leaped upon as they fell one
upon another, and trod them down, and cut
off all the retreat they had to the wall, and
turned them back into the plain, till at last
they forced a passage by their multitude, and
got away, and ran into the city.

4.	But now there fell out a terrible sedi-.
tion among them within the city; for the in-
habitants themselves, who had possessions
there, and to whom the city belonged, were
not disposed to tight from the very beginning;
and now the less so, because they had been
beaten: but the foreigners, who were very
numerous, would force them to fight so much
the more, insomuch that there was a clamour
and a tumult among them, as all mutually
angry one at another; and when Titus heard
this tumult, for he was not far from the wall,
he cried out, “ Fellow soldiers, now is the
time; and why do we make any delay, when
God is-giving up the Jews to us? Take the
victory which is given you: do not you hear
what a noise they make? Those that have
escaped our hands are in an uproar against
one another. We have the city if we make
haste; but besides haste, we must undergo
some labour, and use some courage; for no
great thing uses to be accomplished without
danger; accordingly, we must not only pre-
vent their uniting again, which necessity will
soon compel them to do, but we must also
prevent the coming of our own men to our
assistance, that, as few as we are, we may con-
quer so great a multitude, and may ourselves
alone take the city.

5.	As soon as ever Titus had said this, he
leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down
to the lake; by which lake he marched, and
entered into the city the first of them all, as
did the others soon after him. Hereupon
those that were upon the walls were seized
with a terror at the boldness of the attempt,
nor durst any one venture to fight with him,
or to hinder him; so they left guarding the
city, and some of those that were about Jesus
fled over the country, while others of them
ran down to the luke, and met the enemy in
the teeth, and some were slain as they were
getting up into ships, but others of them,
M they attempted to overtake those' that were

slaughter made in the city, while those
foreigners that had not fled away already,
made opposition; but the natural inhabitants
were killed without fighting: for in hopes of
Titus’s giving them bis right hand for their se-
curity, and out of the consciousness that they
had not given any consent to the war, they
avoided fighting, till Titus bad slain the
authors of this revolt, and then put a stog to
any further slaughters, out of commiseration
of these inhabitants of the place; but for
those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing
the city taken, they sailed as far as they
possibly could from the enemy.

6.	Hereupon Titus sent one of his horse-
men to his father, and let him know the good
news of what he had done; at which, as was
natural, he was very joyful, both on account
of the courage and glorious actions of his
son; for he thought that now the greatest part
of the war was over. He then came thither
himself, and set men to guard the city, and
gave them command to take care that nobody
got privately out of it, but to kill such as
attempted so to do; and on the next dayjie
went down to the lake, and commanded that
vessels should be fitted up, in order to
pursue those that had escaped in the ships.
These vessels were quickly gotten ready
accordingly, because there was great plenty of
materials, and a great number of artificers
also.

7.	Now this lake of. Geiinesareth is so
called from the country adjoining to it. Its
breadth is forty furlongs, and .its length one
hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and
very agreeable for drinking, for they are .finer
than the thick waters of other fens; the lake
is also pure, and on every side ends directly
at the shores and at the sand; it is also of a
temperate nature when you draw it up, and of
a more gentle nature than river or fountain
water, and yet always cooler thanTme could
expect irf so diffuse a place as thjggis. Now
when this water is kept in the open air, it is
as cold as that snow which the country
people are accustomed to make by night in
summer. There are several kinds of fish in it,
different both to the taste and the sight from
those elsewhere: it is divided into .two parts
by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought
to be the fountain of Jordan, but in. reality it
is carried thither after an occult manner from
the place called Phiala: this place lies as you
go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and
twenty furlongs from Cesarea, and is not far
out of the road on the right hand; and indeed
it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowlj very
justly, from the roundness qf its circumfer-
ence, as being round like a wheel; its water
continues always up to its edges, without
either sinking or running o.v^;. and as this
origin of Jordan was formerly-not known, it
was discovered so to be when- Philip was te-

already krone aboard. There was also a great! trarch of Tracboniti*; for he hod chaff thrownCHAP. X.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

678

into Phial a, and it was found at Panium,1
u-nere the ancients thought the fountain-head
of the river was, whither it had been there-
fore carried [by the waters]. As for Panium
itself, its natural beauty had been improved
by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned
at his expenses. Now Jordan’s visible stream
arises from this cavern, and divides the
marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis:
when it hath run another hundred and twenty
furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and
then passes through the middle of the lake
Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way
over a desert, and then makes its exit into the
lake Asphaltitis.

8.	The country also that lies over-against
this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth;
ts nature is wonderful as well as iti* beauty;
its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can
grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly
plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper
of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very
well with those several sorts, particularly wal-
nuts, which require the coldest air, flourish
there in vast plenty; there are palm-trees also,
which grow best in hot air; fig-trees also and
olives grow near them, which yet require, an
air that i3 more temperate. One may call this
place the ambition of nature, where it forces
those plants that are naturally enemies to one
another to agree together: it is a happy con-
tention of the seasons, as if every one of them
laid claim to this country; for it not only nou-
rishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond
men’s expectation, but preserves them a great
while; it supplies men with the principal
fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during
ten months of the year,* and the rest of the
fruits as they become ripe together, through
the whole year; for besides the good tempe-
rature of the air, it is also watered from a
most fertile fountain. The people of the
country call it Capharnaum. Some, have
thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it
produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake
does which is near to Alexandria. The
length of this country extends itself along the
banks of this lake that bears the same name,
for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty;
and this is the nature of that place.

9.	But now, when the vessels were gotten
ready, Vespasian put upon ship-board as
many of his forces as he thought sufficient to
be too hard for those that were upon the

ten months of the year. We may observe also, in:
Cyril of Jerusalem, CatecheS. xviii. sect 3, which

ays.

Saviour, soon after the same tii
“found leaves” on a fig-tree near Jerusalem, but

nf» nsavv ** ficr« >* Hiwninir •*

xi. ye

of the year, came and
r Jerasalem, but “no
figs, because the time of” new *• figs ” ripening “ was not
yet,” he says very true; nor were they therefore other
than q’d leaves which our Saviour saw, and old figs
which ne expected, and which even with us oommonly
bang a the trees all winter long.

lake, and set sail after them. Now thefie
which were driven into the lake could neither
fly to the land, where all was in their ene-
mies’ hand, and in war against them, nor
could they fight upon the level by sea, for their
ships were small and fitted only for piracy;
they were too weak to fight 'with Vespa-
sian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in
them were so few, that they were afraid to
come near the Romans, who attacked them in
great numbers. However, as they sailed
round about the vessels, and sometimes as
they came near them, they threw stones at
the Romans when they were a good way ofij
or came closer and fought them; yet did
they receive the greatest harm themselves in
both cases. As for the stones they threw at
the Romans, they only made a sound one
after another, for they threw them against such
as were in their armour, while the Roman
darts could reach the Jews themselves; and
when they ventured to come rear the Romans,
they became sufferers themselves before they
could do any harm to the other, and were
drowned, they and their ships together. As
for those that endeavoured to come to an
actual fight, the Romans ran many of them
through with their long poles. Sometimes
the Romans leaped into their ships, with
swords in their hands, and slew them; hut
when some of them met the vessels, the
Romans caught them by the middle, and
destroyed at once their ships and themselves
who were taken in them. And for such as
were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their
heads up above the water they were either
killed by darts, or caught by the vessels,
but if, in the desperate case they were in,
they attempted to swim to their enemies, the
Romans cut off either their heads or their
hands; and indeed they were destroyed after
various manners everywhere, till the rest,
being put to flight, were forced to get upon the
land, while the vessels encompassed them
about [on the sea]: but as many of these
were repulsed when they were getting ashore,
they were killed by the darts upon the lake;
and the Romans leaped out of their vessels,
and destroyed a great many more upon the
land: one might then see the lake all bloody,
and full of dead bodies, for not one of them
escaped. And a terrible stink, and a very
sad sight there was on the following days
over that country; for as for the shores, they
were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies
all swelled; and as the dead bodies were
inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they cor-
rupted the air, insomuch that the misery was
not only the object of commiseration to the
Jews, but to those that hated them, and had
been the authors of that misery. This was
the upshot of the sea-fight. The number o.
the slain, including those that were killed in
the city before, was six thousand and five
hundred.

Q 11WAmOf THE, J®W,8*

BQOX IV.

674

•10. After this fight was
sat upon his tribunal at Tarieheaa/in order
ta distinguish the foreigners from the old in-
habitants ; for those foreigners appear to have
begun the war. So he deliberated with the
other commanders, whether he ought to save
those old inhabitants or not. And when
those commanders alleged that the dismission
of them would be to his own disadvantage,
because, when they were once set at liberty,
they viPould not be at rest, since they would
be people destitute of proper habitations, and
would be able to compel such as they fled to,
to fight against us, Vespasian acknowledged
that they, did not deserve to be saved, and
that if they had leave given them to fly away,
they would make use of it against those that
gave them that leave. But still he considered
with, himself after what manner they should
be slain ;* for if he had them slain there, he
suspected the people of the country would
thereby become his enemies; for that to be
sure they would never bear it, that so many
that had been supplicants to him should be
killed; and to offer violence to them, after
he had given them assurances of their lives,
he could not himself bear to do it. How-
ever, his friends were too hard for him, and
pretended that nothing against Jews could be
any impiety, and that.he ought to prefer what
was profitable before what was fit to be done,
where both could not be made consistent.

over, . Vespasian So be gave them an ambiguous liberty to do

as they advised, and permitted the prisoners
tc> go along no other road than that which
led to Tiberias only. So they readily be -
lieved what they desired to be true, and went
albhg securely, with their effects, the way
which was allowed them, while the Romans
seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias,
that none of them might go out of it, and
shut them up in the city. Then came Ves-
pasian, and ordered them all to stand in the
stadium, and commanded them to kill the
old men, together with the others that were
useless, who were in number a thousand and
two hundred. Out of the young men he
chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent
them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus,
and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty
thousand and four hundred, besides such as
he made a present of to Agrippa; for as to
those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave
him leave to do what he pleased with them;
however, the king sold these also for slaves;
but for the rest of the multitude, who were
Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos,
and some of Gadara, the greatest part of
them were seditious persons and fugitives,
who were of such shameful characters that
they preferred war before peace. These pri-
soners were taken on the eighth day of the
month Gorpisus [ElulJ.

BOOK IV.

CONTAINING THE INTBRVAL.or ABOUT ONE TEAS*

FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING OF TITUS TO
BESIEGE JERUSALEM.

CHAPTER I.

THE SIEGE AND TAKING OE GAMALA.,

§. 1. Now all those Galileans who, after the
taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Ro-
maics, did, upon the conquest of Tariches,

* This is the most cruel and barbarous action that
Vespasian everdid in this whole war, as he did it with
peat reluctance also. It was done both after public
assurance given of sparing the prisoners’ lives, and
when all knew and confessed that these prisoners were
no way guilty of any sedition against the Koinans. Nor
indeed did Titus now give his consent, so tar as appears,

deliver themselves up to them again. And the
Romans received all the fortresses and the
cities, excepting Gischala and those that bad
seized upon mount Tabor; Gamala also

nor ever act of himself so barbarously; nay, soon afte'
Ibis, Titus grew quite weary of shedding blood and o-
punishing the innoceDt with the guilty, and gave the
of Gischala leave to keep the Jewish Sabbath
h ii sect- 3. 6, in the midst of their siege. Nor

people of
b. iv. ch i

was Vespasian disposed to do what he did. till his officer
persuaded him, and that from two principal topics
viz. that nothing could be unjust that was done agains
Jews; and that when both cannot be consistent, advan
tage must prevail over justice.—Admirable court doc-
trines these’CHAP. I>	WARS OF THIS JEWS.	075

which is a city over against Tarichese, but on
the. other side of the lake, conspired with
them. This city lay upon the borders of
Agrippa’s kingdom, as also did Sogana and
Seleucia. And these were both parts of Gau-
lanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called
the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala of the
Lower; while Seleucia was situated at the
lake Semechonitis, which lake is thirty furlongs
in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes
reach as far as the place Daphne, which in
other respects, is a delicious place, and hath
such fountains as supply water to what is
called Little Jordan, under the temple of the
golden calf,* where it is sent into Great Jor-
dan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and
Seleucia by leagues to himself,, at the very
beginning of the revolt from the Romans;
yet did not-Gamala accede to them, but relied
upon the difficulty of the place, which was
greater than that of Jotapata, for it was situ-
ated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain,
with a kind of neck in the middle: where it
begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and
declines as much downward before as behind,
insomuch tljat it is like a camel in figure,
from whendfe' it is so named, although the peo-
ple of the country do not pronounce it accu-
rately. Both on the side and the face there
are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and
ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts
behind, where they are joined to the moun-
tain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other;
but then the people .belonging to the place
have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that
hard to be ascended also. On its accliyity,
which is straight, houses are built, and those
very thick and close to one another. The
city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if
it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it
at the top. It is exposed to the south; and
its southern mount, which reaches to an
immense height, was in the nature of a cita-
del to the city; and above that was a preci-
pice, not walled about, but extending itself to
an immense depth. There was also a spring
of water within the wall, at the utmost limits
of the city.

2.	As this city was naturally hard to be
taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall
about it, made it still stronger, as also by
ditches and mines under ground. The peo-
ple that were in it were made more bold by
the nature of the place than the people of
Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer
fighting men in it; and they had such a confi-
dence in the situation of the place, that they
thought the enemy could not be too many for
them; for the city had been filled with those

• Here we have the exact situation of one of Jerobo-
am’s “golden calves,” at the exit of Little Jordan, into
Great Jordan, near a place culled Daphne, but of old
Dan. See the note on Antiq.b. viii.cb. viii. sect. 4. But
Reland suspects that even here we should read Dan
instead of Daphne, there being nowhere else any men-
tion uf a place called Daphne hereabouts.

that had. fled to it for safety, on account of its
strength;, on which-account they had been
able-.to resist those whom Agrippa sent to
besiege it for seven months together.

3.	But Vespasian removed from Emmaus,
where he had last pitched his camp before the
city Tiberias (now Emmaus, if it be inter-
preted, may be rendered “a warm bath,” for
therein is a spring of warm water, useful for
healing), and came to Gamala; yet was its
situation such that he was not able to encom-
pass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but
where the places were practicable, he set men to
watch it, and seized upon the mountain which
was over it. And as the legions, according to
their usual custom, were fortifying their camp
upon that mountain, he began to cast up
banks at the bottom, at the part towards the
east, where the highest tower of the whole
city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched
their camp; while the fifth legion did duty
over-against the midst of the city, and whilst
the tenth legion filled up the ditches and val-
leys. Now at this time it was that as king
Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was
endeavouring to speak to those that were on
the walls about a surrender, he was hit with
a stone on his right elbow by one of the sting-
ers; he was then immediately surrounded
with his own men. But the Romans were
excited to set about the siege, by their indig-
nation on the king's account, and by their fear
on their own account, as concluding that
those men would omit no kinds of barbarity
against foreigners and enemies, who were so
enraged against one of their own nation, and
one that advised them to nothing but what
was for their own advantage.

4.	Now when the banks were finished1,
which was done on the sudden, both by the
multitude of hands, and by their being accus-
tomed to such work, they brought the machines;
but Chares and Joseph, who were the most
potent men of the city, set their armed men
in order, though already in a fright, because
they did not suppose that the city could bold
out long, since they had not a sufficient
quantity either' of water, or of other neces-
saries. However, these their leaders encou-
raged them, and brought them out upon the
wall, and for a while indeed they drove away
those that were bringing the machines; but
when those machines threw darts and stones
at them, they" retired into the city; then
did the Romans bring battering rams to
three several places, and made the wall shake
[and fall]. They then poured in over the
parts of the wall that were thrown down, with
a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of
armour, and with a shout of the soldiers, and
brake in by force upon those that Were in the
city; but these men fell upon the Romans
for some time, at their first entrance, and pre-
vented their going any farther, and with great
courage beat them back; and tha Romans676

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

were so overpowered by tbe greater multi-
tude of the people, who beat them on every
aide, that they were obliged to run into the
upper parts of tbe city. -Whereupon the peo-
ple turned about, and fell upon their enemies,
who bad attacked them and thrust them down
to the lower parts, and as they were distressed
by the narrowness and difficulty of the place,
slew them; and as these Romans could neither
beat those back that were above them, nor
escape the force of their own men that were
forcing their way forward, they were com-
pelled to fly into their enemies’ houses, which
were low; but these houses being thus full of
soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell
down suddenly; and when one house fell, it
shook down a great many of those that were
under it, as did those do to such as were un-
der them. By this means a vast number of
the Romans perished; for they were so ter-
ribly distressed, that, although they saw'the
houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap
upon the tops of them; so that a great many
were ground to powder by these ruins, and a
great many of those that got from under them
lost some of their limbs, but still a greater
number were suffocated by the dust that arose
from those ruins. The people of Gumaia
supposed this to be an assistance afforded them
by God, and without regarding what damage

from his youth, and recollecting bis courtiae,
as if he had been excited by a divine lui v, we
covered himself and those that were wun imu
with their shields, and formed a testuuo uvct
both their bodies and their armour, and boie
up against the enemy’s attacks, who came
running down from the top of the city; ami
without showing any dread at the muliiumc
of the men or of their darts, be endureu aii,
until the enemy took notice of tliat i.ivinc
courage that was within him, and remitted of
their attacks; and when they pressed less
zealously upon him, he retired, though with-
out showing his back to them, till he was
gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a
great number of the Romans fell in this bat-
tle, among whom was Ehutius, the decurion,
a man who appeared not only in this engage-
ment, wherein he fell, but everywhere, and
in former engagements, to be of the truest
courage, and one that had done very great
mischief to the Jews. But there was a cen-
turion, whose name was Gallus, who, during
this disorder, being encompassed about, he
and ten other soldiers privately crept into the
house of a certain person, whu&he heard
them talking at supper what th*people in-
tended .to do against the Romans, or about
themselves (for both the inuu himself and
thosu with him were Syrians). So he got up

they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, in the night-time, and cut all their tli routs
and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their and escaped, together vvitu his soldiers, to the
houses; and when they stumbled in the sharp Romans.

and narrow streets, and were perpetually 6. And notv Vespasian comforted bis army,
tumbling down, they threw their stones or I which wus much dejected, by reflecting
darts at them, and slew them. Now the very on their ill success, and because tUey bad
ruins afforded them stones enow; and for iron j never before fallen into such a calamity, and,
weapons, the dead men of the enemy's side besides this, because they were greatly
afforded them what they wanted; for drawing 'ashamed that they bad left tbeir general alone
the swords of those that were dead, they made in great dangers. As to what concerned bim-
use of them to despatch such as were only half self, be avoiued to suy any thing, that he might

dead; nay, there were a great number who
upon their falling down from the tops of the
houses, stabbed themselves, and Uied after
that manner: nor indeed was it easy for those
that were beaten back to fly away; for they
were so unacquainted with tbe ways, und tbe
dust was so thick, that they wandered ubou.
without knowing one another, and fell down
dead among the crowd.

5. Those therefore that were able to find
tbe ways out of the city retired. But now
Vespasian always staid among those that were
bard set; for he was deeply affected with
seeing tbe ruins of the city falling upon, bn-
army, and forgot to take care of bis own pre-
servation. Ue went up gradually towards
tbe highest parts of the city before be was
aware, and was left in the midst of dangers,

by no means seem to complain of it; but he
said that “ we ought to bear munfully wbat
usually falls out in war, and tuis, by cousi-
Uering wbat tbe nature of war is, ami bow it
can never be that we must conquer without
bloodshed on our own siue; fur there stands
about us that fortune which is of its own
nature mutable; that while they hud killed so
many ten thousands of the Jews, they had
now paid their small share of the reckoning
to fate; and as it is the part of weuk people
to be too much puffed up with good success,
so is it tbe part of cowards to be too much
affrighted at that which is ill; for tbe change
from the one to the other is sudden on both
sides; and he is the best warrior who is of
a sober iniiuTunder misfortunes, that he may
continue in that temper, and cLeerfully

having only a very few with him; for even recover what hath been lost formerly; anu as

his son Titus was not with him at that time,
having been then sent into Syria to Muciauus.
However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor
did be esteem it a tit thing for him to do;

for what had now’ happened, it was neither
owing to-their own effeminacy, nor to the
valour of the Jews, but the difficulty of the
place was the occasion of their advantage, and

but calling to mind the actions be had done1 of our disappointment. Upon reflecting onCHAP. I.

WAllS OF THE JEWS.

677

which matter one might blame your zeal as '
perfectly. ungovernable; for when the enemy
had retired to their highest fastnesses, you
ought to have restrained yourselves, and not,
by presenting yourselves at the top of the i
city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon I
viyir having obtained the lower parts of the 1
city, you ought to have provoked those that |
had retired thither to a safe and settled bat- j
tie; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon vic-
tory, you took no care of your own safety, j
But this incautiousness in war, and this mad-
ness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While
we perform all that we attempt 4>y skill and
good order, that procedure is only the part of
barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly sup-
port themselves by. We ought therefore to
return to our own virtue, and to be rather
angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky
misfortune; and let every one seek for his
own consolation from his own hand; for by
this means he will avenge those that have
been destroyed, and punish those that have
killed them. For myself, 1 will endeavour,
a3 I have now done, to go first before you
against your enemies in every engagement,
and to be the last that retires from it.”

7.	So Vespasian encouraged his army by
this speech; but for the people of Gamala. it
happened that they took courage for a little
while, upon such great and unaccountable
success as they had had. But when they con-
sidered with themselves that they had now no
hopes of any terms of accommodation, and
reflecting upoir it that they could not get
away, and that their provisions began already
to be short, they were exceedingly cast down,
and their courage failed them; yet did they
not neglect what might be for their preserva-
tion, so far as they were able, but the most
courageous among them guarded those parts
of the wall that were-beaten down, whiie the
more infirm did the same to the rest of the
wall that still remained round the city.
And as the Romans raised their banks, and
attempted to get into the city a second time,
a great many of them fled out of the city
through impracticable valleys, where no guards
were placed, as also through subterraneous
caverns; while those that were afraid of being
caught, and for that reason staid in the city,
perished for want of food; for what food they
had was brought together from all quarters,
and reserved for the fighting men.

8.	'And these were the hard circumstances
the people of Gamala were in. But how
Vespasian went about other work by the by,
during this siege, and that was to subdue
those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a
place that lies in the middle between the great-
plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated
os high as thirty furlongs,* and is hardly to

« These numbers In Josephus of thirty furlongs*
ascent to the top of Mount Tabor, whether we estimate
U by winding and gradual, or by per eu>li mar altitude,

be ascended on its north side; its tojiis a plain
of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed
with a wall. Now, Josephus erected this so
long a wall in forty days’ time, and furnished
it with other materials, and with water from
below, for the inhabitants only made use of
rain .water; as therefore there was a great
multitude of people gotten together upon this
mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus, with six
hundred horsemen, thither. Now, as it was
impossible for him to ascend the mountain,
he invited many of them to peace, by the
offer of his right hand for their security, and
of his intercession for them. Accordingly
they came down, but -with a treacherous
design, as well as he had the like treacherous
design upon-them on the other side; for Pla-
cidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take
them when he got them into the plain; they
also came down, as complying with his pro-
posals, but it was in order to fall upon him
when he was not aware of it: however, Pla-
cidus’s stratagem was too hard for theirs ; for
when the Jews began to fight, he pretended
to run away, and when they were in pursuit
of the Romans, he enticed them a great way
along the plain, and then made his horsemen
turn back; whereupon he beat them, and slew
a great number of them, and cut off the
retreat of the rest of the multitude, and hin-
dered their return. So they left Tabor, and
fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the
country came to terms with him, for their
water failed them, and so they delivered up
the mountain and themselves to Placidus.

9.	But of the people of Gamala, those that
were of the bolder sort fied away and hid
themselves, while the more infirm perished by
famine; but the men of war sustained the
siege till the two-and-twentieth day of the
month Hyperberetxus [Tisri], when three sol-
diers of the fifteenth legion, about the morn-
ing-watch, got under a high tower that was
near, and undermined it without making any
noise; nor when they either came to it, which
was in the night-time, nor when they were under
it, did those that guarded it perceive them.
These soldiers then, upon their coming, avoided
making a noise, and when they had rolled

tteminus’s perpendicular altitude ot almost tourteen fur-
longs here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none of them, agree
with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrel, an eye.

witl

witness

i authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrel, an eye-
fpage 112), who says he was not an hour in get-
ting.up to the top of this Mount Tabor, and that the area
of the top is an oval of atfout two furlongs in.lengtb, and
one in breadth. So I rather suppose Josephus wrote
tViree furlongs for the ascent or altitude, instead of thirty i
and six furlongs for the circumference at the top, instead
of twenty-six,—since a mountain of only, three furlongs’
perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour’s
ascent; and the ci-cumference of an oval of the foregoing
quantity, is near six furlongs. Nor certainly could such
a vast circumference as twenty-six furlongs,' or threo
miles and a quarter, at that height be encompassed with
a wall, including a trench and other fortifications (per
baps those still remaining, ibid.), in the small interval o»
forty days, as Josephus here savs they were by himse’CWARS OF THE JEWS*

BOOK IV

078

away fire of its strongest stones, they went
away hastily; whereupon the tower fell down
on a sudden, with a great noise, and its guard
fell headlong with it; so that those that kept
guard at other places, were under such dis-
turbance, that they ran away; the Romans
also slew many of those that ventured to op-
pose them, among whom was Joseph, who was
slain by a dart, as he was running away over
that part of the wall that was broken down:
but as those that wereinthecity were greatly af-
frighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither,
and a great consternation fell upon them, as
though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon
them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and
under the physicians’ hands, gave up the ghost,
the fear he was in greatly contributing to make
his distemper fatal to him. But the Romans
so well remembered their former ill success,
that they didmot enter the city till the three
and twentieth day of the fore-mentioned month.

10* At which time Titus, who was now re-
turned, out of the indignation he had at the
destruction the Romans had undergone while
he was absent, took two hundred chosen horse-
men, and some footmen with him, and entered
without noise into the city. Now, as the
watch perceived that he was coming, they
made a noise, and betook themselves to their
arms; and as this his entrance was presently
known to those that were in the city, some of
them caught hold of their children and their
wives, and drew them after them, and fled
away to the citadel, withlamentations andcries,
while others of them went to meet Titus, and
were killed perpetually; but so many of them
as were hindered from running up to the cita-
del, not knowing what in the world to do, fell
among the Roman guards, while the groans
of those that were killed were prodigiously
great everywhere, and blood ran down over
all the lower parts of the city, from the
upper. But then Vespasian himself came to
his assistance against those that had fled to the
citadel, and brought his whole army with
him; now this upper part of the city was every
way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and ele-
vated to a vast altitude, and very full of people
on all sides, and encompassed with precipices,
whereby the Jews cut off those that came up
to them, and did much mischief to others by
their darts, and the large stones which they
rolled down upon them, while they were them-
selves so high that the enemy’s darts could
hardly reach, them. However, there arose
such a divine storm against them as was instru-
mental to their destruction; this carried the
Roman darts, upon them, and made those
which they threw return back, and drove them
obliquely away from them: nor could the
Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by
reason of the violence of the wind, having no-
thing that was stable to stand upon, nor could
they see those that were ascending up to them;
60 the Romans got up and surrounded them.

and some they slew before they could defend
themselves, and others as they! were .delivering
up themselves; and the remembrance of those
that were slain at their former entrance into
the city increased their rage against them now;
a great number also of those that were
surrounded on every side; and despaired of
escaping, threw their children and their wives,
and themselves also, down the precipices, into
the valley beneath, which, near the citadel,
had been dug hollow to a vast depth; but so
it happened, that the anger of the Romans
appeared not to be so extravagant as was the
madness of tlmse that were now taken, while
the Romans slew but four thousand, whereas
the number of those that had thrown them-
selves down was found to be five thousand:
nor.did any one escape except two women,
who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip
himself was the son of a certain eminent man
called Jacimus, who had been general of king
Agrippa’s army; and these did therefore
escape, because they lay concealed from the
sight of the Romans when the city was taken;
for otherwise t&ey spared not 60 much as the
infants, of whom many were flung down by
them from the citadel. And thus was -Ga-
in ala taken on the three and twentieth day of
the month Hyperberetaeus [Tisri], whereas the
city had first revolted on the four and twen-
tieth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul].

CHAPTER IL

THE SURRENDER OF THE SHALL CITY OF
GISCHALA; JOHN FLIES FBOM IT TO JERU-
SALEM.

§ 1. Now, no place of Galilee remained to
be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose
inhabitants yet were desirous of peace; for
they were generally husbandmen, and always
applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of
the earth. However, there were a great
number that belonged to a band of robbers,
that were already corrupted, and had crept in
among them, and some of the governing'part
of the citizens were sick of the same distem-
per. It was John, the son of a certain man
whose name was Levi, that drew them into
this rebellion, and encouraged - them in it.
He was a cunning knave, and of a temper
that could put on various shapes; very rash
in expecting great things, and very sagacious
in bringing about what he hoped for. It was
known to every body that he was fond of war,
in order to thrust himself into authority; and
the seditious part of the people of Gischala
were under his management, by whose means
the populace, who seemed ready to aend am-
bassadors in order to a surrender, waited for
the coming of the Romans in battle array.
Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a
thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenthCHAPi II.

WARS OF THE JEWS.,

em

legion to Scythopolis, while he returned to
Cesarea, with the two other legions, that he
might allow them to refresh themselves after
their long and hard campaign, thinking withal
that the plenty which was in those cities would
improve their bodies and their spirits, against
the difficulties they were to go through after-
wards ; for he saw there would be occasion
for great pains about Jerusalem, which was
not yet taken, because it was the royal city,
and the principal city of the whole nation;
and because those that had run away from the
war in other places got all together thither.
It was also naturally strong, and the walls
that were built round it made him not a little
concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed
the men that were in it to be so courageous
and hold, that even without the consideration
of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them;
for which reason he took care of and exer-
cised his soldiers beforehand for the work, as
they do wrestlers before they begin their
undertaking.

2.	Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala,
found it would be easy for him to take the
city upon the first onset; but knew withal,
that if he took it by force, the multitude
would be destroyed by the soldiers without
mercy. (Now he was already satiated with
the shedding of blood, and pitied the major
part, who would then perish, without distinc-
tion, together with the guilty.) So he was
rather desirous the city might be surrendered
up to him on terms. Accordingly, when he
saw the wall full of those men that were of
the oorrupted party, he said to them,'— That
he could not but wonder what it was they
depended on, when they alone staid to fight
the Romans, after every other city was taken
by them; especially when they have seen
cities much better fortified than theirs is,
overthrown by a single attack upon them;
while as many as have intrusted themselves
to the security of the Romans’ right hands,
which he now offers to them, without regard-
ing their former insolence, do enjoy their own
possessions in safety; for that while they had
hopes of recovering their liberty, they might
be pardoned; but that their continuance still
in their opposition, when they saw that to be
impossible, was inexcusable; for that, if they
will not comply with snch humane offers; and
right hands for security, they should have
experience of such a war as would spare
nobody, and should soon be made sensible
that their wall would be but a trifle, when
battered by the Roman machines; in depend-
ing on which, they demonstrate themselves to
be the only Galileans that were no better
tl an arrogant slaves and captives.

3.	Now none of the populace durst not
only make a reply, hut durst not 90 much as
get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by
the robbers, who were also the guard at the
gales, in order to prevent any of the rest from

going out, in order to propose terms of subr
mission, and from receivipg any of the horse-
men into the city. But John returned Titus
this answer,—1That for himself be was content
to hearken to bis proposals, and. that he would
either persuade or force those that refused
them. Yet he said; that Titus ought to have
ouch regard to the Jewish law, as to gran
them leave to celebrate that day, which was,
the seventh day of the week, on which it was
unlawful not only to remove their arms, but
even to treat of peace also; and that even the
Romans were not ignorant how the period of
the seventh day was among them a cessation
from all labours; and that he who should
compel them, to transgress the law about that
day, would be equally guilty with those that
were compelled to transgress it: and that
this delay could be of no disadvantage to him;
for why should any body think of doing any
thing in the night, unless it waste flyaway?
which he might prevent by placing,, bis camp
round about them: and that they should
think it a great point gained,, if they might
not be obliged to transgress the laws of their
country; and that it would be' a:right thing
for him. who designed to grant' them peace;
without their expectation , of such a favour, to
preserve the laws of those they saved invio-
lable. Thus did this man put a trick Upon
Titus, not so much out of regard to the
seventh day as to his own preservation, for he
was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if
the city should be, taken,' and had; his hopes
of life in that night, and in his flight therein.
Now this was the work of- God, "Who there-
fore preserved this John, that he- might bring
on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it
was his work that Titus was : prevailed with
by this pretence for a delay, and that he
pitched his camp farther off the city at
Cydessa. This Cydessa ’was avstrong medi-
terranean village of the Tyrians, which always
hated and made war against the Jews; it had
also a great number of inhabitants, and whs
well fortified; which made it a propet pJ***?
for such as were enemies to- tb» Jewish
nation.

4.	Now, in the night time; when John saw
that there was no Roman guard about the
city, he seized the opportunity directly, and,
taking with him not only the armed meh that
were about him, but a considerable number
of those that had little to do, together with
their families,' he fled to Jerusalem. And
indeed, though the rottn was making haste tq
get away, and was tormented with fears of
being a captiv^ Or of losing his life, yet did
he prevail with himself to take out of the
city along with him a multitude of women aridt
children, asfer as twenty furfongs; but there
he leftthem as he proceeded farther on his
journey, where those that; were left behind'
made sad lamentations; for the farther every
one was come from his own people, the nyarei'BOOK IV.

680	WARS OP THE JEWS.

they'thought themselves to he to their ene-
mies. They also affrighted themselves with
this thought, that those who would cany them
into captivity were just at hand, and still
turned themselves back at the mere noise they
made themselves in this their hasty flight, as
if those from whom they fled were just upon
them. Many also of them missed their ways;
and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo
the rest, threw down many of them. And
indeed there was a miserable destruction made
of the women and children; while some of
them took courage to call their husbands and
kinsmen hack, and tn heseech them, with the
bitterest lamentations, to stay for them; but
John’s exhortation, who cried out to them to
save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He
said also, that if the Romans should seize
upon those whom they left behind, they would
be revenged on them for it. So this multi-
tude that run thus away was dispersed abroad,
according as each of them was able to run,
one faster or slower than another.

6. Now on the next day Titus came to the
wall, to make the agreement; whereupon the
people opened their gates to- him, and came
out to him, with their children and wives, and
made acclamations of joy to him, as to one
that had been their benefactor, and had deli-
vered the city out of custody; they also
informed him of John’s flight, and besought
him to spare them, and to come in and bring
the rest of those that were for innovations to
punishment; but Titus, not so much regard-
ing the supplications of the people, sent part
of his horsemen to pursue after John, but
they*could not overtake him, for he was got-
ten to Jerusalem before; they also 6lew six
thousand of the women and children who
went out with hiift, but returned back and
brought with them almost three thousand.
However, Titus was 'greatly displeased that
he had not been able to bring this John, who
had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had
captives enough, as well as the corrupted part
of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it
missed of John. So he entered the city in the
midst of acclamations of joy; and when he
had given orders to the soldiers to pull down
a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in
war, he repressed those that haid disturbed the
city rather by threatenings than by executions;
for he thought that many would accuse inno.
cent persons, out of their own animosities and
quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish
those that were worthy of punishment from
the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty
person alone in his fears, than to destroy with
him any one that did not deserve it; for that
probably 6uch a one might be taught pru-
dence, by the fear of the punishment he had
deserved, and 'have a shame upon him for his
former offences, when he had been forgiven;
but that the punishment of such as have been
cnee put to death could never be retrieved.

However, he placed a garrison in the city for
its security, by which means he should restrain
those that were for innovations, and should
leave those that were peaceably disposed in
greater security. And thus was all Galilee
taken; but this not till after it had cost the
Romans much pains before it could be taken
by them.

CHAPTER in.

CONCERNING JOHN OF GISCHALA. CONCERN-
ING THE ZEALOTS, AND THE HIGH-PRIEST
ANANUS', AS ALSO HOW THE JEWS RAISED
SEDITIONS ONE AGAINST ANOTHER [IN JE-
RUSALEM].

§ 1. Now, upon John’s entry into Jerusa-
lem, the whole body of the people were in an
uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded
about every one of the fugitives that were
come to them, and inquired of them what
miseries had happened abroad, when their
breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that
of itself it declared the great distress they
were in; yet did they talk big under their
misfortunes, and pretended to say that they
had not fled away from the Romans, but
came thither in order to fight them with less
hazard; for that it would be an unreasonable
and a fruitless thing for them to expose them-
selves to desperate hazards about Gischala,
and such weak cities, whereas they ought to
lay up their weapons and their zeal, and re-
serve it for their metropolis. But when they
related to them the taking of Gischala, and
their decent departure, as they pretended,
from that place, many of the people under-
stood it to be no better than a flight; and
especially When the people were told of those
that were made captives, they were in great
confusion, and guessed those things to be
plain indications that they should be taken
also; but for John, he was very little con-
cerned for those whom he had left behind him,
but went about among all the people, and
persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes
he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs
of the Romans were in a Weak condition, and
extolled his own power. He also jested upon
the ignorance of the unskilful, as if those
Romans, although they should take to them-
selves wings, could never fly over the wall of
Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties
in taking the villages of Galilee, and had
broken their engines of war against thei?
walls.

2. These harangues of John’s corrupted a
great part of the young men, and puffed them
up for the war; but as to the most prudent
part, and those in years, there was not a man
of them but foresaw what was coming, and
made lamentation on that account, as if theCHAP. III.

WARS OP THE JEWS.

681

ro*v wn3 already undone, and in this confu- I worse than themselves, omitted no kind of
*n*r) were the people; but then it must be |barbarity; for they did not measure their
nhserved, that the multitude that came out of courage by their rapines and plunderings only,
the country were at discord before the Jeru- but proceeded as far as murdering men; and

'	this not in the night-time or privately, or with

regard to ordinary men, but did it openly in
the day-time, and began with the most emi-
nent persons in the city; for the first man
they meddled with was Antipas, one of the
royal lineage, and the most potent man in the
whole city, insomuch that the public trea-
sures were committed to his care; him they
took and confined, as they did in the next
place to Levias, a person of great note, with
Sophas, the son of Raguel; both of whom
were of royal lineage also. And besides these,
they did the same to the principal men of the
country. This caused a terrible consterna-
tion among the people; and every one con-
tented himself with taking care of his own
safety, as they would do if the city had been
taken in war*

5.	But these were not satisfied with the
bonds into which they had put the men fore-
mentioned ; nor did they think it safe for
them to keep them thus in custody long, since
they were men very powerful, and had nume-
rous families of their own that were able to
avenge them. Nay, they thought the very
people would perhaps be so moved at these
unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against
them: it was therefore resolved to have them
slain. Accordingly, they sent one John, who
was the most bloody-minded of them all, to
do that execution: this man was also called
“the son of Dorcas,”* in the language of
our country. Ten more men went along
with him into the prison, with their swords
drawn, and so they cut the throats of those
that were in custody there. The grand lying
pretence these men made for so flagrant an
enormity was this, that these men nad had
conferences with the Romans for a surrender
of Jerusalem to them; and so they said they
bad slain only such as were traitors to their
common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew
the more insolent upon this bold prank of
theirs, as though they had been the benefac-
tors and saviours of the city.

6.	Now, the people were come to that degree
of meanness and fear, and these robbers to that
degree of madness, that these last took upon
them to appoint high-priests.f So when they

* This name Dorcas in Greek, was Tabltha in Hebrew
or Syriac, as Acts lx. 86. Accordingly, some of the manu-
scripts set it down here Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can
the context in Josephus be made out but by supposing
the reading to have been tbis: “ The son of Tabltha;
which in the language of our country, denotes Dorcatf1
[or a doe].

f Here we may discover the utter disgrace and ruin
of the high-priesthood among the Jews, when unde-

salem sedition began; for Titus went from
Gischala to Gesarea; and Vespasian from
Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them
both; and when he had put garrisons into
them he came back with a great number of
the people, who were come over t<r him, upon
his giving them his right hand for their pre-
servation. There were besides disorders and
civil wars in every city; and all those that
were at quiet from the Romans turned their
hands one against another. There was also
a bitter contest between those that were
fond of war, and those that were desirous of
peace. At the first this quarrelsome temper
caught hold of private families, who could not
iigree among themselves; after which those
people that were the dearest to one another,
brake through all restraints with regard to
each other, and every one associated with
those of his own opinion, and began already
to stand in opposition one to another; so that
sedirions arose everywhere, while those that
were for innovations, and were desirous of
war, by their youth and boldness, were too
hard for the aged and the prudent men;, and,
in the first place, all the people of every
place betook themselves to rapine; after
which they got together in bodies, in order to
rob the people of the country, insomuch that
for barbarity and iniquity those of the same
nation did no way differ from the Romans;
nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to
be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.

3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded
the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to
take such trouble upon them, and partly out
of the hatred they bare to the Jewish nation,
did little or nothing towards relieving the
miserable, till the captains of these troops of
robbers, being satiated with rapines in the
country, got all together from all parts, and
became a band of wickedness, and all toge-
ther crept into Jerusalem, which was now
become a city without a governor, and, as the
ancient custom was, received without distinc-
tion all that belonged to their nation; and
these they then received, because all men
supposed that those who came 60 fast into the
city, came out of kindness, and for their assist-
ance, although these very men, besides the
seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct
cause of the city’s destruction also; for as they
were an unprofitable and a useless multitude,
they spent those provisions beforehand, which
might otherwise have been sufficient for the
fighting men. Moreover, besides the bring-

tag o/of the «... they w.r. the occsion ft'S^SflM^^~ji5SSl5?2
•edition and famine therein.	Josephus well remarkahere, were thereupon obliged to

4. There were, besides these, other robbers oomply with and awlst thiefre that advanced them in
ttMCMKOutof <b. country, ,„d ca,„e in.o

the city, and joining to them those that were Jesus the son of Damneus, Jesus the son of Gamaliel,662

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV,

hail disannulled the succession, according to
those families out of whom the high-priests
used to be made, they ordained certain un-
known and ignoble persons for that office, that
they might.have their assistance in their wicked
undertakings; for such as obtained this highest
Of all honours, without any desert, were forced
to comply with those that bestowed it on
them. They also set the principal men at va-
riance one with another, hy several sorts of
contrivances and tricks, and gained the oppor-
tunity of doing what they pleased, by the
mutual quarrels of those who might have
obstructed their measures; till at length, when
they wer? satiated with the unjust actions
they had done towards men, they transferred
their contumelious behaviour to God himself,
and came into the sarfctuary with polluted feet.

7.	And now the multitude were going to
rise against them already; for Ananus, the
ancientest of the high-priests, persuaded them
to it. He was a very prudent man, and had
perhaps saved the city if he could but have es-
caped the hands of those that plotted against
him. Those men made the temple of God
a strong hold for them, and a place whither
they might resort, in order to avoid the trou-
bles they feared from the people; the sanctu-
ary was now become a refuge, and a shop of
tyranny. They also mixed jesting among the
miseries they introduced, which was more in-
tolerable than what they did; for, in order to
try what surprise the people would be under,
and how far their own power extended, they
undertook to dispose of the high-priesthood
by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said
already, it was to descend by succession in a
family. The pretence they made for this
strange attempt was an ancient practice, while
they said that of old it was determined by lot;
but in truth, it was no better than a dissolu-
tion of an undeniable law, and a cunning con-
trivance to seize upon the government, derived
from those that presumed to appoint govern-
ors as they themselves pleased.

8.	Hereupon they sent for one of the pon-
tifical tribes, which is called Eniachiin,* and
cast lots which of it should be the high-priest.
By fortune, the lot so fell as to demonstrate
their iniquity after the plainest manner, for it
fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the
son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He
was a man not only unworthy of the high-
priesthood, but that did not well know what
the high-priesthood was; such a mere rustic

Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that prodigious
ignoramus Phannias, the son of Samuel; all whom we
shall meet with in Josephus’s future history of this war;
nor do we meet with any other so much as pretended
high-priests alter Phannias, till Jerusalem was taken and
destroyed.

* This tribe or course of the. high-priests, or priests
here called Eniachim, seems to the learned Mr. Lowth,
one well versed in Josephus, U> be that in 1 Chron.xxlv.
18, “ the course of Jakim,” where some copies have
“thecourse of Eliakim;” and I think this to be by no
means an improbable conjecture.

was he! yet did they hale this mao, without
his own consent, out of the country, as if they
were acting a play upon the stage, and
adorned him with a counterfeit face; they
also put upon him the sacred garments^ and
upon every occasion instructed him what he
was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness
was sport and pastime with them, but occa-
sioned the other priests, who at a distance
saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears,
and sorely lament the dissolution of such a
sacred dignity.

9.	And now the people could no longer
bear the insolence of this procedure, but did
altogether run zealously, in order to over-
throw that tyranny; and indeed they were
Gorian the son of Josephus, and Symeon the
son of Gamaliel,! who encouraged them, by
going up and down when they were assem-
bled together in crowds, and as they saw them
alone, to bear no longer, but to indict punish-
ment upon these pests and plagues of their
freedom, and to purge the temple of these
bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed
also of the high-priests, Jesus the son of
Gamala, and Ananus the son of Ananus, whed
they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproach-
ed the people for their sloth, and excited them
against the zealots; for that was the name
they went by, as if they were zealous in good
undertakings, and were not rather zealous in
the worst actions, and extravagant in them
beyond the example of others.

10.	And now, when the multitude were
gotten together to an assembly, and every one
was in indignation at these men’s seizing upon
the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders,
but had not yet begun their attacks upon them
(the reason of which was this, that they ima-
gined it to be a difficult thing to suppress
these zealots, as indeed the case was), Ananus
stood in the midst of them, and casting his
eyes frequently at the temple, and having a
flood of tears in his eyes, he said,—“Cer-
tainly it had been good for me to die before
I had seen the house of God full of so many
abominations, or these sacred places that ought
not to be trodden upon at random, tilled with
the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet
do I, who am clothed with the vestments of
the high-priesthood, and am called by that
most venerable name [of high-priest], still
live, and am but too fond of living, and can-
not endure to undergo a death which would
be the glory of my old age; and if I were the
only person concerned, and, as it were, in a
desert, I would give up my life, and that alone

+ This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned
as the president of the Jewish sanhedrim, and one that
perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish
rabbins, as Reland observes on this place. Be also tells
us that those rabbins mention one Jesus the son of Ga-
mala, as once a high-priest,—but this long before the
destruction of Jerusalem; so that if be were the same

fie

on ot Jerusalem; so that if be were the san
nth this Jesus the sou of Gaibala, in Josephti
must have lived to be very old, or they have been

very bad cbronologers.CHAP. III.	WARS OF THU JEWS. .	683

for God’s sake; for to what purpose is it to
lire among a people insensible of their calami-
ties, and where there is no notion remaining
of any remedy for the miseries that are upon
them? for when you are seized upon, you
bear itl and when you are beaten, you are
silent! and when the people are murdered,
nobody dare so much as send out a groan
openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under!
But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was
it not you, and your sufferance of them, that
nave nourished them? Was it not you that
overlooked those that first of all got together,
for they were then but a few, and by your
silence made them grow to be many; and by
conniving at them when they took arms, in
effect armed them against yourselves? You
ought to have then prevented their first
attempts, when they fell a reproaching your
relations; but by neglecting that care in time,
you have encouraged these wretches to plun-
der men. When houses were pillaged, nobody
said a word, which was -the occasion why
they carried off the owners of those houses;
and when they were drawn through the midst
of the city, nobody came to their assistance.
They then proceeded to put those whom you
had betrayed into their hands, into bonds. I
do not say how many, and of what characters
those men were whom they thus served, but
certainly, they were such as were accused by
none, and condemned by none; and since
nobody succoured them when they were in
bonds, the consequence was, that you saw the
same persons slain. We have seen this also;
so that still the best of the herd of brute ani-
mals, as it were, have been still led to be
sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or
moved his right hand for their preservation.
Will you bear, therefore, —will you bear to
Bee your sanctuary trampled on? and will
you lay steps for these profane wretches, upon
which they may mount to higher degrees of
insolence? Will not you pluck them down
from their exaltation? for even by this time,
they had proceeded to higher enormities, if
they had been able to overthrow any thing
greater than the sanctuary. They have seized
upon the strongest place of the whole city;
you may call it the temple, if you please,
though it bp like a citadel or fortress. Now,
while you have tyranny in so great a degree
walled in, and see your enemies over your
heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel?
and what have you to support your minds
withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans,
that they may protect bur holy places: are
our matters then brought to that pass? and
are we come to that degree of misery, that our
enemies themselves are expected to pity us?
O wretched'creatures! will not you rise up,
and turn upon those that strike you? which
you may observe in wild beasts themselves,
that they will avenge themselves on those that
Strike them. Will not you call to inind, every

one of you, the calamities you yourselves have
suffered? nor lay before your eyes what
afflictions you yourselves have undergone?
and will not such things sharpen your souls
to revenge? Is therefore that most honour-
able and most natural of our passions utterly
lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly,
we are in love with slavery, and in love with
those that lord it over us, as if we had received
that principle of subjection from our ances-
tors! yet did they undergo many and great
wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they so
far overcome by the power of the Egyptians,
or the Medes, but that they still did what
they thought fit, notwithstanding their com-
mands to the contrary. And what occasion
is there now for a war with the Romans? (I
meddle not with determining whether it be
an advantageous and profitable war or not.)
What pretence is there for it? Is it not that
we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we
not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be
lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our
own country? Although I must say that sub-
mission to foreigners may be borne, because
fortune hath already doomed us to it, while
submission to wicked people of our own
nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us
by our own consent. However, since I have
had occasion to mention the Romans, I will
not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking,
comes into my mind, and affects me consider-
ably;—it is this, that though we should be
taken by them (God forbid the event should
be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will
be harder to be borne than what these men
have already brought upon us. How then can
we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the
Roman donations in our temples, while we
withal see those of our own nation taking our
spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis;
and slaughtering our men, from which enor-
mities those Romans themselves would have
abstained? to see those Romans never going
beyond the bounds allotted to profane per-
sons, nor venturing to break in upon any of
our sacred customs; nay, having horror on
their minds when they view at a distance
those sacred walls, while some that have been
born in this very country, and brought up in
our customs, and called Jews, do walk about
in the midst of the holy places, at the very
time when their hands are still warm with the
slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides,
can any one be afraid of a war abroad, and
that with such as will have comparatively much
greater moderation than our own people have?
For truly, if we may suit our words to the
things they represent, it is probable one may
hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters
of our laws, and those within ourselves the sub-
verted of them. And now I am persuaded
thate very one of you here comes satisfied before
I speak, that these overthrowers of our liber-
ties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody684

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

can so ranch as devise a punishment that
Iney have not deserved by what they have
done, and that you are all provoked against
toetn by those their wicked actions, whence
you have suffered 60 greatly. But perhaps
many of you are affrighted at the multitude
01 those zealots, and at their audaciousness,
as weli as at the advantage they have over us
in their being higher in place than we are;
lor these circumstances, as they have been
occasioned by your negligence, so will they
become still greater by being still longer
neglected; for their multitude is every day
augmented, by every ill man’s running away
to those that are like to themselves, and their
audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because
they meet with no obstruction to their designs.
And for their higher place, they will make
use of it for engines also, if we give them time
to do so; but be assured of this, that if we
go up to fight them, they will be made tamer by
their own consciences, and what advantages
they have in the height of their situation, they
will lose by the opposition of their reason;
perhaps also God himself, who hath been
iffronted by them, will make what they throw
it us return against themselves, and these
;m pious wretches will be killed by their own
darts: let us but make our appearance be*
fore them, and they will come to nothing.
However, it is a right thing, if there should be
any danger in the attempt, to die before these
holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not
for the sake of our children and wives, yet for
God’s sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary.
I will assist you, both with my counsel and
with my hand; nor shall any sagacity of ours
be wanting for your support; nor shall you
eee that I will be sparing of my body neither."

11. By these motives Ananus encouraged
the multitude to go against the zealots,
although he knew how difficult it would be to
disperse them, because of their multitude, and

they met with. Upon this, Aiianus got the
populace together on the sudden, who were
more numerous indeed than the zealots, but
inferior to them in arms, because they had
not been regularly put into array for fighting:
but the alacrity that every body showed, sup-
plied all their defects on both sides, the citi-
zens taking up so great a passion as was
stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of
courage from the temple, more forcible than
any multitude whatsoever; and indeed these
citizens thought it was not possible for them
to dwell iri the city, unless they could cut off
the robbers that were in it. The zealots also
thought that unless they prevailed, there
would be no punishment so bad, but it would
be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were
conducted by their passions; and at the first
they only cast stones at each other in the city,
and before the temple, and threw their jave-
lins at a distance; but when either of them
were too hard for the other, they made use of
their swords; and great slaughter was made
on both sides, and a great number were
wounded. As for the dead bodies of the
people, their relations carried them out to
their own houses; but when any of the zeal-
ots were wounded, he went up into the tem-
ple, and defiled that sacred floor with his
blood, insomuch that one may say it was their
blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now
in these conflicts the robbers always sallied
out of the temple, and were too hard for their
enemies; but the populace grew very angry,
and became more and more numerous, and
reproached those that gave back, and those
behind would not afford room to those that
were going off, but forced them on again, till
at length they made their whole body to turn
against their adversaries, and the robbers
could no longer oppose them, but were forced
gradually to retire into the temple ; when
Ananus and his party fell into it at the same

their youth, and the courage of their souls; time together with them.* This horribly af-

but chiefly because of their consciousness of
what they had done, since they would not
yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon
at the last for those their enormities. How-
ever, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever
sufferings might come upon him, rather than
overlook things, now they were in such great
confusion. So the multitude cried out to
him to lead them on against those whom be
nad described in his exhortation to them.;
and every one of them was most readily dis-
posed to run any hazard whatsoever on that
account.

12. Now while Ananus was choosing out
his men, and putting those that were proper
for bis purpose in array for fighting, the zea-
lots got information of his undertaking (for
there were some who went to them, and told
them all that the people were doing) and .were
irritated at it; and leaping out of the temple
in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom

frighted the robbers, because it deprived them
of the first court; so they fled into the inner
court immediately, and shut the gates. Now,
Ananus did not think fit to make any attack
against the holy gates, although the other
throw their stones and darts at them from
above. He also deemed it unlawful to intro-
duce the multitude into that court before they
were purified; he therefore chose out of them
all by lot, six thousand armed men, and
placed them as guards in the cloisters; so
there was a succession of such guards one after
• It is worth noting here, that this Ananas, the best
of the Jews at this time, and the high-priest, who was
so very uneasy at the prolanation of the Jewish courts
ol the temple by the zealots, did not however scruple
the profanation of the “court of the Gentiles;” as in
our Saviour’s days it was very much profaned by the
Jews,and made a market-place, nay,a **den of thieves,”
without scruple, Mat. xxi. 12. 13 ; Mark si. 16, lb, 17.
Accordingly, Josephus himself, when he speaks of the
two'inner courts. calls them both iiyicc, or holy places I
but, so far as 1 remember, never gives that character of
the court of the Gentiles, dee b. v. ch. Lx. seek 2.CHAP. IV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

685

another, and every one was forced to attend
in his course; although many of the chief of
the city were dismissed by those that then
took on them the government, upon their
hiring some of the poorer sort, and sending
them to keep the guard in their stead.

13.	Now it was John who, as we told you,
ran away from Gischala, and was the occa-
sion of all these being destroyed. He was a
man of great craft, and bore about him in his
soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a
distance was the adviser in these actions; and
indeed at this time he pretended to be of the
people’s opinion, and-went all about with
Ananus when he consulted the great men
every day, and in the night-time also when he
went round the watch; but he divulged their
secrets to the zealots; and every thing that the
people deliberated about was by his means
known to their enemies, even before it had been
well agreed upon by themselves; and by way of
contrivance how he might not be brought
into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest
friendship possible with Ananus, and with the
chief of the people; yet did this overdoing
of his turn against him, for he flattered
them so extravagantly, that he was but the
more suspected; and his constant attendance
everywhere, even when he was not invited to
be present, made him strongly suspected of
betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they
plainly perceived that they understood all the
resolutions taken against them at their con-
sultations. Nor was there any one whom
they had so much reason to suspect of that
discovery as this John; yet was it not easy
to get quit of him, so potent was he grown
by his wicked practices. He was also sup-
ported hy many of those eminent men, who
were to be consulted upon all considerable ■
affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable
to oblige him to give them assurance of his
good-will upon oath; accordingly John took
such an oath readily, that he would be on the
people’s side, and would not betray any of
their counsels or practices to their enemies,
and would assist them in overthrowing those
that attacked them, and that both by his hand
and his advice. So Ananus and his party
believed his oath, and did now receive him to
their consultations without farther suspicion;
nay, so far did they believe him, that they
sent him as their ambassador into the temple
to the zealots, with proposals of accommoda-
tion; for they were very desirous to avoid the
pollution of the temple as much as they pos-
sibly could, and that no one of their nation
should be slain therein.

14.	But now this John, as if his oath had
been made to the zealots, and for confirmation
of hu good-will to them, and not against
them, went into the temple, and stood in the
Oiidsi. of them, and spake as follows: that he
had run many hazards on their account,
and in order to let them know of every

thing that was secretly contrived against them
by Ananus and his party; but that both he
and they should be cast into the most immi-
nent danger, unless some providential assist-
ance were afforded them; for that Ananus
made no longer delay, but had prevailed with
the people to send ambassadors td^ Vespasian
to invite him to come presently and take the
city; and that he had appointed a fast for the
next day against them, that they might obtain
admission into the temple on a religious
account, or gain it by force, and fight with
them there; that he did not see how long they
could either endure a siege, or how they could
fight against so many enemies. He added
farther, that it was by the providence of God
he was himself sent as an ambassador to them
for an accommodation; for that Ananus did
therefore offer them such proposals, that he
might come upon them when they were
unarmed: that,they ought to choose one of
these two methods; either to intercede with
those that guarded them, to save their lives,
or to provide some foreign assistance for
themselves; that if they fostered themselves
with the hopes of pardon, in case they were
subdued, they had forgotten what desperate
things they had done, or could suppose, that as
soon as the actors repented, those that had
suffered by them must be presently reconciled
to them; while those that have done injuries,
though they pretend to repent of them, are
frequently hated hy the others for that sort of
repentance; and that the sufferers, when they
get the power into their hands, are usually
still more severe upon the actors; that the
friends and kindred of those that had been
destroyed would alway be laying plots against
them, and that a large body of people were
very angry on account of their gross breaches
of their laws and [illegal] judicatures, inso-
much that although some part might commi-
serate them, those would be quite overborne

. by the majority.

i ’

CHAPTER IV.

THE IDUMEANS BEING SENT FOR BT THE ZEA-
LOTS, CAME IMMEDIATELY TO JERUSALEM
AND WHEN THEY WERE EXCLUDED OUT OF
THE CITY, THEY LAY ALL NIGHT THERE.
JESUS, ONE OF THE HIGH-PRIESTS, MAKES A
SPEECH TO THEM; AND SIMON THE IDUMEAN
MAKES A REPLY TO IT

§ 1. Now, by this crafty speecn, John made
the zealots afraid; yet durst not he directly
name what foreign assistance he meant, but
in a covert way only intimated at the
Idumeans; but now that he might particu-
larly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he
calumniated Ananus, that he was about a68$	WARS OF THE JEWS* ,	ROOK IV.

piece of barbarity, and did in a special: man-
ner threaten them. These leaders were Ele-
RZfir, the son of Simon, who seemed the most
plausible man of them all, both in considering
what was fit to be done, and in the execution
of what he had determined upon, and Zacha-
rias, the son of Phalek; both of whom derived
their families from,:the priests. Now, when
these two men had heard, not only the
common threatenings which belonged to them
all, but those peculiarly levelled against
themselves; and besides, how Ananus and
his party, in order to secure their own domi-
nion, had invited the Romans to come to
them, for that also was part of John’s lie,
they hesitated a great while what they should
do, considering the shortness of the time by
which they were straitened; because the peo-
ple were prepared to attack them very soon,
and because the suddenness of the plot laid
against them had almost cut off their hopes
of getting any foreign assistance; for they
might be under the height of their afflictions
before any of their confederates could be
informed of it. However, it was resolved to
call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short
letter to this effect: — That Ananus had
imposed on the people, and was betraying their
metropolis to the Romans; that they them-
selves had revolted from the rest, and were in
custody in the temple, on account of the pre-
servation of their liberty; that there was but
a small time left, wherein they might hope
for their deliverance; and that unless they
would come immediately to their assistance,
they should themselves be soon in the power
of Ananus, and the city would be in the
power of the Romans. They also charged
the messengers to tell many more circum-
stances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now,
there were two active men proposed for the
carrying of this message, and such as were well
able to speak, and to persuade them that
things were in this posture, and, what was a
qualification still more necessary than the*
former, they were very swift of foot; for
they knew well enough that these would
immediately comply with their desires, as
being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation,
always on the watch upon every motion,
delighting in mutations; and upon your flat-
tering them ever so little, and petitioning,
them, they soon take their arms, and put
themselves into motion, and make haste to a
battle, as if it were to a feast. There was
indeed occasion for quick dispatch in the
carrying of this message; in which point the
messengers were no way defective. Both
their names were Ananias; and they soon
came to the rulers of the Idumeans.

2. Now, these rulers were greatly surprised
at the contents of the letter, and at what those
that came with it further told them; where-
upon they ran about the nation like madmen,
and made proclamation that the people should

come to wax;, so a multitude was suddenly
got together, sooner indeed than the time
appointed in the proclamation, and every
body caught up their arms, in order to main-
tain the liberty of their metropolis; and
twenty thousand of them were put into
battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under
four commanders, John, and Jacob the son
of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the
son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son oi
Clusothus.

3. Now this exit of the messengers was
not known either to Ananus, or to the guards;
but the approach of the Idumeans was known
to him; for as he knew of it before they
came, he ordered the gates to be shut against
them, and that the walls should be guarded.
Yet did not he by any means think of fight-
ing against them, but, before they came to
blows, to try what persuasions would do.
Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high-
priests next to Ananus, stood upon the tower
that was over-against them, and said thus: —
“ Many troubles indeed, and those of various
kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none
of them have I so much wondered at her for-
tune as now, when you are come to assist
wicked men, and this after a manner very
extraordinary; for I see that you are come
to support the vilest of men against us, and
this with so great alacrity, as you could hardly
put on the like, in case our metropolis had
called you to her assistance against barba-
rians; and if. I had perceived that your army
was composed of men like unto those who
invited them, I had not deemed your attempt
so absurd; for nothing does so much cement
the minds of men together as the alliance
there is between their manners; but now for
these men who have invited you, if you were
to examine them one by one, every one of
them would be found to have deserved ten
thousand deaths; for the very rascality and
ofiscouring of the whole country, who have
spent in debauchery their own substance; and,
by way of trial beforehand, have madly plun-
dered the neighbouring villages and cities, in
the upshot of all, have privately run together
into this holy city. They are robbers, who
by their prodigious wickedness have profaned
this most sacred floor, and who are to be now
seen drinking themselves drunk in the sanc-
tuary, and expending the spoils of those whom
they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable
bellies. As for the multitude that is with
you, one may see them so decently adorned
in their armour, as it would become them to
be, had their metropolis called them to her
assistance against foreigners. What can a
man call this procedure of yours but the sport'
of fortune, when he sees a whole nation com-
ing to protect a sink of wicked wretches? I
have for a good while been in doubt what it
could possibly be that should move you to do
this so suddenly; because certainly you wouldCHAP. IV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

087

net take on your armour Qn the behalf of
robbers, and against a people of kin to you,
without some very great cause for your so
doing; but we have an item that the Romans
are pretended, and that we are supposed to
be going to betray this city to them; for
some of your men have lately make a clamour
about those matters, and have said they are
come to set their metropolis free. Now, we
cannot but admire at these wretches in their
devising such a lie as this against us; for they
knew there was no other way to irritate against
us men that were naturally desirous of liberty,
and on that account the best disposed to
fight against foreign enemies, but by framing
a tale as if we were going to betray that most
desirable thing, liberty. But you ought to
consider what sort of people they are that
raise this calumny, and against what sort of
people that calumny is raised, and to gather
the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches,
but out of th™actions of both parties; — for
what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves
to the Romans, while it was in our power not
to have revolted from them at the first, or,
when we had once revolted, to have returned
under their .dominion again, and this while
the neighbouring countries were not yet laid
waste? wherea§ it is not an easy thing'to be
reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous
of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and
are thereby become proud and insolent; and
to endeavour to please them at the time when
they are so near us, would bring such a reproach
upon us as were worse than death. As for
myself indeed, I should have preferred peace
with them before death; but now we have
once made war upon them, and fought with
them, I prefer death with reputation, before
living in captivity under them. But farther,
whether do they pretend that we, who are the
rulers of the people, have sent thus privately
to the Romans, or hath it been done by the
common suffrages of the people? If it be
ourselves only that have done it, let them
name those friends of ours that have been
sent, as our servants to manage this treachery.
Hath any one been caught as he went out on
this errand, or seized upon as he came back?
Are they in possession of our letters? How
could we be concealed from such a vast num-
ber of our fellow citizens, among whom we
are conversant every hour, while what is done
privately in the country is, it seems, known
by the zealots, who are but few in number, and
under confinement also, and are not able to
come out of the temple into the city? Is this
the first time that they are become sensible
how they ought to be punished for their in-
solent actions? For while these men were
free from the fear they are now under, there
was no suspicion raised that any of us were
traitors. But if they lay this charge against
the people, this must have been done at a
public consultation, and not one of the people

must have dissented from the rest of the as-
sembly: in which case the public fame of this
matter would have come to you sooner than
any particular indication; But how could
that be? Must there not then have been
ambassadors sent to confirm the agreements?
And let them tell us who,this ambassador was,
that was ordained for that purpose. But this
is no other than a pretence of such men as are
loath to die, and are labouring to escape those
punishments that hang over them; for if fate
had determined that this city was to be betray-
ed into its enemies’ hands, no other than these
men that accuse us falsely could have the im-
pudence to do it, there being no wickedness
wanting to complete their impudent practices
but this only that they become traitors. And
now you idumeans are come hither already
with your arms; it is your duty, in the first
place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and
to join with us in cutting off those tyrants
that have infringed the rules of our regular
tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws,
and made their swords the arbitrators of
right and wrong; for they have seized up-
on men of great eminence, and under no
accusation, as they stood in the midst of the
market-place, and tortured them with putting
them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear
what they had to say, or what supplications
they made, they destroyed them. You may,
if you please, come into this city, though not
in the way of war, and take a view of the
marks still remaining of what I now say, and
may see the houses that have been depopulated
by their rapacious hands, with those wives and
families that are in black, mourning for their
slaughtered relations; as also you m$jr hear
their groans and lamentations all the city over;
for there is nobody but bath tasted of the in-
cursions of these profane wretches, who have
proceeded to that degree of madness, as not
only to have transferred their impudent rob-
beries out of the country, and the remote
cities, into this city, the very face and head of
the whole nation, but out of the city into the
temple also; for that is now made their re-
ceptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head
whence their preparations are made against
us. And this place, which is adored by the
habitable world, and honoured by such as only
know it by report, as far as the ends of the
earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts
born among ourselves. They now triumph
in the desperate condition they are already in,
when they hear that one people is going to
fight against another people, and one city
against another city, and that your nation
hath gotten an army together against its own
bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were
highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for
you to join with us in cutting off these
wretches, and in particular'to be revenged On
them for putting this very cheat upon you;
1 mean, for having the impudence to invite088

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

you to assist them, of whom they ought to I metropolis to their kindred, profess to make
nave stood' in fear, as ready to punish them. : them judges of the differences that are among.
But if you have some regard to these men’s | them; nay, while they accuse some men of
invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your : having slain others without a legal trial, they
arms, and come into the city under the notion do themselves condemn a whole nation, after

of our kindred, and take upon you a middle
name between that of auxiliaries and of ene-
mies, and so become judges in this case. How-
ever, consider what these men will gain by
being called into judgment before you, for
such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who
would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no
accusations laid against them to speak a word
for themselves. However, let them gain this

an ignominious manner, and have now walled
up that city from their own nation, which used
to be open even to all foreigners that came to
worship there. We have indeed coine in great
haste to you, and to a war against our own
countrymen; and the reason why we have made
such haste is this, that we may preserve that
freedom which you are-, so unhappy as to
betray. You have probably been guilty of the
advantage by your coming. But still, if you like crimes against those whom you keep in
will neither take our part in that indignation custody, and have, I suppose, collected toge-
we have at these men, nor judge between us, ther the like plausible pretences against them
the third thing I have to propose is this, that also that you make use of against us: after
you let us both alone, and neither insult upon which you have gotten the mastery of those
our calamities, nor abide with these plotters within the temple, and keep them in custody,
against their metropolis: for though you should , while they are only taking care^>f the public
have ever so great a suspicion that some of us ' affairs. You have also shut the gates of the

have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your
power to watch the passages into the city; and
in case any thing that we have been accused
of is brought to light, then to come and defend
your metropolis, and to inflict punishment on
those that are found guilty; for the enemy
cannot prevent you who are so near to the
city. But if, after all, none of these propo-
sals seem acceptable and moderate, do hot you
wonder that the gates are shut against you,
while you bear your arms about you.”

4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the mul-
titude of the Idumeans give any attention to
what he said, but were in a rage, because tney
did not^meet with a ready entrance into the
city. The generals also had indignation at
the offer of laying down their arms, and
looked upon it as equal to a captivity to throw
them away at any man’s injunction whomso-
ever. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of
their commanders, with much ado quieted the
tumult of his own men, and stood so that the
high-priests might hear him, and said as fol-
lows:— “I can no longer wonder that the
patrons of liberty are under custody in the
temple, since there are those that shut the gates
of our common city* to their own nation, and
at the same time are prepared to admit the
Romans into it; nay, perhaps, are dispiosed
to crown the gates with garlands at their
coming, while they speak to the Idumeans
from their own towers, and enjoin them to
throw down their arms which they have taken
op for the preservation of its liberty; and
while they will not intrust the guard of our

• This appellation of Jerusalem given it tiers by
Simon, the general of the Idumeans, “the
city” of the Idumeans, who

weil as of the original native .lews, gieatly confirms that
maxim of the rabbins, here set down by Reland, that
“Jerusalem was Dot assigned, or anuropriated, to.the

e Idumeans, “the common
> were proselytes of jusUce, as
e Jews, gieatly confirms that
ins, here set down by Reland, that
“Jerusalem was Dot assigned, or appropriated, to.the
tribe of Benjamin or Judah, but every tribe bad equal
right to it [at their coming to worship there at the save.
IN festlvalsj.” See a little before, cn.iil. sect.3.

city in general against nations that are the
most nearly related to you; and while you
give such injurious commands to others, you
complain that you have been tyrannized over
by them, and fix the name of unjust gover-
nors upon such as are tyrannized over by
yourselves. Who can bear this, your abuse
of words, while they have a regard to the
contrariety of your actions, unless you mean
this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you
out of our metropolis, whom you exclude from
the sacred offices of your own country? One
may indeed justly complain of those that are
besieged in the temple, that when they had
courage enough to punish those tyrants, whom
you call eminent men, and free from any
accusations, because of their being your com-
panions in wickedness, they did not begin
with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the
most dangerous parts of this treason. But if
these men have been more merciful than the
public necessity required, we that are Idu-
means will preserve this house of God, and
will fight for our common country, and will
oppose by war as well those that attack them
from abroad, as those that betray them from
within. Here will we abide before the walls
in our armouf, until either the Romans grow
weary in waiting for you, or you become
friends to liberty, and repent of what you
have done against it.”

5. And now did the Idumeans make an
acclamation to what Simon had said; but
Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that
the Idumeans were against all moderate
counsels, and that the city was besieged on
both sides; nor indeed were the minds of the
Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage at
the injury that had been offered them by their
exclusion out of the city; and when they
thought the zealots had been strong, but saw
nothing of theirs to support them, they were
in dolibt about the matter, and many of themGHAP. V.

WARS OP THE JEWS.

689

repented that they had come thither. But the
shame that would attend them in case they
returned without doing any thing at all, 60
far overcome that their repentance, that they
lay all night before the wall, though in a very
bad encampment; for there broke out a pro-
digious storm in the night, with the utmost
violence, and very strong winds, with the
largest showers of Tain, with continual light-
nings, terrible thunderings, and amazing con-
cussions and bellowings of the earth, that was
in an earthquake. These things were a
manifest indication that some destruction was
coming upon men, when the system of the
world was put into this disorder; and any one
would guess that these wonders foreshowed
some grand calamities that were coming.

6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and
of the citizens was one and the same. The
Idumeans thought that God was angry at their
taking, arms, and that they would not escape
punishment for their making war upon their
metropolis. Ananus and his party thought
that they had conquered without fighting,
and that God acted as a general for them;
but truly they proved both ill conjectures at
what was to come, and made those events to
be ominous to their enemies, while they were
themselves to undergo the ill effects of them;
for the Idumeans fenced one another by unit-
ing their bodies into one band, and thereby
kept themselves warm, and connecting their
shields over their heads, were nqf so much
hurt by the rain. But the zealots were more
deeply concerned for the danger these men
were in than they were for themselves, and
got together, and looked about them, to see
whether they could devise any means of as-
sisting them. The hotter sort of them thought
it best to force their guards with their arms,
and after that to fall into the midst of the
city, and publicly open the gates to those that
came to their assistance; as supposing the
guards would be in disorder, and give way at
such an unexpected attempt of theirs, espe-
cially as the greater part of them were un-
armed and unskilled in the affairs of war; and
that besides, the multitude of the citizens
would not be easily gathered together, but
confined to their houses by the storm; and
that if there were any hazard in their under-
taking, it became them to suffer any thing
whatsoever themselves, rather than to over-
look so great a multitude as were miserably
perishing- on their account. But the more
prudent part of them disapproved of this for-
cible method, because they saw not only the
guards about them very numerous, but the
walls of the city itself carefully watched, by
reason of the Idumeans. They also supposed
that Ananus would be everywhere, and visit
the guards every hour; which indeed was
done upon other nights, but was omitted that
night,- not by reason of any slothfulness of
Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment

of fate, that so both he himself might perish,
and the multitude of the guards might perish
with him; for truly, as the night was far
goiie, and the storm very terrible, Ananus
gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to
sleep; while it came into the heads of the
zealots to make use of the saws belonging to
the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates
to pieces. The noise.of the wind, and that
not inferior sound of the thunder, did here
also conspire with their designs, that the noise
of the 6aws was not heard by the others.

7. So they secretly went out of the temple
to the wall of the city, and made use of their
saws, and opened that gate which was over
against the Idumeans. Now at first there
came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves,
which disturbed them, as imagining that
Ananus and his party were coming to attack
them, so that every one of them had his right
hand upon his sword, in order to defend him-
stelf; but they soon came to know who they
were that came to them, and were entered the
city. And had the Idumeans then fallen upon
the city, nothing could have hindered them
from destroying the people, every, man of
them, such was the rage they were in at that
time; but they first of all made haste' to get
the zealots out of custody, which those that
brought them in earnestly desired them to do,
and not overlook those for whose sake they
were come, in the midst of their distresses,
nor to bring them into a still greater danger;
for that when they had once seized upon the
guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon
the city; hut that if the city were once alarmed,
they would not then be able to overcome
those guards, because as soon as they should
perceive they were there, they would put
themselves in order to fight them, and would
hinder-their coming into the temple. ‘

CHAPTER V.

THE CRUELTY OF THE IDUMEANS, WHEN THEY
WERE GOTTEN INTO THE TEMPLE, DURING
THE STORM; AND OF THE ZEALOTS. CON-
CERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF ANANUS, AND
JESUS, AND ZACHARIAS; AND HOW THE
IDUMEANS RETIRED HOME.

§ 1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and
they ascended through the city to the temple.
The zealots were also in great expectation of
their coming, and earnestly waited for them.
When therefore these were entering, they
also came boldly out of the inner temple, and
mixing themselves with the Idumeans, they
attacked the guards; and some of those that
were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep,
they killed as they were asleep; but as those
that were now awakened made a cry, the whole
multitude arose, and in the amazement they
were in caught hold of their arms immediately690

BOOK IV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

and betook themselves to their own defence;
and so long1 as they thought they were only
the zealots who attacked them, they went on
boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their
numbers; but when they saw others pressing
in upon them also, they perceived the Idume-
ans were got in; and the greatest part of them
laid aside their arms, together with their cou-
rage, and betook themselves to lamentations.
But some few of the younger sort covered
themselves with their armour, and valiantly
received the Idumeans, and for a while pro-
tected the multitude of old men. Others,
indeed, gave a signal to those that were in
the city of the calamities they were in; but
when these were also made sensible that the
Idumeans were come in, none of them durst
come to their assistance; only they returned
the terrible echo of wailing, and lamented
their misfortunes. A great howling of the
women was excited also, and every one of the
guards were in danger of being killed. The
zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the
Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the
cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare
any body; for as they are naturally a most
barbarous and bloody nation, and had. been
distressed by the tempest, they made use of
their weapons against those that had shut the
gates against the#, and acted in the same
manner as to those that supplicated for their
lives, and to those that fought them, inso-
much that they ran through those with their
swords who desired them to remember the
relation there was between them, and begged
of them to have regard to their common tem-
ple. Now there was at present neither any
place for flight nor any hope for preservation;
but as they were driven one upon another in
heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater
part were driven together by force, as there
was now no place of retirement, and the mur-
derers were upon them; and, having no other
way, threw themselves down headlong into
the city; whereby, in my opinion, they under-
went a more miserable destruction than that
which they avoided, because that was a volun-
tary one. And now the outer temple was all
of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as
it came 03, saw eight thousand five hundred
dead bodies there.

2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not
satiated by these slaughters; but they now
betook themselves to the city, and plundered
every house, and slew every one they met; and
for the other multitude, they esteemed it
needless to go on with killing them, but they
sought for the high-priests, and the generality
went with the greatest zeal against them; and
as soon as fhey caught them they slew them,
and then standing upon their dead bodies, in
way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kind-
ness to the people, and Jesus with his speech
made to them from the wall. Nay, they pro-
ceeded to that degree of impiety, as to oast

away their dead bodies without burial, although
the Jews used to take so much care of the
burial of men, that they took down those that
were condemned and crucified, and buried
them before the going down of the sun. I
should not mistake if I said that-the death of
Ananus was the beginning of the destruction
of the city, and that from this very day may
be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the
ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their
high-priest, and the procurer of their preser-
vation, slain in the midst of their city. He
was on other accounts also a venerable, and a
very just man; and besides the grandeur of
that nobility, and dignity, and honour, of
which he was possessed, he had been a lover
of a kind of parity, even with regard to the
meanest of the people; he was a prodigious
lover of liberty, and an admirer of a demo-
cracy in government; and did ever prefer the
public welfare before his own advantage, and
preferred peace above all things; for he was
thoroughly sensible that the Romans were
not to be conquered. He also foresaw that
of necessity a war would follow, and that
unless the Jews made up matters with them
very dexterously, they would be destroyed:
to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived
they had certainly compounded matters; for
be was a shrewd man in speaking and per-
suading the people, and had already gotten the
mastery of those that opposed his designs, or
were for the war. And the Jews.had then
put. abundance of delays in the way of the
Romans, if they had had such a general as
he was. Jesus was also joined with him;
and although he was inferior to him upon the
comparison, he was superior to the rest; - and
I cannot but think that it was because God
had doomed this city to destruction, as a pol-
luted city, and was resolved to purge his
sanctuary by fire, that he cut off' these their
great defenders and well-wishers, while those
that a little before had worn the sacred gar-
ments, and had presided over the public wor-
ship,* and had been esteemed venerable by
those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth
when they came into our city, were cast out
naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and
wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine that
virtue herselfgroaned at these men’s case, and
lamented that she was here so terribly con-
quered by wickedness. And this at last was
the end of Ananus and Jesus.

3. Now after these were slain, the zealotB
and the multitude of the Idumeans fell upon
the people as upon a flock of profane animals,
and cut their throats; and, for the ordinary
sort, they were destroyed in what place soever
they caught them. But for the noblemen
and the youth, they first caught them and
bound them, and shut them up in prison, and

* KtxTjUJKt]	or “ worldly worship,” as tUe

author 10 the HeDrewa culls the sanctuary dytaf
Mot, a worldly sanctuary.”CHAP. V.	WARS OF THE JEWS.

691

put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of
them would turn over to their party; but not
one of them would comply with their desires,
but all of them preferred death before being
enrolled among such wicked wretches as atited
sgaiqst their own country. But this refusal
of theirs brought upon them terrible torments;
for they were so scourged and tortured, that
their bodies were not able to sustain their
torments, till at length, and with difficulty,
they had the favour to be slain. Those whom
they caught in the day-time, were slain in the
night, and then their bodies were, carried out
and thrown away, that there might be room
for other prisoners; and the terror that was
upon the people was so great, that no one had
courage enough either to weep openly for the
dead man that was related to him, or bury
him; but those that were shut up in their own
houses, could only shed tears in secret, and
durst not even groan without great caution,
lest any of their enemies should hear them;
for if they did, those that mourned for others
Boon underwent the same death with those
whom they mourned for. Only in the night-
time. they would take up a little dust and
throw it upon their bodies; and even some
that were the most ready to expose them-
selves to danger, would do it in the day-time:
and there were twelve thousand of the better
sort who perished in this manner.

4. And now these zealots and Idumeaus
were quite weary of barely killing men, so
they had the impudence of setting up ficti-
tious tribunals and judicatures for that pur-
pose; and as they intended to have Zacharias,*
the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent
of the citizens, slain,—so what provoked them
against him was, that hatred of wickedness
and love of liberty which were so eminent in
him: he was also a rich man, so that by taking
him off, they did not only hope to seize
his effects, but also to get rid of a man that
had great power to destroy them. So they

* Some commentators are ready to suppose that this
“ Zacbarias, the son of Baruch,” here most unjustly
slain by the Jews in the temple, was the very same per-
son with “ Zacharias, the son of Barachias,” whom our
Savtonr says the Jews " slew between the temple and the
altar,” Malt.xxiii.35. This is a somewhat strange expo-
sition: since Zecbariah the prophet was really the son
of Barachiah,” and ‘'grandson of Iddo” (Zech.i. 1); and
bow he died, we have no-other account, than that befor
nS ln^$t Matthew: while this ‘‘Zacharias” was “tin
■on of Baruch.” Since the slaughter was past when ou
' e Jews then had already
“ Zacharias, the son
lut thirty-four years
was “between the

the Jews
hter of‘
en about

i Josephus,

And since that slaughter
altar” ..................

future.

temple and the altar,” in the court of the priests, one of
the most sacred and remote parts of the whole temple;
while this was, in Josephus’s own words, in the -middle
of the temple, and much the most probable in the court
of Israel only (for we have no intimation that the Zealots
had at this time profaned the court of the priests'. Bee
b.v. ch. 1. sect2). Nor do l believe that our Josephus,
who always insists on the peculiar .sacredness of the
inmost courUsnd of the holy house that was iu it, would
hove omitted so material an a rcravation of this barbarous
ipnniep, as perpetrated in a plare so very holy, had that
been the true place of it.	Antiq. b. xi ch.vii. seat. i.

and the note here oil h. v. ch. i. sect. ±

called together, by. a public proclamation,
seventy of the principal men of the populace,
for a show, as if they were real judges, while
they had no proper authority. Before these
was Zacharias accused of a design to betray
their polity to the Romans; and having trai-
torously sent to Vespasian for that purpose.
Now there appeared no proof or sign of what
he was accused; but they affirmed them-
selves that they were well persuaded that so
it was, and desired that such their-affirmation
might be taken for sufficient evidence. Now
when Zacharias clearly saw that there Was no
way remaining for his escape from them, as
having been treacherously called before them,
and then put in prison, but not with any
intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty
of speech in that despair of life he was under.
Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their
pretended accusation, and in a few words
confuted the crimes laid to his charge; after
which he turned his speech to his accusers,
and went over distinctly all their transgressions
of the law, and made heavy lamentations
upon the confusion they had brought public
affairs to: in the mean time the zealots grew
tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain
from drawing their swords, although they
designed to preserve the appearance and show
of judicature to the end. They were also desi-
rous, on other accounts, to try the judges,
whether they would be mindful of what was
just at their own peril. Now the seventy
judges brought in their verdict, that the per-
son accused was not guilty,—as choosing
rather to die themselves with him, than to
have his death Itud at their doors; hereupon
there arose a great clamour of the zealots
upon his acquittal, and they all had indigna-
tion at the judges, for not understanding that
the authority that was given them was but in
jest. Sp two of the boldest of them fell upon
Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and
slew him; and as he fell down dead they
bantered him, and said, “ Thou hast also
our verdict, and this will prove a more sure
acquittal to thee than the other.” They also
threw him down out of the temple immedi-
ately into the valley beneath it. Moreover,
they struck the judges with the backs of their
swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them
out of the court of the temple, and spared
their lives with no other design than that,
when they were dispersed among the people
in the city, they might become their messen-
gers, to let them know; they were no better
than slaves.

5. But by this time the Idumeans repented
of their coming, and were displeased at what
had been done: and when they were assem-

bled together by one of the zealots, who. had
coffie privately to them, he declared to them
what a number of wicked pranks they had
themsel ves done.in conjunction with those that
invited them, and gave a particular account692

WARS OP THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

of what mischiefs had been done against their which these Idum

metropolis.—He said, that they had taken
arms, as though the high-priests were betray-
ing their metropolis to the Romans, but
had found no indication of any such trea-
chery; but that they had succoured those
that had pretended to believe such a thing,
while they did themselves the works of war
and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It
had been indeed their business to have hin-
dered them from such their proceedings at
the first, but seeing they had once been
partners with them in shedding the blood of
their own countrymen, it was high time to put
a stop to such crimes, and not continue to
afford any more assistance to such as are sub-
verting the laws of their forefathers; for that
if any had taken it ill that the gates had been
shut against them, and they had not been
permitted to come into the city, yet that those
who had excluded them have been punished,
and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those
people had been destroyed in one night’s
time. That one may perceive many of them-
selves now repenting for what they had done,
and might see the horrid barbarity of those
that had invited them, and that they had no
regard to such as had 6aved them; that they
were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest
things, under the eyes of those who had sup-
ported them, and that their wicked actions
would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans,
and would be so laid to their charge, till
somebody obstructs their proceedings, or sepa-
rates himself from the same wicked action;
that they therefore ought to retire home, since
the imputation of treason |jppears to be a
calumny, and that there was no expectation
of the coming of the Romans at this time,
and that the government of the city was se-
cured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown
down; and, by avoiding any further fellow-
ship with these bad men, to make some ex-
cuse for themselves, as to what they had been
so far deluded, as to have ..been partners with
them hitherto.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW THE ZEALOTS, WHEN THET WERE FREE
FROH THE IDUMEANS, SLEW A GREAT MANY
MORE OF THE CITIZENS; AND HOW VESPA-
SIAN DISSUADED THE ROMANS, WHEN THEY
WERE VERY EARNEST TO MARCH AGAINST
THE JEWS, FROM PROCEEDING IN THE WAR
AT THAT TIME.

§ . 1. The Idumeans complied with these
persuasions; and in the first place, they set
those that were in the prison at liberty, being
about two thousand of the populace, vFho
thereupon fled away immediately to Simon,
one whom we shall speak of presently. After

eans retired from Jerusalem,
and werit-home; which departure of theirs was
a great surprise to both parties; for the peo-
ple, not knowing of their repentance, pulled
up their courage for a while, as eased of 60
many of their enemies, while the zealots gTew
more insolent, not as deserted by their confe-
derates, but as freed from such men as might
hinder their designs, and put some stop to
their wickedness. Accordingly, they made no
longer any delay, nor took any deliberation
in their enormous practices, but made use of
the shortest methods for all their executions;
and what they had once resolved upon, they
put in practice sooner than any one could
imagine; but their thirst was chiefly after the
blood of valiant men, and men of good fami-
lies ; the one sort of whom they destroyed out
of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought
their whole security lay in leaving no potent
men alive; on which account they slew
Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on
account of his family also; he was also for
democracy, and of as great boldness and free-
dom of spirit as were any of the Jews who-
soever; the principal thing that ruined him,
added to his other advantages, was his free-
speaking. Nor did Niger of Perea escape their
hands; he had been a man of great valour in
their war with the Romans, but was now
drawn through the middle of the city, and,
as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed
the scars of his wounds; and when he was
drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his
preservation, he besought them to gTant him
a burial; but as they had threatened him
beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth
for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them,
so did they slay him [without permitting him
to be buried]. Now when they were slaying
him, he made this imprecation upon them,
that they might undergo both famine and
pestilence in this war, and besides all that,
they might come to the mutual slaughter of
one another; all which imprecations God
confirmed against these impious men, and was
what came most justly upon them, when not
long afterward they tasted of their own mad
ness in their mutual seditions one against ano
ther. So when this Niger was killed, theii
fears of being overturned were diminished,
and indeed there was no part of the people
but they found out some pretence to destroy
them; for some were therefore slain, because
they had had differences with some of them;
and as to those that had not opposed them in
times of peace, they watched seasonable op-
portunities to gain some accusation against
them; and if any one did not come hear them
at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud
man; if any one came with boldness, he was
esteemed a contemner of them; and if any
one came as aiming to oblige tl^m, he was
supposed to have some treacherous plot
against them; while the bnly punishment of093

CHAP. VI-	WARS OF THE JEWS.'

crimes, whether they were of the greatest or
smallest sort, was death. Nor could any one
escape, unless he were very inconsiderable,
either on account of the meanness of his
birth, or on account of his fortune.

2. And now all the rest of the commanders
of the Romans deemed this sedition among
their enemies to be of great advantage taflffiem,
and were very earnest to march to the city;
and they urged Vespasian as their lord and
general in all cases, to make haste, and said
to him, That “ the providence of God is on our
side, by setting our enemies at variance against
one another: that still the change in such cases
may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly
be at one again, either because they may be
tired out with their civil miseries, or repent
them of such doings.”' But Vespasian replied,
that they were greatly mistaken in what they
thought fit to be done, as those that, upon the
theqtre, love to make a show of their hands,
and of their weapons, but do it at their own
hazard, without considering what was for their
advantage, and for their security; for that if
they now go and attack the city immediately,
they shall but occasion their enemies to ,unite
together, and shall convert their force, now it
is in its height, against themselves; but if they
stay a while they shall have fewer enemies,
because they will be consumed in this sedition:
that God acts as a general of the Romans
better than he can do, and is giving the Jews
up to them without any pains of their own,
and granting their army a victory without any
danger; that therefore it is their best way,
while their enemies are destroying each other
with their own hands, and falling into the
greatest of misfortunes, which is {hat of sedi-
tion, to sit still as spectators of the dangers
they run into, rather than to fight hand to
hand with men that love murdering, and are
mad one against another. “But if &ny one
imagines that the glory of victory, when it is
gotten without fighting, will be more insipid,
let him know this much, that a glorious suc-
cess, quietly obtained, is more profitable than
the dangers of a battle; for we ought to
esteem those that do what is agreeable to tem-
perance and prudence, no less glorious than
those that have gained great reputation by
their actions in war: that he shall lead on
his army with greater force when their enemies
are diminished, and his own army refreshed
after the continual labours they had under-
gone. However, that this is not a proper time
to propose to ourselves the glory of victory;
for that the Jews are not now employed in
making of armour or building of walls, nor
indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while
the advantage will be on their 6ide who
give them such opportunity of delay; but that
the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by
their civil warn and dissensions, and are under
greater misfortunes than, if they were once
taken, could be inflicted on them by us.

Whether, therefore, any one hath regard to
what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these
Jews to destroy one another; or whether he
hath regard to the greater glory of the action,
we ought by no means to meddle with these
men, now they are afflicted with a distemper
at home; for should we now conquer them, it
would be said the conquest was not owing to
our bravery, but to their sedition.”

3. And now the commanders joined in
their approbation of what Vespasian had said,
and it was soon discovered how wise an opi-
nion he had given; and indeed many there
werq of the Jews that deserted every day, and
fled away from the zealots, although their
flight was very difficult, since they had guarded
every passage out of the city, and slew every
one that was caught at them, as taking
it for granted they were going over to the
Romans; yet did he who gave them money
get clear off, while he only that gave them
none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was
this, that the rich purchased their flight by
money, while none but the poor were slain.
Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead
bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those
that were so zealous in deserting, at length
chose rather to perish within the city; for the
hopes of burial made death in their own city
appear of the two less terrible to them. But
these zealots came at last to that degree of
barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on
those slain in the city, or on those that lay
along the roads; but as if they had made an
agreement to cancel both the laws of their
country and the lajjs of nature, and, at tho
same time that they defiled men with their
wicked actions, they would pollute the Divi-
nity itself also, they left the dead bodies to
putrefy under the sun: and the same punish-
ment was allotted to such as buried any, as
to those that deserted, which was no other
than death; while he that granted the favour
of a grave to another, would presently stand
in need of a grave himself. To say all in a
word, no other gentle passion was so entirely
lost among them as mercy; for what were the
greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate
these wretches, and they transferred their
rage from the living to those that had been
slain, and from the dead to the living. Nay,
the terror was so very great, that he who sur-
vived called them that were first dead happy,
as being at rest already ; as did those that
were under torture in the prisons, declare,
that, upon this comparison, those that lay
unburied were the happiest- These men, there-
fore, trampled upon.all the laws of man, and
laughed at the laws of God: and for the ora-
cles of the prophets,'they ridiculed them as
the tricks of jugglers; yet did those prophets
foretell many things concerning [the rewards
of] virtue, tfnd [punishments of] vice, which
when these zealots violated, they occasioned the
fulfilling of those very prophecies belonging<594

tvi. t'

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

to their own country: for there was a certain
ancient oracle of those men, that the city
should then be taken and the sanctuary burnt,
by right of war, when a sedition should
invade the Jews, and their own hand should
pollute the temple of Gou.* Nbw, while
these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these
predictions, they made themselves the instru-
ments of their accomplishment.

CHAPTER VIL

HOW JOHN TYRANNIZED OVER THE REST ;

AND WHAT MISCHIEFS THE ZEALOTS DID

AT MASADA. HOW ALSO VESPASIAN TOOK

GADARA; AND WHAT ACTIONS WERE PER-
FORMED BY PLACIDUS.

§ 1. By this time John was beginning to
tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to
accept of barely the same honours that others
bad; and joining to himself by degrees a
party of the most wicked of them all, he
broke off from the rest of the faction. This
was brought about by his still disagreeing
with the opinions of others, and giving out
injunctions of his own, in a very imperious
manner; so that it was evident he was setting
up a monarchical power. Now some sub-
mitted to him out of their fear of hun, and
Others out of their gOod-will to him; for he
was a shrewd man to entice men to him, both
by deluding them and putting cheats upon
them. Nay, many there were that thought
they should be safer themselves, if the causes
of their past insolent actions should now be
reduced to one head, and not to a great many.
His activity was so great, and that both in
action and counsel, that he had not a few
guards about him; yet was there a great party
of his antagonists that left him; among whom
envy at him weighed a great deal, while they
thought it a very heavy thing to be in sub-
jection to one that was formerly their eqyial.
But the main reason that moved men against
him was the dread of monarchy, for they
could not hope easily to put an end to his
power, if he had once obtained it; and yet
they knew that he would hate this pretence

• This prediction, that the city (Jerusalem) should
then u be taken, aud the sanctuary burnt by riqht of war,
When a sedition should invade the Jews, and tbeir own
bauds should pollute that temple;” or as it is, b. vi. ch.
ii. sect 1, '••when any one should begin to slay his
countrymen in the city,” is wanting in our present copies
of the Old Testament. See Essay on the Old Testa-
ment, p. 104—11*. But this
well remarks here, though,

prophets,
by their
I Ci

say

prediction, as Josephus
rith other predictions of
the

bets, it was now laughed at by the seditious
very means soon,exactly lultilled. How-
anuot but here

>,exactly lultilled. How-
olice of Grolius’s positive
assertion upon Mat. xxvi y, here quotea by Dr. Hud-
son, tbat •• it ought to be taken lor granted, as a certain
truth, that many predictions of the Jewish prophets
Were preserved, not in writing, but by memory.’1 Where-
as, it ssemt to me so far from certain, that I think it has
Do •vid*9M nor qjqI atnlUy-At oik

always against them, tbat they had opposed
him when he was first advanced; while every
une chose rather to sutler any thing whatso-
ever in war, than that, when they bail been
in a voluntary slavery for some time, they
should afterward perish. So the sedition was
divided into two parts, and John reigned
in opposition to his adversaries over one of
them: Smt for their leaders, they watched one
another, nor did they at all, or at least very lit-
tle, meddle with arms in tbeir quarrels; but they
fought earnestly against the people, and con-
tended one with another which of them should
bring home the greatest prey. But because
the city had to struggle with three of the
greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny, and
sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison,
that the war was the least troublesome to the
populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran
away from their own houses to foreigners, and
obtained tbat preservation from the Romans,
which they despaired to obtain among their
own people.

2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in
order to bring our nation to destruction.
There was a fortress of very great strength
not far from Jeiusalem, which had been built,
by our ancient kings, both as a repository for
tbeir effects in the hazards of war, and for the
preservation of their bodies at the same time,
it is called Masaua. Those that Were called
iSicarti Lad taken possession of it formerly;
but at this time they overran the neighbour-
ing countries, aiming only to procure to them-
selves necessaries; lor the fear they were then
in prevented their further ravages; but when
once they were informed that the Roman army
lay still, and that the J e ws were divided between
sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook
greater matters; and at the feast of unleavened
bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory
of their deliverance from the Egyptian bond-
age, when they were sent back into the coun-
try of tbeir forefathers, they came down by
night, without being discovered by those that
could have prevented them, and overran a
certain small city called Engaddi:—in which
expedition they prevented those citizens that
could have stopped them, before they could
arm themselves and fight them. They ulso
dispersed them, and cast them out of the city.
As for such as could not run away, being
women and children, they slew of them above
seven hundred. Afterward, when they had
carried every thing out of their houses, and
had seized upon all the fruits that were in a
flourishing condition, they brought them into
Masada. And indeed these men laid all the
villages that were about the fortress waste, and
made the whole country desolate; while there
came to them every day from all parts, not a
few men as corrupt as themselves. At this
time all the other regions of Judea that had
hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means
of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body,CHAP. VII.	WARS OF THE JEWS.

695

if the. principal part be inflamed, all tbe mem-
bers are subject to the same distemper, so by
means of the sedition and disorder that was in
the metropolis had the wicked men that were
in the country opportunity to ravage the same.
Accordingly, when every one of them had
plundered their own villages, they then retired
into the desert; yet were these men that now
got together and joined 'in the conspiracy by
parties, too small for an army, and too many
for a gang of thieves: and thus did they fall
upon the holy places* and the cities; yet did
it now so happen that they were sometimes
very ill treated by those upon whom they fell
with such violence, and were taken by them
as men are taken in war: but still they pre-
vented any farther punishment as do robbers,
who as soon as their ravages [are discovered],
run their way. Nor was there now any part
of Judea that was not in a miserable condi-
tion, as well as its most eminent city also.

3.	These things were told Vespasian by
deserters; for although the seditious watched
all the passages out of the city, and destroyed
all, whosoever they were, that came thither,
yet were there some that had concealed them-
selves, and, when they had fled to the Romans,
persuaded their general to come to their city’s
assistance, and save the remainder of the peo-
ple; informing him withal, that it was upon
account of the people’s good-will to the Romans
that many of them were already slain, and the
survivors in danger of the same treatment.
Vespasian did indeed already pity the calami-
ties these men were in, and arose, in appear-
ince, as though he was going to besiege
Jerusalem, —but in reality to deliver them
Tom a [worse] siege they were already under.
However he was obliged at first to overthrow
what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing
out of Jerusalem behind him that might
interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly
he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of
Perea, which was a place of strength, and
entered that city on the fourth day of the
month Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of
power had sent an embassage to him, without
the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about
a surrender; which they did out of the desire
they had of peace, and for saving their effects,
because many of the citizens of Gadara were
rich men. This embassy the opposite party
knew nothing of, but discovered it as Vespa-
sian was approaching .near the city. How-
ever, they despaired of keeping possession
Df the city, as being inferior in number to

* By these ic(i, or “holy places,” as distinct from
cities, must be meant “ proseuclite,” or “houses „f
prayer” out of cities: of which we II ml mention made in
the New Testament and other authors. See Luke vi. 12;
Acts xvi. 13, Irif Antiq. b. xiv.ch. x. sect. £3; Josephus’s
L.ft, sect.it. “In qua te queero proseucha,” Juvenal
S.it. iii. ver 296. They were situated sometimes by the
Sides of rivers. Acts xvi. 13, or by the sea-side, Aotiq:
li.xiv.ch. x. sect.23. So did the seventy-two interpreters
go '. i pray every morning by the sea-side, before they
went to their work, b. xii. cb. it sect 12.

tbeir enemies wbo we/re within the city, and
seeing the Romans very near to the city; so
they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonour-
able to do it without shedding some blood,
and revenging themselves on the authors of
this surrender; so they seized upon Dolesus (a
person not only the first in rank and family in
that city, but one that seemed the occasion of
sending such an embassy) and slew him, and
treated his dead body after a barbarous man-
ner, so very violent was their anger at him,
and then ran out of the city. And as now
the Roman army was just upon them, the
people of Gadara admitted Vespasian .with
joyful acclamations, and received from him
the security of bis right hand, as also a garri-
son of horsemen and footmen, to guard them
against tbe excursions of the runagates; for
as to their wall, they had pulled it down
before the Romans desired them so to do,
that they might thereby give them assurance
that they were lovers of peace, and that, if
they had a mind, they could not now make
war against them.

4.	And now Vespasian sent Placidus against
those that had fled from Gadara, with five
hundred horsemen, and three thousand foot-
men, while he returned himself to Cesarea,
with the rest of the army. But as soon as
these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued
them just upon their backs, ftid before they
came to a close fight, they ran together to a
certain village, which was called Bethenna-
bris, where finding a great multitude of young
men, and arming them, partly by their own
consent and partly by force, they rashly and
suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops
that were with him. These horsemen at the
first onset gave way a little, as contriving to
entice them farther off the wall; and when
they had drawn them into a place fit for their
purpose, they made their horse encqmpasB
them round, anil threw their darts at them.
So the horsemen cut off the flight of the fugi-
tives, while the foot terribly destroyed “those
that fought against them ; for those Jews did
no more than show their courage, and then
were destroyed; for as they fell upon the
Romans when they were joined close together,
and, as it were, walled about with their entire
armour, they were not able to find any place
where the darts could enter, nor were they
any way able to break their ranks, while they
were themselves run through by the Roman
darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts,
rushed upon the points of the others’ swords;
so some of them were destroyed, as cut with
their enemies’ swords upon their faces, and
others were dispersed by tbe horsemen.

5,	Now Placidus’s concern was to exclude
them in their flight from getting into the vil-
lage; and causing bis horse to march conti-
nually on that side of them, he then turned
short upon them, and at the same time hu>
men made use of their darts, and easily tooK696

WARS OP THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

*

their aim at those that were the nearest to them,
as they made those that were farther off turn
back by the terror they were in, till at last
the most courageous of them brake through
those horsemen, and fled to the wall of the
village. And now those that guarded the
wall were in great doubt what to do; for
they could not bear the thoughts of excluding
those that came from Gadara, because of their
own people that were among them ; and yet,
if they should admit them, they expected to
perish with them, which came to pass accord-
ingly ; for as they were crowding together at
the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready
to fall in with them. However, the guards
prevented them, and shut the gates, when
Placidus made an assault upon them, and,
fighting courageously till it was dark, he
got possession of the wall, and of, the peo-
ple that were in the city, when the useless
multitude were destroyed; but those that
were more potent ran away; and the soldiers
plundered the houses, and set the village on
fire. As for those that ran out of the village,
they stirred up such as were in the country,
and exaggerating their own calamities, and
telling them that the whole army of the Ro-
mans were upon them, they put them into
great fear on every side; so they got in great
numbers together, and fled to Jericho, for
they knew no ibther place that could afford
them any hope of escaping, it being a city
that had a strong wall, and a great multitude
of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much
upon his horsemen and his former good suc-
cess, followed them, and slew all that he over-
took, as far as Jordan; and when he had
driven the whole multitude to the river side,
where they were stopped by the current (for
it had been augmented lately by rains, and
was not fordable), he put his soldiers in array
over against them ; so the necessity the others
were in, provoked them to hazard a battle,
because there was no place whither they
could flee. They then extended themselves
a very great way along the bank of the
river, and sustained the darts that were thrown
at them as well as the attack's of the horse-
men who beat many of them, and pushed
them into the current. At which fight, hand
to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain,
while the number of those that were unwil-
lingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodi-
gious. There were besides, two thousand
and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty
prey was taken also, consisting of asses, and
sheep, .and camels, and oxen.

6. Dfiow this destruction that fell upon the
Jews, as it was not inferior to any of the rest
in itself, so did it still appear greater than it
really was; and this, because not only the
whole of the country through which they fled
was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could
not be passed over, by reason of the dead
oodies that were in it, but because the lake1

Asphaltitis was also full of dead bodies, that
were carried down into it by the river. And now
Placidus, after this good success that he had,
fell violently upon the neighbouring smaller
cities and villages; when he took Abila, and
Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay
as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and put such
of the deserters into each of them as he
thought proper. He then put his soldiers on
board the ships, and slew such as had fled to
the lake, insomuch that all Perea had either
surrendered themselves, or were taken by the
Romans, as far as Macherus.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW VESPASIAN, UPON HEARING OF SOME
COMMOTIONS IN GALL,* MADE HASTE TO
FINISH THE JEWISH WAR. A DESCRIPTION
OF JERICHO, AND OF THE GREAT PLAIN :
WITH AN ACCOUNT BESIDES OF THE LAKE
ASPHALTITIS.

§ 1. In the mean time, an account came that
there were commotions in Gall, and that Vin-
dex, together with the men of power in that
country, had revolted from Nero; which affair
is more accurately described elsewhere. This
report thus related to Vespasian, excited him
to go on briskly with the war; for he foresaw
already the civil wars which were coming upon
them, nay, that the very government was in
danger; and he thought, if he could first re-
duce the eastern parts of the empire to peace,
he should make the. fears for Italy the lighter;
while therefore the winter was his hinderance
[from going into the field], he put garrisons
into the villages and smaller cities for their
security; he put decurions also into the villa-
ges, and centurions into the cities; he besides
this rebuilt many of the cities that had been
laid waste; but at the beginning of the spring
he took the greatest part of his army, and led
it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent
two days in settling the affairs of that city,
and then, on the third day, he marched on,
laying waste and burning all the neighbour-
ing villages. .And when he had laid waste
all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas,
he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and
when both those cities had come over to him,
he placed a great many of those that had
come over to him [from other places] as in-
habitants therein, and then came to Emmaus,
where he seized upon the passages which
led thence to their metropolis, and fortified
his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein,
he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon.
He then destroyed that place, and the neigh-
bouring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper
places, the strong holds all about Idumea;

* Gr. Galatia, and so everywhere;chap. yni.

WARS OP THE JEWS.

697

and when he had seized upon two villages,
which were in the very midst of Idumea,
Betaxis and Caphartobas, he slew above ten
thousand of the people, and carried into cap-
tivity above a thousand, and drove away the
rest of the multitude, and placed no small
part of his own forces in them, who over-ran
and laid waste the whole mountainous coun-
try ; while, he with the rest of his forces,
returned to Emmaus, whence he came down
through the country of Samaria, and hard by
the city by others called Neapolis (or Sichem),
but by the people of that country Mabortha,
to Corea, where he pitched his camp, op the
second day of the month Dssius [Sivan]; and
on the day following he came to Jericho; on
which day Trajan, one of his commanders,
joined him with the forces he brought out of
Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being
subdued already.

2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented
their approach, and came out of Jericho, and
fled to those mountainous parts that lay over-
against Jerusalem, while that part which was
left behind was in a great measure destroyed:
they also found the city desolate. It is situ-
ated in a plain; but a naked and barren
mountain, of a great length, hangs over it,
which extends itself to the land about Scytho-
polis northward, but as far as the country of
Sodom and the utmost limits of the lake
Asphaltitis southward. This mountain is all of
it very uneaven and uninhabited,«by reason of
its barrenness: there is an opposite mountain
that is situated over-against it, on the other
side of Jordan: this last begins at Julias and
the northern quarters, and extends itself
southward as far as Somorrhon,* which is the
bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of
mountains there is one called the Iron Moun-
tain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now
the region that lies in the middle between these
ridges of mountains, is called the Great Plain;
it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far
as the lake Asphaltitis; its length is two. hun-
dred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a
hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the
midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it;
that of Asphaltitis, an<^ that of Tiberias, whose
natures are opposite to each other; for the
former is salt and unfruitful; but that of Tibe-
rias is sweet and fruitful.. This plain is much
burnt up in summer-time, and, by reason of
the extraordinary heat, contains a very
unwholesome air; it is all destitute of water
excepting the river'Jordan, which water of
Jordan is the occasion why those plantations
of palm-trees that are near its banks, are more
flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those

• Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrhtt, ought
not to be here written Gomorrha, as some MSS. in a
manner have it (for the place meant by Josephus seems
to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of the head
Sea, hard by which stood Sodom and Gomorrha), can-
not now be oertainly determined; but seems by no
means improbable:

that are remote from u not so flourishing, or
fruitful.

3. Notwithstanding which, there is a foun-
tain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is
very fit for watering the ground: ife arises
near the old city, which Joshua, the son of
Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the
first of all the cities of the land of C«iaan,
by right of war. The report is, that this
fountain, at the beginning, caused not only
the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of
the children born of women; and that it was
entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to
all things whatsoever, hut that it was 1 made
gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by
the prophet Elisha. This prophet was fami-
liar with Elijah, and was his successor, who
when he once was the guest of the people of
Jericho, and the men of the place had treated
him very kindly, he both made them amends
as well as the country, by a lasting favour;
for he went out of the city to this fountain,
and threw into the current an earthen vessel
full of salt; after which he stretehed out his
righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring
out a mild drink-offering, he made this sup-
plication,—That the current might be molli
fied, and that the veins of fresh water might
be opened: that God also would bring into
the place a more temperate and fertile air for
the current, and would bestow upon the peo
pie of that country plenty of the fruits of the
earth, and a succession of children; and tha*
this prolific water might never fail them
while they continued to be righteous.f To
these prayers Elisha joined proper operations
of his hands, after a skilful manner, and
changed the fountain; and that water, which
had been the occasion of barrenness and
famine before, from that time did supply a
numerous posterity, and afforded great abun
dance to the country. Accordingly, the power
of it is so great in watering the ground, that
if it do but once touch a country, it affords a
sweeter nourishment than other waters do
when they lie so long upon them, till they are
satiated with them. For which reason, the
advantage gained from other waters, when
they flow in great plenty, is but small, while
that of this water is great when it flows even
in little quantities. Accordingly, it water
a larger space of ground than any other waters
do, and passes along a plain of seventy fur
longs long, and twenty broad; wherein i*
affords nourishment to those most excellen
gardens that are thick set with trees. There
are in it many sorts of palm-trees that are
watered by it, different from each other in
taste and name; the better sort of them, when
they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of
honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other

t This excellent prayer of Elisha Is wanting in our
copies, 2 Kings ii. 21," 22, though it he referred to nlsr
in the Apostolical Constitutions, b. vii. ch. 37; and th
success of it is mentioned in them all.(593

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.>

honey. This country Withal produces honey with urine, to which alone it, yields. This

from bees: it also bears that balsam which is
the most precious of all the fruits in that
place, cypreSs-trees also, and those that bear
myrobalanum; so that he who should pro-
nounce this place to be divine would not be
mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees pro-
ducedms are very rare, and of the most excel-
lent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those
other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any
climate in the habitable earth that can well be
compared to it,—what is here sown comes up
in such clusters: the cause of which seems
to me to be the warmth of the air and the fer-
tility of the waters; the' warmth calling forth
the sprouts, and making them spread, and the
moisture making every one of them take root,
firmly, and supplying that virtue which it
stands ini*need of in summer-time. Now this
country is then so Badly burnt up, that no-
body cares to come at it; and if the water be
drawn up before sun-rising, and after that ex-
posed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold,
and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the
ambient air: as in winter again it becomes
warm; arid if you go into it, it appears very
gentle. The ambient air is here also of so
good a temperature, that the people of the
country are clothed in linen only, even when
snow covers the rest of Judea. This plafce is
one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusa-
lem, and sixty from Jordan. The country,
as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but
that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphal-
titis lies lower indeed, though it be equally
desert and barren. But so much shall suffice
to have been said about Jericho, and of the
great happiness of its situation.

4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is
also worth describing. It is, as I have said
already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light
[or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things
that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for any
one to make things sink therein to the bottom,
if he had a mind so to do. Accordingly,
when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded
that some who could not swim, should have
their hands tied behind them, and be thrown
into the deep, when it so happened that they
all swam as if a wind had forced-them up-
wards. Moreover, the change of the colour
of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its
appearance tfirice every day; and as the rays
of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is
variously reflected. However, it casts up
black clods of bitumen in many parts of it;
these swim at the top of the water, and re-
semble both in shape and bigness headless
bull’s.: and when the labourers! that belong.to
the lake, come to it, and catch hold of it as it
hangs together, they draw it into their ships;
but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut
off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make
the ship hang upon its clods till they set it
loose with-the menstrual blood of women, and |

bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of
ships, but for the cure of men’s bodies: ac-
cordingly, it is mixed in a great many medi-
cines. The length of this lake is five hundred
and eighty furlongs, where it is extended
as far as Zoar, in Arabia; and its breadth
is a hundred and fifty. The country of Sodom
borders upon it.* It was of old a most
happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the
riches of its cities, although it be now all
burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety
of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning;
in consequence of which there are still the
remainders of that divine fire; and the traces
[or shadows] of the five cities are still to be
seen, as well as the ashes growing in tbeif
fruits, which fruits have a colour as if they
were fit to^be eaten; but if you pluck them
with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and
ashes. And thus what is related of this lrfnd
of Sodom hath these marks of credibility
which our very sight affords us.

CHAPTER I£.

THAT VESPASIAN, AFTER HE HAD. -TAKEN
GADARA, MADE PREPARATION FOR THE
SIEGE OF JERUSALEM; BUT THAJ’, UPON
HIS HEAll^G OF THE DEATH OF NERO, HE
CHANGED HIS INTENTIONS : AS ALSO, CON-
CERNING SIMON OF GERASA.

§ 1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the
places round about Jerusalem, and erected
citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed gar-
risons in them both, partly out of his own
Romans, and partly out of the body of hin
auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius tft
Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horse-
men, and a considerable number of footmen.
So when be bad taken the city, which he dil
at the first onset, he slew a thousand of thos*
young men who bad not prevented him by
flying away; but he took their families cap-
tive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder
them of their effects; after which he set fire
to their houses, and went away to the adjoin-
ing villages, while the men of power fled
away, and the weaker part were destroyed,
and what? was remaining was all burnt down.
And now the war having gone through all
the mountainous country, and all the plain
country also, those that were at Jerusalem
were deprived of the liberty of going out of
the city; for as to such as had a mind to de-
sert, they were watched by the zealots; and
us to such as were not yet on the side ot the
Romans, their army kept them in, by encom-
passing the city round about on all sides.

2. Now as Vespasian was returned' to

• See the note on b v. ch xiii. sect. 6.CHAP. IX.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

699

Cesarea, and was getting ready with all his
army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was
informed that Nero was dead, after he had
reigned thirteen years and eight days. But as
to any narration after what manner he abused
his power in the government, and committed
themanagementof affairs to those vile wretches*
Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy
freedmen; and how he had a plot laid against
him by them, and was deserted by all his
guards, and ran away with four of his most
trusty freedmen, and slew himself in the sub-
urbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned
his death were, in no long time, brought
themselves to punishment; how also the war
in Gall ended; and how Galba was made
emperor,* and returned out of Spain to Rome;
and how he was accused by the soldiers as a
pusillanimous person, and slain treachery
in the middle of the market-place at Rome,
and Otho was made emperor; with bis expedi-
tion against the commanders of Vitellius, and
his destruction thereupon; and besides what
troubles there were under Vitellius, and the
fight that was about the Capitol; as also how
Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitel-
lius, and his German-legions, and thereby put
an end to that civil war,—I have omitted to
give an exact account of them, because they
are well known by all, and they are described
by a great number of Greek and Roman
authors; yet for the sake of the connection
of matters, and that my history may not
be incoherent, I have just touched upon
every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian
put off at first his expedition against Jeru-
salem, and stood waiting whither the empire
would be transferred after the death of Nero.
Moreover, when he heard that Galba was
made emperor, he attempted nothing till he
also should send him some directions about
the war: however, he sent his son Titus to
him, to salute him, and to receive his com-
mands about the Jews. Upon the very same
errand did kyig Agrippa sail along' with
Titus to Galba; but, as they were sailing
in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia,
for it was winter-time, they heard that
Galba was slain, before they could get to
him, after he had reigned seven u.ontbs and
a? many days. After whom Otho took the
government, and undertook the management
of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go
on to Rome without any terror on account of
the change in the government; but Titus, by
a divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to
Syria, and came in great haste to Cesarea, to
his father. And now they were both in sus-
pense about the public affairs, the Roman

Gluu, and Vitellius, here uuh touched upon by Josephus,
see Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dio mure largely. How-
f"’r, we may observe with Ottius. tnal Josephus writes
tue uame oi the second of them not Utto, with mauy
others, but Otho, with the coins. See also the note on
cb- Si. sect. 4.

empire being then in a fluctuating condition,
and did not go on with their expedition against
the Jews, but thought that to make any attack
upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on
account of the solicitude they were in for
their own country.

3.	And now there arose another war at
Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one
Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not
so cunning indeed as John [of Gischala], who
had already seized upon the city, but .superior
in strength of body and courage; on which
account, when he had been driven away from
that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had,
by Aiianus the high-priest, he came to those
robbers wbo had seized upon Masada. At
first they suspected him,' and only permitted
him to come with the women he brought with
him into the lower part of the fortress, while
they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves.
However, his manner so well agreed with
theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he
went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed
the country with them about Masada; yet
when he persuaded them to undertake greater
things, he could not prevail with them so to
do; for as they were accustomed- to dwell in
that citadel, they were afraid of going far from
that which was their hiding-place; but he
affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of great-
ness, when he had beard of the death of
Ananus, left them, and went info the moun-
tainous part of the country. So he proclaimed
liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to
those already free, and got together a set of
wicked men from all quarters.

4.	And as he had now a strong body of
men about him, he over-ran the villages that
lay in the mountainous country, and when
there were still more and more that came to
him, he ventured to go down into the lower
parts of the country, and since be was now
become formidable to the cities, many of the
men of power were corrupted by him; so that
his army was no longer composed of slaves
and robbers, but a great many of the populace
were obedient to him as to th^ir Ling. He
then over-ran tb** Acrabattene toparchy, and
rhe places inat reached as far as the Great
Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain
village called Nain, and m&de use of that as a
fortress for his own party’s security; and at
the valley called Paran, he enlarged many of
the caves, and many others he found readv for
his purpose; these he made use of as reposi-
tories for his treasures, and receptacles for his
prey, and therein he laid up the fruit, that he
had got by rapine; and many of bis partisans
had their dwelling in them; and he made no
secret of it that .he was exercising his men
beforehand, and making preparations for the
assault of Jerusalem.

5.	Whereupon the zealots, out of-the dread
they were in of his attacking them, and being
willing to prevent one that was growing up to700

WARS OP THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

oppose them, yvent out against him with their
weapons. Simon met them, and joining bat-
tle with them, slew a considerable number of
them, and drove the rest before him into the
city: but durst not trust so much upon his
forces as to make an assault upon the walls;
but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and
as he had now twenty thousand armed men,
he marched to the borders of their country.
Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got toge-
ther on the sudden the most warlike part of
their people, about twenty-five thousand in
number, and permitted the rest to be a guard
to their own country, by reason of the incur-
sion6 that were made by the Sicarii that were
at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their
borders, where they fought him and conti-
nued the battle all that day; and the dispute
lay whether they had conquered him or been
conquered by him. So he went back to Nain,
as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it
long ere Simon came violently again upon their
country; when he pitched his camp at a cer-
tain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar,
one of his companions, to those that kept gar-
rison at Herodium, and in order to persuade
them to surrender that fortress to him. The
garrison received this man readily, while they
knew nothing of what he came about; but as
soon as he talked of the surrender of the place,
they fell upon him with their drawn swords,
till he found he had no place for flight, when
he threw himself down from the wall into the
valley beneath; so he died immediately: but
the Idumeans, who were already much afraid
of Simon’s power, thought fit to take a view
of the enemy’s- army before they hazarded a
battle with him.

C. Now, there was one of their comman-
ders, named Jacob, who offered to serve them
readily upon that occasion, but had it in his
mind to betray them. He went therefore
from the village Alurus, wherein Jhe army of
the Idumeans were gotten together, and came
to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to
betray his country to him, and took assurances
upon oath from him that he should always
have him in esteem, and then promised him
that he would assist him in subduing all
Idumea under him; upon which account he
was feasted after an obliging manner by
Simon, and elevate^ by his mighty promises;
and when he was returned to his own men,
he at first belied the army of Simon, and said
it was manifold more in number than what
it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded
the commanders, and by degrees the whole
multitude, to TeceiVe Simon, and to surrender
the whole government up to him without
fighting; and as he was doing this, he invited
Simon by his messengers, and> promised him
to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed
also; for as soon as their army was nigh them,
he first of all got upon his horse, and fled,
together with those whom he had corrupted;

hereupon a tenor fell upon the whole multi-
tude; and before it,came to a close fight,
they broke their ranks, and every one retired
to his own home.

7.	Thus did Simon unexpectedly march
into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a
sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and
took it; wherein he got possession of a great
deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quan-
tity of fruit. Now, the people of the coun-
try say, that it is an ancienter city, not only
than any in that country, but than Memphis
in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned
at two thousand and three hundred years.
They also relate that it had been the habita-
tion of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews,
after he had removed out of Mesopotamia;
and they say that his posterity descended from
thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to
this very tjjne shown in that small city; the
fabric of which monuments are of the most
excellent marble, and wrought after the most
elegant manner. There is also there shown,
at the distance of six furlongs from the city,
a very large turpentine-tree;* and the report
goes, that this tree has continued ever since
the creation of the world. Thence did Simon
make his progress over all Idumea, and did
not only ravage the cities and villages, but
laid waste the whole country; for, besides
those that were completely armed, he had
forty thousand men that followed him, inso-
much that he had not provisions enough to
suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this
want of provisions that he was in, he was of
a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger
at this nation, by which means it came to pass
that Idumea was greatly depopulated; and
as one may see all the woods behind despoiled
of their leaves by locusts, after they have been
there, so was there nothing left behind
Simon’s army but a desert. Some places they
burnt down, some they utterly demolished,
and whatsoever grew in the country, they
either trod it down or fed upon it, and by
their marches they made the ground that was
cultivated, harder and more ufttractable than
that which was barren. In short, ,th ere was
no sign remaining of those places that had
been laid waste, that ever they had had a
being.

8.	This success of Simon excited the zea-
lots afresh; and though they were afraid to
fight him, openly in a fair battle, yet did they
lay ambushes in the passes, and seized ufion
his wife, with a considerable number of her
attendants; whereupon they came back to
the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon
himself captive, and were in present expecta-
tion that he would lay down his arms, and

* Some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove,
an oak; others, a turpentine-tree, or grove, it has
been very famous in all the post ages, and is so, I sup-
pose, at this day, and that particularly for an eminent
mart, or meeting of merchants there every year, us the
travellers Inform us.CHAP. IX.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

701

make supplication to them for his wife; but
instead of indulging any merciful affections,
he grew very angry at them for seizing his
beloved wife; so he came to the Vail of Jeru-
salem, and, like wild beasts when they are
wounded, and cannot overtake those that
wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all
persons that he met with. Accordingly, he
caught all those that were come out of the
city-gates, either to gather herbs or sticks,
who were unarmed and in years; he then
tormented them and destroyed them, out of
the immense rage he was in, and was almost
ready to taste the very flesh of their dead
bodies. He also cut off the hands of a great
many, and sent them into the city to astonish
his enemies, and in order to make the people
fall into a sedition, and desert those that had
been the authors of his wife’s seizure. He
also enjoined them to tell the people that Si-
mon swore by the God of the universe, who
sees all things, that unless they will restore
him his wife, he will break down their wall,
and inflict the like punishment upon all the
citizens, without sparing any age, and with-
out making any distinction between the guilty
and the innocent. These threatenings so
greatly affrighted, not the people only, but
the zealots themselves also, that they sent his
wife back to him,—when he beceme a little
milder, and left -off his perpetual blood-shed-
ding.

9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed,
not only over Judea, but in Italy also; for
now Galba was slain in the midst of the
Roman market-place; then was Otho made
emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who
set up for emperor also; for the legions in
Germany had chosen him: but when he gave
battle to Valens and Cicinna, who were
Vitellius’s generals* at Betriacum, in Gall,
Otho gained the advantage on the first day;
but on the second day Vitellius’s soldiers had
the victory: and after much slaughter, Otho
slew himself, when he had heard of this
defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed
the public affairs three months and two
days.* Otho’s army also came over to Vitel-
lius’s generals, and he came himself down
to Rome with his army; but in,the mean
time Vespasian removed from Cesarea, on
the fifth day of the month Daesius [Sivan],
and marched against those places of Judea
which were not yet overthrown. So-he went
up to the mountainous county, and took
those two toparchies that were called the
Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After
which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small
cities; and when he had put garrisons into
them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which
march he took many prisoners, and many
captives. But Cerealis, one of his commanders,

* Suetonius differs hardly three days from Josephus,
and sayB Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day of his
reign. In Othon. Sec the note, ch. xi. sect. 1.

took a body of hoi^emen and footmen, and
laid Waste that part of Idumea which was
called the Upper Idumea, and attacked
Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city,
and took it at the first onset, and burnt it
down. He also attacked Capharabim, and
laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall;
and when he expected to spend a long time
in that siege, those that were within opened
their gates on the sudden, and came to beg
pardon, and surrendered themselves up to
him. When Cerealis had conquered them he
went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I
have told you already, that this city is situated
in a mountainous country not far off Jerusa-
lem; and when he had broken into the city
by force, what multitude and ^>ung men were
left therein he slew, and burnt down thd city;
so that as now all the places were taken,
excepting Herodium, and Masada, and Mache-
rus, which where in the possession of the
robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans
at present aimed at.

10. And now, as soon as Simon had set
his wife free, and recovered her from the zea-
lots, he returned back to the remainders of
Idumea, and driving the nation all before
him from all quarters, he compelled a great
number of them to retire to Jerusalem; he
followed them himself also to the city; and
encompassed the wall all round again; and
when he lighted upon any labourers that were
coming thither out of the country, he slew
them. Now this Simon, who was without the
wall, was a greater terror to the people than
the Romans themselves, as were the zealots
who were within it more heavy upon them
than both of the other; and during this time
did the mischievous contrivances and courage
•[of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans;
for these Galileans had advanced this John,
and made him very potent, who made them a
suitable requital from the authority he had
obtained by their means; for he permitted
them to do all things that any of them desired
to do, while their inclination to plunder was
insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the
houses of the rich; and for the murdering of
the men, and abusing of the women, it was
sport to them. They also devoured what
spoils 'they had taken, together with their
blood, and indulged themselves in feminine
wantonness, without any disturbance, till they
were satiated therewith: while they decked
their hair, and put on women’s garments, and
were besmeared over with ointments; and
that they might appear very comely, they had
paints under their eyes, and imitated, not
only the ornaments, but also the lusts of
Women, and were guilty of such intolerable
uncleanness, that they invented unlawful plea-
sures of that sort. And thus did they roll
themselves up and down the city, as in a bro-
thel-house, and defiled it entirely with their
impure actions: nay, while their faces looked702

WARS OF THE JEWS.	BOOK IV.

like the faces of wom^n, they killed with their
right bands; and when their gait was effe-
minate, they presently attacked men, and
became warriors, and drew their swords from
under their finely-dyed clocks, and ran every
body through whom they , alighted upon.
However, Simon waited for such as ran
away from John, and was the more bloody
of the two: and he who had escaped the
tyrant within the wall, was destroyed by the
other that lay before the gates. So that all
attempts of flying andN deserting to the
Romans were cut off, if any had a mind so
to do.

11. Yet did the army that was under
John raise a sedition against him; and all the
Idumeans sepdfeted thepnselves from the
tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this
out of their envy at his power and hatred of
his cruelty; so they got together, and slew
many of the zealots, and drove the rest before
them into that royal palace that was built by
Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king
of Adiabene; the Idumeans feil in with them
and drove the zealots out thence into the tem-
ple, and betook themselves to plunder John’s
effects; forXoth he himself was in that palace,
and therein had he laid up the spoils he
had acquired by his tyranny. In the mean
time, the multitude of those zealots that were
dispersed' over the city ran together to the
temple unto those that had fled thither, and
John prepared to bring them down against
the people and the Idumeans, who were not
so much afraid of being attacked by them,
(because they were themselves better soldiers
than they), as at their madness, lest they should
privately sally out of the temple and get
among them, and not only destroy them, but
spt the city on fire also. So they assembled
themselves together, and the high-priests with
them, and took counsel after what manner
they should avoid their assault. Now it .was
God who turned their opinions to ‘the worst
advice, and thence they devised such a remedy
to get themselves free, as was worse than
the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to
overthrow John, they determined to admit
Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction
of a second tyrant Jnto the city; which reso-
lution they brought to perfection, and" sent
Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Si-
mon to come in to them, of whom they had
so often b,een afraid. Those also that had
fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in
this request to him, out of the desire they had
of preserving their houses and their effects.
Accordingly, he, in.an arrogant manner, grant-
ed them his lordly protection, and came into
the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots.
The people also made joyful acclamations to
him, as their saviout.and their preserver; but
when he was come in with his army, he took
cate to secure his own authority, and looked
upon those that had invited him to be no less

his enemies than those against whom the invi-
tation was intended.

12. And thus did Simon get possession of
Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the
month Xantbicus [Nisan]; whereupon John,
with his multitude of zealots, as being both
prohibited from coming out of the temple,
and having lost their power in ’the city (for
Simon and his party had plundered them of
what they had), were in .despair of deliverance.
Simon also made an assault upon the temple,
with the assistance of the people, while the
others stood upon the cloisters and the battle-
ments, and defended themselves from their
assaults. However, a considerable number
of Simon’s party fell, and many were carried
off wounded; for the zealots threw their darts
easily from a superior place, and seldom failed
of hittingtheir enemies; but having the advan-
tage of situation, and having withal erected
four very large towers aforehand, that their
darts might come from higher places, one at the
north-east corner of the court, one above the
Xystus.the third at another corner over against’
the lower city, and the last was erected above
the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the
priests stood of course, and gave a signal be-
forehand, with a trumpet,' at the beginning of
every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as
also at the evening when the day was finished,
giving notice to the people when they
were to leave off work, and when they were
to go to work again. These men also set
their engines to cast darts and stones withal,
upon those towers, with their archers and
slingers. And now Simon made his assault
upon the temple more faintly, by reason that
the greatest part of his men grew weary of
that work; yet did he not leave off his oppo-
sition, because his army was superior to the
others, although the darts which were thrown
by the engines were carried a great way, and
slew many of those that fought for him.

CHAPTER X.

HOW THE SOLDIERS, BOTH IN JTJDEA. AND
EGYPT, PROCLAIMED VESPASIAN EMPEROR;
AND HOW VESPASIAN RELEASED JOSEPHUS
FROM HIS BONDS.

§ 1.- Now, about this very time it was that
heavy calamities came about Rome on all
sides; for Vitellius was come from Germany
with his soldiery, and drew along with him a

* Tbis beginning and ending tbe observation of the
Jewish Seventh Day, or Sabbath, with a priest’s blowing
of a trumpet, is remarkable, and nowhere else men-
tioned, tbai 1 know of. Nor is Reland’s conjecture kern
improbable, lhat this was the very place that has puz-
zled our commentators so long, called “ Musacb Nub-
bati,” tbe “ Covert of the Sabbath,” if that be the true
reading, 2 Kings xvi. IS; because here the proper priest
stood dry, under a “covering,” to proclaim the begin-
ning and ending of every Jewish Sabbath.CHA'P. X.	WARS Of THE JEWS.'	703

great multitude of other men besides. And
when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not
contain them, he made all Rome itself his
camp, and filled all the houses with armed
men; which men, when they saw the riches
of Rome with those eyes which had never
seen such riches before, and found themselves
shone round about on all sides with silver
and gold, they had much ado to contain their
covetous desires, and. were ready to betake
themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter
of such as should stand in their way. And
this was the state of affairs in Italy at that
time.

2.	But when Vespasian had overthrown
all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he
returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles
that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was
emperor. This produced indignation in him,
although he well knew bow to be governed,
as well as to govern, aiid could not with any
satisfaction own him for his lord who acted
so madly, and seized upon the government
as if it were absolutely destitute of a gover-
nor. And as this sorrow of his was violent,
he was not able to support the torments he
was under, nor to apply himself farther in
other wars when his native country was laid
waste; but then, as much as his passion exci-
ted him to avenge his country, so much was
he restrained by the consideration of his dis-
tance therefrom; because fortune might pre-
vent him, and do a world of mischief before
he could himself sail over the sea to Italy,
especially as it was still the winter season;
so he restrained his anger, how vehement
soever it was, at this time.

3.	But now his commanders and soldiers
met in several companies, and consulted
openly about changing the public affairs; —
and, out of their indignation, cried out, how
“ at Rome there are soldiers that live deli-
cately, and when they have not ventured so
much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain
whom they please for our governors, and in
hopes of gain make them emperors; while you,
who have gone through so many labours, and
are grown into years under your helmets,
give leav^ to others to use such a power,
when yet you have among yourselves one
more worthy to rule than any whom they
have set up. Now what juster opportunity
shall they ever have of requiting their gene-
rals, if they do not make use of this that is
now before them? while there is so much
juster reason for Vespasian’s, being emperor
than for Vitellius; as they are themselves
more deserving than those that made the other
emperors; for that they have undergone as
great wars as have the troops that come from
Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those
that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor
have they undergone smaller labours than
they; lor that neither will the Roman senate,
nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as

Vitellius, if he he compared with their chasto
Vespasian; nor will'they endure a most' bar-
barous 'tyrant, instead of a gpod governor, nor
cboose one that hath no child,* to preside
over them, instead of him that is a father,
because the advancement of men’s own chil-
dren to dignities is certainly -the greatest
security kings can have for themselves.
Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity
ofgoverning from'the skill of a person in years,
we ought to have Vespasian,—Or whether from
the strength of a young man, we ought to have
Titus; for by this means we shall have the
advantage of both their ages, for that they
will afford strength to those that shall be
made emperors, they having already three
legions, besides other auxiliaries, from the
neighbouring kings, and will have farther all
the armies in the east to support them, as
also those fn Europe; so * far as they are out
of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides
such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy
itself; tbut is, Vespasian’s brother,f and his
other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will
bring in a great many of those young men
that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted
with the government of the city, which office
of his will be no small means of Vespasian’s
obtaining the government. Upon the whole,
the case may W such, that if we ourselves
make farther delays, the senate may choose
an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the
saviours of the empire, willhave in contempt.”

4.	These were the discourses the soldiers
had in their several companiesj after which
they got together in a great body, and, encou-
raging one another, they declared Vespasian
emperor,| and exhorted him to save the
government which was now in danger. Now
Vespasian’s concern had been for a consider-
able time about the public, yet did not he
intend to set up for governor himself, though
his actions showed, him to deserve it, while
he preferred that safety which is in a private
life before the dangers in a state of such dig-
nity; but when he refused tlje empire, the

* The Roman anlbori that now remain, say Vitellius
had children; whereas Josephus introduces here the
Roman soldiers in Judea saying he bad uune. Which of
these assertions was the truth I know not Spanbeim
thinks he has given a peculiar reason for calling Vitel-
line ••childless.” though he really had children. Uiss. de
Num. p.649. 650} to which it "appears very d.fficull to
give our assent.

+ This brother of Vespasian wgs Flavius Sabinas, as
•uetunius informs us, iu Vitell a. 15,-and tu. Vespas.a.2.
Mr is also named by Josephus presently, ch. xi.s 1.

t It is plain by the nature of the tiling, as well as by
Josephus and Kutropiua. that Vespasian was first of all
saluted emperor in Judea, and nut till some time after-
ward in f'gypt Whence 1’acitus’s and Suetonius’s pre-
sent copies must be corrected, when they both say that
he was first proclaimed in fgypt. and tnat on the
kalends of July, while they still say it was the fifth of
tiie Nones or ides of the'same July before he was pro-
claimed in Judea. I suppose the month th^y there
intended was June, and not July, as the copies now have
it; nor does Tacitus’s coherence imply less. See Essay
on the Revelation, page 136704

WARS OP THE JETTS.

BOOK IT

commanders insisted the more earnestly upon
his acceptance; and the soldiers came about
him, with their drawn swords in . their hands,
and threatened to kill him, unless he would
now live according to his dignity. And when
he had shown his reluctance a great while,
and had endeavoured to thrust away this
dominion from him, he at length, being not
able to persuade them, yielded to their solici-
tations that would salute him emperor.

5.	So upon the exhortations of Mucianus
and the other commanders, that he would
accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest
of the army, who cried out that they were
willing to be led against all his opposers, he
was in the first place intent upon gaining the
dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that
Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in
order to obtain the entire government, because
of its supplying com [to Rome]; which com,
if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone
Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep
the empire by force (for he would not be able
to support himself, if the multitude at Rome
should once be in want of food); and because
he was desirous to join the two legions that
were at Alexandria to the other legions that
were with him. He also considered with
himself, that he should then have that coun-
try for a defence to himself against the uncer-
tainty of fortune; for Egypt* is ^rd to be
entered by land, and hath no good having by
sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts of
Libya; and on the south Syene, that divides'
it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of
the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and on
the east the Red Sea, extending as far as
Coptus; and it is fortified on the north by the
land that reaches to Syria, together with that
called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in
it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about
on every side. Its length between Pelusium
and Syene is two thousand furlongs, and the
passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium, is
three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its
river Nile is navigable as far as the city called
Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hinder-
ing ships from going any farther. The haven
also of Alexandria is not entered by the mari-
ners without difficulty, even in times of peace;
for the passage inward is narrow, and full of
rocks, that lie under the water, which oblige
the mariners to turn from a straight direction :
its left side is blocked up by works made by
man’s hands on both sides; on its right side
lies the island called Pharus, which is situated
just before the entrance, and supports a very
great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to
such as sail within three hundred furlongs of
it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off
in the night-time, by reason of the difficulty
of sailing nearer. About this island are built

* Here we have an authentic description of the
hounds and circumstances of Egypt in the days of
Vespasian and Titus.

.very great piers, the handywork of men,
against which when the sea dashes itself,
and its waves are broken against those boun-
daries, the navigation becomes very trouble-
some, and the entrance through so narrow a
passage is rendered dangerous: yet is the
haven itself, when you are got into it, a very
safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness;
into which is brought what the country
wants, in order to its happiness; as also what
abundance the country affords moTe than it
wants itself, is hence distributed into all the
habitable earth.

6.	Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire
to obtain that government, hi order to corro-
borate his attempts upon the whole of the
empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius
Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt
and of Alexandria, and informed him what
the army had put him upon, and how he,
being forced to accept of the burden of the
government, was desirous to have him for his
confederate and supporter. Now as soon as
ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily
obliged the legions and the multitude to take
the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both whom
willingly complied with him, as already
acquainted with the courage of the manr
from that his conduct in their neighbourhood.
Accordingly Vespkfeian, looking upon himself
as already intrusted with the government,
got all things ready for his joumev [to
Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad
more suddenly than one could have thought,
thsA he was emperor over the east, upon
which every city kept festivals, and cele-
brated sacrifices and oblations for such good
news; the legions also that were in Mysia
and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a
little before, on account of this insolent
attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take
the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his
coming to the empire. Vespasian then removed
from Cesarea to Berytus, where many embas-
sages came to him from Syria, and many from
other provinces, bringing with them from
every city crowns, and the congratulations of
the people. Mucianus came also, who was
the president of the province, and told him
with what alacrity the people [received the
news of his advancement], and how the peo-
ple of every city had taken the oath of fidelity
to him.

7.	So Vespasian’s good fortune succeeded
to his wishes everywhere, and the public
affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his
hands; upon which he considered that he had
not arrived at the government without Divine
Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate
had brought the empire under his power; for
as he called to mind the other signals, which
had been a great many everywhere, that fore-
told he should obtain the government, so did
he remember what Josephus had said to him
when he ventured to foretel his coming to theCHAP. XI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

705

empire while Nero was alive; so he was rquqh
concerned that this man was stilt in bonds
with him. He then called for Mucianus, to-
gether with his other commanders and friends,
and, in the first place, he informed them what
a valiant man Josephus had been, and what
great hardships he had made him undergo in
the siege of Jotapata. After that he related
those predictions of his* which he had then
suspected as fictions, suggested out of the
fear he was in, but which-had by time been
demonstrated to be divine. “ It is a shame-
ful thing (said he) that this man who hath
foretold my coming to the empire< beforehand,
and been the minister of a divine message
to me, should still be retained in the condition
of a captive or prisoner.” So he called for
Josephus, and commanded that he should be
set at liberty ; whereupon the commanders
promised themselves glorious things, from this
requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus
was then present with his father, and said,
“ O father, it is but just that the scandal [of
a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, to-
gether with his iron chain; for if we do not
barely loose bis bonds, but cut them to pieces,
he will be like a man that had never been
bound at all.” For that is the usual method
as to such as have been bound without a cause.
This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also;
so there came a man in, and cut the chain to
pieces; while Josephus received this testimony
of his integrity for a regard, and was more-
over esteemed a person of credit as to futu-
rities also.

CHAPTER XL

THAT UPON THE CONQUEST AND SLAUGHTER
OF VITKLLIUS, VESPASIAN HASTENED HIS
JOURNEY TO ROME; BUT TITUS HIS SON
RETURNED TO JERUSALEM.

§ 1. And now, when Vespasian had given
answers to the embassages, and had disposed
of the places of power justly,f and according

• As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on
account of bis having foretold the destruction of the Ba-
bylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent
exaltation of the Medea and Persians, Dan. v. vu; or
rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at
liberty, and honourably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the
command of [Sebuchadnezzur. on account of his having
foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylo-
nians, Jer. xl. 1—7; so was our Josephus set at liberty aud
honourably treated, on account of his having foretold
the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman
empire. All these are most eminent instances of the
interposition of Divine Providence, and of the certainty
of divine predictions in the great revolutions of the four
monarchies. Several such-like examples there are. both
in the sacred and other histories; as in the case of Jo-
seph in hgyot, and of Jaddua the high-priest, in the
days of Alexander the Great, dec.

r This is well observed hy Josephus, that Vespasian,
In order to secure his success, and establish his govern-
ment at first, distributed his offices and places upon the
foot of justice, and bestowed tne.iu mi suen as nest de-
served them, and were best fit for them. Which wise

to every one’s deserts, he came to Antioch,
and consulting which way he had best take,
be preferred to go to Rome, rather than to
march to Alexandria, because he saw that
Alexandria was sure to him already, but that
the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by
Vitellius; so be sent Mucianus to Italy, and
committed a considerable army both of horse-
men and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus
afraid of going by sea, because it was the
middle of winter; so he led his army on foot
through Cappadocia and Phrygia.

2.	In the mean time Antonius Primus took
the third of the legions that were in Mysia,
for he was president of that province, and
made baste, in order to fight Vitellius; where-
upon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great
army, having a mighty confidence in him-,
because of bis having beaten Otho. This
Cecinna marched out of Rome in great baste,
and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall,
which city is in tbe borders of Italy; but
when he saw there that the enemy were nu-
merous and in good order, he durst not fight
them; and as he thought aveetreat dangerous,
so be began to think of betraying bis army to
Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the
centurions and tribunes that were under his
command, and persuaded them to go over to
Antonius, arid this by diminishing tbe repu-
tation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the
power of Vespasian. He also told them, that
with the one there was nu more than the bare
name of dominion; but with the other was
the power of it; and that it was better for
them to prevent necessity, and gain favour,
and, while they were likek to be overcome in
battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go
over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian
was able of himself to subdue what had not
yet submitted, without their assistance, while
Vitellius could not preserve what he had
already with it.

3.	Cecinna said this, and much more to the
same purpose, and persuaded them to com-
ply with him; and both he and his army
deserted; but still the very same night the
soldiers repented of what they had done, and a
fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who
sent them should get the better; and drawing
their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order
to kill him; and the thing had been done
by them, if tbe tribunes had not fallen upon
their knees, and besought them not to do it:
so the soldiers did not kill him, hut put him
in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send
him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus
heard of this, he raised up his men immedi-
ately, and made them put on their armour,
and led them against those that had revolted;
hereupon they putThemselves in order of battle,

conduct in a mere heathen, ought to put those rulers
aud ministers of state to shame, who professing Chris-
tianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselves
and their kingdoms to vice and destruction.	*706

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IV.

and made resistance for a while, but were
soon beaten, and fied to Cremona; then did
Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their
entrance into the city, and encompassed and
destroyed a great multitude of them before
the city, and fell into the city together with the
rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder
it. And here it was that many strangers,
who were merchants, as well as many of the
people of that country, perished, and among
them Vitellius’s whole army, being thirty
thousand and two hundred, while Antonius
lost no more of those that came with him from
Mysia than four thousand and five hundred;
he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Ves-
pasian, to tell him the good news. So he
came, and was received by him; and covered
the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected
honours he received from Vespasian.

4. And now, upon the news that Antonius
was approaching, Sabinus took courage at
Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers
that kept watch by night, and in the night-
time seized upon the capitol; and as the day
came on, many men "of character came over
to him, with Domitian, his brother’s son.
whose encouragement was of very great
weight for the compassing the government.
Now, Vitellius was not much concerned at
this Primus, but was very angry with those
that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting,
out of his natural barbarity, after noble blood,
he sent out that part of the army which came
along with him to fight against the capitol;
and many bold actions were done on this side
and on the side of those that held the temple.
But at last, the soldiefS that came from Ger-
many, being too numerous for the others, got
the hill into their possession, where Domitian,
with many other of the principal Romans,
providentially escaped, while the rest of the
multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and
Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius and
then slain: the soldiers also plundered the
temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire.
But now within a day’s time came Antonius,
with his army, and were met bjr Vitellius
and his army; and having had a battle in
three several places, the last were all destroyed.
Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in
his cups, and satiated with an extravagant
and luxurious hneal, as in the last extremity,
and being drawn along through the multitude,
and abused with all sorts of torments, had
his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having
retained the government eight months and
five days;* and had he lived much longer,
I cannot but think the empire would not

• The numbers in Josephus, ch. fe. sect. 2, 9, for
Galha 7 months 7 days, for Otho 3 months 2 days, and
here for Vitellius 8 months 5 days, do not agree with any
Roman historians; who also disagree among themselves.
And. indeed, Scaliger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson
observes on chap, ix .sect. 2, that this period is very con-
fnsed and uncertain in the ancient authors. They were
probably some of them contemporary together for some

have been sufficient for hiB lust. Of the
others that were slain, were numbered abuva
fifty thousand. This battle was fought or. the
third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu];
on the next Mucianus came into the city
with his army, and ordered Antonius and his
men to leave off killing; for they were still
searching the houses, and killed many of
Vitellius’s soldiers and many of the populace,
as supposing them to he of his party, prevent-
ing by their rage any accurate distinction
between them and others. He then produced
Domitian, and^ecommended him to the mul-
titude, until his father should come himself: so
the people being now freed from their fears,
made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for
their emperor, and kept festival-days for his
confirmation, and for the destruction of
Vitellius.

5. And now, as Vespasian was come to
Alexandria, this good news came from Rome,
and at the same time came embassies from all
bis own habitable earth, to congratulate him
upon his advancement; and though this Alex-
andria was the greatest of all cities next tc
Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the
multitude that then came to it. So upon this
confirmation of Vespasian’s entire govern-
ment, which was now settled, and upon the
unexpected deliverance of the public affairs
of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned
his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in
Judea. However, he himself made baste to
go to Rome, as the winter was now almost
over, and .soon set the affairs of Alexandria in
order, but sent his son Titus, with a select

which is distant twenty furlongs from Alex-
andria; there he put his army on board some
long ships, and sailed upon the river along
the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city
Thmuis; there he got out of the ships, and
” walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small
city called Tanis. His second station was Hera-
cleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then
refreshed his army at that place for two days;
and on the third passed over the mouths of
the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one
station,over the desert, and pitched his camp
at the temple of the Casian Jupiter,f and on
the next day at Ostracine. This station bad
no water; but the people of the country
make use of water brought from other places.
After this he rested at Rbinocolura, and from
thence he went to Raphia, which was his
fourth station. This city is the beginning of

time; one of the best evidences we have, I mean
Ptolemy’s Canon, omits them all, as if they did not all
together reign one whole year, nor had a single Tboth,
or New Year’s Day (which then fell upon August 61, in
' their entire reigns. Dio, also, who says that Vitellius
reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate all their
reigns together at no more than one year, one month,
and two days.

+ There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still extant
as Spanheim here informs us.

part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem So
Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis,CHAP. I.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his
camp at Gaza; after which he came to As-
calon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that

707

to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having
taken a resolution to gather all his other
forces together at that place.*

BOOK y.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OJ* NEAR SIX MONTHS.

FROM THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM, TO THE
GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED.

CHAPTER I.

CONCERNING THE SEDITIONS AT JERUSALEM,
AND WHAT TERRIBLE MISERIES AFFLICTED
THE CITY BY THEIR MEANS.

§ 1. When therefore Titus had marched over
that desert which lies between Egypt and
Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came
to Cesarea, having resolved to set his forces
in order at that place, before he began the
war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his
father at Alexandria, in settling that govern-
ment which had been newly conferred upon
them by God, it so happened that the sedition
at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into
three factions, and that one faction fought
against the other; which partition in such
evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and
the effect of divine justice. Now as to the
attack the zealots made upon the people, and
which I esteem the beginning of the city’s
destruction, it hath been already explained
after an accurate manner; as also whence it
arqse, and to how great a mischief it was in-
creased; but for the present sedition, one
should not mistake if he called it a sedition
begotten by another sedition, and to be like a
wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food
from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.

2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who
made the first separation of the zealots from
the people, and made them retire into the
temple, appeared very angry at John’s inso-
lent attempts, whicli he made«every day upon
the people; for this man never left off mur-
dering: but the truth was, that he could not
bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after
him. So he being desirous of gaining the
entire power and dominion to himself, revolted
from John, and took to his assistance' Judas
tnu son of Chelcias, and Simon the son of

1 Ezron, who were among the men of greatest
] power. There was also with him Hezekiah
the son of Chobar, a person of eminence.
Each of these were followed by a great many
of.the zealots; these seized upon the inner
court of the temple,* and laid their arms upon
the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of
that court; and because they had plenty of
provisions, they were of good courage, for
there was a great abundance of what was con-
secrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not
the making use of them; yet were they afraid,
on account of theip small number; and when
they hpd laid up their arms there, they did
not sfir from the place they were in. Now
as to John, what advantage he had above
Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the
like disadvantage he had in the situation he
was in, since he had his enemies over his
head; and as he could not make any assault
upon them without- some terror, so was his
anger too great to let them be at rest; nay,
although he suffered more mischief from Elea-
zar and his party than he could inflict upon
them, yet would he not leave off assaulting
them, insomuch that there were continual sal-
lies made one against another, as well as darts
thrown at one another, and the temple was
defiled everywhere with murders.

3. But now the tyrant Simon, the sop of
Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of
the hopes they had of his assistance in the great
distresses they were in, having in his power the
upper city, and a great part of the lower, did
now make more vehement assaults upon John

• This appears to be the fir6t time that the zealots
ventured to pollute this most sacred court of the temple,
which was the courlof the priests, wherein the teuiple
itself and the altar stood. So that the conjecture of
those that would interpret that Zacharias, who was
slain “ between the temple and the altar" several months
before, b. iv. ch. v. sect. 4. as if he were slain there by
these zealots, is groundless, as X have noted on that
place already.708

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK T.



and his party, because they were fought against
from above also; yet was he beneath their,
situation, when he attacked them, as they were
beneath the attacks of the others above them.
Whereby it came to pass, that John did both
receive and inflict great damage, and that
easily, as he was fought against on both sides;
and the same advantage that Eleazar and his
party had over him, since he was beneath them,
the same advantage had he, by his higher
situation, over Simon. On which account he
easily repelled the attacks that were made from
beneath, by the weapons thrown from their
hands only, but was obliged to repel those
that threw darts from the temple above him,
by his engines of war; for he had such engines
as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and
that in no small number, by which he did
not only defend himself from such a$ fought
against him, but slew moreover many of the
priests, as they were about their sacred minis-
trations; for notwithstanding these men were
mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still
admit those that desired to offer their sacri-
fices, although they took care to search the
people of their own country beforehand, and
both suspected and watched them; while they
were not so much afraid of strangers, who,
although they had gotten leave of them, how
cruel soever they were, to come into that
court, were yet often destroyed by this sedi-
tion : for those darts that were thrown by the
engines came with that force, that they went
all over the buildings, and reached as far as
the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon
the priests, and those* that were about the
sacred offices; insomuch that many persons
who came thither with great zeal from the ends
of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this cele-
brated place, which was esteemed holy by all
mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices
themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was
venerable among all men, both Greeks and
Barbarians, with their own blood; till the
dead bodies of strangers were mingled to-
gether with those of their own country, and
those of profane persons with those of the
priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead car-
casses stood in lakes in the holy courts them-
selves. And now, “ O most wretched city,
what misery so great as this didst thou suffer
from the Romans, when they came to purify
thee from thy intestine hatred 1 For thou
couldst be no longer a place .fit for God, nor
couldst thou longer continue in being, after
thou badst been a sepulchre for the bodies of
thine own people, and hadst made the holy house
itself a buryiug-place in this civil war of thine!
Yet mayst thou again gro w better, if perchance
thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that
Gud who is the author of thy destruction.”!

* The Levltea.

i This in au excellent reflection of Josephus, includ-
ing ilis uopes of the restoration of the Jews upon tlieir
repentance. See Autiq. b. iv. ch. viii. sect. 46, winch

But I must restrain myself front these pas-
sions by the rules of history, since this is not
a proper time for domestic lamentations, but
for historical narrations; I therefore return
to the operations that follow in this sedition.

4.	And now there were three treacherous
factions in the city, the one parted from the
other. Eleazar and bis party, that kept the
sacred first-fruits, came against John in their
cups. Those that were with John plundered
the populace, and went out with zeal against
Simon. This Simon had his supply of pro-
visions from the city, in opposition to the se-
ditious. When,therefore, John was assaulted
on both sides, he made his men turn about,
throwing his darts upon those citizens that
came up against him, from the cloisters he
had in bis possession, while he opposed those
that attacked him from the temple by his en-
gines of war; and if at any time he was freed
from those that were above him, which hap-
pened frequently, from their being drunk
and tired, he sallied out with a great number
upon Simon and his party; and this he did
always in such parts of the city as he could
come at, till he set on fire those houses that
were full of corn, and of all other provisions.!
The same thing was done by Simon, when,
upon the other’s retreat, he attacked the city
also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to.
6erve the Roffians,“by^~<ktsir ..yingwbat-lthe
city had laid up against the siege, and by thus
cutting off the nerves of their own power.
Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the
places that were about the temple were burnt
down, and were become an intermediate de-
sert space, ready for fighting on both sides;
and that almost all the corn was burnt, which
would have been sufficient for a siege of many
years. So they were taken by the means of
the famine, which it was impossible they
should have been, unless they had thus pre-
pared the way for it by this procedure.

5.	And now, as the city was engaged in a
war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds
of wicked men, the people of the city, be-
tween them, were like a great body torn in
pieces. The aged men and the women were
in such distress by their internal calamities,
that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly
hoped for an external war, in order to their
delivery from their domestic miseries. The
citizens themselves were under a terrible
consternation and fqar; nor had they any

is the grand “Hope of Israel,” as Manasaeh-ben-Israel,
the famous Jewish rabbi, styles it, iu his small but re-
markable treatise on that subject, of which the Jewish
prophets are everywhere full. See the principal,of those
prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on
the Revelation, page &c.

$ This destruction of such a vast quantity of corn
and other provisions, as was sufficient lor many years,
was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, which
consumed incredible number) of Jews in Jerusalem dur-
ing its siege. INor probably could the Romans hate
taken this city, alter all, had not these seditious Jews
been so infatuated as thus madly to destroy, wnat Jo-
sephus here justly styles ‘“The nerves of their powei.1*CHAP. II,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

709

opportunity of taking counsel, and of chang- | cloisters where alone he could erect them ;f
ing their conduct; nor were there any hopes whereas, the other sides of that court had so
of coming to an agreement with their ene- many steps as would not let them come nigh
mics; nor could such as had a mind flee enough the cloisters.

away; for guards were set at all places, and
the heads of the robbers, although they were
seditious one against another in other respects,
yet did they agree in killing those that were
fur peace with the Romans, or were suspected
of an inclination to desert to them, as their
common enemies. They agreed in nothing but
this, to kill those that were innocent. The
noise also of those that were lighting was
incessant, both by day and by night; but the
lamentations of those that mourned exceeded
the other; nor was there ever any occasion
for them to leave off their lamentations,
because their calamities came perpetually one
upon another, although the deep consterna-
tion they were in prevented their outward
wailing; but being constrained by their fear to
conceal their inward passions, they were
inwardly tormented, without daring to open
their lips in groans. Nor was any regard paid
to those that were still alive, by their rela-
tions; nor was there any care taken of burial
for those that were dead; the occasion of both
which was this, that every one despaired of
himself; for those that were not among the
seditious had no great desires of any thing, as
expecting for certain that they should very
soon be destroyed; but for the seditious them-
selves, they fought against each other, while
they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay
heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad
rage from those dead bodies that were under
their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They,
moreover, were still inventing somewhat or
other that was pernicious against themselves;
and when they had resolved upon any thing,
they executed it without mercy, and omitted
no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay,
John abused the1 sacred materials,* and
employed them in the construction of his
engines of war; for the people and the priests
had formerly determined to support the tem-
ple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits
higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great
expense, and with very great pains, brought
thither such materials as were proper for that
purpose, being pieces of timber very well
worth seeing, both for their straightness and
their largeness: but the war coming on, and
interrupting the work, John had them cut,
and prepared for the building him towers, he
finding them long enough to oppose from
them those bis adversaries that fought him
from the temple that was above him. He plso
had them brought and erected behind the
inner court over-against the west end of the

• This timber, we see. was designed Tor the rebuilding
those twenty additional cubits of the boly house above
the hundred, which hod fallen duwn some years before.
See the note on Antiq. b. xv. cli. xi. sect. 3

6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for
his enemies by these engines constructed by
his impiety; but God himself demonstrated
that his pains would prove of no use to him,
by bringing the Romans upon him before he
had reared any of his towers; for Titus,
when he had gotten together part of his forces
about him, and had ordered the rest to meet
him at Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea.
He had with him those three legions that had
accompanied his father when he laid Judea
waste, together with that twelfth legion which
had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which
legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its
valour, so did it march on now with greater
alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as
remembering what they had formerly suffered
from them. Of these legions he ordered the
fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus,
and the tenth to go up by Jericho; he also
moved himself, together with the rest; besides
whom marched those auxiliaries that came from
the kings, being now more in number than
before, together with a considerable number
that came to his assistance from Syria. Those
also that had been selected out of these four
legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy,
had their places filled up out of these soldiers
that came out of Egypt with Titus, who were
two thousand men, chosen out of the armies
at Alexandria. There followed him also three
thousand drawn from those that guarded the
river Euphrates; as also, there came Tiberius
Alexander, who was a friend of his, most
valuable, both for his good-will to him and
for his prudence. He had formerly been
governor of Alexandria, but was now thought
worthy to be general of the army [under
Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had
been the first who encouraged Vespasian very
lately to accept this his new dominion, and
joined himself te him with great fidelity, when
things were uncertain, and fortune had not
yet declared for him. He also followed Titus
as a counsellor, very useful to him in this war,
both by his age and skill in such affairs.

CHAPTER II.

HOW TITUS MARCHED TO JERUSALEM, AND HOW
HE WAS IN DANGER AS HE WAS TAKING A
VIEW OP THE CITY. OP THE PLACE ALSO
WHERE HE PITCHED HIS CAMP.

§ 1. Now, as Titus was upon his march
into the enemy’s country, the auxiliaries that

f There being no gate on the west, and only on the
west side of the court of the priests, and so no steps
there, this was the only side that the seditious, under
this John of Qischala, could bring their engines close710

were sent by the kings marched first, having
all the other auxiliaries with them; after whom
followed those that were to prepare the roads
and measure out the camp; then came the
commander’s baggage, and after that the other
soldiers, who were completely armed to sup-
port them; then came Titus himself, having
with him another select body; and then came
the pikemen; after whom came the horse
belonging to that legion. All these came
before the engines; and after these engines,
followed the tribunes and the leaders of the
cohorts, with their select bodies; after these
came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before
those ensigns came the trumpeters belonging
to them; next these came the main body of
the army in their ranks, every rank being six
deep; the servants belonging to every legion
came after these; and before these last their
baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those
that guarded them brought up the rear. Now
Titus, according to the Roman usage, went
in the front of the army after a decent man-
ner, and marched through Samaria to Gophna,
a city that had been formerly taken by his
father, and was then garrisoned by Roman
soldiers: and when he had lodged there.one
night, he marched on in the morning; and
when he had gone as far as a day’s march, he
pitched his camp at that valley which the
Jews, in their own tongue, call “the Valley
of Thorns,” near a certain village tailed
tiabaolhsuul, which signifies “the Hill of
Saul,” being distant from Jerusalem about
thirty fuilongs. There it was that he chose
out six hundred select horsemen, and went to
take a view of the city, to observe what
strength it was of, and how courageous the
Jews were; whether, when they saw him, and
before they came to a direct battle, they
would be affrighted and submit; for he had
been informed, what was really true, that the
people who were fallen under the power of
the seditious and the robbers, were greatly
desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise
up against the rest, they lay still.

2. Now, so long as he rode along the
straight road which led to the wall of the
city, nobody appeared out of the gates; but
when he went out of that road, and declined
towards the tower Psepbinus, and led the
band of horsemen obliquely, an immense
number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at
the towers called the “ Women’s Towers,”
through that gate which was over-against the
monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted
his horse; and standing directly opposite to
those that still ran along the road, hindered
them from joining those that had declined
out of it. They intercepted Titus also, with
a few others. Now it was here impossible for

to the cloisters of that court end-ways, though upon
the floor of the court of Israel. See the scheme of
that temple, in the description of the temples hereto
belonging.

BOOK y.

him to go forward, because all the places had
trenches dug in them from the wall, to pre-
serve the gardens round about, and were full
of gardens obliquely situated, and of many
hedges; and to return back to his own^|nen,
he saw it was also impossible, by reason of
the multitude of the enemies that lay between
them; many of whom did not so much as
know that the king* was in any danger, but
supposed him still among them. So he per-
ceived, that his preservation must be wholly
owing to his own courage, and turned his
horse about, and cried out aloud to those that
were about him to follow him, and ran with
violence into the midst of his enemies, in order
to force his way through them to bis own
men. And hence we may principally leacn,
that both the success of wars, and the dangers
that kingsf are in, are under the providence
of God; for while such a number of darts
were thrown at Titus, when he had neither
his head-piece on, nor his breast-plate (for, as
I told you, he went out not to fight, but to
view the city), none of them touched bis body,
but went aside without hurting him; as if all
of them missed him on purpose, and only
made a noise as they passed by him. So he
diverted those perpetually with his sword that
came on his side, and overturned many of
those that directly met him, and made his
horse ride over those that were overthrown.
The enemy indeed made a great shout at the
boldness of Caesar,f and exhorted one another
to rush upon him. Yet did these against
whom he marched fly away, and go oil' from
him in great numbers; while those that were
in the same danger with him kept up close to
him, though they were wounded both on their
backs and on their sides; for they bad each
of them but this one hope of escaping, if they
could assist Titus in opening himself a way,
that he might not be encompassed round by
his enemies before he got away from them.
Now, there were two of those that were with
him, but at some distance; the one of whom
the enemy encompassed round, and slew him
with their darts, and his horse also; but the
other they slew as be leaped down from his
horse, and carried off his horse with them.
But Titus escaped with the rest, and came

• We may here note, that Titus is here called “ a king,”
and “ CceBar,” by Josephus, even while be was no more
tbaD the emperor’s boo, and general of the Roman army,
and his I'alber Vespasian wan still alive; justas the New
Testament Bays “Arcbelaus reigned,” or “was king”
(Matt, ii. 22), though be was properly no more than etb-
narch, as Josephus assures us, Antiq. b. xviii. cb. xi.
sect 4. Of the War, 6. ii. ch vi. sect 3. Thus also the
Jews called the emperors “Kings,” though they never
took that title to themselves: “ We have no king but
Ctesar,” John xix. 15. “ Submit to the king as supreme,”
\ i Pel. ii. 13, 17; which is alsu the laiuuaKe of the Apos-
tolical Coostitutions, ii. 11. 31; iv. 13; v. 19, vi. 2, 25;
vii. Id; viii. 2, 13; and elsewhere in the New Testa-
ment, Mall.x. id; xvu 2-j; 1 1 tin. ii.2; und in Josephus
also; though 1 suspect Josephus particularly esteemed
^J'ltus as joint-king with his father ever since bis divine
dreams that declared them both such, b. iii-cb. viii.eecLU

+ 8e-. tue above note.

WAfcS OP THE JEWS.CHAP. n.

WAPS OP THE JEWSi	711

safe to the camp.' So this success of the
Jews’ first attack raised their minds, and gave
them an ill-grounded hope; and this short
inclination of fortune, on their side, made them
very courageous for the future.

3.	But now, as soon as that legion that had
been at Einmaus was joined to Caesar at night,
he removed thence, when it was day, and came
to a place called Scopus; from whence the
city began already to be seen, and a plain
view might be taken of the great temple.
Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter
of the city, and adjoining thereto, was a plain,
and very properly named Scopus [the pro-
spect]; and was no more than seven furlongs
distant from it. And here it was that Titus
ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions
that were to be together; but ordered another
camp to be fortified, at three furlongs’ farther
distance behind them, for the fifth legion; for
he thought that, by marching in the night,
they might be tired, and might deserve to be
covered from the enemy, and with less fear
might fortify themselves: and, as these were
now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who
came through Jericho, was already come to
the place, where a certain part of armed men
had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the
city, and had been taken before by Vespasian.
These legions had orders to encamp at the
distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at
the mount called the mount of Olives,* which
lies over-against the city on the east side, and
is parted from it by a deep valley, interposed
between tbem, which is named Cedron.

4.	Now, when hitherto the several parties
in the city had been dashing one against
another perpetually, this foreign war, now
suddenly come upon them after a violent man-
ner, put the first stop to their contentions one
against another; and, as the seditious now
saw with astonishment the Romans pitching
three several camps, they began to think of
an awkward sort of concord, and said one to
another, — “ What do we here, and what do
we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls
to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be
able to breathe freely? while the enemy is
secuVely building a kind oF city in opposition
to us, and while we sit still within our own
walls, and become spectators only of what they
are doing, with our hands idle, and our armour
laid by, as if they were about somewhat that
was for our good and advantage. We are, it
seems,”, so did they cry out, “ only coura-
geous against ourselves, while the Romans
are likely to gain the city without bloodshed
by our sedition.” Thus did they encourage
one another when they were gotten together,

• This situation of the Mount of Olives, on the east
of Jerusalem, at about the distance of five or six furlongs,
with the valley of Cedron interposed between that moun-
tain and the city, are things well knows both in the Did
and New Testament, in Josephus elsewhere, and in all
the descriptions of Palestine.

and took their armour immediately, and
ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell
upon the Romans with great eagerness, and
with a prodigious shout, as they were fortify-
ing their camp. These Romans were caught
in different parties, and this in order to per-
form their several works, and on that account
had in great measure laid aside their arms;
for they thought the Jews would not hare
ventured to make a sally upon them; and had
they been disposed so to do they supposed their
edition would have distracted them. So they
were put into disorder unexpectedly; when
some of them lej’t their works they were about,
and immediately marched off, while many ran
to their arms, but were smitten and slain
before they could turn back upon the enemy.
The Jews became still more and more in num-
ber, as encouraged by the good success of
those that first made the attack; and, while
they had such good fortune, they seemed,
both to themselves and to the enemy, to be
many more than they really were. The dis-
orderly way of tbeir fighting at first put the
Romans also to a stand, who had been con-
stantly used to fight skilfully in gobd order,
and with keeping their ranks, and obeying
the orders that were given them; for which
reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly,
and were obliged to give way to the assaults
that were made upon them. Now when these
Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon
t.he Jews, they put a stop to their career; yet,
when they did not take care enough of them-
selves through the vehemency of their pursuit,
they were wounded by them; but, as still
more and more Jews sallied out of the city,
the Romans were at length brought into con-
fusion, and put to flight, and ran away from
tbeir camp. Nay, things looked as though
the entire legion would have been in danger,
unless Titus had been informed of the case
they were in, and had sent them succours
immediately. So he reproached them for their
cowardice, and brought those back that were
running away, and fell himself upon the Jews
on their flank, with those, select troops that
were with him, and slew a considerable num-
ber, and wounded more of them, and put them
all to flight, and made tbem run away hastily
down the valley. Now as these Jews suffered
greatly in the declivity of the valley, so, when
they were gotten over it, they turned about,
and stood over-against the Romans, having the
valley between them, and there fought with
them. Thus did they continue the fight till
noon; but, when it was already a little after
noon, Titus set those that came to the assist-
ance of the Romans with him, and those thnt
belonged to the cohorts, to prevent the .lews
from making any more sallies, and then sent
the rest of the legion to the upper p^rt of the
mountain, to fortify their camp.

5. This march of the Romans seemed to
the Jews to be a flight; and as the watchman,712

WARS OP THE JEWS.	BOOK V.

who was placed upon the wall,, gave a
signal by shaking his garment, there came
out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with
6uch mighty violence, that one might compare
it to the runnihg of the most terrible wild
beasts. To say the truth, none of those that
opposed them could sustain the fury with
which they made their attacks; but, as if
they had been cast out of an engine, they
brake the enemies’ ranks to pieces, who were
put to flight, and ran away to the mountain;
none but Titus himself, and a few others
with him, being left in the midst of thf accli-
vity. Now these others, who were his friends,
despised the danger they were in, and were
ashamed to leave their general, earnestly
exhorting him to give way to these Jews that
are fond of dying, and not to run into such
dangers before those that ought to stay before
him; to consider what his fortune was, and
not, by supplying the place of a common
soldier, to .venture to turn back upon the ene-
my so suddenly; and this because he was
general in the war, and lord of the habitable
earth, on whose preservation the public affairs
do all depend. These persuasions Titus-
seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed
those that ran upon him, and smote them on
the face; and, when he had forced them to
go back, he slew them; he also fell upon
great numbers as they marched down the
hill, and thrust them forward; while those
men were so amazed at his courage and his
strength, that they could not fly directly to
the city, but declined from him on both sides,
and pressed after those that fled up the hill;
yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put
a stop to their fury. In the mean time, a
disorder and a terror fell again upon those
that were fortifying their camp at the top of
the hill, upon their seeing those beneath them
running away, insomuch that the whole legion
was dispersed, while they thought that the
sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly
insupportable, and that Titus was himself put
to flight; because they took it for granted
that, if he had staid, the rest would never
have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed
on every side by a kind of panic fear, and
some dispersed themselves one way, and some
another, till certain of them saw their general
in the very midst of an action, and, being
under great concern for him, they loudly pro-
claimed the danger he was in to the entire
legion; and now shame made them turn
back, and they reproached one another, that
they did worse than run away, by deserting
Caesar. So they used their utmost force
against the Jews, and declining from the
straight declivity, they drove them in heaps
into the bottom of the valley. Then did the
Jews turn about and fight them; but as they
were themselves retiring, and now, because
the Romans had the advantage of the ground,
and were above the Jews, they drove them

.all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon
those that were near him, and sent the legion
again to fortify their camp; while he, and
those that were with him before, opposed the
enemy, and kept them from doing farther
mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allowed
neither to add any thing out of flattery,
nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but
to speak the plain truth, C$sar did twice
deliver that entire legion when it was in jeo-
pardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of
fortifying their camp.

CHAPTER in.

HOW THE SEDITION WAS AGAIN REVIVED WITHIN
JERUSALEM, AND YET THE JEWS CONTRIVED
SNARES FOR THE ROMANS. HOW TITUS ALSO
THREATENED HIS SOLDIERS FOR THEIR UNGO-
VERNABLE RASHNESS.

§ 1. As now the war abroad ceased for a
while, the sedition within was revived; and
on the feast of unleavened bread, which was
now come, it being the fourteenth day of the
month Xanthicus [Nisan], when it is believed
the Jews were first freed from the Egyp-
tians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates
of this [inmost court of the temple, and ad-
mitted such of the people as were desirous to
worship God into it.* But John made use
of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous

designs, and armed the most inconsiderable
of his own party, the greater part of whom
were not purified, with weapons concealed
under their garments, and sent them with
great zeal into the temple, in order to seize
upon it; which armed men, when they were
gotten in, threw their garments away, and
presently appeared in their armour. Upon
which there was a very great disorder and
disturbance about the holy house; while the
people who had no concern in the sedition,
supposed that this assault was made against
all without distinction, as the zealots thought

* Here we see the true occasion of those vast num-
bers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this siege
by Titus, and perished therein; that the siege began-at
the feast of the passover; when such prodigious multi-
tudes of Jews and proselytes of the gate were come
from all parts of Judea, and from other countries, in
order to celebrate that great festival. See the note, b.
vi. ch. ix. sect. 3. Tacitus himself informs us, that the
number of men, women, and children, in Jerusalem,
when it was besieged by the Romans, as he had been
informed, was 600,000. This information must have
been taken from the Romans; for Josephus never men-
tions the numbers of those that were besieged, only he
lets us know, that of the vulgar, carried dead out of the
gates, and buried at the public charges, was the like
number of 600,000, ch. xiii. sect. 7. However, when
Cestius Gallus came first to the siege, that sum in Taci-
tus is no way disagreeable to Josephus’s history, though
they were become much more numerous when Titus
encompassed the city at the passover. As to the num-

of this siege is not now extant; so we cannot comparo
his parallel numbers with those of Josephus.CHAP. III.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

713

it was made against themselves only. So
tbese left off guarding the gates any longer,
and leaped down from their battlements
before they came to an engagement, and fled
away into the subterranean caverns of the
temple; while the people, that stood trem-
bling at the altar, and about the holy house,
were rolled on heaps together, and trampled
upon, and were beaten both with wooden and
with iron weapons without mercy. Such,
also, as had differences with others, slew
many persons that were quiet, out of their
own private enmity and hatred, as if they
were opposite to the seditious; and all those
that had formerly offended any of these plot-
ters, were now known, and were now led away
to the slaughter; and, when they had done
abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless,
they' granted a truce to the guilty, and let
tlidse go off that came out of the caverns.
These followers of John also did now seize
upon this inner temple, and upon all the war-
like engines therein, and then ventured to
oppose Simon. And thus that sedition, which
had been divided into three factions, was
now reduced to two.

2.	But Titus, intending to pitch his camp
nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many
of his choice horsemen and footmen as be
thought sufficient, opposite to the Jews, to
prevent their sallying out upon them, while ne
gave orders for the whole army to level me
distance, as far as the wall of the city. So
they threw down all the hedges and walls
which the inhabitants had made about their
gardens and groves of trees, and cut down ail
the fruit-trees that lay between them and the
wall of the city, and filled up all the hollow
places and the chasms, and deinolisbe4 the
rocky precipices with iron instruments; and
thereby made all the place level from Scopus
to Herod’s monuments, which adjoined to
the pool called the Serpent’s Pool.

3.	Now at this very time, the Jews con-
trived the following stratagem against the
Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went
out at the towers, called the Women’s Towers,
as if they had been ejected out of the city by
those who were for peace, and rambled about
as if they were afraid of being assaulted by
the Romans, and were in fear of one another;
while those that stood upon the wall, and
seemed to be of the people’s side,. cried out
aloud for peace, and entreated they might
have security for their lives given them, and
called for the Romans, promising to open the
gates, to them; and as they cried out after
that manner, they threw stones at their own
people, as though they would drive them
away from the gates. -These also pretended
thut they were excluded by force, and that
they petitioned those that were within to let
t‘ :t in; and rushing upon the Romans per-
l. uiliy, with violence, they then came back,
>«i>d ••ecmed to be in great disorder. Now

the Roman soldiers thought this cunning
stratagem of theirs was to be believed real,
and thinking they had the one party under
their power, and could punish them as they
pleased, and hoping that the other party would
open.their gates to them, set to the exeoution
of their designs accordingly. But for 'Pitns
himself, he had this surprising conduct of the
Jews in suspicion; for whereas be had invited
them to come to terms of accommodation, by
Josephus, but one day before, be could then
receive no civil answer from them; so he
ordered the soldiers to stay where they were.
However, some of them that were set in the
front of the works prevented him, and catch-
ing up their arms ran to the gates; where-
upon those that seemed to have been ejected
at the first retired; but as soon as the soldiers
were gotten between the towers on each side
of.the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed
them round, and fell upon them behind,
while that multitude which stood upon the
wall, threw a heap of stones and darts of all
kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a con-
siderable number, and wounded many more;
for it was not easy for the Romans to escape,
bv reason those behind them pressed them
forward; besides which, the shame they were
under for being mistaken, and the fear they
were in of their commanders, engaged them
to persevere in their mistake: wherefore they
fought with their spears a great while, and
received many blows from the Jews, though
indeed they gave them as many blows agaifi,
ana at last repelled those that had encom-
passed them about, whiie the Jews pursued
them as they retired, and followed them, and
threw darts at them as far as the monuments
of queen Helena.

4.	After this these Jews, without keeping
any decorum, grew insolent upon their good
fortune, and jested upon the Romans, for
being deluded by the trick they had put upon
them, and making a noise with beating their
shields, leaping for gladness, and made joyful
exclamations; while these soldiers were re-
ceived with threatenings by their officers, and
with indignation by Caesar himself [who spake
to them thus]: These Jews, who are only
conducted by their madness, do every thing
with care and circumspection; they contrive
stratagems, and lay ambushes, and" fortune
gives success to their stratagems, because they
are obedient, and preserve their good-will and
fidelity to one another; while the Romans, to
whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by
reason of their good order, and ready sub-
mission to their commanders, have now had
ill success by their contrary behaviour, and
by not being able to restrain their hands from
action, they have been caught; and that which
is the most to their reproach, they have gone
on without their commanders, in the very pre-
sence of Cffisar. “ Truly,” says Titus, “ the
laws of war cannot but groan heavily* as willWARS OP THE JEWS.

•ROOK V.

ray father also himself, when he shall be
informed of this wound that hath been given
us, since he, who is grown old in wars, did
never make so great a mistake. Our laws of
war do also ever inflict capital punishment on
those that in the least break into good order,
while at this time they have 6een an entire
army run into disorder. However, those that
have been so insolent shall be made imme-
diately sensible, that even they who conquer
among the Romans without orders for fight-
ing, are to be under disgrace.” When Titus
had enlarged upon this matter before the
commanders, it appeared evident that he
would execute the law against all those that
were concerned; so these soldiers’ miAls sunk
down in despair, as expecting to' be put to
death, and that justly and quickly. However,
the other legions came round about Titus,
and entreated his favour to these their fellow
soldiers, and made supplication to him, that
he would pardon the rashness of a few, on
account of the better obedience of all the
rest; and promised for them that they should
make amends for their present fault, by their
more virtuous behaviour for the time to come.

6. So Cffisar complied with their desires,
and with what prudence dictated to him also:
for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons
by real executions, but that the punishment
of great multitudes should proceed no farther
than reproofs; so he was reconciled to the
soldiers, but gave them a special charge to
act more wisely for the future; and he con-
sidered with himself how he might be even
with the Jews for their stratagem. And now
when the space between the Romans and the
wall had been levelled, which was done in
four days; and as he was desirous to bring
the baggage of the army, with the rest of the
multitude that followed him, safely to t^p
camp, he set the strongest part of his army
over-against that wall which lay on the north
quarter of the city, and over-against the west-
ern part of it, and made his army seven deep,
with the footmen placed before them, and the
horsemen behind them, each of the last in
three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the
midst in seven ranks. And now as the Jews
were prohibited by so great a body of men,
from making sallies upon the Romans, both
the beasts that bare the burdens, and belonged
to the three legions, and the rest of the mul-
titude, marched on without any fear. But as
for Titus himself, he was but about two
furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of
it where was the comer,* and over-against
that tower which was called Psephinus, at
which tower the compass of the wall belonging
to the north bended, and extended itself over-
against the west; but the other part of the
army fortified themselves at the tower called

* Perhaps, says Dr. Hudson, here was that gate,
called the “ Gate of the Comer,” in 2 Chron. xxvi. 9.
Bee ch. iv. sect. 2.	.

Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner,
but two furlongs from the city. However,
the tenth legion continued in its own place,
upon the Mount of Olives.

CHAPTER IV.'

THE DESCRIPTION OF JERUSALEM.

§ 1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with
three walls, on such parts as were not encom-
passed with unpassable valleys; for in such
places it bad but one wall. The city was
built upon two hills which are opposite to one
another; and have a valley to divide them
asunder; at which valley the corresponding
rows of houses on both hills end. Of these
hills, that which contains the upper city’is
much higher, and in length more direct.
Accordingly, it was called the “ Citadel,” by
king David; he was the father of that Solo-
mon who built this temple at the first; but it
is by us called the “ Upper Market-place.”
But the other hill,.which was called “ Acra,”
and sustains the lower city, is of the shape
of a moon when she is horned; over-against
this was a third hill, but naturally lower than
Acra, and parted formerly from the other by
a broad valley. However in those times when
the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that
vailey with earth, and had a mind to join the
city to the temple. They then took olf part
of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be
of less elevation than it was before, that the
temple might be superior to it. Now the
Valley of the Cheese-mongers, as it was called,
and was that which we told you before distin-
guished the hill of the upper city from that of
the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that
is the name of a fountain which hath sweet
water in it, and this in great plenty also. But
on the outsides, these hills are surrounded
by deep valleys, and by reason of the preci-
pices to them belonging on both sides, they
are everywhere unpassable.

2. Now, of these three walls, the old one
was hard to be taken, both by reason of the
valleys, and of that hill on which it was built,
and which was above them. But besides that
great advantage, a9 to the place where they
were situated, it was also built very strong;
because David and Solomon, and the follow-
ing kings, were very zealous about this work.
Now that wall began on the north, at the
tower called “ Hippicus,” und extende^ as
far as the “ Xistus,” a place so called, and
then, joining to the council-house, ended at
the west cloister of the temple. But if we
go the other way westward, it began at the
same place, and extended through a place
called “Beihso,” to the gate of tne Essens;
and after that it went southward, having its
bending above the fountain Siluum, where itCHAP, IV.

WARS OP

also bends again towards the east at Solomon's
pool, and reaches as far as a certain place
wfcish they called “ Opblas,” where it was
joined to the eastern cloister of the temple.
The second wall took its beginning from that
gate which they called “ Gennath,” which
belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed
the northern quarter of the city, and reached
as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning
of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus,
whence it reached as far as the north quarter
of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and
then was so far extended till it came over-
against the monuments of Helena, which
Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter
of Izates: it then extended farther to a great
length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns
of the kings, and bent again at the tower of
the corner, at the monument which is called
the “Monument of the Fuller,” and joined
to the old wall at the valley called the “ Val-
ley of Cedron.” It was Agrippa who encom-
passed the parts added to the old city with
this wall, which had been all naked before;
for as the city grew more populous, it gradu-
ally crept beyond its old limits, and those
parts of it that stood northward of the temple,
and joined that hill to the city, made it con-
siderably larger, and occasioned that hill,
which is in number the fourth, and is called
“ Bezetha,” to be inhabi ted also. It lies o ver-
against the tower Antonia, but is divided from
it by a deep valley, which was dug on pur-
pose, and that in order to hinder the founda-
tions of the tower of Antonia from joining to
this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity
for getting to it with ease, and hindering the
security that arose from its superior eleva-
tion; for which reason also that depth of the
ditch made the elevation qf the towers more-
remarkable. This new-built part of the city
was called “ Bezetha,” in our language, which,
if interpreted in the Grecian language, may
be called “ the New City.” Since, therefore,
its inhabitants Btood in need of a covering, the
father of the present king, and of the same
name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we
Bpoke of; but he left off building it when he
had only laid the foundation, out of the fear
he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should
slispect that so strong a wall was built in
order to make some innovation in public
affairs; for the city could no way have been
taken if that wall had been finished in the
manner it was begun; as its parts were con-
nected together by stones twenty cubits long,
and ten cubits broad, which could never have
eit her been easily undermined by any iron tools,
or shaken by any engines. The wall was,
however, ten cubits wide, and it would pro-
bably have had a height greater than that, had
not his zeal who began it been hindered from
exerting itself. After this it was erected with
great diligence by the Jews, as high as^wenty
cubits, above which it had battlements of two

THE JEWS.	^ 715

cubits, and turrets of three cubits’ altitude,
insomuch that the entire altitude extended as
far as twenty-five cubits.	'

3. Now the towers that wet® upon it were
twenty cubits in breadth and twenty cubits
in height; they were square and solid, as
was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of
the joints and the beauty of the stones were
no way inferior to those of the holy house
itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers,
which was twenty cubits, there were rooms
of great magnificence, and over them upper
rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water.
They were many in number, and the steps
by which you ascended up to them were every
one broad; of these towers then the third
wall had ninety, and the spaces between them
were each two hundred cubits; but in the
middle wall were forty towers, and the old
wall was parted into sixty, while the whole
compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs.
Now the third wall was all of it wonderful;
yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above
it at the north-west comer, and there Titus
pitched his oWn tent; for being seventy cubits
high, it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at
sun-rising, as well as it did of the utmost
limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea
westward. Moreover it was an octagon, and
over-against it was the tower Hippicus; and
hard by two others wcTe erected by king
Herod, in the old wall. These were for
largeness, beauty, and strength, beyond all
that were in the habitable earth; for besides
the magnanimity of his nature, and his mag-
nificence towards the city on other occasions,
he built these after such an extraordinary
manner, to gratify his own private affections,
and dedicated these towers to the memory of
those three persons who had been the dearest
to him, and from whom he named them.
They were his brother, his friend, and his
wife. This wife he had slain, out of his
love [and jealousy], as we have already rela-
ted ; the other two he lost in war, as they were
courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named
from his friend, was square; its length and
breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its
height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it.
Over this solid building, which was composed
of great stones united together, there was a
reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there
was a house of two stories, whose height was
twenty-five cubits, and divided into several
parts; over which were battlements of two
cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits
high, insomuch that the entire height added
together amounted to fourscore cubits. The
second tower, which he named from his bro-
ther Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height
equal, each of them forty cubits; over which
was its solid height of forty cubits; over
which a cloister went round about, whose
height was ten cubits, and it was covered
from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks.716

BOOK V.

WARS'OF THE JEWS.

There was also built over that cloister another
tower, parted into magnificent rooms and a
place for bathing; so that this tower wanted
nothing that might make it appear to be a
royal palace. It was also adorned with
battlements and turrets, more than was the
foregoing, and the entire altitude was about
ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled
the tower of Phams, which exhibited a fire to
such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much
larger than it in compass. This was now
converted to a house, wherein Simon exer-
cised his tyrannical authority. The third tower
was Mariamne, for that was his queen’s
name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits;
its breadth and its length were twenty cubits,
and were equal to each other; its upper
buildings were more magnificent, and had
greater variety than the other towers had;
for the king thought it most proper for him
to adprn that which was denominated from his
wife, better than those denominated from
men, as those were built stronger than this
that bore his wife’s name. The entire height
of this tower was fifty cubits.

4. Now as these towers were so very tall,
they appeared much taller by the place on
which they stood: for that very old wall
wherein they were, was built on a high hill,
and Was itself a kind of elevation that was still
thirty cubits taiier; over which w^re the towers
situated, and thereby were made mucn higuer
to appearance. The largeness also ot the
stones was Wonderful, for they were not made
of common small stones, nor of such large
ones only as men could carry, but they were
oi white marbie, cut out of the rock; each
stone was twenty cumts in length, and ten in
breadth, and five in depth. They were so
exactly united to one another, that each tower
looKed nice one entire rock of stone, so grow-
ing naturally, and afterwards cut by the hands
ot tne artificers into their present shape and
comiers.; so little or not at all did their
joints or connexion appear. Now as these
towers were themselves on the north sjde of
tbe wall, the king had a palace inwardly
thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability
to describe it; for it was so very curious as to
want no cost or skill in its construction, but
was entirely walled about to the height of
thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers at
equal distances, and with large bed-chambers,
that would contain beds for a hundred guests
a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is
not to be expressed; for a large quantity of
those that were rare of that kind was collected
together. Their roofs were also wonderful,
both for the length of the beams and the splen-
dour of their ornaments. The number of the
rooms was also very gfeat, and the variety of
the figures that were about them was prodi-
gious ; their furniture was complete, and the
greatest part of the vessels that* were put in
them was of silver and gold. There were

besides many porticoes, one beyond another,
round about, and in each of those porticoes
curious pillars; yet were all the courts that
were exposed to the air everywhere green.
There were moreover several groves of trees,
and long walks through them, with deep
canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were
filled with brazen statues, through which the
water ran out. There were withal many
dove-courts* of tame pigeons about the ca-
nals; but, indeed, it is not possible to give a
complete description of these palaces; and the
very remembrance of them is a torment to one,
as putting one in mind what vastly rich build-
ings that fire which was kindled by the rob-
bers hath consumed; for these were not burnt
by the Romans, but by these internal plotters,
as we have already related, in the beginning
of their rebellion. That fire began at tbe
tower of Antonia, and went cn to the palaces,
and consumed the upper parts of the three
towers themselves.

CHAPTER V.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPLE.

§ 1. Now this temple, as I have already said,
was built upon a strong hill. At first the
plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the
holy house and the altar, for the ground about
it was very uneven, and like a precipice; but
when king Solomon, who was the person that
built the temple, had built a wall to it on its
east side, there was then added one cloister
founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the
other parts the holy house stood naked; but
in future ages the people added new banks,f
and the hill became a larger plain. They
then broke down the wall on the north side,
and took in as much as sufficed afterward for
the compass of the entire temple; and when
they had built walls on three sides of the tem-
ple round* about, from the bottom of the hill,
and had performed a work that was greater
than could be hoped for (in which work long
* These dove-courts in Josephus, huilt by Herod the
Great, nre, in the opinion of Reland, the very same that
are mentioned by the Talmudists, and named by them
“Herod’s dove-courts.” Nor is there any reason to
suppose otherwise, since in both accounts they were
expressly tame pigeons which were kept in them.

f See the description of the temples hereto belong-
ing, ch. xv. But note, that what Josephus here says
of the original scantiness of this Mount Moriah, that it
was quite too little for the temple, and that at first it
held only one cloister, or court of Solomon’s building,
and that the foundations were forced to be added long
afterwards by degrees, to render it capable of the clois-
ters for the other courts, &c., is without all foundation in
the Scriptures, and not at oil confirmed by his exacter
account in the Antiquities. All that is, or can be true,
is this:—That when the court of the Gentiles was loaf.
afterwards to he encompassed with cloisters, the south-
ern foundation for these cloisters was found not to be
large or firm enough, aud was raised, and that additional
foundatloMisupported by great pillars and arches under
ground, which Josephus speaks of elsewhere, Anliq.
h. xv. ch. xi. sect. 3, and which Mr. MauDdrel saw, and
desotibes, p. 100, as extant under ground at this day.CHAP. v.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

717

ngrs were spent by them, as well as all their
sacred treasures were exhausted, which were
still replenished by those tributes which were
sent to God from the whole habitable earth),
they then encompassed their upper courts with
cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the
lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest
part of this was erected to the height of three
hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet
did not the entire depth of the foundations
appear, for they brought earth, and filled up
the valleys, as being desirous to make them
on a level with the narrow streets of the city;
wherein they made use of stones of forty
cubits'in magnitude; for the great plenty of
money they then had, and the liberality of the
people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed
to an incredible degree; and what could not
be so much as hoped for as ever to be accom-
plished, was, by perseverance and length of
time, brought to perfection.

2. Now, for the works that were above
these foundations, these were not unworthy
of such foundations; for all the cloisters were
double, and the pillars to them belonging were
twenty-five cubits in height, and supported
the cloisters. These pillars were of one
entire stone each of them, and that stone was
white marble; and the roofs were adorned
with cedar, curiously graven. The natural
magnificence, and excellent polish, and the
harmony of the joints in these cloisters,
afforded a prospect that was very remarkable;
nor was it on the outside adorned with any
work of the painter or engraver. The clois-
ters [of the outmost court] were in breadth
thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it
was, by measure, six furlongs, including the
tower of Antonia; those entire courts that
were exposed to the air were laid with stones
of all sorts. When you go through these
[first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the]
temple, there was ..a'.partition made"'of stone
all round, whose height was three cubits: its
construction was very elegant; upon it stood
pillars, at equal distances from one another,
declaring the law of purity, some in Greek,
and some in Roman letters, that “ no foreigner
should go within, that sanctuary;” for that
second [court of the] temple was called “the
Sanctuary,” and was ascended to by fourteen
steps from the first court. This court was four-
square, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself;
the height of its buildings, although it was on
the outside forty cubits,* was hidden by the

* What Josephus seems here to mean is this:—That
these pillars, supporting the cloisters in the second court,
had their foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor
of the first or lowest court; but that so far of those low-
est parts as were equal to the elevation of the upper
floor above the lowest, were, and must be, hiddeu on
the inside by the ground or rock itself, on which that
upper court was built: so that forty cubits visible below,
were induced to twenty-live visible above, and implies
the difference of their heights to be fifteen cubits. The
main difficulty lies here, bow fourteen or fifteen steps
kliouia give an ascent of fifteen cubits, ha:f u cubit

steps, and on the inside that height was but
twenty-five cubits; for it being built over-
against a higher part of the hill with steps, it
was no farther to be entirely discerned within,
being covered by the hill itself. Beyond these
fourteen steps there was the distance of ten
cubits: this was all plain, whence there were
other steps, each of five cubits a-piece, that
led to the gates, which gates on the north and
south sides were eight, on each of those sides
four, and of necessity two on the east; for
since there was a partition built for the women
on that side, as the proper place wherein they
were to worship, there was a necessity of a
second gate for them: this gate was cut out
of its wall, over-against the first gate. There
was also on the other sides one souther^and
one northern gate, through which was a pas-
sage into the court of the women ; for as to
the other gates, the women were not allowed
to pass through them ; nor when they went
through their own gate could they go beyond
their own wall. This place was allotted to
the women of our own country, and of other
countries, provided they were of the same
nation, and that equally; the western part of
this court had no gate at all, but the wall was
built entire on that side; but then the clois-
ters which were betwixt the gates, extended
from the wall inward, before the chambers;
for they were supported by very fine and
large pillars. These cloisters were single,
and, excepting their magnitude, were no way
inferior to those of the lower court.

3. Now nine of these gates were on every
side covered over with gold and silver, as were
the jambs of their doors and their lintels;
but there was one gate that was without [the
inward court of] the holy house, which was
of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those
that were only covered over with silver and
gold. Each gate had two doors, whose height
was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth
fifteen. However, they had large spaces within
of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms,
and those, both in breadth and in length,
built like towers, and their height was above
forty cubits. Two pillars did also support
these rooms, and were in circumference
twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the
other gates were equal one to another; but
that over the Corinthian gate, which opened
on the east over-against the gate of the holy
house itself, was much larger; for its height
was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty
cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly
manner, as having much richer and thicker
plates of silver and gold upon them than the
other. These nine gates had that silver and
gold poured upon them by Alexander, the

seeming sufficient for a single step. Possibly there
were fourteen or fifteen steps at the partition-wall, and
fourteen or fifteen more thence into the court itself
which would bring the'whole near to the just pro-
portion. Sec sect. 3, infra. But I determine nothing.718

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

father of Tiberius. Now there were fifteen
steps, which led away from the wall of the
court of the women to this greater gate;
whereas those that led thither from the other
gjfes were five steps shorter.

4.	As to the holy house itself, which was
placed in the midst [of the inmost court],
that most sacred part of the temple, it was
ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its
height and its breadth were equal, and each a
hundred cubits, though it was behind forty
cubits narrower; for un its front it had what
may be styled shoulders on each side, that
passed twenty cubits farther. Its first gate
was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cu-
bits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it
represented the universal visibility of heaven,
uud thft it cannot be excluded from any place.
Its front was covered with gold all over, and
through it the first part of the house, that was
more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it
was very large, so did all the parts about the
more inward gate appear to shine to those that
saw them; but then, as the entire house was
divided into two parts within, it was only the
first part of it that was open to our view. Its
height extended all along to ninety cubits in
height, and its length was fifty cubits, and
its breadth twenty; but that gate which was
at this end of the first part of the house was,
as we have already observed, all over covered
with gold, ns was its w'hole wall about it: it
had also golden vines above it, from which
clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man’s
height; but then this house, as it was divided
into two parts, the inner part was lower than
the appearance of the outer, and had golden
doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen
in breadth; but before these doors there was
a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It
was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with
blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple,
and of a contexture that was truly wonderful.
Nor was this mixture of colours without ivs
mystical interpretation, but was a kind of
im^e of the universe; for by the scarlet there
seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the
line flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by
Lhe purple the sea; two of them having their
colours the foundation of this resemblance;
but the fine flax and the purple have their own
origin for that foundation, the earth producing
the one, and the sea the other. This cur-
tain hdd also embroidered upon it all that was
mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the
[twelve] signs, representing living creatures.

5.	When any persons entered into the tem-
ple, its floor received them. This part of the
temple therefore was in height sixty cubits,
and its length the same; whereas its breadth
was hut twenty cubits: but still that sixty
cubits in length was divided again, and the
first part of it cut otf at forty cubits, und had
U it three things that were very wonderful
iiid famous among all mankind; the candle-

stick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar
of incense. Now, the seven lamps signified
the seven planets; for so many there were
springing out of the candlestick. Now, the
twelve loaves that were upon the table signi-
fied the circle of the zodiac and the year; but
the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of
sweet-smelling spices with which the sea re-
plenished it, signified that God is the possessor
of all things that are both in the uninhabitable
and habitable parts of the earth, and that they
are all to be dedicated to his use. But the
inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty
cubits. This was also separated from the
outer part by a veil. In this there was no-
thing at all. It was inaccessible and invio-
lable, and not to be seen by any; and was
called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the
sides of the lower part of the temple there were
little houses, with passages out of one into
another; there were a great many of them,
and they were of three stories high; there
were also entrances on each side into them
from the gate^ of the temple. But the supe-
rior part of the temple had no such little
houses any farther, because the temple was
there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of
a smaller body than the lower parts of ir.
Thus we collect that the whole height, in-
cluding the sixty cubits from the floor,
amounted to a hundred cubits.

6.	Now the outward face of the temple in
its front wanted nothing that was likely to
surprise either men’s minds or their eyes: for
it was covered all over with plates of gold of
great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun,
reflected back a very fiery splendour, and
made those who forced themselves to look
upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they
would have done at the sun’s own rays. But
this temple appeared to strangers, when they
were at a distance, like a mountain covered
with snow; for, as to those parts of it that
were not gilt, they were exceeding white. On
its top it had spikes with sharp points, to pre-
vent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon
it. Of its stones, some of them were forty-
five cubits in length, five in height, and six in
breadth. Before this temple stood the altar,
fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length
and breadth; each of which dimensions was
fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was
a square, and it had corners like horns; and
the passage up to it was by an insensible ac-
clivity. It was formed without any iron tool,
nor did any such iron tool so much as
touch it at any time. There was a wall of
partition, about a cubit in height, made of
fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the
sight; this encompassed the holy house and
the altar, and kept the people that were on
the outside off from the priests. Moreover,
those that had the gonorrhoea and the leprosy
were excluded out of the city entirely; wo-
men also, when their courses were uponthem,chap. v.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

719

were shut out of the temple: nor when they
were free from that impurity, were they
allowed to go beyond the limit before-
mentioned ; men also, that were not thoroughly
pure, were prohibited to come into the inner
[court of the] temple; nay, the priests them-
selves that were not pure, were prohibited to
come into it also.

7. Now all those of the stock of the priests
that could not minister by reason of some
defect in their bodies, came within the partition
together with those that had no such imperfec-
tion, and had their share with them by reason
of their stock, but still made use of none
except their own private garments; for nobody
but he that officiated had on his sacred gar-
ments; but then these priests that were with-
out any blemish upon them, went up to the
altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained
chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest other-
wise they should transgress some rules of their
ministration. The high-priest did also go
up with them; not always indeed, but on
the seventh days and new moons, and if any
festivals belonging to our nation, which we
celebrate every year, happened. When he
officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that
reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs,
and had on an inner garment of linen, together
with a blue garment, round, without seam,
with fringe-work, and reaching to the feet.
There were also golden bells that hung upon
the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed
among them. The bells signified thunder,
and the pomegranates lightning. But that
girdle that tied the garment to the breast,
was embroidered with five rows of various
colours of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also
of fine linen and blue; with which colours,
we told you before, the veils of the temple
were embroidered also. The like embroidery
was upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold
therein was greater. Its figure was that of a
stomacher for the breast. There were upon it
two golden buttons like small shields, which
buttoned the ephod to the garment: in these
buttons were enclosed two very large and
very excellent sardonyxes, having the names
of the tribes of that nation engraved upon
them; on the other part were hung twelve
stones, three in a row one way, and four
in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an eme-
rald: a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire;
an agate, an amethyst, and a figure; an onyx,
a beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of
which was again engraved one of the fore-
mentioned names of the tribes. A mitre
also of fine linen encompassed his head,
which was tied by a blue riband, about
which there was another golden crown, in
which was engraven the sacred name [of
God]: it consists of four vowels. However, the
higb-orii’st did not wear these garments at
di'i. r '■ i 11• • -. but a more plain habit; he only
:•	went into the mo-t sacred part

of the temple, which he did but once a-year,
on that day when our custom is for all of us
to keep a fast to God. And thus much con-
cerning the city and the temple; but for the
customs and laws hereto relating, we shall
speak more accurately another time; for
there remain a great many things thereto
relating, which have not been here touched
upon.

8. Now, as to the tower of Antonia, it was
situated at the corner of two cloisters of the
court of the temple; of that on the west, and
that on the north; it was erected upon a rock
of fifty cubits in height, and was on a great
precipice; it was the work of king Herod,
wherein he demonstrated his natural magna-
nimity. In the first place, the rock itself was
covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from
its foundation, both for ornament, and that
any one who would either try to get up or to
go down it, might not be able to hold his feet
upon it. Next to this, and before you come
to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a
wall three cubits high; but within that wall
all the space of the tower of Antonia itself
was built upon, to the height of forty cubits.
The inward parts had the largeness and form
of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of
rooms and other conveniences, 6ueh as courts,
and places for bathing, and broad spaces for
camps; insomuch that, by having all conve-
niences that cities wanted, it might seem to
be composed of several cities, but by its mag-
nificence, it seemed a palace; and as the
entire structure resembled that of a tower, it
contained also four other distinct towers at its
four corners; whereof the others were but
fifty cubits high; whereas that which lay upon
the south-east corner was seventy cubits high,
that from thence the whole temple might be
viewed; but on the corner where it joined to
the two cloisters of the temple, it had passages
down to them both, through which the guard
(for there always lay in this tower a Roman
legion) went several ways among the cloisters,
with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in
ordier to watch the people, that they might not
there attempt to make any innovations; for
the temple was a fortress that guarded the
city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to
the temple; and in that tower were the guards
of those three.* There was also a peculiar
fortress belonging to the upper city, which wa3
Herod’s palace; but for the hill Bezctba, it
was divided from the tower of Antonia, as we
have already told you; and as that hill on
which the tower of Antonia stood, was the
highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the
new city, and was the only place that hindered
the sight of the temple on the north. And
this shall suffice at present to have spoken
about the city and the walls about it, because

* These three guards that lay in the tewer of Antoofs
must be those tnat guarded toe city, the temple, and the
tower of 3 atuiiiaWARS OP THE JEWS.

BOOK Y.

720

I have proposed to myself to make a more
accurate description of it elsewhere.

CHAPTER VI.

CONCERNING THE TYRANTS SIMON AND JOHN.
HOW ALSO, AS TITUS WAS GOING ROUND THE
WALL OF THE CITY, NICANOR WAS WOUNDED
BY A DART ; WHICH ACCIDENT PROVOKED
TITUS TO PRESS ON THE SIEGE.

§ 1. Now the warlike men that were in the
city, and the multitude of the seditious that
were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides
the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had fifty
commanders, over whom this Simon was su-
preme. The Idumeans that paid him homage
were five thousand, and had eight commanders,
among whom those of greatest fame were
Jacob, the son of Sosas, and Simon, the son
of Cathlas. John, who had seized upon the
temple, had six thousand armed men, under
twenty commanders; the zealots also that had
come over to him, and left off their opposition,
were two thousand four hundred, and had the
same commander that they had formerly,
Eleazar, together with Simon, the son of
Arinus. Now, while these factions fought one
against another, the people were their prey on
both sides, as we have said already; and that
part of the people who would not join with
them in their wicked practices, were plunder-
ed by both factions. Simon held the upper
city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and
as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam
to the east, and which went down to the
palace of Monobazus, who was king of the
Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held
that fountain, and the Acra, which was no
other than the lower city ; he also held all that
reached to the palace of queen Helena, the
mother of Monobazus: but John held the
temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a
great way, as also Ophla, and the valley
called “the Valley of Cedron;” and when the
parts that were interposed between their pos-
sessions were burnt by them, they left a space
wherein they might fight with each other; for
this internal sedition did not cease even when
the Romans were encamped near their very
walls. But although they had grown wiser
at the first onset the Romans made upon
them, this lasted but a while; for they return-
ed to their former madness, and separated one
from another, and fought it out, and did every
thing that the besiegers could desire them to
do; for they never suffered any thing that
was worse from the Romans than they made
each other suffer; nor was there any misery
endured by the city after these men’s actions
that could be esteemed new. But it was most
of all unhappy before it was overthrown,
while those that took it did it a greater kind-

ness; for I venture to affirm, that the sedition
destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed
the sedition, which it was a much harder thing
to do than to destroy the walls; so that we
may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own
people, and the just vengeance taken on them
to the Romans; as to which matter let every
one determine by the actions on both sides.

2. Now, when affairs within the city were
in this posture, Titus went round the city on
the outside with some chosen horsemen, and
looked about for a proper place where he
might make an impression upon the walls;
but as he was in doubt where he could pos-
sibly make an attack on any side (for the
place was no way accessible where the valleys
were, and on the other side the first wall ap-
peared too strong to be shaken by the engines),
he thereupon thought it best to make his as-
sault upon the monument of John the high-
priest; for there it was that the first fortifi-
cation was lower, and the second was not
joined to it, the builders neglecting to build
the wall strong where the new city was not
much inhabited; here also was an easy pas-
sage to the third wall, through which he
thought to take the upper city, and, through
the tower of Antonia, the temple itself. But
at this time, as he was going round about the
city, one of his friends, whose name wa6 Ni-
canor, was wounded with a dart on his left
shoulder, as he approached, together with Jo-
sephus, too near the wall, and attempted to
discourse to those that were upon the wall,
about terms of peace; for he was a person
known by them. On this account it was
that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehe-
mence, that they would not bear even such
as approached them to persuade them to what
tended to their own preservation, was pro-
voked to press on the siege. He also at the
same time gave his soldiers leave to set the
suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should
bring timber together, and raise banks against
the city; and when he had parted his army
into three parts, in order to set about those
works, he placed those that shot darts
and the archers in the midst of the banks
that were then raising; before whom he
placed those engines that threw javelins, and
darts, and stones, that he might prevent the
enemy from sallying out upon their works,
and might hinder those that were upon the
wall from being able to obstruct them. So
the trees were now cut down immediately,
and the suburbs left naked. But now while
the timber was carrying to raise the banks,
and the whole army was earnestly engaged in
their works, the Jews were not, however,
quiet; and it happened that the people of
Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered
and murdered, were now of good courage,
and supposed they should have a breathing-
time, while the others were very busy in
opposing their enemies without the city, andCHAP. VI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

721

that they should now be avenged on those
that bad been the authors of their miseries,
in case the Romans did but get the victory.

3. However, John staid behind, out of his
fear of Simon, even while his own men were
earnest in making a sally upon their enemies
without. Yet did not Simon lie still, for he
lay near the place of the siege; he brought
his engines of war, and disposed of them at
due distances upon the wall, both those which
they took from Cestius formerly, and those
which they got when they seized the garrison
that lay in the tower of Antonia. But
though they had these engines in their pos-
session, they had so little skill in using them,
that they were in a great measure useless to
them; but a few there were who had been
taught by deserters how to use them, wh^h
they did use, though after an awkward man-
ner. So they cast stones and arrows at those
that were making the banks; they also ran
out upon them by companies, and fought
with them. Now those that were at work
covered themselves with hurdles spread over
their hanks, and their engines were opposed to
them when they made their excursions. The
engines, that all the legions had ready pre-
pared for them, were admirably contrived;
but still more extraordinary ones belonged to
the tenth legion: those that threw darts and
those that threw stones, were more forcible and
larger than the rest, by which they not only
repelled the excursions of the Jews, hut drove
those away that were upon the walls also.
Now, the stones that were cast were of the
weight of a talent, and were carried two fur-
longs and farther. The blow they gave was
no way to be sustained, not only by those that
stood first in the way, but by those that were
beyond them for a great space. As for the
Jews, they at first watched the coining of the
stone, for it was of a white colour, and could
therefore not only be perceived by the great
noise it made, but could be seen also before
it came by its brightness; accordingly the
watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them
notice when the engine was let go, and toe
stone came from it, and cried out aloud, in
their own country language, “the son
cometh;”* so those that were in its way

! stood off, and threw themselves down upon
Jthe ground; by which means, and by their
thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down
land did them no harm. But the Romans
! contrived how to prevent that by blacking the
! stone, who then could aim at them with suc-
cess, when the stone was not discerned before-
hand, as it had been till then; and so they
! destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet
did not the Jews, under all this distress, per-
mit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet;
but they shrewdly and boldly exerted them-
selves, and repelled them both by night and
by' day.

4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman
works, the workmen measured the distance
there was from the wall, and this by lead and
a line, which they threw to it from their
banks; for they could not measure it any
otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at
them, if they came to measure it themselves;
and when they found that the engines could
reach the wall, they brought them thither.
Then did Titus set his engines at proper dis-
tances, so much nearer to the wall, that the
Jews might not be able to repel them, and
gave orders that they should go to work; and
when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed
round about from three places, and that on
the sudden, there was a great noise made by
the citizens that were within the city, and no
less a terror fell upon the seditious themselves;
whereupon both sorts, seeing the common
danger they were in, contrived to make a like
defence. So those of different factions cried
out one to another, that they acted entirely as
in concert with their enemies; whereas they
ought however, notwithstanding God did not
grant them a lasting concord, in their present
circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one
against another, and to unite together against
the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those
that came from the temple leave, by procla-
mation, to go upon the wall; John also him-
self, though he could not believe Simon was
in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on
both sides they laid aside their hatred and
their peculiar quarrels, and formed them-
selves into one body; they then ran round
the walls, and having a vast number of torches

• What should be the meaning of this signal or watch-
word, when the watchmen saw a stune coming from the
engine, “thk son cometh,” or what mistake there is
in the reading, 1 cannot tell The (MSS. both Greek
and Latin, all agree in this reading: and I cannot approve
of any cruuudless conjectural alteration of the text from
iHot to lot. that not the son or a stone, hut that the arrow
or dart cometh; as hath been made by Dr. Hudson, and
not corrected by Havcrcainp. Had Josephus written
even his first edition of these books of the war in pvie
Hebrew, or had the Jews then used (lie pure Hebrew at
Jerusalem, the Hebrew word for a son is so like that lor
a stone, hen ami ehen. that such a correction might have
been more easily admitted Hut Josephus wrote bis for-
mer edition for tile use of the Jews beyond t uphrates.
nnd so in the Coaldce language, as he did this second
edition in the Greek language; and bur was the Chaldee
worn lor ton, instead of the Hebrew hen, and was used, not
only in Chaldea, Hoc. but in .In.lea also, as the New
Testament informs us. Dio also lets us know, that the

y Romans at Rome pronounced the name
i of Gioras, liar Poras for Bar Gioras,

the name of Simon ihe
as we leatn

from Xiphiline, page 217. Keland takes notice, “that
many will here look for a mystery, as though the mean-
ing were, that the Sun of God came now to take ven.
geance on the sin9 of the Jewish nation;” which is
indeed the truth of the fact, but hardly what the Jews
could now mean: unless pussibly by way of Jerisior. of
'.hrist's threatening so often that he would conic at the
head of the Itomaij army for lheir destruction. Hut pven
this interpretation has hut a very small degree ot proba-
bility. If 1 were to make an emendation by inscc con-
jecture. 1 would read tit jo; instead of n'l't, t'inug:. the
likeness he not so great us in lot; because that is the
word used by Josephus just belure. as has been already
noted un this very occasion, while lot. an nr’-.jjv a: car’;
is only a poetical word, and never used by .losoptus
elsewhere, and is indeed no way suitable to the occasion,
this engine not throwing arrows or darts, but groat
pinnes, at this time.

z722

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

with t'uem, they threw them at the machines,
and shot darts perpetually upon those that
impelled those engines which battered the
wall; nay, the bolder sort leaped out by troops
upon the hurdles that covered the machines,
and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those
that belonged to them, and beat them, not so
much by any skill they had, as principally by
the boldness of their attacks. However, Ti-
tus himself sent assistance to those that were
the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and
archers on the several sides of the engines, and
thereby beat off those that brought the tire to
them; he also thereby repelled those that shot
stones or darts from the towers, and then set
the engines to work in good earnest; yet did
not the wall yield to these blows, excepting
where the battering-ram of the iifteenth
legion moved the corner of a tower, while the
wall itself continued unhurt; for the wall
was not presently in the same danger w'ith
the tower, which was extant far above it; nor
could the fall of that part of the tower easily
break down any part of the wall itself toge-
ther with it.

5. And now the Jews intermitted their sal-
lies for a while; but when they observed the
Romans dispersed all abroad at their works,
and in their several camps (for they thought
the Jews had retired out of weariness and
fear'), they ali at once made a sally et the tower
Hinpicus, through an obscure gate, and at the
same time brought fire to burn the works, and
went boldly up to the Romans, and to their
very fortifications themselves, where, at the
erv they made, those that were near them came
presently to their assistance, and those farther
off came running after them: and here the
boldness of tbe Jews was loo hard for the
good order of the Romans; and as they beat
tnose whom they first fell upon, so they press-
ed upon loose that were now gotten together.
So this fight about tbe machines was very hot,
whiie the one side tried hard to set them on
fire, and the other side to prevent it; on both
sides there was a confused cry made, and many
of those in the tore-front of the battle were
slain. However, the Jews were now too hard
for the Romans, by the furious assaults they
made like madmen; and the fire caught hold
or the works, and both all those works and
the engines themselves, had been in danger
of being burnt, had not many of those select
soldiers that came from Alexandria opposed
themselves to prevent it, and had they not
behaved themselves with greater courage than
they themselves supposed they could have
done; for they outdid those in this fight that
bad greater reputation than themselves before.
'Hits was the state of things till Caesar took
the stoutest of his horsemen and attacked the
enemy, while he himself slew twelve of those
that were in the fore-front of the Jews; which
Ocath of these men, when tbe rest of the mul
titude saw, they gave way, and he pursued

them, and drove them all into the city, ai;d
saved the works from the fire. How it hap-
pened at this fight, that a certain Jew was
taken alive, who, by Titus’s orders, was cru-
cified before the wall, to see whether tbe rest
of them would be affrighted, and abate of
their obstinacy. But after the Jews were
retired, John, who was commander of the Idu-
means, and was talking to a certain soldier of
his acquaintance before the wall, was wounded
by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and
died immediately, leaving the greatest lamen-
tation to tbe Jews, and sorrow to the sedi-
tious; for be was a man of great eminence,
both for his actions and his conduct also

CHAPTER VII.

HOW ONE OF THE TOWERS ERECTED BY THE
ROMANS FELL DOWN OF ITS OWN ACCORD;
AND HOW THE ROMANS, AFTER GREAT
SLAUGHTER HAD BEEN MADE, GOT POSSES-
SION OF THE FIRST WALL. HOW ALSO TITUS
MADE HIS ASSAULTS UPON THE SECOND
WALL; AS ALSO, CONCERNING LONGINUS
THE ROMAN, AND CASTOR THE JEW.

§ 1. Now, on the next night, a most sur-
prising disturbance fell upon the Romans;
for whereas Titus had given orders for the
erection of three towers of fifty cubits high,
that by setting men upon them at every bank,
be might from thence drive those away who
were upon the wall, it so happened that one
of these towers fell down about midnight;
and as its fall made a very great noise, fear
fell upon the army, and they, supposing that
the enemy was coming to attack them, ran
all to their arms. Whereupon a disturbance
and a tumult arose among the legions, and as
nobody could tell what bad happened, they
went on after a disconsolate manner; and see-
ing no enemy appear, they were afraid one
of another, and every one demanded of his
neighbour the watch-word with great earnest-
ness, as though the Jews had invaded their
camp. And now they were like people under
a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what
had happened, and gave orders that all should
be acquainted with it; and then, though with
some difficulty, they got clear of the disturb-
ance they bad been under.

2. Now, these towers were very trouble-
some to tbe Jews, who otherwise opposed the
Romans very courageously: for they shot at
them out of their lighter engines from those
towers, as they did also by those that threw
darts, and the archers, and those that slung
stones. For neither could the Jews reach those
that were over them, by reason of their height;
and it was not practicable to take. them, nor
to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to
set them on fire, because they were covdeu
with plates of iron. So they retired out ofCHAP. vir.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

723

the reach of the darts, and did no longer
endeavour to hinder the impression of their
rams, which, hy continually beating upon the
wall, did gradually prevail against it; so that
tlie wall already gave way to the Nico, for by
that name did the Jews themselves call the
greatest of their engines, because it conquered
all things. And now, they were for a long
while grown weary of lighting, and of keeping
guards, and were retired to lodge in the night-
time at a distance from the wall. It was on
other accounts also thought by them to be
superfluous to guard the wall, there being,
besides that, two other fortifications still
remaining, and they being slothful, and their
counsels having been ill-concerted on all
occasions; so a great many grew lazy, and
retired. Then the Romans mounted the
breach, where Nico had made one, and all the
Jews left the guarding that wall, and retreated
to the second wall; so those that had gotten
over that wall opened the gates, and received
all the army within it. And thus did the
Romans get possession of this first wall, on
the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the
seventh day of the mouth Artemisius [Jyar],
whep they demolished a great -part of it, as
well as they did of the northern parts of the
city, which had been demolished also by
Cestius formerly.

3. And now Titus pitched his camp within
the city, at that place which was called “ the
Camp of the Assyrians,” having seized upon
all that lay as far as Cedrou, but took care
to be out of the reach of the Jews’ darts.
He then presently began his attacks, upon
which the Jews divided themselves into seve-
ral bodies, and courageously defended that
wall; while John and his faction did it from
the tower of Antonia, and from the northern
cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans
before the monument of king Alexander; and
Simon’s army also took for their share the
spot, of ground that was near John’s monu-
ment, and fortified it as far as to that gate
where wale was brought in to the tower
liippicus. However, the Jews made violent
sallies, and that frequently also, and in bodies
together out of the gates, and there fought
the Romans; and when they were pursued
altogether to the wall, they were beaten
in those lights, as wanting the skill of
the Romans. Ilut when they fought them
from the walls, they were too hard for them,
the Romans being encouraged by their power,
joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their
boldness, which was nourished by the fear
they were in, and that hardiness which is
natural to our nation under calamities; they
were also encouraged still by the hope of
deliverance, as were the Romans by the hopes
of subduing them in a little time. Nor did
either side grow weary; but attacks and
figbtings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies
out in bodies, were practised all the day long;

nor were there any sort of warlike engage-
ments that were not then put in use. And
the night itself had much ado to part them,
when they began to light in the morning;
nay, the night itself was passed without sleep
on both sides, and was more uneasy than the
day to them, while the one was afraid lest the
wall should be taken, and the other lest the
Jews should make sallies upon their camps;
both sides also lay in their armour during the
night-time, and thereby were ready at the
first appearance of light to go to the battle
Now, among the Jews the ambition was who
should undergo the first dangers, and thereby
gratify their commanders. Above all, they
had a great veneration and dread of Simon;
and to that degree was he regarded by every
one of those that were under him, that at his
command they were very ready to kill them-
selves with their own hands. What made the
Romans so courageous, was their usual cus-
tom of conquering and disuse of being
defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual
warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their
dominion; and what was now their chief
encouragement, — Titus, who was present
everywhere with them all; for it appeared a
terrible thing to grow weary while Ciesar was
there, und fought bravely as well as they did,
and was himself at once an eye-witness of
such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he
who was to reward them also. It was,
besides, esteemed an advantage present to
have any one’s valour known by Caesar; on
which account many of them appeared to
have more alacrity than strength to answer it.
And now, as the Jews were about this tune
standing in array before the wali, and mat in
a strong body, and white both parties were
throwing their darts at each other, Longinus,
one of the equestrian order, leaDed out of
the army of the Romans, and leaped into the
very midst of the army of the Jews: and as
they dispersed’ themseives upon this attack,
lie slew two of their men of tne greatest cou-
rage; one of them he struck in his mouth, as
he was coming to meet him; the other was
slain by him with that very dart that he drew
out of the body of the other, with which he
ran this man through his side as he was run-
ning away from him; and when he had done
this, he first of all ran out of the midst of bis
enemies to his own side. So this man signa-
lized himself for his valour, and many there
were who were ambitious of gaining the like
reputation. And now the Jews were uncon-
cerned at what they suffered themselves from
the Romans, and were only solicitous about
what mischief they could do them: and death
itself seemed a small matter to them, if ?t
the same time they could but kill any one
of their enemies. But Titus took care to
secure his own soldiers from harm, as well
as to have them overcome their enemies.
He also said that inconsiderate violence was724

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

majr.ess; and that this alone was the true
courage that was joined with good conduct.
He therefore commanded bis men to take
care, when they fought their enemies, that
they received no harm from them at the same
time; and thereby show themselves to be
truly valiant men.

4. And r.ow Titus brought one* of his en-
gines to the middle tower of the north part
of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew,
whose name was Castor, lay in ambush, with
ten others like himself, the rest being fled
away by reason of the archers. These men
lay still for a while, as in great fear, under
their breast-plates; but when the tower was
shaken, theyarose; and Castor did then stretch
out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for
Ctesar, and by his voice moved his compas-
sion, and begged of him to have mercy upon
them; and Titus, in the innocency of his
heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hop-
ing that the Jews did now repent, stopped
the working of the battering-ram, and for-
bade them to shoot at the petitioners, and
bade Castor say what he had a mind to say to
him. He said that he would come down, if he
would give him his right hand for his secu-
rity. To which Titus replied, that he was
well pleased with such his agreeable conduct,
and would be well pleased if all the Jews
would be of his mind; and that he was ready
to give the like security to the city. Now
five of the ten dissembled with him, and pre-
tended to ^>eg lor mercy ; while the rest
cried out aloud, that they would never be
slaves to the Romans, w hile it was in their
power to die in a state of freedom. Now
while these men were quarrelling for a long
while, the attack was delayed ; Castor also
sent to Simon, and told him that they might
take some time for consultation about what
was to be done, because he would elude the
pow'er of the Romans for a considerable time.
And at the same lime that he sent thus to
him, he appeared openly to exhort those that
were obstinate to accept of Titus’s hand for
their security; but they seemed very angry
at it, and brandished their naked swords upon
the breast-works, and struck themselves upon
their breast, and fell down as if they had
been slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with
him, were amazed a; the courage of the men;
and as they were not able to’see exactly what
was done, they admired at their great fortitude,
and pitied their calamity. During this inter-
val, a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and
wounded him in his nose; whereupon he pre-
sently pulled out the dart, and showed it to Ti-
tus, and complained that this was unfair treat-
ment: soCaesarreproved him that shotthedart,
and sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to
givr bis right ham! to Castor. But Josephus
said >.hut he would not go to him, because
Inn-..	petitioners meant nothing

tliut was gtinr;; n.- ai-o restrained those friends

of his who were zealous to go to him. But
still there was one iEneas, a deserter, who
said he would go to him. Castor also called

re-
t his

made iEneas the more earnestly to run to him
with his bosom open. Then did Castor lake
up a great stone and threw it at him, which
missed him, because he guarded himscli
against it; but still it wounded another sulnier
that was coming to him. When Ciesar under-
stood that this was a delusion, he perceived
that mercy in war is a pernicious tiling,
because such cunning tricks have less place
under the exercise of greater severity. So
he caused the engine to work more strongly
than before, on account of his anger at the
deceit put upon him. But Castor and his
companions set the tower on fire when it begun
to give way, and leaped through the flume into
a hidden vault that was under it; which made
the Romans farther suppose that they were
men of great courage, as having cast them-
selves into the fire.

to them, that somebody should come and
ceive the money which he bad with him;

CHAPTER VIII.

IIOW THE ROMANS TOOK THE SECOND WALL
TWICE, AND GOT ALL READY FOR TAKING
THE THIRD WALL.

§ 1. Now Ctesar took this wall there on the
fifth day after he had taken the first; and
when the Jews had fled from him, he entered
into it with a thousand armed men, and those
of his choice troops, and this at a place where
were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and
the market for cloth, and where the narrow
streets led obliquely to the wall. Wherefore,
if Titus had either demolished a larger part of
the wall immediately, or had come in, and ac-
cording to the law of war, had laid waste what
was left, his victory would not, I suppose, have
been mixed with any loss to himself; but
now, out of the hope he had that he should
make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by
not being willing, when he was able to afflict
them more than he needed to do, he did tint
widen the breach of the wall in order tc make
a safer retreat upon occasion; for he did not
think they would lay snares for him that did
them such a kindness. When, therefore, be
came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kili
any of those they caught, nor to set tire to
their houses neither; nay, ho gave leave to
the seditious, if they had a mind, to light
without any barm to the people, and promised
to restore the people’s effects to them; for ho
was very desirous to preserve the city for his
own sake, and the temple for ibe sake of the
city. As to the people, he had them of a
long time ready to comply with his proposals;
but as to the fighting men, this humanity of
his seemed a mark of bis weakness; and theyCHAP. IX.

W Ml.	7 E JEWS.

725

imagined that he made these proposals because
he was not able to take the rest of the city.
They also threatened death to the people, if
they should any one of them say a word about
a surrender. They moreover cut. the throats
of such as talked of a peace, and then attacked
those Romans that were come within the
wall. Some of them they met in the narrow
streets, and some they fought against from
their houses, while they made a sudden sally
out at the upper gates, and assaulted such
Romans as were beyond the wall, till those
that guarded the wall were so affrighted, that
they leaped down from their • towers, and
retired to their several camps: upon which a
great noise was made by the Romans that
were within, because they were encompassed
round on every side by their enemies; as also
by them that were without, because they were
in fear for those that were left in the city.
Thus did the Jews grow more numerous per-
petually, and had great advantages over the
Romans, by their full knowledge of those
narrow lanes; and they wounded a great
many of them, and fell upon them, and drove
them out of the city. Now these Romans
were at present forced to make the best resis-
tance they could; for they were not able, in
great numbers, to get out at the breach in the
wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable
that all those that were gotten within had
been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them
succours; for he ordered the archers to stand
at the upper ends of these narrow lanes, and
he stood himself where was the greatest mul-
titude of his enemies, and with his darts he
put a stop to them; as with him did Domi-
tius Sabinus also, a valiant man, and one
that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus
did Ctesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews
continually, and to hinder them from coming
upon his men, and this until all his soldiers
had retreated out of the city.

2. And thus were the Romans driven out,
after they had possessed themselves of the
second wall. Whereupon the fighting men
that were in the city were lifted up in their
minds, and were elevated upon this their good
success, and began to think that the Romans
would never venture to come into the city any
more; and that, if they kept within it them-
selves, they should not be any more con-
quered; for God had blinded their minds for
t he transgressions they had been guilty of,
nor could they see how much greater forces
the Romans had than those that were now
expelled, no more than they could discern
how a famine was creeping upon them; for
hitherto they had fed themselves out of the
public miseries, and drank the blood of the
city. But now poverty had for a long time
seized upon the better part, and a great many
had died already for want of necessaries;
;<lthough the seditious indeed supposed the
destruction of the people So be a;, i.i>emcni to

tin mselves; for they desired that none others
might be preserved but such as were against
a peace with the Romans, and were resolved
to live in opposition to them, and they were
pleased when the multitude of those of a con-
trary opinion were consumed, as being then
freed from a heavy burden: and this was their
disposition of mind with regard to those that
were within the city, while they covered them-
selves with their armour, and prevented the
Romans, when they were trying to get into
the city again, and made a wall of their own
bodies over-against that part of the wall that
was cast down. Thus did they valiantly
defend themselves for three days; but on the
fourth day they could not support themselves
against the vehement assaults of Titus, but
were compelled by force to fly whither they
had fled before; so he quietly possessed him-
self again of that wall, and demolished it
entirely; and when he had put a garrison
into the towers that were on the south parts
of the city, he contrived how he might assault
the third wall.

CHAPTER IX.

TITOS, WHEN THE JEWS WERE NOT AT ALL
MOLLIFIED BY HIS LEAVING OFF THE
SIEGE FOR A WHILE, SET HIMSELF AGAIN
TO PROSECUTE THE SAME; BUT SOON SENT
JOSEPHUS TO DISCOURSE WITH HIS OWN
COUNTRYMEN ABOUT PEACE.

§ 1. A resolution was how taken by Titus
to relax the siege for a little while, and to
afford the seditious an interval for considera-
tion, and to see whether the demolishing of
their second wall would not make them a little
more compliant, or whether they were not
somewhat afraid of a famine, because the
spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be
sufficient for them long; so he made use of
this relaxation, in order to compass his own
designs. Accordingly, ns the usual appointed
time when he must distribute subsistence-
money to the soldiers was now come, he gave
orders that the commanders should put the
army into battle array, in the face of the
enemy, and then give every one of the soldiers
their pay. So the soldiers, according to cus-
tom, opened the cases wherein their arms
before lay covered, and marched with their
breast-plates on; as did the horsemen leaxl
their horses in their fine trappings. Then
did the places that were before the city shine
very splendidly for a great way; nor was there
any thing so grateful to Titus’s own men, or
so terrible to the enemy, as that sight; for the
whole old wall and the north side of the tem-
ple were full of spectators, and one might see
the houses lull of such as looked at them; nor
wn.- there any part of the city which was rotWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

7SC

covered over with their multitudes; nay, a
very great consternation seized upon the har-
di'^t ul ♦lie Jews themselves, when they saw
all tin: arniv in the same place, together with
the oneness of their arms, and tlie good
cn'cer of' tiicir men; and 1 cannot but think
tint the seditious would have changed their
in’iuls at that sight, unless the crimes they
had commuted against the people had been
so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness
from the Romans; but as they believed death
witii torments must be their puuishment, if
they did not go on in the defence of the city,
they thought it much better to die in war.
Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the
innocent were to perish with the guilty, and
the city was to be destroyed with the seditious
that were in it.

“2. Thus did the Romans spend four days
in bringing this subsistence-money to the
several legions; but on the fifth day, when
no s'gns of peace appeared to come from the
Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to
raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and
at John’s monument. Mow his designs were
to take the upper city at that monument, and
the temple at the tower of Antonia; for if
the temple were not taken it would be dan-
gerous to keep the city il self; so at each of
these parts he raised him banks, each legion
raising one. As for those that wrought at
John’s monument, the ldtmneans, and those
that were in arms with Simon, made sallies
upon them, and put some stop to them; while
John’s party, and the multitude of zealots with
them, did the like to those that were before
the tower of Antonia. These Jews were now
too hard for the Romans, not only in direct
fighting, because they stood upon the higher
ground, but because they had now learned to
use their own engines; for their continual use
of them, one day after another, did by degrees
improve their skill about them ; for of one
sort of engines for darts tjiey bud three hun-
dred, and forty for stones; by the means of
which they made it more tedious for the Ro-
mans to raise their banks; but then Titus,
knowing that the city would be either saved
or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed
earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have
the Jew’s exhorted to repentance; so he mixed
good counsel with his works for the siege;
and being sensible that exhortations are
frequently more effectual than arms, he per-
suaded them to surrender the city, now in a
manner already taken, and thereby to save
themseives, and sent Josephus to speak to
them ir. their own language ; for he imagined
they might yield to the persuasion of a coun-
tryman of their own.

3. So Josephus went round about the wall,
and tried to find a place that was out of the
reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing,
amlbe.'OUglit; In min many wonisto spare them-
selves, to;|iaiv their counirj ;.in. tbeii temple,

and not to be more obdurate in these cases
than foreigners themselves; for that the Ro-
mans, who had no relation to those things, had
a reverence for their sacred rites and places,
although they belonged to their enemies, and
bad till now kept their hands off from med-
dling w’ith them; while such as were brought
up under them, and, if they be preserved,
will be the only people that will reap the bene-
fit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed.
That certainly they have seen their strongest
walls demolished, and that the wall slill
remaining was weaker than those that were
already taken. That they must know the Ro-
man power was invincible, and that they had
been used to serve them ; for, that in case it
be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty,
that ought to have been done at first; but tor
them that have once fallen under the power of
the Romans, and have now submitted to them
for so many long years, to pretend to shake off
that yoke afterward, was the work of such as
hud a mind to die miserably, not of such as were
lovers of liberty. Besides, men may well
enough grudge at the dishonour of owning ig-
noble masters over them, but ought not to do
so to those who have all things under their com-
mand: for what part of the world is there that
hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as
are of no use, for violent heat or violent cold?
And evident it is, that fortune is on all hands
gone over to them; and that God, when he
had gone round the nations with this domi-
nion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover,
it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute
beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those
that are too strong for them; and to sutler
those to have dominion who are too hard for
the rest in war; lor which reason it was that
their forefathers, who were far superior to
them both in their souls and bodies, and other
advantages, did yet submit to the Romans;
which they would not have sulK-rcd, had they
not known that God was with them. As for
themselves, what can they depend on in this
their opposition, when the greatest part of
their city is already taken? and when those
that are within it are under greater miseries
than if they were taken, although their walls
be still standing? For that the Romans
are not unacquainted with that famine which
is in the city, whereby the people are already
consumed, and the lighting men will in a
little time be so too; for ulthough the Ro-
mans should leave off the siege, and not
fall upon the city with their swords in their
hands, yet was there an insuperable war that
beset them within, and was augmented every
hour, unless they were able to wage war with,
famine, and fight against it, or could alone
conquer their natural appetites. He added
this farther, How right a thing it was to
change their conduct before their calamities
were become incurable, and to have recoin se
to such auviee as might preserve them, \MnieCHAP. IX.

WARS OP THE JEWS.

opportunity was offered them for so doing;
for that the Romans would not be mindful of
their past actions to their disadvantage, unless
they persevered in their insolent behaviour to
the end ; because they were naturally mild in
their conquests, and preferred what was pro-
fitable, before what their passions dictated to
them; which profit of theirs lay not in leaving
the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country
a desert; on which account Caesar did now
offer them his right hand for their security.
Whereas, if he took the city by force, he
would not save any one of' them, and this
especially, if they rejected bis offers in these
their utmost distresses; for the walls that
were already taken, could not but assure them
that the third wall would quickly be taker
also; and though their fortifications should
prove too strong for the Romans to break
through them, yet would the famine fight for
the Romans against them.

4. While Josephus was making this exhor-
tation to the Jews, many of them jested upon
him from the wall, and many reproached him;
nay, some threw their darts at him; but when
he could not himself persuade them by such
open good advice, he betook himself to the
histories belonging to their own nation; and
cried out aloud, “O miserable creatures 1 are
you so unmindful of those that used to assist
you, that you will fight by your weapons and
by your hands against the Romans? When
did we ever conquer any other nation by such
means? and when was it that God, who is
the Creator of the Jewish people, did not
avenge them when they had been injured?
Will not you turn again, and look back, and
consider whence it is that you fight with such
violence, and how great a Supporter you have
profanely abused? Will not you recall to
mind the prodigious things done for your
forefathers and this holy place, and how great
enemies of yours were by him subdued under
you? 1 even tremble myself in declaring the
works of God before your ears, that are
unworthy to hear them: however, hearken to
me, that you may be informed how you fight,
not only against the Romans but against God
himself. In old times there was one Necao,
king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh:
be came with a prodigious army of soldiers,
and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our
nation. What did Abraham our progenitor
then do? Did he defend himself from this
injurious person by war, although he had
three hundred and eighteen captains under
him, and an immense army under each of
them? Indeed, he deemed them to be no
number at all without God’s assistance, and
only spread out his hands towards this holy
place,* which you have now polluted, and

• Josephus supposes, in this his admirable speech to
the Jews, that not Abraham only, hut i’tiaraoh king of
Mgypt, prayed inwards a temple at Jerusalem, or towards
Jerusalem ii«'ll. i.. whmli were Mount Sion and Mount

727

reckoned upon him as upon his invisible sup-
porter, instead of his own army. Was not
our queen sent back, without any defilement,
to her husband, the very next evening 1—
while the king of Egypt fled away, adorning
this place which you have defiled by shedding
thereon the blood of your countrymen; and
he also trembled at those visions which he
saw in the night-season, and bestowed both
silver and gold oil the Hebrews, as on a peo-
ple beloved of God. Shall 1 say nothing, or
shall I mention the removal of our lathers
into Egypt, who, when they were used tyran-
nically. and were fallen under the power of
foreign kings for four hundred years toge-
ther, and might have defended themselves by
war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but
commit themselves to God? Who is there
that does not know that Egypt was over-ruti
with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed
by all sorts of distempers? bow their land
did not bring forth its fruit; bow the Nile
failed of water; how the ten plagues of
Egypt followed one upon another? and bow.
by those means, our fathers were sent away,
under a guard, without any bloodshed, and
without running any dangers, because God
conducted them as his peculiar seivants?
Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the
ravage the Assyrians■(• made, when they car-
ried sway our sacred ark? as did tlie:r iool
Dagcn, und as also did that entire nation of
those that carried it awayt how they were
smitten with' a loathsome distemper in the
secret parts of their bodies, when their very
bowels came down together with what they
had eaten, till those hands that stole it away
were obliged to bring it back again, and that
with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and
other oblations, in order to appease the anger
of God for their violation of bis boly ark.
It wa9 God who then became our general,
and accomplished these great things for our
fathers, and this because they did not meddle
with war and fighting, but committed it to
him to judge about their affairs. When Sen-
nacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with
him all Asia, and eiicom passed this city
round with his army, did he fall by the bands
of men? were not those hands lifted up

Moriah, on which the tabernacle and tern pie did after-
wards stand; and this long before cither the Jewish
tabernacle or temple were built; nor is the famous com-
mand given by God to Abraham, to go two o> three days’
journey, on purpose to offer up lus sou Isaac .here, n...‘a-
vourable to such a notion.

+ Note here, that Josephus, in this his same admirable
speech, calls the Syrians, nay, even tne i’luliMiues, on
the most south part of Syria. Assyrians; uliiih Hrlaid
observes as what was common among the ancient wri-
ters Note also, that Josephus might well pul the Jews
in mind, as he does here more than once, of their won-
derful and truly miraculous deliverance Ironi Sennache-
rib. king of Assyria, while tile llouian army, and himself
with them, were now encamped upon and beyond that
very spot of ground where the Assyrian army lay .’00
years before, and which retained the very name of ffi-
Camp of the Assyrians to that very day. See chap, vii
sect 3; and ebap. xii. sect 2,728	WARS OF THE JEWS.	ROOK V.

to God in prayers, without meddling with
their arms, when the angel of God destroyed
that prodigious army in one night? when
the Assyrian king, as he rose next day,
found a hundred fourscore and live thousand
dead bodies, arid when he, with the remain-
der of his army, fled away from the Hebrews,
though they were unarmed, and did not pur-
sue theml You are also acquainted with the
slavery we were under at Babylon, where the
people were captives for seventy years; yet
were they not delivered into freedom again
before God made Cyrus his gracious instru-
ment in bringing it about; accordingly, they
were set free by him, and did again restore
the worship of their Deliverer at his temple.
And, to speak in general, we can produce no
example wherein our fathers got any success
by war, or failed of success, when without
war they committed themselves to God. When
they staid at home they conquered, as pleased
their Judge; but when they went out to fight
they were always disappointed: for example,
when the king of Babylon besieged this very
city, and our king Zedekiah fought against
him, contrary to what predictions were made
to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at
once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the
temple demolished. Yet how much greater
was the moderation of that king, than is that
of your present governors, and that of the
people then under him, than is that of you at
this time! for when Jeremiah cried out aloud,
how very angry God was at them, because of
their transgressions, and told them that they
should be taken prisoners, unless they would
surrender up their city, neither did the king
nor the people put him to death; but for you
(to pass over what you have done within the
city, which I am not able to describe, as your
wickedness deserves), you abuse me, and
throw darts at me, who oidy exhort you to
save yourselves, as being provoked when you
are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear
the very mention of those crimes which you
every day perpetrate. For another example,
when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes,
lay before this city, and had been guilty of
many indignities against God, and our fore-
fathers met him in arms, they then were slain
in the battle, this city was plundered by our
enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for
three years and six months. And what need
I bring any more examples! Indeed, what
can it be that hath stirred up an army of the
Romans against our nation? Is it not the
impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our
servitude commence? Was it not derived
from the seditions that were among our fore-
fathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and
Ilyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought
Pompey upon this city, and when God re-
duced those under subjection to the Romans,
who were unworthy of the liberty they had en-
joyed? Aftei aciege,therefore,of three months.

they were forced to surrender themselves,
although they had not been guilty of such
offences with regard to our sanctuary and
our laws, as you have; and this while they
had much greater advantages to go to war
than you have. Do not vve know what
end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came
to, under whose reign God provided that
this city should be taken again upon account
of the people’s offences? When Herod, the
son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and
Sosius brought upon us the Roman army,
they were then encompassed and besieged for
six months, till, as a punishment for their sins,
they were taken, and the city was plundered
by the enemy. Thus it appears, that arms
were never given to our nation; but that we
are always given up to be fought against, and
to be taken; for I suppose, that such us in-
habit this holy place ought to commit the
disposal of all things to God, and then only
to disregard the assistance of men when they
resign themselves up to their arbitrator, who
is above. As for you, what have you done of
those things that are recommended by our
legislator! and what have you not done of
those things that he hath condemned! How
much more impious are you than those who
were so quickly taken 1 You have not avoided
so much as those sins which are usually done
in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots
against men, and adulteries. You are quar-
relling about rapines and murders, aud invent
strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the tem-
ple itself is become the receptacle of all, and
this divine place is polluted by the hands of
those of our own country; which place hath
yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was
at a distance from them, when they have suf-
fered many of their own customs to give
place to our law. And, after all this, do you
expect Him whom you have so impiously
abused to be your supporter? To be sure
then you have a right to be petitioners, and
to call upon him to assist you, so pure are
your hands! Did your king [Hezekiah]
lift up such hands in prayer to God against
the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that
great army in one night? And do the Ro-
mans commit such wickedness as did the king
of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope
for the like vengeance upon them? Did not
that king accept of money from our king upon
this condition, that he should not destroy
the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had
taken, he came down to burn the temple?
while the Romans do demand no more than
that accustomed tribute which our fathers
paid to their fathers; and if they may but
once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy
this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay,
they will grant you besides, that your poste-
rity shall be free, and your possessions secured,
to you, and will preserve your holy laws
inviolate to you. And it i. pl<n.. ...adnessCHAP. X,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

729

to expect that God Bhould appear as well them. O hard-hearted wretches as you are!
disposed towards the wicked as towards the
righteous, since he knows when it is proper
to punish men for their sins immediately;
accordingly he brake the power of the Assy-
rians the very first night that they pitcLed
their camp. Wherefore, had he judged that
our nation was worthy of freedom, or the
Romans of punishment, he had immediately
inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as
he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey
began to meddle with our nation, or when
after him Sosius came up against us, or when
Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when
Titus came first of all near to this city;
although Magnus and Sosius did not only suf-
fer nothing, but took the city by force; as did
Vespasian go from the war he made against
you to receive the empire; and as for Titus,
those springs that were formerly almost dried
up when they were under your power,* since
he is come, run more plentifully than they
did before; accordingly, you know that
Siloam, as well as all the other springs that
were without the city, did so far fail, that
water was sold by distinct measures; whereas
they now have such a great quantity of water
for your enemies, as is sufficient not only
for drink both for themselves and their
cattle, but for watering their gardens also.

The same wonderful sign you had also expe-
rience of formerly, when the fore-mentioned
king of Babylon made war against us, and
when he took the city and burnt the temple;
while yet I believe the Jews of that age were
not so impious as you are. Wherefore I
cannot but suppose that God is fled out
of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of
those against whom you fight. Now, even a
man, if he be but a good man, will fly from
an impure house, and will hate those that are
in it; and do you persuade yourselves that
God will abide with you in your iniquities,
who sees all secret things, and hears what
is kept most private! Now, what crime is
there, I pray you, that is so much as kept
secret among you, or is concealed by youl

nay, what is there that is not open to your .	-	, - ,	a

very enemies 1 for you show your transgres- cious things that had been laid up as treasures

cast away all your arms, and take pity of your
country already going to ruin; return from
your wicked ways, and have regard to the
excellency of that city which you are going
to betray, to that excellent temple with the
donations of so many countries in it. Who
could bear to be the first to set that temple
on fire! who could be willing that these things
should be no more! and what is there that
can better deserve to be preserved! O insen-
sible creatures, and more stupid than are the
stones themselves ! And if you cannot look
at these things with discerning eyes, yet,
however, have pity upon your families, and
set before every one of your eyes your chil
dren, and wives and parents, who will be
gradually consumed either by famine or by
war. I am sensible that this danger will
extend to my mother, and wife, and to that
family of mine who have been by no means
ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very
eminent in old times; and perhaps you may
imagine that it is on their account only that
I give you this advice: if that be all, kill
them; nay, take my own blood as a reward,
if it may but procure your preservation; for
I am ready to die in case you will but return
to a sound mind after my death.

CHAPTER X.

HOW A GREAT MANY OP THE PEOPLE EAR-
NESTLY ENDEAVOURED TO DESERT TO THE
ROMANS ; AB ALSO WHAT INTOLERABLE
THINGS THOSE THAT STAID BEHIND SUF-
FERED BY FAMINE, AND THE SAD CONSB
QUENCES THEREOF.

§ 1. As Josephus was speaking thus with a
loud voice, the seditious would neither yield
to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for
them to alter their conduct; but as for the
people, they had a great inclination to desert
to the Romans; accordingly, some of them
sold what they had, and even the most _pre-

sions after a pompous manner, and contend
one with another which of you shall be more
wicked than another; and you make a public
demonstration of your injustice, as if it were
virtue 1 However, there is a place left for
your preservation, if you be willing to accept
of it; and God is easily reconciled to those
that confess their faults, and repent of

• This drying np of the Jerusalem fountain of Siloam,
when the Jews wanted it, and its flowing abundantly
when the enemies of the Jews wanted it, and these both
in the dAys of Zedekiah and of Titus (and this last as a
certain eveDt well known by the Jews at that time, as
Jo	...

eery wicked, at both those times of the
Jerusalem.

ey were gro
destruction

by them, for a very small matter, and swal-
lowed down pieces of gold, that they might
not be found out by the robbers; and when
they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool,
and had wherewithal to provide plentifully
for themselves; for Titus let a great number
of them go away into the country, whither
they pleased; and the main reasons why they
were so ready to desert were these: That now
they should be freed from those miseries
which they had endured in that city, and yet
should not be in slavery to the Romans: how-
ever, John and Simon, with their factions, did
more carefully watch these men’s going out
than they did the coming in of the Romans;
and, if any one did but afford the least739

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V.

‘l.bdow of suspicion of such an intention, his
throat was cut immediately.

2.	But as for the richer sort, it proved all
one to them whether they staid in the city or
nttempted to get out of it, for they were
equally destroyed in both cases; for every
such person was put to death under this pre-
tence, that they were going to desert,—but in
reality that the robbers might get what they
had. The madness of the seditious did also
increase together with their famine, and both
those miseries were every day inflamed more
and more; for there was no corn which any-
where appeared publicly, but-the robbers came
running into, and searched men’s private
bouses ; and then, if they found any, they
tormented them, because they had denied they
had any; and if they found none, they tor-
mented them worse, because they supposed
they had more carefully concealed it. The
indication they made use of whether they had
any or not, was taken from the bodies of these
miserable wretches; which, if they were in
jood case, they supposed they were in no want
at all of food; but if they were wasted away,
they walked off without searching any far-
ther: nor did they think it proper to kill such
as these, because they saw they would very
soon die of themselves for want of food.
Many there were indeed who sold what they
iud for one measure; it was of wheat, ;f they
were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they
were poorer. When these had so done, they
shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of
their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten;
some did it without grinding it, by reason of
.he extremity of the want they were in, and
Jthers baked bread of it, according as neces-
sity and fear dictated to them: a table was
nowhere laid for a distinct meal, but they
matched the bread out of the fire, half baked,
and ate it very hastily.

3.	It was now a miserable case, and a
sight that would justly bring tears into our
eyes, how men stood as to their food, while
the more powerful had more than enough,
and the weaker were lamenting [for want of
it]. J3ut the famine was too hard for all other
passions, and it is destructive to nothing so
much as to modesty; for what was otherwise
worthy of reverence was in this case despised;
insomuch that children pulled 'the very mor-
sels that their fathers were eating out of their
very mouths, and what was stiil more to be
pitied, so did the mothers do as to their in-
fants; and when those that were most dear
were perishing under their hands, they were
not ashamed to take from them the very last
drop3 that might preserve their lives; and
while they ate after this manner, yet were they
not concealed in so doing; but the seditious
everywhere came upon them immediately, and
snatched away from them what they had got-
ten from others; for when they saw any bouse
shut up, this was to them a signal that the

people within bad gotten 60ine food; where-
upon they broke open the doors, and ran in,
and took pieces of what they were eating,
almost up out of their very throats, and this
by force: the old men, who held their
food fast, were beaten ; and if the women,
hid wbat they bad within their hands, their
hair was torn for so doing; nor was there
any commiseration shown either to the aged
or to infants, but they lifted up children from
the ground as they hung upon the morsels
they had gotten, and shook them down upon
the floor; but still were they more barba-
rously cruel to those that had prevented their
coming in, and had actually swallowed down
what they were going to seize upon, as if they
had been unjustly defrauued of their right.
They also invented terrible methods of tor-
ment to discover where any food was, and
they were these: to stop up the passages of
the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and
to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments 1
and a man was forced to bear what it is terri-
ble even to hear, in order to make him con-
fess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that
he might discover a handful of barley-meal
that was concealed; and this was done when
these tormentors were not themselves hungry;
lor the thing had been less barbarous had
necessity forced them to it; but this was done
to keep their madness in exercise, and as mak-
ing preparation of provisions for themselves
for the following days. These men went also
to meet those that bad crept out of the city
by night, as far as the Roman guards, to ga-
ther some plants and herbs that grew wild;
and when those people thought they had got
clear of the enemy, these snatched from them
what they had brought with them, even while
they had frequently entreated them, and that
by calling upon the tremendous name of God,
to give them back some part of wbat they bad
brought; though these would iiot give them
the least crumb; and they were to be well
contented tliat they were only spoiled, and
not slain at the same time.

4.	These were the afflictions which the
lower sort of people suffered from these ty-
rants’ guards; hut for the men that were ill
dignity, and withal were rich, they were car-
ried before the tyrants themselves; some of
whom were falsely accused of laying treache-
rous plots, and so were destroyed; others of
them were charged with designs of betraying
the city to the Romans: but the readiest way
of all was this, to suborn somebody to allinn
that they were resolved to desert to the
enemy; and he who was utterly despoiled of
what he had by Simon, was sent back again
to John, as of those who bad been already
plundered by John, Simon got what remained;
insomuch that they drank the blood of the
populace to' one another, and divided the
dead bodies of the poor creatures between
them- so that although, on account of theirCHAP. XI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

731

ambition after dominion, they contended with
each other, yet did they very well agree in
their wicked practices; for he that did not
communicate what he had got by the miseries
of others to the other tyrant, seemed to be too
little guilty, and in one respect only; and he
that did not partake of what was so communi-
cated to him, grieved at this, as at the loss of
what was a valuable thing, that he had no
share in such harbailty.

5. It is therefore impossible to go distinctly
over every instance of these men’s iniquity.
I shall therefore speak my mind here at once
briefly: — That neither did any other city ever
suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever
breed a generation more fruitful in wicked-
ness than this was, from the beginning of the
world. Finally, they brought the Hebrew
nation into contempt, that they might them-
selves appear comparatively less impious with
regard to strangers. They confessed what
was true, that they were the slaves, the scum,
and the spurious and abortive offspring of our
nation, while they overthrew the city them-
selves, and forced the Romans, whether they
would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation,
by acting gloriously against them, and did
almost draw that tire upon the temple, which
they seemed to think came too slowly; and,
indeed, when they saw that temple burning
from the upper city, they were neither trou-
bled at it, nor did they shed any tears on
that account, while yet these passions were
discovered among the Romans themselves:
which circumstances we shall speak of here-
after in their proper place, when we come to
treat of such matters.

CHAPTER XI.

HOW THE JEWS WERE CRUCIFIED BEFORE
THE WALLS OF THE CITY. CONCERNING
ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES; AND HOW THE
JEWS OVERTHREW THE BANKS THAT HAD
BEEN RAISED BY THE ROMANS.

§ 1. So now Titus’s banks were advanced
a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had
been very much distressed from the wall. He
then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered
they should lay ambushes for those that went
out into the valleys to gather food. Some of
these were indeed fighting men, who were not
contented with what they got by rapine; but
the greater part of them were poor people,
who were deterred from deserting by the con-
cern they were under for their own relations:
for they could not hope to escape away, toge-
ther with their wives and children, without
the knowledge of the seditious; nor could
they think of leaving these relations to be
slain by the robbers on their account; nay,
the severity of the famine made them bold in

thus going out: so nothing remained but tbs.t,
when they were concealed from the robbeTs,
they should be taken by the enemj'; and
when they were going to he taken, they were
forced to defend themselves, for fear of being
punished: as after they had fought, they
thought it too late to make any supplications
for mercy: so they were first whipped, and
then tormented with all sorts of tortures
before they died, and were then crucified
before the wall of the city. This miserable
procedure made Titus greatly to pity them,
while they caught every day five hundred
Jews; nay, some days they caught more; yet
did it not appear to he safe for him to let those
that were taken by force go their way; and
to set a guard over so many, he saw would
be to make such as guarded them useless to
him. The main reason why he did not forbid
that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews
might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear
lest they might themselves afterwards be liable
to the same cruel treatment. So the soldiers,
out of the wrath and hatred they bore the
Jewrs, nailed those they caught, one after one
way, and another after another, to the crosses,
by way of jest; when their multitude was so
great that room was wanting for the crosses,
and crosses wanting for the bodies.*

2. Rut so far were the seditious from repent-
ing at this sad sight, that, on the contrary,
they made the rest of the multitude believe
otherwise; for they brought the relations of
those that had deserted upon the wall, with
such of the populace as were very eager to
go over upon the security offered them, and
showed them what miseries those underwent
who fled to the Romans; and told them that
those who were caught were supplicants to
them, and not such as were taken prisoners.
This sight kept many of those within the city
who were so eager to desert, till the truth was
known; yet did some of them run away imme-
diately as unto certain punishment, esteeming
death from their enemies to be a quiet depar-
ture, if compared with that by famine. So Titus
commanded that the hands of many of those
that were caught should be cut off, that they
might not be thought deserters, and might be
credited on account of the calamity they were
under, and sent them in to John and Simon,
with this exhortation, that they would now
at length leave off [their madness], and not
force him to destroy the city, whereby they
would have those advantages of repentance,
even in their utmost distress, that they would
preserve their own lives, and so fine a city
of their own, and that temple which was
their peculiar. He then went round about
the banks that were cast up, and hastened

* Reland very properly takes notice here, how justly
this judgment caine upon the Jews, when they we:? cru-
cified in such multitudes together, that the Homans
wanted room tor the crosses, and crosses for the bodies
of these Jews, since they had brought this judgment on
themselves by the crucifixion of their Messiah.732

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V,

them, in order to show that his words should month, after they had laboured hard for seven-

in no long time be followed by his deeds.
In answer to which, the seditious cast re-
proaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his
father also, and cried out with a loud voice,
that they contemned death, and did well in
preferring it before slavery; that they would
do all the mischief to the Romans they could
while they had breath in them; and that for
their own city, since they were, as he said, to
be destroyed, they had no concern about it,
and that the world itself was a better temple to
God than this. That yet this temple would
be preserved by him that inhabited therein,
whom they still had for their assistant in this
war, and did therefore laugh at all his
threatenings, which would come to nothing;
because the conclusion of the whole depended
upon God only. These words were mixed
with reproaches, and with them they made a
mighty clamour.

3. In the mean time Antiochus Epiphanes
came to the city, having with him a conside-
rable number of other armed men, and a band
called the Macedonian Band about him, all
of the same age, tall, and just past their child-
hood, armed, and instructed after the Mace-
donian manner, whence it was that they took
that name. Yet were many of them un-
worthy of so famous a nation; for it had so
happened, that the king of Commagene had
flourished more than other kings that were
under the power of the Romans, till a change
happened in his condition; and when he was
become an old man, he declared plainly that
we ought not to call any man happy before
he ,is dead. But this son of his, who was
then come thither before his father was de-
caying/said that he could not but wonder
what made the Romans so tardy in making
their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a
warlike man, and naturally bold in exposing
himself to dangers; he was also so strong a
man, that his boldness seldom failed of hav-
ing success. Upon this, Titus smiled, and
said he would share the pains of an attack
with him. However, Antiochus went as he
then was, and with his Macedonians made a
sudden assault upon the wall; and, indeed,
for his own part, his strength and skill were
so great, that he guarded himself from the
Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them,
while yet the young men with him were
almost all sorely galled; for they had so great
a regard to the promises that had been made
of their courage, that they would needs per-
severe in their fighting, and at length many
of them retired, but not till they

teen days continually; for there were now
four great banks raised, one of which was at
the tower of Antonia; this was raised by the
fifth legion, over against the middle of that
pool which was called Struthius. Another
was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the dis-
tance of about twenty cubits from the other.
But the labours of the tenth legion, which lay
a great way off these, were on the north quar-
ter, and at the pool called Amygdalon; as
was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty
cubits from it, and at the high-priest’s monu-
ment. And now, when the engines were
brought, John had from within undermined
the space that was over-against the tower of
Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, and
had supported the ground over the mine with
beams laid across one another, whereby the
Roman works stood upon an uncertain foun-
dation. Then did he order such materials to
be brought in as were daubed over with pitch
and bitumen, and set them on fire; and as
the cross-beams that supported the banks were
burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden,
and the banks were shaken down, and fell
into the ditch with a prodigious noise. Now
at the first there arose a very thick smoke and
dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of
the bank; but as the suffocated materials were
now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake
out; on which sudden appearance of the
flame a consternation fell upon the Romans,
and the shrewdness of the contrivance dis-
couraged them; and, indeed, this accident com-
ing upon them at a time when they thought
they had already gained their point, cooled
their hopes for the time to come. They
also thought it would be to no purpose to
take the pains to extinguish the fire, since,
if it were extinguished, the banks were
swallowed up already [and beeome useless
to them].

5. Two days after this, Simon and his party
made an attempt to destroy the other banks ;
for the Romans had brought their engines to
bear there, and began already to make the
wall shake. And here one Tephtheus, of
Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus,
one who was derived from some of queen
Mariamne’s servants, and with them one from
Adiabcne, he was the son of Nabateus, and
called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill
fortune he had, the word signifying “ a lame
man,” snatched some torches and ran sud-
denly upon the engines. Nor were there, dur-
ing this war, any men that ever sallied out of
weie|the city who were their superiors, either in

wounded; and then they perceived that true their own boldness, or in the terror they struck
Macedonians, if they were to be conquerors, I into their enemies; for they ran out upon the
must have Alexander’s good fortune also. j Romans, not as if they were enemies, but
4. Now, as the Romans began to raise their friends, without fear or delay; nor did they
banks on the twelfth day of the month Arie- [leave their enemies till they had rushed vio-
inisius [Jyar], so had they much ado to finish jlcntly through the midst of them, and set their
them by the twenty-ninth day of the mm- 'machines on fire; and though they had dartsCHAP. XII.

733

WARS OF

thrown at them on every side, and were on
every side assaulted with their enemies’swords,
yet did they not withdraw themselves out of
the dangers they were in, till the fire had
caught hold of the instruments; but when the
flame went up, the Romans came running
from their camp to save their engines. Then
did the Jews hinder their succours from the
wall, and fought with those that endeavoured
to quench the fire, without any regard to the
danger their bodies were in. So the Romans
pulled the engines out of the fire, while
the hurdles that covered them were on fire;
but the Jews caught hold of the battering-
rams through the flame itself, and held them
fast, although the iron upon' them was
become red hot; and now the fire spread
itself from the engines to the hanks, and
prevented those that came to defend them;
and all this while the Romans were encom-
passed round about with the flame; and,
despairing of saving their works from it,
they retired to their camp. Then did the
Jews become still more and more in number
by the coming of those that were within
the city to their assistance; and a3 they were
very bold upon the good success they had
had, their violent assaults were almost irre-
sistible; nay, they proceeded as far as the
fortifications of the enemy’s camp, and fought
with their guards. Now there stood a bodv
of soldiers in array before that camp, which
succeeded one another by turns in their
armour; and as to those, the law of the
Romans was terrible, that he who left his
post there, let the occasion be whatsoever it
might, he was to die for it; so that body of
soldiers, preferring rather to die in fighting
courageously, than as a punishment for their
cowardice, stood firm; and at the necessity
these men were in of standing to it, many of
the others that had run away, out of shame,
turned back again; and when they had set
their engines against the wall, they kept the
multitude from coming more of them out of
the city; [which they could the more easily
do] because they had made no provision for
preserving or guarding their bodies at this
time; for the Jews fought now hand to hand
with all that came in their way, and, without
any caution, fell against the points of their
enemy’s 6pears, and attacked them bodies
against bodies; for they were now too hard
for the Romans, not so much by their other
warlike actions, as by these courageous
assaults they made upon them; and the
Romans gave way more to their boldness
than they did to the sense of the harm they
had received from them.

0. And now Titus was come from the
tower of Antonia, whither he was gone to
look one for a place for raising other banks,
ann reproached the soldiers greatly for per-
mitting (heir own walls to be in danger, when
they bad taken the walls of their enemies, and

THE JEWS.

sustained the fortune of men besieged, while
the Jews were allowed to sally out against
them, though they were already in a sort of
prison. He then went round about the
enemy with some chosen troops, and fell upon
their flank himself; so the Jews, who had
been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled
about to Titus, and continued the fight.
The armies also were now mixed one among
another, and the dust that was raised so far
hindered them from seeing one another, and
the noise that was made so far hindered them
from hearing one another, that neither side
could discern an enemy from a friend. How-
ever, the Jews did not flinch, though not so
much from their real strength, as from their
despair of deliverance. The Romans also
would not yield, by reason of the regard they
had to glory, and to their reputation in war,
and because Caesar himself went into the
danger before them; insomuch that I cannot
but think the Romans would in the conclu-
sion have now taken even the whole multi-
tude of the Jews, so very angry were they at
them, had these not prevented the upshot of
the battle, and retired into the city. How-
ever, seeing the banks of the Romans were
demolished, these Romans were very much
cast down upon the loss of what had cost
them so long pains, and this in one hour’s
time; and many indeed despaired of taking
the city with their usual engines of war only.

CHAPTER XII.

TITUS THOUGHT FIT TO ENCOMPASS THE CITY
BOUND WITH A WALL; AFTER WHICH THE
FAMINE CONSUMED THE PEOPLE BY WHOLE
HOUSES AND FAMILIES TOGETHER.

§ 1. And now did Titus consult with his
commanders what was to be done. Those
that were of the warmest tempers, thought
he should bring the whole army against the
city, and storm the wall; for that hitherto no
more than a part of their army had fought
with the Jews; but that in case the entire
army was to come at once, they would not be
able to sustain their attacks, but would be
overwhelmed by their darts: but of those that
were for a more cautious management, some
were for raising their banks again; and others
advised to let the banks alone, but to lie stiH
before the city, to guard against the coming
out of the Jews, and against their carrying pro-
visions into the city, and so to leave the enemy
to the famine, and this without direct fight-
ing with them ; for that despair was not to be
conquered, especially as to those who are desi-
rous to die by the sword, while a more terri-
ble misery than that is reserved for them
However, Titus did not think it fit for soWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK 7.

TU

tr^a4-. in arrr.v to lie entirely idle, and that yet
)t wa? in vain to fight with those that would
V destroyed one by another; he also showed
4 Vt r>n 1 low impracticable it was to cast up any
more banks, for want of materials, and to
guard against the Jews’ coming out, still more
impracticable; as also, that to encompass the
whole city round with his army was not very
easy, by reason of its magnitude, and the dif-
ficulty of the situation; and on other accounts
dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might
make out of the city; for although they might
guard the known passages out of the place,
yet would they, when they found themselves
under the greatest distress, contrive secret
passages out, as being well acquainted with
all such places; and if any provisions were
cnrried in by stealth, the siege would thereby
be longer delayed. He also owned, that he
was afraid that the length of time thus to be
spent would diminish the glory of his suc-
cess; for though it be true, that length of
time will perfect every thing, yet, that to do
what we do in a little time, is still necessary
to the gaining reputation: that therefore his
opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness
joined with security, they must build a wall
round about the whole city; which was, he
thought, the only way to prevent the Jews
from coming out any way, and that then they
would either entirely despair of saving the
city, and so would surrender it up to him, or
be still the more easily conquered when the
famine bad farther weakened them; for that
besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at
rest afterward, but would take care then to
have banks raised again, when those that
would oppose them were become weaker: but
that if any one should think such a work to
be too great, and not to be finished without
much difficulty, he ought to consider that it
is not fit for Romans to undertake any small
work, and that none but God himself could
with ease accomplish any great thing what-
soever.

2. These arguments prevailed with the
commanders. So Titus gave orders that the
army should be distributed to their several
shares of this work; and indeed there now
came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury,
so that they did not only part the whole wall
that was to be built among them, nor did
only one legion strive with another, but the
lesser divisions of the army did the same; inso-
much that each soldier was ambitious to please
his decurion, each decurion his centurion,
each centurion his tribune, and the ambition
of the tribunes was to please their superior
commanders, while Caesar himself took notice
of and rewarded the like contention in those
commanders; for he went round about the
works many times every day, and took a view
of what was done. Titus began the wall from
the fhrop of the Assyrians, where his own
camp was pitched, and drew it. down to the

lower parts of Cenopolis; thence it wtnl
along the valley of Cedron to the Mount cf
Olives; it then bent toward the south, ami
encompassed the mountain as far as the rock
called Peristereon, and that other hill which
lies next it,and is over the valley which reaches
to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west,
and went down to the valley of the Fountain,
beyond which it went up again at the monu-
ment of Ananus the high-priest, and encom-
passing that mountain where Pompey had
formerly pitched his camp, it returned back to
the north side of the city, and was carried on
as far as a certain village called “ The House
of the Erebinthi;” after which it encompassed
Herod’s monument, and there, on the east,
was joined to Titus’s own camp, where it
began. Now the length of this wall was forty
furlongs, one only abated. Now cn this wall
without were erected thirteen places to keep
garrisons in, the circumference of which, put
together, amounted to ten furlongs; the whole
was completed in three days: so that what would
naturally have required some months, was
done in so short an interval as is incredible.
When Titus had therefore encompassed the
city with this wall, and put garrisons into pro-
per places, he went round the wall, at the first
watch of the night, and observed how the guard
was kept; the second watch he allotted to
Alexander; the commanders of legions took
the third watch. They also cast lots among
themselves who should be upon the watch in
the night-time, and who should go all night
long round the spaces that were interposed
between the garrisons.

3. So all hope of escaping was now cut off
from the Jews, together with their liberty of
going out of the city. Then did the famine
widen its progress, and devoured the people
by whole houses and families; the upper
rooms were full of women and children that
were dying by famine; and the lanes of the
city were full of the dead bodies of the aged;
the children also and the young men wandered
about the market-places like shadows, all
swelled with the famine, and fell down dead
wheresoever their . misery seized them. As
for burying them, those that were sick them-
selves were not able to do it; and those that
were hearty and well, were deterred from
doing it by the great multitude of those dead
bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how
soon they should die themselves; for many
died as they were burying others, and many
went to their coffins before that fatal hour
was cornel Nor was there any lamentation
made under these calamities, nor were beard
any mournful complaints; but the famine
confounded all natural passions; for those
who were just going to die, looked upon those
that were gone to their rest before them with
dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence
also, and a kind of deadly night, bad seized
upon the city; while vet the robbers wereCHAP. XIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

735

still more terrible than these miseries were
themselves; for they brake open those houses
which were no other than graves of dead
bodies, and plundered them of what they had;
and carrying off the coverings of their bodies,
went out laughing, and tried the points of
their swords on their dead bodies; and, in
order to prove what mettle they were made
of, they thrust some of those through that
still lay alive upon the ground; but for those
that entreated them to lend them their right
hand, and their sword to dispatch them, they
were too proud to grant their requests, and
left them to be consumed by the famine.
Now every one of these died with their eyes
fixed upon the temple, and left the seditious
alive behind them. Now the seditious at
first gave orders that the dead should be
buried out of the public treasury, as not endu-
ring the stench of their dead bodies. But
afterwards, when they could not do that, they
had them cast down from the walls into the
valleys beneath.

4. However, when Titus, in going his
rounds along those valleys, saw them full
of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction
running about them, he gave a groan; and,
spreading out his hands to heaven, called
God to witness that this was not his doing:
and such was the sad case of the city itself.
But the Romans were very joyful, since none
of the seditious could now make sallies out
of the city, because they were themselves dis-
consolate; and the famine already touched
them also. These Romans besides had great
plenty of corn and other necessaries out of
Syria, and out of the neighbouring provinces;
many of whom would stand near to the wall
of the city, and show the people what great
quantities of provisions they had, and so make
the enemy more sensible of their famine, by
the great plenty, even to satiety, which they
had themselves. However, when the sedi-
tious still showed no inclination of yielding,
Titus, out of his commiseration of the people
that remained, and out of his earnest desire
of rescuing what was still left out of these
miseries, began to raise his banks again,
although materials for them were bard to be
come at; for all the trees that were about the
city had been already cut down for the n akir.g
of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers
bring with them other materials from the dis-
tance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised
banks in four parts, much greater than the
former, though this was done only at the
tower of Antonia. So Ctesar went his
rounds through the legions, and hastened on
the works, and showed the robbers that they
were now in his hands. But these men, and
these only, were incapable of repenting of
the wickedness they had been guilty of; and
separating their souls from their bodies,
they used them both as if they belonged to
oilier folks and no’ to themselves. For no

gentle affection could touch their souls, nor
could any pain affect their bodies, since they
could still tear the dead bodies of the people
as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those
that were sick.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE GREAT SLAUGHTERS AND SACRILEGE
THAT WERE IN JERUSALEM.

§ 1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer
Matthias, by whose means he got possession
of the city, to go off without torment. This
Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was
one of the high-priests, one that had been
very faithful to the people, and in great
esteem with them: he, when the multitude
were distressed by the zealots among whom
John was numbered, persuaded the people to
admit this Simon to come in to assist them,
while he had made no terms with him, nor
expected any thing that was evil from him.
But when Simon was come in, and had gotten
the city under his power, he esteemed him
that had advised them to admit him as his
enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon
that advice as a piece of his simplicity only:
so he had him then brought before him, and
condemned to die for being on the side of the
Romans, tvithout giving him leave to make
his defence. He condemned also hi3 three
sons to die with him; for as to the fourth, he
prevented him, by running away to Titus
before. And when he begged for this, that
he might be slain before his sons, and tbat as
a favour, on account that he had procured
the gates of the city to be opened to him, he
gave order that he should be slain the last of
them all; so he was not slain till he had seen
his sons slain before his eyes, and that by
being produced over-against the Romans; for
such a charge had Simon given to Ananus,
the son of Bamadus, who was the most bar-
barous of all his guards. He also jested upon
him, and told him that he might now see
whether those to whom he intended to go
over, would send him any succours or not;
but still he forbade their dead bodies should lie
buried. After the slaughter of these, a cer-
tain priest, Ananias, the son of Musainbulus,
a person of eminency, as also Aristeus, the
scribe of the sanhedrim, and born at Emmaus,
and with them fifteen men of figure among
the people, were slain. They also kept
Josephus’s father in prison, and made public
proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should
either speak to him himself, or go into his
company among others, for fear he should
betray them. They also slew such os joined
in lamenting these men, without any farther
examination.WARS OF THE JEWS.

HOOK V.

h* n r*

( >0

a. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who
was one of Simon’s under officers, and a per-
son intrusted by him to keep one of the towers,
saw tms procedure of Simon, he called toge-
ther ten of those under him, that were most
faithful to him (perhaps, this was done partly
out of pity to those that had so barbarously
been put to death; but, principally, in order
to provide for his own safety), and spoke thus
to them: — “ How long shall we bear these
miseries; or, what hopes have we of deliver-
ance by thus continuing faithful to such
wicked wretches? Is not the famine already
come against us? Are not the Romans in a
maimer gotten within the city? Is not Simon
become unfaithful to his benefactors? And
is there not reason to fear he will very soon
bring us to the like punishment, while the
security the Romans offer us is sure? Come
on, let us surrender up this wall, and save
ourselves and the city. Nor will Simon be
very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliver-
ance, he be brought to justice a little sooner
than he thinks on.” Now these ten were
prevailed upon by those arguments; so he
sent the rest of those that were under him,
some one way, and some another, that no dis-
covery might be made of what they had
resolved upon. Accordingly he called to the
Romans from the tower, about the third hour;
but they, some of them out of pride, despised
what he said, and others of them did not
believe him to be in earnest, though the
greatest number delayed the matter, as believ-
ing they should get possession of the city in
a little time, without any hazard: but when
Titus was just coming thither with his armed
men, Simon was acquainted with the matter
before he came, and presently took the tower
into his own custody, before it was surren-
dered, and seized upon these men, and put
them to death in the sight of the Romans
themselves; and when he had mangled their
dead bodies, he threw them down before the
wall of the city.

3.	In the mean time, Josephus, as he was
going round the city, had his head wounded
by a stone that was thrown at him; upon
which he fell down as giddy. Upon which
full of his the Jews made a sally, ami he had
been hurried away into the city, if Csesar had
not sent men to protect him immediately;
and, as these men were fighting, Josephus was
taken up, though he heard little of what was
done. So the seditious supposed they had
now slain that man whom they were the most
desirous of killing, and made thereupon a
great noise, in way of rejoicing. This acci-
dent was told in the city; and the multitude
that remained became very disconsolate at
the news, as being persuaded that he was
really dead, on whose account alone they could
venture to desert to the Romans; but when
Josephus’s mother heard in prison that her
son was dead, she said to those that watched

about her, That she had always been of opi-
nion, since the siege of Jotapata [that he wrvJd
be slain,] and she should never enjoy him
alive any more. She also made great lamenta-
tion privately to the maid-servants that were
about her, and said, That this was all the
advantage she had of bringing so extraordi-
nary a person as this son into the world; that
6he should not be able even to bury that son
of hers, by whom she expected to have been
buried herself. However, this false report did
not put his mother to pain, nor afford merri-
ment to the robbers long; for Josephus soon
recovered of his wound, and came out, and
cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere
they should be punished for this wound they
had given him. He also made a fresh exhor-
tation to the people to come out, upon the
security that would be given them. This
sight of Josephus encouraged the people
greatly, and brought a great consternation
upon the seditious.

4.	Hereupon some of the deserters, having
no other way, leaped down from the wall
immediately, wniie others of them went nut
of the city with stones, as it they would tight
them; but thereuoon. they fled away to thv^
Romans:—but he<e a worse late accompanied
these than what thev had found within the
city; and they met with a quicker dispaicb
from the too great abundance they had among
the Romans, than they could have done from
the famine among the Jews: tor when they
came first to the Romans, they were puffed up
by the famine, and swelled like men in a
dropsy: after which they all on the sudden
over-filled those bodies that were before empty,
and so burst asunder, excepting such only as
were skilful enough to restrain their appetites,
and, by degrees, took in their food into bodies
unaccustomed thereto. Yet did another plague
seize upon those that were thus preserved; for
there was found among the Syrian deserters
a certain person who was caught gathering
pieces of gold out of the excrements of the
Jews’ bellies; for the deserters used to swal-
low such pieces of gold, as we told you before,
when they came out; and for these did the
seditious search them all; for tr.ere was a
great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch
that as much was now sold [in the Roman
camp] for twelve Attic [drams], as was sold
before for twenty-five; but when this con-
trivance was discovered in one instance, the
fame of it filled their several camps, that the
deserters came to them full of gold. So the
multitude of the Arabians, with the Syrians,
cut up those that came as supplicants, and
searched their bellies. Nor does it seem to
me that any misery befel the Jews that was
more terrible than this, since in one night’s
time about two thousand of these deserters
were thus dissected.

5.	"When Titus came to the knowledge of
this wicked practice, he had liked to have sur-CHAP. XIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

737

rounded those that had been guilty of it with
bis horse, and have shot them dead; and he
had done it, had not their number been so
very great, and those that were liable to this
punishment would have been manifold more
than those whom they had slain. However,
he called together the commanders of the auxi-
liary troops he had with him, as well as the
commanders of the Roman legions (for some
of his own soldiers had been also guilty here-
in, as he had been informed) and had great
indignation against both sorts of them, and
spoke to them as follows:—“ What 1 have
any of my own soldiers done such things as
this out of the uncertain hope of gain, with-
out regarding their own weapons, which are
made of silver and gold ? Moreover, do the
Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to
govern themselves as they please, and to in-
dulge their appetites in a foreign war, and
then, out of their barbarity in murdering men,
and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it
ascribed to the Romans?”—for this infamous
practice was said to be spread among some of
his own soldiers also. Titus then threatened
that he would put such men to death, if any
of them were discovered to be so insolent as
to do so again : moreover, he gave it in charge
to the legions, that they should make a search
after such as were suspected, and should bring
them to him; but it appeared that the love
of money was too hard for all their dread of
punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is
natural to men, and no passion is so venture-
some as covetousness ; otherwise such pas-
sions have certain bounds,- and are subordi-
nate to fear; but in reality it was God who
condemned the whole nation, and turned
every course that was taken for their preser-
vation to their destruction. This, therefore,
which was forbidden by Cresar under such a
threatening, was ventured upon privately
against the deserters, and these barbarians
would go out still, and meet those that- ran
away before any saw them, and looking about
them to see that no Romans spied them, they
dissected them, and pulled this polluted money
out of their bowels; which money was still
found in a fevy of them, while yet a great
many were destroyed by the bare hope there
was of thus getting by them, which miserable
treatment made many that were deserting to
return back again into the city.

6. But as for John, when he could no
longer plunder the people, he betook himself
to sacrilege, and melted down many of the
sacred utensils which had been given to the
temple ; as also many of those vessels which
were necessary for such as ministered about
holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the
tables; nay, he did not abstain from those
pouring-vessels that were sent them by Au-
gustus and his wife; for the Roman empe-
rors did ever both honour and adorn this
temple • whereas this man, who was a Jew,

seized upon what were the donations of fo-
reigners ; and said to those that were with
him, that it was proper for them to use divine
things while they were fighting for the Divi-
nity, without fear, and that such whose war-
fare is for the temple should live of the temple,
on which account he emptied the vessels of that
sacred wine and oil which the priests kept to
be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which
lay in the inner court of the temple, and dis-
tributed it among the multitude, who, in their
anointing themselves and drinking, used [each
of them] above an bin of them: and here I
cannot but speak my mind, and what the con-
cern I am under dictates to me, and it is this:

I suppose, that had the Romans made any
longer delay in coming against these villains,
the city would either have been swallowed
up by the ground opening upon them, or been
overflowed by water, or else been destroyed
by such thunder as the country of Sodom'
perished by, for it had brought forth a gene
ration of men much more atheistical than
were those that suffered such punishments;
for by their madness it was that all the peo-
ple came to be destroyed.

7. And indeed, why do I relate these par-
ticular calamities?—while Manneus, the son
of Lazarus, c<une running to Titus at this
very time, and told him that there had been
carried out through that one gate, which was
entrusted to his care, no fewer than a hun-
dred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and
eighty dead bodies, in the interval between
the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus
[Nisan], when the Romans pitched their camp
by the city, and the first day of the month
Panemus [Tamuz]. This was itself a prodi-
gious multitude; and though this man was
not himself set as a governor at that gate, yet
was he appointed to pay the public stipend
for carrying these bodies out, and so was
obliged of necessity to number them, while
the rest were buried by their relations, though
all their burial was but this, to bring them
away, and cast them out of the city. After
this man there ran away to Titus many of the
eminent citizens, and told him the entire num-
ber of the poor that were dead; and that no
fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown
out at the.gates, though still the number of
the rest could not be discovered; and they
told him farther, that when they were no
longer able to carry out the dead bodies of
the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in
very large houses, and shut them up therein ;
as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold
for a talent; and that when, a while after-

* Josephus, both here and before (b. iv. ch. viii. sect.
4) esteems the land of Sodom, not as part of the lake
Asphaltitis, or under its waters; but near it only, aa
Tacitus aljo took the same notion from liim (Hist v. 6,
7), which the Rival Iceland takes to be the very truth,
both in his note on this place and in his Palestina (loro,
i. p 254—258). though I rather suppose part of that re*
gi<n of Penta polis to he now under tie \v;tny oL the sidAt
pait of fh:it sea; hut perhaps rot 11 .*• \\ holt* country738

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

ward, it was not possible to gather herbs, by
reason tbe city was all walled about, some
persons were driven to that terrible distress as
to search the common sewers and old dung-
hills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they
got there; and what they of old could not
endure so much as to see, they now used for

food. When the Romans barely heard nil
this, they commiserated their case; while the
seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, bur,
suffered the same distress to come upon them-
selves; for they were blinded bv that fate
which was already coming upon the city, and
upon themselves also.

BOOK VI.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE MONTH.

FROM THE GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE
REDUCED, TO THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS.

CHAPTER I

THAT THE MISERIES OF THE JEWS STILT. GREW
WORSE; iVD HOW THE ROMANS MADE AN
ASSAULT JPON THE TOWER OF ANTONIA.

§ 1. Thus did the miseries of Jerusalem
grow worse and worse every day, and the se-
ditious were-still more irritated by the cala-
mities they were under, even while the famine
preyed upon themselves, after it had preyed
upon the people. And indeed the multitude
of carcases that lay in heaps one upon ano-
ther, was a horrible sight, and produced a
pestilential stench, which was a hinderance to
those that would make sallies out of the city
and light the enemy: but as those were to go
in battle array, who bad been already used to
ten thousand murders, and must tread upon
those dead bodies as they marched along, so
were not they terrified, nor did they pity men
as they marched over them; nor did they
deem this affront offered to the deceased to
be any ill omen to themselves; but as they
had their right bands already polluted with
the murders of their own countrymen, and in
that condition ran out to fight with foreigners,
they seem to me to have cast a reproach upon
Gud himself, as if he were too slow in pun-
ching them ; for the war was not now gone
on with as if they had any hope of victory;
for they gloried after a brutish manner in that
despair of deliverance they were already in.
And now the Romans, although they were
greatly distressed in getting together their ma-
terials, raised their banks in one-and-ewenty
days, after they had cut down all the trees
that were in the country that adjoined to the

city, and that for ninety furloDgs round about,
as I have already related. And truly, the very
view itself of the country was a melancholy
thing; for those places which were before
adorned with trees and pleasant gardens, were
now become a desolate country every way,
and its trees were all cut down: nor could
any foreigner that had formerly seen Judea
and the most beautiful suburbs of the city,
and now saw it as a desert, but lament and
mourn sadly at so great a change ; for tbe
war had laid all signs of beauty quite waste:
nor, if any one that bad known the place be-
fore, had come on a sudden to it now, would
he have known it again; but though he were
at tbe city itself, yet would he have inquired
for it notwithstanding.

2. And now the banks were finished, they
afforded a foundation for fear both to the
Romans and to the Jews; for tbe Jews
expected that the city would be taken, unless
they could burn those banks, as did the Ro-
mans expect that, if these were once burnt
down, they should never be able to take it;
for there was a mighty scarcity of materials,
and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail
with 6uch hard labours, as did their souls
feint with so many instances of ill success •
nay, the very calamities themselves that were
in the city proved a greater discouragement to
the Romans than to those within tbe city; for
they found the fighting men of the Jews to
be not at all mollified among such their sore
afflictions, while they had themselves perpetu-
ally less and less hopes of success, and their
banks were forced to yield to the stratagems
of tbe enemy, their engines to the firmness of
their wall, and their closest fights to the bold-CHAP. I.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

739

ne^s of their attack; and what was their
greatest discouragement of all, they found the
Jews’courageous souls to be superior to the
multitude of the miseries they were under by
their sedition, their famine, and the war itself;
insomuch that they were ready to imagine that
the violence of their attacks was invincible,
and that the alacrity they showed would not
be discouraged by their calamities; for what
would not those be able to bear if they should
be fortunate, who turned their very misfor-
tunes to the improvement of their valour!—
These considerations made the Romans keep
a stronger guard about their banks than they
formerly had done.

3. But now John and his party took care
for securing themselves afterward, even in
case this wall should be thrown down, and
fell to their work before the battering-rams
were brought against them. Yet did they
not compass what they endeavoured to do,
but as they were gone out with their torches,
they came back under great discouragement,
before they came near to the banks; and the
reasons were these: that in the first place,
♦heir conduct did not seem to be unanimous,
but they went out in distinct parties, and at
distinct intervals, and after a slow manner,
and timorously, and, to say all in a word,
without a Jewish courage; for they were now
defective in what is peculiar to our nation,
that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and
in running upon the enemy all together, and
in persevering in what they go about, though
they do not at first succeed in it; but they
now went out in a more languid manner than
usual, and at the same time found the Ro-
mans set in array, and more courageous than
ordinary, and that they guarded their banks
both with their bodies and their entire armour,
and this to such a degree on all sides, that
they left no room for the fire to get among
them, and that every one of their souls was
in such good courage, that they would sooner
die than desert their ranks; for besides their
notion that all their hopes were cut off, in
case their works were once burnt, the soldiers
were greatly ashamed that subtilty should be
quite too hard for courage, madness for ar-
mour, multitude for skill, and Jews for Ro-
mans. The Romans had now also another
advantage, in that their engines for sieges
co-operated with them in throwing darts and
stones as far as the Jews, when they were
~oming out of the city; whereby the man
that fell became an impediment to him that
was next to him, as did the danger of going
fcirther make them less zealous in their at-
tempts; and for those that had run under the
riaits, some of them were terrified by the good
order and closeness of the enemies’ ranks
before they came to a close fight, and others
were pricked with their spears, and turned
b.i..k again; at length they reproached one
number for their • •. rjjiru. mid retired with-

out doing any thing. This attack was made
upon the first day of the month Panemus
[Tamuz]. So, when the Jews were retreated,
the Romans brought their engines, although
they had all the while stones thrown at them
from the tower of Antonia, and were assaulted
by fire and sword, and by all sorts of <1 n ts,
which necessity afforded the Jews to make
use of; for although these had great depen-
dence on their own wall, and a contempt of
the Roman engines, yet did they endeavour to
hinder the Romans from bringing them. Now
these Romans struggled hard, on the contrary,
to bring them, as deeming that this zeal of
the Jews was in order to avoid any impres-
sion to be made on the tower of Antonia, be-
cause its wall was but weak, and its founda-
tions rotten. However, that tower did not
yield to the blows given it from the engines;
yet did the Romans bear the impressions made
by the enemies’ darts which were perpetually
cast at them, and did not give way to any of
those dangers that came upon them from
above, and so they brought their engines to
bear; but then,as they were beneath the other,
and were sadly wounded hy the stones thrown
down upon them, some of them 'hrew their
shields over their bodies, and partly with their
hands, and partly with their bodies, and partly
with crows, they undermined its foundations,
and with great pains they removed four of
its stones. Then night came upon toth sides,
and put an end to this struggle for the pre-
sent ; however, that night the- well was so
shaken by the battering-rams in that place
where John had used his stratagem before,
and had undermined their hanks, that the
ground then gave way, and the wall fell down
suddenly.

4. When this accident had unexpectedly
happened, the minds of both partiis were
variously affected: for though one would
expect that the Jews would be discouraged,
because this fall of their wall was unexpected
hy them, and they bad made no provision in
that case, yet did they pull up their courage,
because the tower of Antonia itself was still
standing; as was the unexpected joy of the
Romans at this fall of the wall soon quenched
by the sight they had of another wall, which
John and his party had built within it. How-
ever, the attack of this second wall appeared
to be easier than that of the former, because
it seemed a thing of greater facility to get up
to it through the parts of the former wall that
were now thrown down. This new wall ap-
peared also to be much weaker than the tower
of Antonia, and accordingly the Romans ima-
gined that it had been erected so much on the
sudden, that they should soon overtiirow it:
yet did not any body venture now to go up Jo
this wall: for that such as first ventured so
to do must certainly be killed.

5. And now Titus, upon consideration
that the alacrity of soldiers in war is chietty740

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

excited by Lopes and by good words, and that
exhortations and promises do frequently make
men to forget the hazards they run, nay, and
sometimes to despise death itself, got together
the most courageous part of his army, and
tried what he eould do with his men by these
methods:—'*	fellow-soldiers,” said he, “to

make an exhortation to men to do what hath
no peril in it, is on that very account inglorious
to such to whom that exhortation is made; and
indeed so it is in him that makes the exhorta-
tion, an argument of his own cowardice also.
I therefore think, that such exhortations ought
then only to be made use of when affairs are
in a dangerous condition, and yet are worthy
of being attempted by every one themselves;
accordingly, I am fully of the same opinion
with you, that it is a difficult task to go up
this wall; but that it is proper for those that
desire reputation for their valour to struggle
with dilliculties in such cases, will then ap-
pear, when 1 have particularly shown that it
is a brave thing to die with glory, and that
the courage here necessary shall not go un-
rewarded in those that first begin the attempt;
and let my first argument to move you to it
be taken from what probably some would
think reasonable to dissuade you, I mean the
constancy and patience of these Jews, even
under their ill success.es; for it is unbecom-
ing you, who are Romans and my soldiers,
who have in peace been taught how to make
wars, and who have also been used to con-
quer in those wars, to be inferior to Jews,
cither in action of the hand or in courage of
the soul, und this especially when you are at
the conclusion of your victory, and are as-
sisted by God himself; for as to our misfor-
tunes, they have been owing to the madness
of the Jews, while their sufferings have been
owing to your valour, and to the assistance
God hath afforded you; for as to the sedi-
tions they ha\e been in, and the famine they
are under, and the siege they now endure,
arid the fall of their walls without our engines,
what can they all be but demonstrations of
God's anger against them, and of his assis-
tance afforded us? It will not therefore be
proper for you, either to show yourselves infe-
rior to those to whom you are really superior,
v to betray that divine assistance which is
afforded you; and indeed, how can it be
esteemed otherwise than a base nnd unworthy
thing, that while the Jews, who need not be
much ashamed if they be deserted, because
they have long learned to be slaves to others,
do yet despise death, that they may be so
no longer, —and do make sallies into the
very midst of us frequently, not in hopes of
conquering us, but merely for a demonstra-
tion of their courage; we, who have gotten
possession of almost all the world that belongs
to either land or sea, to whom it will be a
great shame if we do not conquer them, do
not once undertake any attempt againsfc our

enemies wherein there is much danger, but
sit still idle, with such brave arms as we have,
and only wait till the famine and fortune do
our business themselves, and this when we
have it in our power, with some small hazard,
to gain all that we desire! For if we go up
to this tower of Antonia, we gain the city;
for if there should be any more occasion for
fighting against those within the city, which
I do not suppose there will, since we shall
then he upon the top of the hill,* and be up-
on our enemies before they can have taken
breath, these advantages promise us no less
than a certain and sudden victory. As for
myself, I shall at present waive any commen-
dations of those who die in war,f and omit to
speak of the immortality of those men who
are slain in the midst of their martial bra-
very; yet connot 1 forbear to imprecate upon
those who are of a contrary disposition, that
they may die in time of peace, by some dis-
temper or other, since their souls are already
condemned to the grave, together with their
bodies; for what man of virtue is there who
does not know that those souls which are
severed from their fleshly bodies in battles
by the sword, are received by the ether, that
purest of elements, and joined to that com-
pany which are placed among the stars; that
they become good (lemons, and propitious
heroes, and show themselves as such to their
posterity afterwards? while upon those souls
that wear away in and with their distempered
bodies, comes a subterranean night to dissolve
them to nothing, and a deep oblivion to take
away all the remembrance of them, and this,
notwithstanding they he clean from all spots
and defilements of this world ; so that, in this
case, the soul at the same time comes to the
utmost bounds of its life, and of its body, and
of its memorial also; but since fate hath de-
termined that death is to come of necessity
upon all men, a sword is a better instrument
for that purpose than any disease whatsoever
Why, is it not then a very mean thing for us
not to yield up that to the public benefit,
which we must yield up to fate? And this
discourse have I made, upon the supposition
that those who at first attempt to go upon
this wall must needs be killed in the attempt,
though still men of true courage have a chance
to escape even in the most hazardous under-
takings; for, in the first place, that part

* neland notes here, very pertinently, that the tower
of Antonia stood higher thaD the floor of the temple or
court adjoining to it; and that accordingly they descended
thence into the temple, as Josephus elsewhere speaks
also. See b. vi.ch.ii. sect. 5.

+ In this speech of Titus, we may clearly see the no-
tions which the Homans then had of death, and of the
happy state of those who died bravely in war, and the
contrary estate of those who dird ignobly in their beds by
sickness. Iteland here also pioduces two parallel pas-
sages, the one out of Ammianns Marrellinus, concerning
the Alani, lib. 3i,that “ they judged iliat mail happy who
laid down his life in battle,” the otl.rr of Valerius Maxi-
mus, lib. xi. c. (i. who says. ” that Hie C'iinhn and C'eiti
beri exultrd for joy in the nrinv, as Ixiny lo go out of (tie
world gloriously i.d happily."CHAP. 1.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

741

of the former wall that is thrown down, is
easily to be ascended; and for the new-built
wall, it is easily destroyed. Do you, there-
fore, many of you, pull up your courage, and
set about this work, and do you mutually en-
courage and assist one another; and this your
bravery will soon break the hearts of your
enemies; and perhaps such a glorious under-
taking as yours is may be accomplished with-
out bloodshed; for although it be justly to be
supposed that the Jews will try to hinder you
at your first beginning to go up to them, yet
when you have once concealed yourselves
from them, and driven them away by force,
they will not be able to sustain your efforts
against them any longer, though but a few
of you prevent them, and get over the wall.
As for that person who first mounts the wall,
I should blush for 6hame if I did not make
him to be envied-of others, by those rewards
I would bestow upon him. If such a one
escape with his life, he shall have the com-
mand of others that are now but his equals;
although it be true also, that the greatest
rewards will accrue to such as die in the
attempt.”*

6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of
the multitude were affrighted at so great a
danger. But there was one whose name was
Sabinus, a soldier that served among the co-
horts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to
be of very great fortitude, both in the actions
he had done and the courage of his soul he
had shown; although any body would have
thought, before he came to his work, that he
was of such a weak constitution of body, that
he was not fit to be a soldier; for his colour
was black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay
close together; but there was a certain heroic
soul that dwelt in this small body, which body
was indeed much too narrow for that peculiar
courage which was in him. Accordingly he
was the first that rose up; when he thus
spake:—“ I readily surrender myself to thee,
O Caesar: I first ascend the wall, and I
heartily wish that my fortune may follow my
courage and my resolution. And if some ill-
fortune grudge me the success of my under-
taking, take notice that my ill-success will not
be unexpected, but that I choose death volun-
tarily for thy sake.” When he had said this,
and had spread out his shield over his head
with his left hand, and had with his right
hand drawn his sword, he marched up to the
wall just about the sixth hour of the day.
There followed him eleven others, and no
more, that resolved to imitate his bravery;
but still this was the principal person of them
all, and went first as excited by a divine fury.
Now those that guarded the wall shot at them
from thence, and cast innumerable darts upon
them from every side; they also rolled very
large stones upon them which overthrew some

• Se. tb. note + on page 740.

of those eleven that were with him. But as
for Sabinus himself he met the darts that were
cast at him, and though he was overwhelmed
with them, yet did he not leave Off the vio-
lence of his attack before he had gotten up on
the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to
flight. For as the Jews were astonished at
his great strength, and the bravery of his soul;
and as, withal, they imagined more of them
had got upon the wall than really had, they
were put to flight. And now one cannot
but complain here of fortune, as still envious

case of the man before us, when he had just
obtained his purpose; for he then stumbled
at a certain large stone, and fell down upon
it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon
which the Jews turned back, and when they
saw him to be alone, and fallen down also,
they threw darts at him from every side.
However, he got upon his knee, and covered
himself with his shield, and at the first de-
fended himself against them, and wounded
many of those that came near him; but he
was soon forced to relax his right hand, by
the multitude of the wounds that had been
given him, till at length he was quite covered
over with darts before he gave up the ghost.
He was one who deserved a better fate, by
reason of his bravery; but, as might be ex-
pected, he fell under so vast an attempt. As
for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed
three of them to pieces with stones, and slew
them as they were gotten up to the top of the
wall; the other eight being wounded, were
pulled down and carried back to the camp.
These things were done upon the third day
of the month Panemus [Tamuz].

7. Now two days afterward, twelve of those
men that were on the fore-front, and kept
watch upon the banks, got together, and called
to them the standard-bearer of the fifth legion,
and two others of a troop of horsemen, and
one trumpeter; these went without noise,
about the ninth hour of the night, through the
ruins, to the tower of Antonia; and when they
had cut the throats of the first guards of the
place, as they were asleep, they got possession
of the wall, and ordered the trumpeter ta
sound his trumpet. Upon which the rest of
the guard got up on the sudden, and ran away
before any body could see how many they were
that were gotten up; for partly from the fear
they were in, and partly from the sound of
the trumpet which they heard, they imagined
a great number of the enemy were gotten up.
But as soon as Caesar heard the signal, he
ordered the army to put on their armour im-
mediately, and came thither with his com-
manders, and first of all ascended, as did the
chosen men that were with him. And as the
Jews were flying away to the temple, they fell
into that mine which John had dug under tne
,Roman banks. Then did the seditious of

of virtue,Hand always hindering the perform
ance of glorious achievements: this was tb742

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

both the bodies of the Jewish army, as well
that belonging to John, as that belonging to
Simon, drive them away ; and indeed were no
way wanting as to the highest degree of force
and alacrity; for they esteemed themselves
entirely ruined if once the Romans got into
the temple, as did the Romans look upon the
same thing as the beginning of their entire
conquest. So a terrible battle was fought at
the entrance of the temple, while the Romans
were forcing their way, in order to get pos-
session of that temple, and the Jews were
driving them back to the tower of Antonia;
in which battle the darts were on both sides
useless, as well as the spears, and both sides
drew their swords, and fought it out band to
hand. Now, during this struggle, the posi-
tions of the men were undistinguished on both
sides, and they fought at random, the men
being intermixed one with another, and con-
founded by reason of the narrowness of the
place; while the noise that was made fell on
the ear after an indistinct manner, because it
was so very loud. Great slaughter was now
made on both sides, and the combatants trod
upon the bodies and the armour of those that
were dead, and dashed them to pieces. Ac-
cordingly, to which side soever the battle in-
clined those that had the advantage exhorted
one another to go on, as did those that were
beaten make great lamentation. But still
there was no room for flight, nor for pursuit,
but disorderly revolutions and retreats, while
the armies were intermixed one with another;
but those that were in the first ranks were
under the necessity of killing or being killed,
without any way for escaping; for those on
both sides that came behind, forced those be-
fore them to go on without leaving any space
between the armies. At length the Jews’
violent zeal was too hard for the Romans’
skill, and the battle already inclined entirely
that way; for the fight bad lasted from the
ninth hour of the night till the seventh hour
of t he day, while the Jews came on in crowds,
ami had the danger the temple was in for their
m- iive; the Romans having no more here
(han a part of their army ; for those legions,

< :> which the soldiers on that side depended,
were not come up to them. So it was'at pre-
sent thought sufficient by the Romans to take
possession of the towrer of Antonia.

8. But there was one Julian, a centurion,
that came from Bithynia; a man be was of
great reputation, whom I had formerly seen
in that war, and one of the highest fame,
both for his skill in wrar, his strength of body,
and the courage of his soul. This man see-
ing the Romans giving ground, and in a sad
condition (for he stood by Titus at the tower
of Antonia), leaped out, and of himself alone
put the Jevvs to flight when they were already
conquerors, and made them retire as far as
the corner of the inner court of the temple :
from him the multitude fled away in crowds.

as supposing that neither his strength nor his
violent attacks could be those of a mere man.
Accordingly be rushed through the midst oi
the Jews, as they were dispersed all abroad,
and killed those that he caught. Nor, indeeu,
was there any sight that appeared more won-
derful in the eyes of Caesar, or more terrible
to others, than this. However, he was him-
self pursued by fate, which it was not possi-
ble that he who w'as but a mortal man should
escape; for as he had shoes all full of thick
and sharp nails,* as had every one of the
other soldiers, so when he ran on the pave-
ment of the temple, he slipped, and fell down
updn his back with a very great noise, which
was made by bis armour. This made those
that were running away to turn back ; where-
upon those Romans that w-ere in the tower of
Antonia set up a great shout, as they w'ere in
fear for the man. But the Jews got about
him in crowds, and struck at him with their
spears, and with their swords on all sides.—
Now he received a great many of the strokes
of these iron weapons upon his shield, and
often attempted to get up again, but was
thrown down by those that struck at him ;
yet did he, as he lay along stab many of then)
with his sword. Nor was he soon killed, as
being covered with his helmet and his breast-
plate in all those parts of his body where he
might be mortally- wounded; he also [Hilled
his neck close to his body, till all his other
limbs were shattered, and nobody durst come
to defend him, and then he yielded tu his fate.
Now Caesar was deeply affected on account of
this man of so great fortitude, and especially
as he was killed in the sight of so many peo-
ple ; he was desirous himself to come to his
assistance, but the place would not give him
leave, while such as could have done it were
too much terrified to attempt it. Thus when
Julian had struggled with death a great while,
and had let but few of those that had given
him his mortal wound go off unhurt, he had
at last his throat cut, though not without
some difficulty; and left behind him a very
great fame, not only among the Romans and
with Caesar himself, but among his enemies
also; then did the Jews catch up his dead
body, and put the Romans to flight again, and
shut them up in the tower of Antonia. Now
those that most signalized themselves, and
fought most zealously in this battle of the
Jewish side, were one Alexas and Gyphtheus,
of John’s party; and of Simon's party were
Malachias, and Judas the son of Merto, and
James the son of Sosas, the commander oi
the Idumeans; and of the zealots, two bre-
thren, Simon and Judas, the 6ons of Jairus.

1 tliat this Julian, who bad so many naib
pped upon the pavement of the temple
Doth, and laid with marble of differen*

• No wonder that this Julian,
in his shoes, Blip 3
which was smoi
colours.CHAP. II,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

743

CHAPTER II.

HOW TITUS GAVE ORDERS TO DEMOLISH THE

TOWER OF ANTONIA, AND THEN FERSUADED

JOSEPHUS TO EXHORT THE JEWS AGAIN

[TO a surrender].

§ 1. And now Titus gave orders to his sol-
diers that were with him to dig up the foun-
dations of the tower of Antonia, and make
him a ready passage for his army to come up;
while he himself had Josephus brought to him
(for he had been informed that on that very
day, which was the seventeenth day* of Pane-
mus [Tamuz], the sacrifice called “the Daily
Sacrifice” had failed, and had not been offered
to God for want of men to offer it’ and that
the people were grievously troubled at it) and
commanded him to say the same things to
John that he had said before, that if he had
any malicious inclination for fighting, be might
come out with as many of his men as he
pleased, in order to fight, without the danger
of destroying either his city or temple; but
that he desired he would not defile the tem-
ple, nor thereby offend against God. That he
might, if he pleased, ofTer the sacrifices which
were now discontinued, by any of the Jews
whom he should pitch upon. Upon this,
Josephus stood in such a place where be
might be heard, not by John only, but by
many more, and then declared to them what
Caesar had given him in charge, and this in the
Hebrew language.f So he earnestly prayed
them to spare their own city, and to prevent
that fire which was just ready to seize upon
the temple, and to offer their usual sacrifices
to God therein. At these words of his a great
sadness and silence were observed among the
people. But the tyrant himself cast many
reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations
besides; and at last added this withal that he
did never fear the taking of the city, because
it was God’s own city. In answer to which,
Josephus said thus, with a loud voice:—“To
be sure, thou hast kept this city wonderfully
pure for God’s sake 1 the temple also conti-
nues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been
guilty of any impiety against him, for whose
assistance thou hopest! He still receives his
accustomed sacrifices 1 Vile wretch that thou
art 1 if any one should deprive thee of thy
daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an

• This was a very remarkable day indeed, the seven-
teenth of Pabemus [Tamuz], a.d. 70, when, according
to Daniel’s prediction G0t> years before, the Homans “ in
half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease,”
Dan. ix. 27j for from the month of February, a.d. 06,
about which time Vespasian entered on this war, to this
Very time, was just three years and a half. See Bishop
Lloyd’s Tables of Chronology, published by Mr. Mar-
shall, on this year. Nor is it to be omitted, what very
neariv confirms this duration of the war, that four years
beinie the war began, was somewhat above seven years
five months before the destruction of Jerusalem, chap.v.
sect. 3.

+ The same that in the New Testament is always s i
called, and was then the common language of the Jews
in Judea, whieh was the Syriac dialect.

enemy to thee ; but thou hopest to have that
God for thy supporter in this war whom thou
hast deprived of bis everlasting worship 1 and
thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who
to this very time take care to have our laws
observed, and almost compel these sacrifices
to be still offered to God, which have by thy
means been intermitted! Who is there that
can avoid groans and lamentations at the
amazing change that is made in this city! since
very foreigners and enemies do now correct
that impiety which thou bast occasioned ,
while thou, who art a Jew, and wast edu-
cated*™ our laws, art become a greater enemy
to them than the others! But still, John, it
is never dishonourable to repent, and amend
what hath been done amiss, even at the last
extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee
in Jechoniah,J the king of the Jews, if thou
hast a mind to save the city, who, when the
king of Babylon made war against him, did,
of his own accord, go out of this city before
it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary
captivity with his family, that the sanctuary
might not be delivered up to the enemy, and
that he might not see the house of God set
on fire: on which account he is celebrated
among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials,
and his memory is become immortal, and will
be conveyed fresh down to our posterity
through all ages. This, John, is an excellent
example in such a time of danger; and I dare
venture to promise that the •Romans shall
still forgive thee. And take notice, that I,
who make this exhortation to thee, am one
of thine own nation; I, who am a Jew, do
make this promise to thee. And it will be-
come thee to consider who I am that give thee
this counsel, and whence 1 am derived; for
while I am alive I shall never be in such sla-
very as to forego my own kindred, or forget
the laws of our forefathers. Thou hast in-
dignation at me again, and makest a clamour
at me, and reproachest me; indeed, I cannot
deny but I am worthy of worse treatment
than all this amounts to, because, in opposi-
tion to fate, I make this kind invitation to
thee, and endeavour to force deliverance upon
those whom God hath condemned. And who
is there that does not know what the writings
of the ancient prophets contain in them,—and
particularly that oracle § which is just now
going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city I
—for they foretold that this city should be
then taken when somebody shall begin the
slaughter of his own countrymen ! and are
not both the city and the entire temple now
full of the dead bodies of your countrymen?
It is God therefore, it is God himself who is
bringing on this fire, to purge that city and

t Our present copies of (lie Old Testament want this
encomium upon king Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which it
seems was in Josephus’s copy.

} Of this oracle, see the note on book iv. chap. vL
seel, :).744

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI

temple by means of the Romans,* and is going
to pluck up this city, which is full _of your
pollutions.”

2.	As Josephus spoke these words with
groans, and tears in his eyes, his voice was
intercepted by sobs. However, the Romans
could not but pity the affliction he was under,
and wonder at his conduct. But for John,
and those that were with him, they were but
the more exasperated against the Romans on
this account, and were desirous to get Jose-
phus also into their power : yet did that dis-
course influence a great many of the better
=oi t; and truly some of them were so afraid
of the guards set by the seditious, that they
tarried where they were, but still were satis-
fied that both they and the city were doomed
to destruction. Some also there were who,
watching for a proper opportunity when they
might quietly get away, fled to the Romans,
jf whom were the high-priests Joseph and
Jesus, and of the sons of high-priests three,
whose father was Ishmael, who was beheaded
in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, as also
one son of the other Matthias, who ran away
after his father’s death,f and whose father was
slain by Simon, the son of Gioras, with three
of his sons, as I have already related: many
also of the other nobility went over to the
Romans, together with the high-priests. Now
Caesar not only received these men vary kindly
in other respects, but, knowing they would
not willingly Jive after the customs of other
nations, he sent them to Gophna, and desired
them to remain there for the present, and told
them that when he was gotten clear of this
war, he would restore each of them to their
possessions again : so they cheerfully retired
to that small city which was allotted them,
without fear of any danger. But as they did
not appear, the seditious gave out again, that
these deserters were slain by the Romans,—
which was done, in order to deter the rest
from running away by fear of the like treat-
ment. This trick of theirs succeeded now for
a while, as did the like trick before; for the
rest were hereby deterred from deserting, by
fear of the like treatment.

3.	However, when Titus had recalled those
men from Gophna, he gave orders that they
should go round the wall, together with Jo-
sephus, and show themselves to the people;

• Josephus, both here and in many places elsewhere,
speaks so, that it is most evident he was fully satisfied
that God was on the Homans’ side, and made use of
them now for the destruction of that wicked nation of
the Jews, which was for certain the true state of this
matter, as the prophet Daniel first, and our Saviour
himself afterwards had clearly foretold. See Lit -Ac-
compl.of Proph. p 64, &c.

4- Josephus had before told us, book v. ch. xiii. sect.

1, that this fourth son of Matthias ran away to the Ro-
mans “ before” his father’s and brethren’s slaughter, and
not “ after” it, as here. The former account is, in all
probability, the truest; for had not that fourth son
escaped before the pthers were caught and put to death,
be had been caught and put to death with them. This
last account, therefore, looks like an instance of a small
inadvertence of Josephus in the place before us.	i

upon which a great many fled to the Romans.
These men also got in a great number together,
and stood before the Romans and besought
the seditious with groans and tears in their
eyes, in the first place to receive the Romans
entirely into the city, and save that their own
place of residence again; but that, if they
would not agree to such a proposal, they
would at least depart out of the temple, ami
save the holy house for their own use; for
that the Romans would not venture to set the
sanctuary on fire, but under the most pressing
necessity. Yet did the seditious still more
and more contradict them; and while they
cast loud and bitter reproaches upon these
deserters, they also set their engines for
throwing of darts and javelins, and stones,
upon the sacred gates of the temple, at due
distances from one another, insomuch that ull
the space round about within the temple
might be compared to a burying-ground, so
great was the number of the dead bodies
therein ; as might the holy house itself be
compared to a citadel. Accordingly, these
men rushed upon these holy places in their
armour, that were otherwise unapproachable,
and that while their hands were yet warm
with the blood of their own people which
they had shed; nay; they proceeded to such
great transgressions that the very same in-
dignation which Jews would naturally have
against Romans, had they been guilty of such
abuses against them, the Romans now had
against Jews, for their impiety in regard to
their own religious customs. Nay, indeed,
there were none of the Romani soldiers who
did not look with a sacred horror upon the
holy house, and adored it,'and wished that
the robbers would repent before their miseries
became incurable.

4.	Now Titus was deeply affected with this
state of things, and reproached John and his
party, and said to them, “Have not you, vile
wretches that you are, by our permission, put
up this partition-wall f before your sanctuary?
Have not you been allowed to put up the
pillars thereto belonging, at due distances,
and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your
own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner
should go beyond that wall? Have not we
given you leave to kill such as go beyond it,
though he were a Roman? And what do you
do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you
trample upon dead bodies in this temple?
and why do you pollute this holy house with
the blood both of foreigners and Jews them-
selves? I appeal to the gods of my own coun-
try, and to every god that ever had any re-
gard to this place (for I do not suppose it to
be now regarded by any of fhem); I also ap-
peal to my own army, and to thpse Jews that
are now with me, and even to you yourselves,

t Of this partition-wall separating Jews and Gentiles,
with its pillars and inscription, see the description of tho
temples, chap xvCHAP. II,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

745

that I do not force you to defile this your
sanctuary; and if you will but change the
place whereon you will fight, no Roman shall
either come near your sanctuary, or offer any
affront to it; nay, I will endeavour to pre-
serve you your holy house, whether you will
or not.”*

5. As Josephus explained these things
from the mouth of Caesar, both the robbers
and the tyrant thought that these exhortations
proceeded from Titus’s fear, and not from his
good-will to them, and grew insolent upon it;
but when Titus saw that these men were nei-
ther to be moved by commiseration towards
themselves, nor had any concern upon them
to have the holy house spared, he proceeded,
unwillingly, to go on again with the war
against them. He could not indeed bring all
his army against them, the place was so nar-
row ; but choosing thirty soldiers of the most
valiant out of every hundred, and committing
a thousand to each tribune, and making Ce-
realis their commander-in-chief, be gave or-
ders that they should attack the guards of the
temple about- the ninth hour of that night;
but as he was now in his armour, and pre-
paring to go down with them, his friends
would not let him go, by reason of the great-
ness of the danger, and what the commanders
suggested to them; for they said, that he
would do more by sitting above in the tower
of Antonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those
soldiers that signalized themselves in the fight,
than by coming down and hazarding his own
person in the fore-front of them; for that
they would all fight stoutly while Ctcsar
looked upon them. With this advice Caesar
complied, and said, that the only reason he
had for such compliance with the soldiers was
this, that he might be able to judge of their
courageous actions, and that no valiant soldier
might lie concealed, and miss of his reward;
and no cowardly soldier might, go unpunished;
but that he might himself be an eye-witness,
and able to give evidence of all that was done,
who was to be the disposer of punishments
and rewards to them. So be sent the soldiers
about their work at the hour forementioned,
while he went out himself to a higher place
in the tower of Antonia, whence he might see
what was done, and there waited with impa-
tience to see the event.

6. However, the soldiers that were sent did
not find the guards of the temple asleep, as they
hoped to have done; but were obliged to fight
with them immediately hand to hand, as they
rushed with violence upon them with a great
shout. Now, as soon as the rest within the
temple heard that shout of those that were
upon the watch, they ran out in troops upon

* That these seditions Jews were the direct occasions
of their own destruction, and of the conflagration of their
city and temple; and that Titus earnestly and constantly
laboured to save both, is here and everywhere most evi-
dent in Joscphua.

them. Then did the Romans receive the
onset of those that came first upon them; but
those that followed them fell upon their own
troops, and many of them treated their own
soldiers as if they had been enemies ; for the
great confused noise that was made on both
sides, hindered them from distinguishing one
another’s voices, as did the darkness of the
night hinder them from the like distinction
by the sight, besides that blindness which arose
otherwise also*from the passion and the fear
they were in at the same time; for which rea-
son, it was all one to the soldiers who it was
they struck at. However, this ignorance did
less harm to the Romans than to the Jews,
because they were joined together under their
shields, and made their sallies more regularly
than the others did, and each of them remem-
bered their watch-word; while the Jews were
perpetually dispersed abroad, and made their
attacks and retreats at random, and so did fre-
quently seem to one another to be enemies; for
every one of them received those of their own
men that came back in the dark as Romans and
made an assault upon them ; so that more of
them were wounded by their own men than by
the enemy, till, upon the coming on of the day,
the nature of the fight was discerned by the
eye afterward. Then did they stand in battle-
array in distinct bodies, and cast their darts
regularly, and regularly defended themselves;
nor did either side yield or grow weary. The
Romans contended with each other who should
fight the most strenuously, both single men
and entire regiments, as being under the eye
of Titus; and every one concluded that this
day would begin his promotion if he fought
bravely. The great encouragements which
the Jews had in view to act vigorously were
their fear for themselves and for the temple,
and the presence of their tyrant, who exhorted
some, and beat and threatened others to act
courageously. Now, it so happened, that
this fight was for the most part a stationary
one, wherein the soldiers went on and came
back in a short time, and suddenly; for there
was no long space of ground for either of
their flights or pursuits; but still there was a
tumultuous noise among the Romans from
the tower of Antonia, who loudly cried out
upon all occasions for their own men to press
on courageously, when they were too hard for
the Jews, and to stay when they were retire-
ing backward; so that here was a kind of
theatre of war; for what was done in this
fight could not be concealed either from Ti-
tus or from those that were about him. At
length, it appeared that this fight, which be-
gan at the ninth hour of the night, was not
over till past the fifth hour of the day; and
that, in the same place Where the battle be-
gan, neither party could say they had made
the other to retire; but both the armies left
the victory almost in uncertainty between
them; wherein those that signalized them-740

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

selves on the Roman side were a great many;
but on the Jewish side, and of those that
were with Simon, Judas the son of Merto,
and Simon the son of Josias; of the Idu-
means, James and Simon, the latter of whom
was the son of Catblas, and James was the
son of Sosas; of those that were with John
Cyphtheus and Alexas ; and, of the zealots,
Simon, the son of Jairus.

7.	In the mean time, the rest of the Ro-
man army had, in seven d^s’ time over-
thrown [some] foundations of the tower of
Antonia, and had made a ready and broad
way to the temple. Then did the legions
come near the first court,* and began to raise
their banks. The one bank was over-against
the north-west corner of the inner temple ;f
another was at that northern edifice which was
between the two gates; and of the other two,
one was at the western cloister of the outer
court* of the temple; the other against its
northern cloister. However these works were
thus far advanced by the Romans, not without
great pains and difficulty, and particularly
by being obliged to bring their materials from
the distance of a hundred furlongs. They
had farther difficulties also upon them: some-
times, by the over-great security they were in
that they should overcome the Jewish snares
laid for them, and by that boldness of the Jews
which their despair of escaping had inspired
them withal; for some of their horsemen
when they went out to gather wood or hay,
let their horses feed, without having their bri-
dles on during the time of foraging; upon
which horses the Jews sallied out in whole
bodies, and seized them ; and when this was
continually done, and Caesar believed, what
the truth was, that the horses were stolen
more by the negligence of his own men than
by the valour of the Jews, he determined to
use greater severity to oblige the rest to take
care of their horses; so he commanded that
one of those soldiers who had lost their horses
should be capitally punished; whereby he so
terrified the rest that they preserved their
horses for the time to come ; for they did not
any longer let them go from them to feed
by themselves, but, as if they bad grown to
them, they went always along with them
when they wanted necessaries. Thus did the
Romans still continue to make war against
the temple, and to raise their banks against it.

8.	Now, after one day had been interposed
since the Romans ascended the breach, many
of the seditious were so pressed by the famine,
upon the present failure of their ravages, that
they got together, and made an attack on
those Roman guards that were upon the
Mount of Olives, and this about the eleventh
hour of the day, as supposing first, that they
would not expect such an onset, and in the
next place, that they were then taking care

• The Court of the Gentiles. + The Court of Israel

of their bodies, and that therefore they should
very easily beat them;—but the Romans
were apprised of their coming to attack them
beforehand, and running together from the
neighbouring camps on the sudden, prevented
them from getting over their fortification, or
forcing the wall that was built about them
Upon this came on a sharp fight, and here
many great actions were performed on both
sides; while the Romans showed both their
courage and their skill in war, as did the
Jews come on them with immoderate violence
and intolerable passion. The one party
were urged on by shame, and the other by
necessity; for it seemed a very shameful
thing to the Romans to let the Jews go, now
they were taken in a kind of net; while the
Jews had but one hope of saving themselves,
and that was, in case they could by violence
break through the Roman wall:—and one,
whose name was Pedanius, belonging to a
party of horsemen, when the Jews were al-
ready beaten and forced down into the valley
together, spurred his horse on their flank
with great vehemence, and caught up a cer-
tain young man belonging to the enemy by
his ancle, as he was running away. The
man was, however, of a robust body, and in
his armour; so low did Pedanius bend him-
self downward from his horse, even as he was
galloping away, and so great was the strength
of his right hand, and of the rest of his body,
as also such skill had he in horsemanship.
So this man seized upon that bis prey, as
upon a precious treasure, and carried him as
his captive to Caesar: whereupon Titus ad-
mired the man that had seized the other
for his great strength, and ordered the man
that was caught to be punished [with death]
for his attempt against the Roman wall,
but betook himself to the siege of the tem-
ple, and to pressing on the raising of the
banks.

9.	In the mean time, the Jews were so dis-
tressed by the fights they had been in, as the
war advanced higher and higher, and creep-
ing up to the holy house itself, that they, as
it were, cut off those limbs of their body
which were infected, in order to prevent the
distemper’s spreading farther; for they set
the north-west cloister, which was joined to
the tower of Antonia, on fire, and after that
brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister,
and thereby made a beginning in burning the
sanctuary: two days after which, or on the
twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month
[Panemus or Tamuz], the Romans set fire to
the cloister that joined to the other, when tne
fire went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews,
in like manner, cut off its roof; nor diu iney
entirely leave off what they were about till
the tower of Antonia was parted from the
temple, even when it was in their power to
have stopped the fire; nav, they lay still
while the temple was first set on fire, andCHAP. III.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

747

deemed this spreading of the fire to be for
their own advantage. However, the armies
were still fighting one against another about
the temple: and the war was managed by
continual sallies of particular parties against
one another.

10. Now there was at this time a man
among the Jews; low of stature he was, and
of a despicable appearance; of no character
either as to his family, or in other respects ;
his name was Jonathan. He went out at the
bigh-priest John’s monument, and uttered
many other insolent things to the Romans,
and challenged the best of them all to a
single combat; but many of those that stood
there in the army huffed him, and many of
them (as they might well be) were afraid of
him. Some of them also reasoned thus, and
that justly enough: that it was not fit to fight
with a man that desired to die, because those
that utterly despaired of deliverance had,
besides other passions, a violence in attacking
men that could not be opposed, and had no
regard to God himself; and that to hazard
one’s self with a person, whom if you over-
come, you do no great matter, and by whom
it is hazardous that you may be taken pri-
soner, would be an instance not of manly
courage, but of unmanly rashness. So there
being nobody that came out to accept the
man’s challenge, and the Jew cutting them
with a great number of reproaches, as cow-
ards (for he was a very haughty man in him-
self, and a great despiser of the Romans), one
whose name was Pudens, of the body of horse-
men, out of his abomination of the other’s
words, and of his impudence withal, and pe
baps out of an inconsiderate arrogance, on
account of the other’s lowness of stature, ran
out to him, and was too hard for him in other
respects, but was betrayed by his ill-fortune;
for he fell down, and as he was down, Jona-
than came running to him, and cut his throat,
and then standing upon his dead body, he
brandished his sword, bloody as it was, and
shook his shield with his left hand, and made
many acclamations to the Roman army, and
exulted over the dead man, and jested upon
the Romans; till at length one Priscus, a cen-
turion, shot a dart at him as he was leaping
and playing the fool with himself, and thereby
pierced him through: upon which a shout
was set up both by the Jews and the Romans,
though on different accounts. So Jonathan
grew giddy by the pain of his wounds, and
fell down upon the body of his adversary—a
plain instance bow suddenly vengeance may
come uonn men that have success in war,
without any just deserving of the same.

CHAPTER III.

CONCERNING A STRATAGEM THAT WAS DE-
VISED BY THE JEWS, BY WHICH THEY
BURNT MANY OF THE ROMANS; WITH AN-
OTHER DESCRIPTION OF THE TERRIBLE
FAMINE THAT WAS IN THE CITY.

§ 1. But now the seditious that were in the
temple did every day openly endeavour to
beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks,
and on the twenty-seventh day of the fore-
named month [Panemus, or Tamuz], contrived
such a stratagem as this:—They filled that
part of the western cloister* which was be-
tween the beams, and the roof under them,
with dry materials, as also with bitumen and
and then retired from that place as
they were tired with the pains they
had taken; at which procedure of theirs, many
of the most inconsiderate among the Romans,
who were carried away with violent passions,
follow ed hard after them as they were retiring,
and applied ladders to the cloister, and gut
up to it suddenly; but the prudent part of
them, when they understood this unaccount-
able retreat of the Jews, stood still where they
were before. However, the cloister w'asfull
of those that were gone up the ladders; at
which time the Jews set it all on fire; and as
the flames burst out everywhere on the sud-
den, the Romans that were out of the danger
were seized with a very great consternation,
as were those that were in the midst of the
danger in the utmost distress. So when they
perceived themselves surrounded with the
flames, some of them threw themselves down
backwards into the city, and some among their
enemies [in the temple]; as did many leap
down to their own men, and broke their limbs
to pieces; but a great number of those that
were going to take these violent methods, were
prevented by the fire; though some prevented
the fire by their own swords. However, the
fire was on the 6udden carried so far as to
surround those who wrould have otherwise
perished. As for Caesar himself, he could
not, however, but commiserate those that thus
perished, although they got up thither with-
out any order for so doing, since there was no
W'ay of giving them any relief. Yet was this
some comfort to those that were destroyed,
that every body might see that person grieve,
for whose sake they came to their end; for
he cried out openly to them, and leaped up,
and exhorted those that were about him to
do their utmost to relieve them. So every
one of them died cheerfully, as carrying
along with him these words and this intention
of Caesar as a sepulchral monument. Sumo
there were, indeed, who retired into the wall

pitch,

though

* Of the Court of the Gentiln.748

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

of the cloister, which was broad, and were
preserved out of the fire, but were then sur-
rounded by the Jews; and although they
made resistance against the Jews for a long
time, yet were they wounded by them, and at
length they all fell down dead.

2.	At the last, a young man among them,
whose name was Longus, became a decoration
to this sad affair, und while every one of them
that perished were worthy of a memorial, this
man appeared to deserve it beyond all the rest.
Now the Jews admired this man for his courage,
and were farther desirous of having him slain;
so they persuaded him to come down to them,
upon security given him for his life. But Cor-
nelius, his brother, persuaded him, on the con-
trary, not to tarnish his own glory nor that of
the Roman army. He complied with this last
advice, and lifting up his sword before both
armies, he slew himself. Yet was there one
Artorius among those surrounded with the
fire, who escaped by his subtilty; for when he
Had with a loud voice called to him Lucius,
one of his fellow soldiers that lay with him in
the same tent, and said to him, “ I do leave
thee heir of all I have, if thou wilt come and

eceive me.” Upon this he came running to
receive him readily.; Artorius then threw him-
self down upon him, and saved his own life,
while he that received him was dashed so ve-
nemently against the stone pavement by the
other’s weight, that he died- immediately.
This melancholy accident made the Romans
sad for a while, but still it made them more
upon their guard for the fut ure, and was of ad-
vantage to them against the delusions of the
Jews, by which they were greatly damaged
through their nnacquaintedness with the places,
and with the nature of the inhabitants. Now
this cloister was burnt down as far as John’s to w-
er, which he built in the war he made against
Simon over the gates that led to the Xystus.
The Jew's also cut off the rest of that cloister
from the temple, after they had destroyed
those that got up to it. But the next day the
Romans burnt down the northern cloister en-
tirely, as far as the east cloister, whose com-
mon angle joined to the valley that was called
Cedron, and wras built over it; on which ac-
count the depth was frightful. And this was
the state of the temple at that time.

3.	Now' of those that perished by famine
in the city, the number was prodigious, and
the miseries they underwent were unspeak-
able; for if so much as the shadow of any
kind of food did anywhere appear, a war was
commenced presently; and the dearest friends
fell a fighting one with another about it,
snatching from each other the most miserable
supports of life. Nor would men believe that
those who were dying had no food; but the
robbers would search them when they were
expiring, lest any one should have concealed
food in their bosoms, and counterfeited dying:
nay, these robbers coned for want, and ran

about stumbling and staggering along like mad
dogs, and reeling against the door9 of the
houses like drunken men; they would also, in
the great distress they were in, rush into the
very same houses two or three times in one
and the same day. Moreover, their hunger
was so intolerable, that it obliged them to
chew every thing, while they gathered such
things as the most sordid animals would not
touch, and endured to eat them; nor did they
at length abstain from girdles and shoes; anJ
the very leather w hich belonged to their shields
they pulled off and gnawed: the very wisps of
old hay became food to some; and some
gathered up fibres, and sold a very small
weight of them for four Attic [drachmae].
But why do 1 describe the shameless impu-
dence that the famine brought on men in their
eating inanimate things, while I am going
to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no
history relates,* either among the Greeks or
Barbarians! It is horrible to speak of it, and
incredible when heard. I had indeed willingly
omitted this calamity of ours, that I might
not seem to deliver what is so portentous to
posterity, but that I have innumerable wit-
nesses to it in my own age; and besides, my
country would have had little reason to thank
me for suppressing the miseries that she under-
went at this time.

4.	There was a certain woman that dwelt
beyond Jordan, her name was Mary; her
father was Eleazar, of the village Bethezub,
which signifies the House of Hyssop. She
was eminent for her family and her wealth,
and had fled away to Jerusalem with the rest
of the multitude, and was with them besieged
therein at this time. The other effects of
this woman had been already seized upon ;
such I mean as she had brought with her out
of Perea, and removed to the city. "What she
had treasured. up besides, as also what food
she had contrived to save, had been also carried
off by the rapacious guards, who came every
day running into her house for that purpose.
This put the poor woman into a very great
passion, and by the frequent reproaches and

* What Josephus observes here, that no parallel ex-
amples had been recorded before his time of such sieges,
wherein mothers were forced by extremity of famine to
eat their own children, as had been threatened to the
Jews in the law of Moses, upon obstinate disobedience,
and more than once fulfilled (see my Doyle’s Lectures,
p. 210—214), is by Dr. Hudson supposed to have had
two or three parallel examples in later ages. He might
have had more examples, 1 suppose, of persons on ship-
board, or in a desert island casting lots for each other’s
bodies,- but all this was only in cases where they knew
of no possible way to avoid death themselves, but by
killing and eating others. W hether such examples come
up to the present case, may be doubted. Tbe Romans
were not only willing, but very desirous, to grant those
Jews in Jerusalem both their lives and their liberties,
and to save both their city and their temple. But the
zealots, the robbers, and the seditious, would hearken
to no terms of submission. They voluntarily chose to
reduce the citizens to that extremity, as to force mo-
thers to this unnatural barbarity, which, in all its cir-
cumstances. has not, I still snppose, been hitherto pa-
r«'l»lrd among tbe rest of mankind.CHAP. IV.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

749

imprecations she cast at these rapacious vil-
lains, she had provoked them to anger against
her; but none of them, either out of the in-
dignation she had raised against herself, or out
of the commiseration of her case, would take
away her life; and if she found any food, she
perceived her labours were for others, and not
for herself; and it was now become impossible
for her any way to find any more food, while
the famine pierced through her very bowels
and marrow, when also her passion was fired to
a degree beyond the famine itself: nor did she
consult with any thing but with her passion
and the necessity she was in. She then at-
tempted a most unnatural thing; and snatch-
ing up her son, who was a child sucking at her
breast, she said, “ O thou miserable infant I for
whom shall I preserve thee in this war, this
famine, and this sedition ? As to the war with
the Romans, if they preserve our lives, we
must be slaves! This famine also will de-
stroy us, even before that slavery comes upon
us;—yet are these seditious rogues more ter-
rible than both the other. Come on; be thou
my food, and be thou a fury to these seditious
varlets and a by-word to the world, which is
all that is now wanting to complete the cala-
mities of us Jews.” As soon as she had said
this she slew her son; and then roasted him,
and ate the one half of him, and kept the other
half by’ her concealed. Upon this the sedi-
tious came in presently, and smelling the hor-
rid scent of this food, they threatened her,
that they would cut her throat immediately if
she did not show them what food she had got-
ten ready. She replied, that she had saved a
very fine portion of it for them; and withal
uncovered what was left of her son. Here-
upon they were seized with a horror and amaze-
ment- of mind, and stood astonished at the
sight; when she said to them, “ This is mine
own son; and what hath been done was mine
own doing! Come, eat of this food; for I
have eaten of it myself! Do not you pretend
to be either more tender than a woman, or
more compassionate than a mother; but if you
be so scrupulous, and do abominate this my
sacrifice, as I have eaten the one half, let the
rest be reserved for me also.” After which,
those men went out trembling, being never so
much affrighted at any thing as they were at
this, and with some difficulty they left the rest
of that meat to the mother. Upon which the
whole city was full of this horrid action im-
mediately; and while every body laid this
miserable case before their own eyes, they
trembled, as if this unheard-of action had
been done by themselves. So those that were
thus distressed by the famine were very de-
sirous to die; and those already dead were
esteemed happy, because they had not lived
long enough either to hear or to see such
miseries.

5. This sad instance was quickly told to
the Romans, some of whom could not be-

lieve it, and others pitied the distress which
the Jews were under; but there were many
of them who were hereby induced to a more
bitter hatred than ordinary against our na-
tion;— but for Cffisar he excused himself
before God as to this matter, and said that he
had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews,
as well as an oblivion of all their former in-
solent practices; but that they, instead of con-
cord, had chosen sedition; instead of peace,
war; and before satiety and abundance, a fa-
mine. That they had begun with their own
hands to burn down that temple, which we
have preserved hitherto; and that therefore
they deserved to eat such food as this was.
That, however, this horrid action of eating
one’s own child, ought to be covered with the
overthrow of their very country itself; and
men ought not to leave such a city upon the
habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein
mothers are thus fed, although such food be
fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to
eat of, since it is they that continue still in a
state of war against us, after they have un-
dergone such miseries as these. And at the
same time that he said this, he reflected on the
desperate condition these men must be in;
nor could he expect that such men could be
recovered to sobriety of mind, after they had
endured those very sufferings, for the avoid-
ing whereof it only was probable they might
have repented.

CHAPTER IV.

WHEN THE BANKS WE11E COMPLETED, AND
THE BATTERING - RAMS BROUGHT, AND
COULD DO NOTHING, TITUS GAVE ORDERS
TO SET FIRE TO THE GATES OFTHE TEMPLE;
IN NO LONG TIME AFTER WHICH, THE HOLY
HOUSE ITSELF WAS BURNT DOWN, EVEN
AGAINST HIS CONSENT.

§ 1. And now two of the legions had com-
pleted their banks on the eighth day of the
month Lous[Ab]. Whereupon Titus gave or-
ders that the battering-rams should be brought
and set over-against the western edifice of the
inner temple; for before these were brought,
the firmest of all the other engines had bat-
tered the wall for six day9 together without
ceasing, without making any impression
upon it; but the vast largeness and strong
connexion of the stones were superior to that
engine, and to the other battering-rams also.
Other Romans did indeed undermine the
foundations of the northern gate, and, after a
world of pains, removed the outermost stones,
yet was the gate still upheld by the inner
stones, and stood still unhurt; till the work-
men, despairing of all such attempts by en-
gines and crows, brought their ladders to the
cloisters. Now the Jews did no; interrupt750

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

them in so doing; but when they were gotten
up, they fell upon them mid fought with them;
some of them they thrust down, and threw
them hack wards headlong; others of them they
met and slew; they also beat many of those
that went down the ladders again, and slew
them with their swords before they could
bring their shields to protect them; nay, some
of the ladders they threw down from above
when they were full of armed men; a great
slaughter was made of the Jews also at the
same time, while those that bare the ensigns
fought hard for them, as deeming it a terrible
thing, and what would tend to their great
shame, if they permitted them to be stolen
away. Yet did the Jews at length get pos-
session of these engines, and destroyed those
that had gone up the ladders, while the rest
w7ere so intimidated by what those suffered
who were slain, that they retired; although
none of the Romans died without having done
good service before his death. Of the sedi-
tious, those that had fought bravely in the
former battles, did the like now; as besides
them did Eleazar, the brother’s son of Simon
the tyrant. But when Titus perceived that
his endeavours to spare a foreign temple
turned to the damage of his soldiers and
made them be killed, he gave order to set the
gates on fire.

2.	In the mean time there deserted to him
Ananus, who came from Emmaus, the most
bloody of all Simon’s guards, and Archelaus,
the son of Magadatus, they hoping to be still
forgiven, because they left the Jews at a time
when they were the conquerors. Titus ob-
jected this to these men, as a cunning trick
of theirs; and as he had been informed of
their other barbarities toward the Jews, be
was going in all haste to have them both
slain. He told them that they were only
driven to this desertion because of the utmost
distress they were in, and did not come aw ay
of their own good disposition; and that those
did not deserve to be preserved, by whom
their own city was already set on fire, out of
w hich fire they now hurried themselves away.
However, the security he had promised de-
serters overcame his resentments, and he dis-
missed them accordingly, though he did not
give them the same privileges that he had
afforded to others; and now the soldiers had
already put fire to the gates, and the silver
that was over them quickly carried the flames
to the wood that was within it, whence it
spread itself all on the sudden, and caught
hold of the cloisters. Upon the Jews’ seeing
this fire all about them, their spirits sunk,
together with their bodies, and they were un-
der such astonishment, that not one of them
made any haste, either to defend himself or
to quench the .fire, but they stood as rnute
spectators of it only. However, they did not
so grieve at the loss of what was now burn-
ing as to grow wiser thereiM lor the time to

come; but as though the holy house itself
had been on fire already, they whetted their
passions against the Romans. This fire pre-
vailed during that day and the next also; for
the soldiers were not able to burn all the
cloisters that were round about together at
one time, but only by pieces.

3.	But then, on the next day, Titus com-
manded part of his army 1o quench the fire,
and to make a road for the more easy march-
ing up of the legions, while he himself ga-
thered the commanders together. Of those
there were assembled the six principal per-
sons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander
[under the general] of the whole army; with
Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth
legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander
of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the
commander of the fifteenth legion: there was
also with them Eterniu3, the leader of the
two legions that came from Alexandria; and
Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of
Judea: after these came together all the
rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus
proposed to these that they should give him
their advice what should be done about the
holy house. Now, some of these thought it
would be the best way to act accc ding to the
rules of war [and demolish it]; because the
Jews would never leave off rebelling while
that house was standing; at which house it
was that they used to get all together. Others
of them were of opinion, that in case the
Jews would leave it, and none of them would
lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but
that in case they got upon it, and fought any
more, he might burn it; because it must then
be looked upon not as a holy bouse, but ns a
citadel; and that the impiety of burning it
would then belong to those that forced il is
to be done, and not to them. But Tims
said, that “although the Jew's should gel
upon that holy house, and fight us thence,
yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on
things that are inanimate, instead of ihe n i n
themselves;” and that he was not in any ease
for burning down so vast a work as that was.
because this w'ould he a mischief to the Ho-
mans themselves, as it would be an ornament
to their government while it continued. So
Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis, grew
bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the
opinion of Titus. Then whs this assembly
dissolved, when Titus had given orders io
the commanders that the rest of their forces
should lie still; but that they should make
use of such as were most courageous in this
attack. So he commanded that the chosen
men that were taken out of the cohorts should
make their way through the ruins, and quench
the fire.

4.	Now it is true, that on this da’- thr
Jews were so weary, and under such conster-
nation, that they refrained from anv attacks,-
but on the next day they gathered ibeir wholeCHAP. IV,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

751

force together, and ran upon those that
guarded the outward court of the temple,
very boldly, through the east gate, and this
about the second hour of the day. These
guards received that their attack with great
bravery, and by covering themselves with
their shields before, as if it were with a wall,
they drew their squadron close together; yet
was it evident that they could not abide there
very long, but would be overborne by the
multitude of those that sallied out upon them,
and by the heat of their passion. . However,
Csesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that
this squadron was likely to give way, he sent
some chosen horsemen .to support them.
Hereupon the Jews found themselves not
able to sustain their onset, and upon the
slaughter of those in the fore-front, many of
the rest were put to flight; but as the Ro-
mans were going off, the Jew's turned upon
them and fought them ; and as those Romans
came back upon them, they retreated again,
until about the fifth hour of the day they were
overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner
[court of the] temple.

5.	So Titus retired into the tower of
Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple
the next day, early in the morning, with his
whole army, and to encamp round about the
holy house; but, as for that house, God had

tie; whereupon he rose up in great haste,
and, as he wras, ran to the holy house, in
order to have a stop put to the fire; after him
followed all his commanders, and after them
followed the several legions, in great astonish-
ment ; so there was a great clamour and tu-
mult raised, as was natural upon the disor-
derly motion of So great an army. Then did
Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that
were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giv-
ing a signal to them with his right hand, or-
der them to quench the fire; but they did not
hear what he said, though be spake so loud,
having their ears already dinned by a greater
noise another way ; nor did they attend to the
signal he made with his hand neither, as still
some of them were distracted with fighting,
and others w'ith passion; but as for the le-
gions that came running thither, neither any
persuasions nor any threatenings could re-
strain their violence, but each one’s own pas-
sion wras bis commander at this time; and as
they were crowding into the temple together,
many of them were trampled on by one ano-
ther, while a great number fell among the
ruins of the cloisters, w hich were still hot and
smoking, and were destroyed in the same
miserable'way w'ith those whom they had con-
quered ; and when they were come near the
holy house, they made as if they did not so

for certain long ago doomed it to the fire ; I much as bear Cmsar’s orders to the contrary;

and now that fatal day was come, according
to the revolution of ages: it was the tenth
day of the month Lous [Ah], upon which it
was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon ;
although these flames took their rise from the
Jews themselves, and were occasioned by
them; for upon Titus’s retiring, the seditious
lav still for a little while, and then attacked the
Romans again, when those that guarded the
holy house fought with those that quenched
the lire that was burning in the inner [court
of the] temple; but these Romans put the
Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the
holy house itself. At which time one of the
soldiers without staying for any orders, and
without any concern or dread upon him at so
great an undertaking, and being hurried on by
a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out
of the materials that were on fire, and being
lifted up by another soldier, be set fire to a
golden window, through which there was a
passage to the looms that were round about
the holy house, on the north side of it. As
the flames went upward the Jews made a great
clamour, such as 60 mighty an affliction re-
quired, and ran together to prevent it;'and
now they spared not their lives any longer,
nor suffered any thing to restrain their force,
since that holy house was perishing, for
whose sake it was that they kept such a guard
about it.

6.	And now* a certain person came running
to Titus, und told him of this fire as he was
resting himself in his tent after the last bat-

hut they encouraged those that were before
them to set it on fire. As for the seditious,
they were in too great distress already to af-
ford their assistance [towards quenching the
fire] ; they were everywhere slain, and every-
where beaten ; and as for a great part of the
people, they were weak and wit bout arms,
and had tbeir throats cut wherever they were
caught. Now', roundabout the altar lay dead
bodies heaped one upon another; as at the
steps* going up to it ran a great quantity of
their blood, whither also the dead bodies that
were slain above [on the altar] fell down.

7.	And now, since Caesar was no way able
to restrain the enthusiastic fury of the soldiers,
and the fire proceeded on more and more, he
went into the holy place of the temple, with
his commanders, and saw it, with what was in
it, which he found to be far superior to what
the relations of foreigners contained, and not
inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and
believed about it; hut as the flame had not
as yet readied to its inward parts, but was still
consuming the rooms that were about the holy
house, and Titus supposing what the fact was
that the house itself might yet be saved, he
came in haste and endeavoured to persuade

• These steps to the altar of bumt-oflerinp seem hero
eilher an improper and inaccurate expression of Jose-
..............................iud

hns. since it was unlawful to make ladder-steps (see
xiii. and note on An*
those steps or stairs
were invented before the days of Herod the
Great, and had been here built by him; though the later
s always deny it. and say that even Herod’s altar was
abCended to by au acclivity only.

phi

Description of the Temples, chap.:
tiq. b iv. chap. viii. sect. 5); or el»
we now use were invented before t
Grea
lew?753

WARS OP THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order
to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those
spearmen that were about him, to beat the
soldiers that were refractory with their staves,
and to restrain them; yet were their passions
too hard for the regards they had for Caesar,
and the dread they had of him who forbade
them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a
certain vehement inclination to fight them,
too hard for them also. Moreover, the hope
of plunder induced many to go on, as having
this opinion, that all the places within were
full of money, and as seeing that all round
about it was made of gold ; and besides, one
of those that went into the place prevented
Coesar when he ran so hastily out to restrain
the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges
of the gate in the dark; whereby the flame
burst out from within the holy house itself
immediately when the commnnders retired,
and Ceesar with them, and when nobody any
longer forbade those that were without to set
fire to it; and thus was the holy house burnt
down, without Csesar's approbation.

8. Now, although any one would justly
lament the destruction of such a work as this
was, since it was the most admirable of all the
works that we have seen or heard of, both for
its curious structure and its magnitude, and
also for the vast wealth bestowed upon it, as
well as for the glorious reputation it had for
its holiness; yet might such a one comfort
himself with this thought that it was fate that
decreed it so to be, which is inevitable, both
as to living creatures and as to works and
places also. However, one cannot but wonder
at the accuracy of this period thereto relating;
for the same month and day were now observ-
ed, as I said before, wherein the holy house
wa3 burnt formerly by the Babylonians. Now
the number of years that passed from its first
foundation, which was laid by king Solomon,
till this its destruction, which happened in the
second year of the reign of Vespasian, are col-
lected to be one thousand one hundred and
thirty, besides seven months and fifteen days;
and from the second building of it, which was
done by Haggai, in the second year of Cyrus
the king, till its destruction under Vespasian,
there were six hundred and thirty-nine years,
and forty-five days.

CHAPTER V.

THE GREAT DISTRESS THE JEWS WERE IN UPON
THE CONFLAGRATION OF THE HOLY HOUSE.
CONCERNING A FALSE PROPHET, AND THE
■IONS THAT PUECEDED THIS DESTRUCTION.

§ 1. While the holy house was on fire, every
thing was plundered that came to hand, and
ten thousand of those that were caught were
shun, nor was, there a commiseration of any
age. or ur.\ reverence of gravity , but children,

and old men, and profane persons, and priests,
were all 6lain in the same manner; so that
this war went round all sorts of men, and
brought them to destruction, and as well those
that made supplication for their lives, as those
that defended themselves by fighting. The
flame was also carried a long way, and made an
echo, together with the groans of those that
were slain; and because this hill was high,
and the works at the temple were very great,
one would have thought the whole city had
been on fire. Nor can one imagine any thing
either greater or more terrible than this noise;
for there was at once a shout of the Roman
legions, who were marching all together, and
a sad clamour of the seditious, who were now
surrounded with fire and sword. The people
also that were left above were beaten back upon
the enemy, and under a great consternation,
and made sad moans at the calamity they were
under; the multitude also that was in the city
joined in this outcry with those that were upon
the hill; and besides, many of those that were
worn away by the famine, and their mouths
almost closed, when they saw the fire of the
holy house, they exerted their utmost strength,
and brake out into groans and outcries again:
Perea* did also return the echo, as well as
the mountains round about [the city], and
augmented the force of the entire noise. Yet
was the misery itself-more terrible than this
disorder; for one would have thought that
the hill itself, on which the temple stood,
was seething-hot, as full of fire on every part
of it, that the blood was larger in quantity
than the fire, and those that were slain more
in number than those that slew them; for the
ground did nowhere appear visible, for the
dead bodies that lay on it; but the soldiers
went over heaps of these bodies, as they ran
upon such as fled from them. And now it
was that the multitude of the robbers were
thrust out [of the inner court of the temple]
by the Romans, and had much ado to get into
the outer court, and from thence into the city,
while the remainder of the populace fled into
the cloister of that outer court. As for the
priests, some of them plucked up from the
holy house the spikesf that were upon it,
with their bases, which were made of lead,
and shot them at the Romans instead of darts.
But then as they gained nothing by so doing,

*	This Perea, if the word be not mistaken in the
copies, cannot well be that Perea which was beyond Jor-
dan, the mountains of which were at a considerable dis-
tance from Jordan, and much too remote from Jerusalem
to join in this echo at the conflagration of the temple;
but Perea must be rather some mountains beyond the
brook Cedron, as was the Mount of Olives, or some
others about such a distance from Jerusalem; which
observation is so obvious, that it is a wonder our com-
mentators here take no notice of it.

♦	Reiand, I think, here judges well, when he inter-
prets these spikes (of those that stood on the top of the
holy bouse) with sharp points: they were fixed into lead,
to prevent the birds from sitting there, and defiling tbo
boly honse, for such spikes there were now upon it, as
Josepbus himself hath already assured us, b. v. eh. v,
sect 6.CHAP. V.

WARS OF THE JEWS*

753

and as the fire burst out upon them, they re-
tired to the wall that was eight cubits broad,
and there they tarried; yet did two of these
of eminence among them, who might have
saved themselves by going over to the Romans,
or have borne up with courage, and taken their
fortune with the others, throw themselves into
the fire, and were burnt together with the holy
house; their names were Meirus the son of
Belgas, and Joseph the son of Daleus.

2.	And now the Romans, judging that it
was in vain to spare wliat was round about the
holy house, burnt all those places, as also the
remains of the cloisters and the gates, two ex-
cepted; the one on the east side, and the other
on the south; both which, however, they burnt
afterward. They also burnt down the treasury-
chambers, in which was an immense quantity
of money, and an immense number of gar-
ments, and other precious goods, there repo-
sited ; and, to speak all in a few words, there
it was that the entire riches of the Jews were
heaped up together, while the rich people had
there built themselves chambers [to contain
such furniture]. The soldiers also came to
the rest of the cloisters that were iu the outer
[court of the] temple, whither the women and
children, and a great mixed multitude of the
people fled, in number about six thousand.
But before Caesar had determined any thing
about these people, or.given the commanders
any orders relating to them, the soldiers were
in such a rage, that they set the cloister on
fire; by which means it came to pass that
some of these were destroyed by throwing
themselves down headlong, and some were
burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did
any one of them escape with his life. A false
prophet * was the occasion of these people’s
destruction, who had made a public procla-
mation in the city that very day, that God
commanded them to get up upon the temple,
and that there they should receive miracu-
lous signs of their deliverance. Now, there
was then a great number of false prophets sub-
orned by the tyrants to impose upon the peo-
ple, who denounced this to them, that they
should wait for deliverance from God; and this
was in order to keep them from deserting, and
that they might be buoyed up above fear and
care by such hopes. Now, a man that is in
adversity does easily comply with such pro-
mises; for when such a seducer makes him
believe that he shall be delivered from those
miseries which oppress- him, then it is that the
patient is full of hopes of such deliverance.

3.	Thus were the miserable people persuaded
by these deceivers, and such as belied God
himself; while they did not attend, nor give
credit, to the signs that were so evident, and
did so plainly foretell their future desolation;
but, like men infatuated, without either eyes

• Reland here justly take* notice that these Jews
*rpr» had dejsp sHfl the true Prophri, were deservedly
aoused ard deluded hy tln se false ones.

to see, or minds to consider, did not regard
the denunciations that God made to them.
Thus there was a star resembling a sword,
which stood over the city, and a comet that
continued a whole year.f Thus also, before
the Jews’ rebellion, and before those commo-
tions which preceded the war, when the peo-
ple were come in great crowds to the feast of
unleavened bread, on the eighth day of the
month Xanthicusj [Nisan], and at the ninth
hour of the night, so great a light shone round
the altar and the holy house, that it appeared
to be bright day-time; which light lasted for
half an hour. This light seemed to be a good
sign to the unskilful, but was so interpreted
by the sacred scribes, as to portend those
events that followed immediately upon it. At
the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led
by the high-priest to be sacrificed, brought
forth a lamb in the midst of the temple.
Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner [court
of the] temple, which was of brass, and vastly
heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by
twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed
with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep
into the firm floor, which was there made of
one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its
own accord about the sixth hour of the night.
Now, those that kept watch in the temple
came hereupon running to the captain of the
temple, and told him of it; who then came
up thither, and not without great difficulty,
was able to shut the gate again. This also
appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy
prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the
gate of happiness. But the men of learning
understood it, that the security of their holy
house was dissolved of its own accord, and
that the gate was opened for the advantage of
their enemies. So these publicly declared,
that this signal foreshowed the desolation that
was coming upon them. Besides these, a few
days after that feast, on the one-and-twen-
tieth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar], a
certain prodigious and incredible phenome-
non appeared; 1 suppose the account of it
would seem to be a fable, were it not related
by those that saw it, and were not the events
that followed it of so considerable a nature as
to deserve such signals; for, before sun-set-
ting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their
armour were seen running about among the
clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover,
at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the

+ Whether Josephus means that this star was differ-
ent from the comet which lasted a whole year, 1 cannot
certainly determine. His words most favour their be-

t Since Josephus still uses the Syro-Macedonian
month Xanthicus for the Jewish month Nisan, this
eighth, or. as Nicephoros reads it, this niltth of Xanthi •
cus, or ‘

ing different one from another.

bus
foi

hth, or, as Nicephoros reads it, inis nunn oi Aanim •
i, or Nisan, was almost a week before the Passover,
on the fourteenth: about which time we learn from St.
John that many used to go “out of the country to Je-
rusalem, to purify themselves,” John xi. 55, with xii.
1; in agreement with Josephus also, book v. cb. iii. sect.
1. And it might well he, that in the sight of these this
extraordinary light might appear.

3 BWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

754

priests were going byiligbt into the inner*
[court of the] temple, as their custom was, to
perform their sacred ministrations, they said
that, in the first place, they felt a quaking,
and heard a great noise, and after that they
heard a sound as of a great multitude, say-
ing, “ Let us remove hence.” But, what is
still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the
son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman,
who, four years before the war began, and at
a time when the city was in very great peace
and prosperity, came to that feast whereon

come. This cry of bis was the loudest at the
festivals; and he continued this ditty for
seven years and five months, without growing
hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the
very time that he saw his presage in earnest
fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; for as
he was going round upon the wall, he cried
out with his utmost force, “Wo, wo to the city
again, and to the people, and to the holy
house!” And just as he added at the last,—
“ Wo, wo to myself also I” there came a stone
out of one of the engines, and smote him,

it is our custom for every one to make taber-1 and killed him immediately: and as he was

nacles to God in the temple,f began on a
sudden to cry aloud, “ A voice from the
east, a voice from the west, a voice from the
four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the
holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms
and the brides, and a voice against this
whole people!” This was bis cry, as he
went about by day and by night, in all the
lanes of the city. However, certain of the
most eminent among the populace bad great
indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up
the man, and gave him a great number of
severe stripes; yet did he not either say any
thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to
those that chastised him, but still he went on
with the same words which he cried before.
Hereupon our rulers supposing, as the case
proved to be. that this was a sort of divine fury
in the man, brought him to the Roman pro-
curator; where he was whipped till his bones
were laid bare; yet did he not make any sup-
plication for himself, nor shed any tears, but
turning his voice to the most lamentable tone
possible, at every stroke of the whip his an-
swer was, “ Wo, wo to Jerusalem!” And
when Albinus (for he was then our procura-
tor) asked him, Who he was? and whence he
came? and why he uttered such words? he
made no manner of reply to what he said, but
still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till
Albinus took him to be a madman, and dis-
missed him. Now, during all the time that
passed before the war began, this man did
not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen
bv them while he said so; but he every day
littered these lamentable words, as if it were
his premeditated vow, “Wo, wo to Jeru-
salem!” Nor did he give ill words to any
of those that beat him every day, nor good
words to those that gave him food; but this
was his reply to all men, and indeed no other
than a melancholy presage of what was to

* This here seems to he 1he court of the priests.

place alter the

+ Both Iceland and Haverramp in this plact
natural pnnclua’lon and sense of Josephus, and this
i to the opinion of Valesins and It. Hudson, lest

contrary to the opinion ot Valesms and It. Hudson, l
Josephus should say *hat the Jrvs built booths or tents
within the temple at the feast of tabernacles: which the
later rabbins will not allow to have been the ancient
practice: but then,since it is expressly told us in Nehe-
rniali, ch. vii; 16. that in still elder tirr es uthe Jews
made booths in the courts of the house of Ood ” at that
festival, Josephus mav well he permitted to sny the
same. And indeed, the modern rabbins are of very
snta l authority in all such matters ofrrinotc antiquity.

uttering the very same presages, he gave up
the ghost.

4. Now, if any one consider these things,
be will find that God takes care of mankind,
and by all ways possible foreshows to our
race wbat is for their preservation; but th> t
men perish by those miseries which they madly
and voluntarily bring upon themselves; fur
the Jews by demolishing the tower of Anto-
nia, bad made their temple four-square, wbi e
at the same time they had it written in their
sacred oracles, — “ That then should their
city be taken, as well as their holy bouse,
when once their temple should become four-
square.” But now, what did most elevate
them in undertaking this war, was an am-
biguous oracle that was also found iiv their
sacred writings, how, “ about that time, one
from their country should become governor of
the habitable earth.” The Jews took this pre-
diction to belong to themselves in particular;
and many of the wise men wer^ thereby de-
ceived in their determination. Now, this
oracle certainly denoted the government of
Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in
Judea. However, it is not possible for men
to avoid fate, allhougli they see it beforehand.
But these men interpreted some of these sig-
nals according to their own pleasure; and
some of them they utterly despised, until their
madness was demonstrated, both by the taking
of their city and their own destruction.

CHAPTER VI.

HOW THE HOMANS CARRIED THEIR ENSIGNS
TO THE TEMPLE, AND MADE JOYFUL AC-
CLAMATIONS TO TITUS. THE SPEECH THAT
TITUS MADE TO THE JEWS WHEN THEY
MADE SUPPLICATION FOR MERCY. WHAT
REPLY THEY MADE THERETO; AND HOW
THAT REPLY MOVED TITUS’S INDIGNATION
AGAINST THEM.

§ 1. And now the Bomans, upon the flight of
the seditious into the city, and upon the burn-
ing of the holy house itself, and of all the
buildings round about it, brought their en-
signs to the temple,* and set them over-against

• Take Havercamp*}* rote here. k* Tina (,»av5 he| U a
leniaikuhle fibre; and Terl«.Ilian truly says in his Apo-CHAP. VI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

755

its eastern gate; and there did they offer
sacrifices to them, and there did they make
Titus imperator,* with the greatest acclama-
tions of joy. And now all the soldiers had
such vast quantities of the spoils which they
had gotten hy plunder, that in Syria a pound
weight of gold was sold for half its former
value. But as for those priests that kept
themselves still upon the wall of the holy-
house, f there was a boy that out of the thirst
he was in, desired some of the Roman guards
to give him their right hands as a security for
ftis life, and confessed he was very thirsty.
These guards commiserated his age, and the
distress he was in, and gave him their right
Hands accordingly. So he came down him-
self, and drank some water, and filled the ves-
sel he had with him when he came to them
with water, and then went off, and fled away
to his own friends; nor could any of those
guards overtake him ; but still they reproach-
ed him for his perfidiousness. To which he
made this answer:—“ 1 have not broken the
agreement; for the security I had given me
was not in order to my staying with you, but
only in order to my coming down safely, and
taking up some water; both which things I
have performed, and thereupon think myself
to have been faithful to my engagement.”
Hereupon those whom the child had imposed
upon admired at his cunning, and that on
account of his age. On the fifth day after-
ward, the priests that were pined with the
famine came down, and when they were brought
to Titus by the guards, they begged for their
lives: but he replied, that the time of pardon
was over as to them; and that this very holy
house, on whose account only they could
justly hope to be preserved, was destroyed;
and that it was agreeable to their office that
priests should perish with the house itself to
which they belonged. So he ordered them
to be put to death.

2. But as for the tyrants themselves, and
those that were with them, when they found
that they were encompassed on every side,

without any
to treat with
Titus by word of mouth. Accordingly, such
was the kindness of his nature, and his desire
of preserving the city from destruction, join-
ed to the advice of his friends, who now
thought the robbers were come to a temper,
that he placed himself on the western side of

and, as it were, walled round,
method of escaping, they desired

Apologetic, ch. xvi. p. 162. that the entire religion of Ihe
Homan camp almnsi consisted in worshipping (lie en-
signs, in swearing by (lie ensigns, and in preferring the
ensigns hefore all the I other] gods ” See what tlavcr-
camp says upon thal place of Tertullian.

• This declaring Titus imperator hy the soldiers upon
such signal success, and the slaughter of such a vast
number of enemies, was according to the usual prnctice
of the nomaiis in like cases, as Reland assures us on
this place.

+ The Jews of later times agree with Josephus, that
there were hiding-places or secret chambers about the
holy house, as Reland here informs ns. where he thinks
he has found these very walls described hy them

the outer [court of the] temple; for there
were gates on that side above the Xystus, and
a bridge that connected the upper city to the
temple. This bridge it was that lay between
the tyrants and Cesar, and parted them;
while the multitude stood on each side; those
of the Jewish nation about Simon and John,
with great hope of pardon ; and the Romans
about Caesar, in great expectation how Titus
would receive their supplication. So Titus
charged his soldiers to restrain their rage,
and to let their darts alone, and appointed an
interpreter between them, which was a sign
that he was the conqueror, and first began
the discourse, and said, “ I hope you, sirs,
are now satiated with the miseries of your
country, who have not had any just notions,
either of our great power, or of your own
great weakness; but have, like madmen, af-
ter a violent and inconsiderate manner, made
such attempts, as have brought your people,
your city, and your holy house to destruc-
tion. You have been the men that have
never left off rebelling since Pompey first
conquered you; and have, since that time,
made open war with the Romans. Have
you depended on your multitude, while a
very small part of the Roman soldiery have
been strong enough for you ? Have you
relied on the fidelity of your confederates?
and what nations are there, out of the limits
of our dominion, that would choose to assist
the Jews before the Romans? Are your bo-
dies stronger than ours ? nay, you know that
the [strong] Germans themselves are our
servants. Have you stronger walls than we
have? Pray, what greater obstacle is there
than the wall of the ocean, with which the
Britons are encompassed, and yet do adore
the arms of the Romans? Do you exceed
us in courage of soul, and in the sagacity of
your commanders? Nay, indeed, you cannot
but know that the very Carthaginians have
been conquered by us. It can therefore be
nothing certainly but the kindness of us Ro-
mans which bath excited you against us;
who, in the first place, have given you this
land to possess; and, in the next place, have
set over you kings of your own nation; and
in the third place, have preserved the laws of
your forefathers to you, and have withal per-
mitted you to live, either by yourselves or
among others, as it should please you ? and,
what is our chief favour of all, we have given
you leave to gather up that tribute which is
paid to God,J with such other gifts that are
dedicated to him; nor have we called those
that carried these donations to account, nor
prohibited them; till at length you became
richer than we ourselves, even when you were
our enemies; and you made preparations for

t Spanheim notes here, that the Romans used to per-
mit the Jews to collect their sacred tribute, and send it
to Jerusalem; of which we have had abundant evidence
in JosepbuB already on other occasions.756

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VI.

war against us with our own money: nay,
after all, when you were in the enjoyment of
all these advantages, you turned your too
great plenty against those that gave it you, and
like merciless serpents, have thrown out your
poison against those that treated you kindly.

I suppose, therefore, that you might despise
the slothfulness of Nero, and, like limbs of
the body that are broken or dislocated, you
did then lie quiet, waiting for some other
time, though still with a malicious intention,
and have now shown your distemper to be
greater than ever, and have extended your
desires as far as your impudent and immense
hopes would enable you to do it. At this
time my father came into this country, not
with a design to punish you for what you
had done under Cestius, but to admonish
you ; for, had he come to overthrow your
nation, he had run directly to your fountain-
head, and had immediately laid this city
waste; whereas he went and burnt Galilee
and the neighbouring parts, and thereby gave
you time for repentance; which instance of
humanity you took for an argument of his
weakness, and nourished up your impudence
by our mildness. When Nero was gone out
of the world, you did as the wickedest
wretches would have done, and encouraged
yourselves to act against us by our divil dis-
sensions, and abused that time, when both I
and my father were gone away to Egypt,
to make preparations for this war. Nor
were you ashamed to raise disturbances
against us when we were made emperors, and
this while you had experienced how mild we
had been, when we were no more than gene-
rals of the army; but when the government
was devolved upon us, and all other people
did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign na-
tions sent embassies, and congratulated our I
access to the government, then did you Jews
show yourselves to be our enemies. You
sent embassies to those of your nation that are
beyond Euphrates, to assist you in your rais-
ing disturbances; new walls were built by
you round your city, seditions arose, and one
tvrant contended against another, and a civil
war broke out among you; such, indeed, as
became none but so wicked a people as you
are. I then came to this city, as unwillingly
sent by my father, and received melancholy,
injunctions from him. When I heard that
the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced
at it: I exhorted you to leave off these pro-
ceedings before I began this war; I spared
you even when you had fought against me a
great while ; I gave my right hand as security
to the deserters; I observed what I had pro-
mised faithfully. When they fled to me, I
had compassion on many of those that I had
taken captive ; I tortured those that were
eager for war, in order to restrain them. It
was unwillingly that I brought my engines of
war against your walls; I always prohibited

my soldiers, when they were set upon your
slaughter, from their severity against yon.
After every victory I persuaded you to peace,
as though I had been myself conquered.
When I came near your temple I again de-
parted from the laws of war, and exhorted you
to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve
your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you
a quiet exit out of it, and security for your
preservation: nay, if you had a mind, I gave
you leave to fight in another plhce. Yet have
you still despised every one of my proposals,
and have set fire to your holy house with your
own hands. And now, vile wretches, do you
desire to treat with me by word of mouth ? To
what purpose is it that you would save such
a holy house as this was, which is now destroy-
ed? What preservation can you now desire
after the destruction of your temple? Yet
do you stand still at this very time in your
armour; nor can you bring yourselves so
much as to pretend to be supplicants even in
this your utmost extremity 1 O miserable crea-
tures! what is it you depend on? Are not
your people dead ? is not your holy house
gone? is not your city in my power? and
are not your own very lives in my hands?
And do you still deem it a part of valour to
die ? However, I will not imitate yQur mad-
ness. If you throw down your arms, and de-
liver up your bodies to me, I grant you your
lives; and I will act like a mild master of a
family; what cannot be h'ealed shall be pun-
ished, and the rest I will preserve for my own
use.”

3. To that offer of Titus they made this
reply:—That they could not accept of it,
because they had sworn never to do so; but
they desired they might have leave to go
through the wall that had been made about
1 them, with their wives and children ; for that
they would go into the desert, and leave the
city to him. At this Titus had great indig-
nation ; that, when they were in the case of
men already taken captives, they should pre-
tend to make their own terms with him as if
they had been conquerors 1 So he ordered this
proclamation to be made to them, That they
should no more come out to him as deserters,
nor hope for any farther security; for that he
would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them
with his whole army; and that they must save
themselves as well as they could; for that he
would from henceforth treat them according
to the laws of war. So he gave orders to the
soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city;
who did nothing indeed that day; but on the
next day they set fire to the repository of the
archives, to Acra, to the council-house, and to
the place called Ophlas; at which time the
fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen
Helena; which was in the middle of Acra;
the lanes also were burnt down, as were also
those houses that were full of the dead bodies
of such as were destroyed by famine.CHAP. VII.

WARS OF TIIE JEWS.

757

4. On the same day it was that the sons
and brethren of Izates the king, together with
many others of the eminent men of the popu-
lace, got together there and besought Czesar
to give them his right hand for their security.
Upon which, though he was very angry at all
that were now remaining, yet did he not lay
aside his old moderation, but received these
men. At that time, indeed, he kept them all
in custody, but still bound the king’s sons and
kinsmen, and led them with him to Rome, in
order to make them hostages for their coun-
try’s fidelity to the Romans.

CHAPTER VII.

WHAT AFTERWARDS BEFELL THE SEDITIOUS,
WHEN THEY HAD DONE A GREAT DEAL OF
MISCHIEF, AND SUFFERED MANY MISFOR-
TUNES :	AS ALSO HOW C.ESAR BECAME

MASTER OF THE UTPER CITY.

§ 1. And now the seditious rushed into the
royal palace, into which many had put their
effects, because it was so strong, and drove
the Romans away from it. They also slew’
all the people that had crowded into it, who
were in number about eight thousand four
hundred, and plundered them of what they
had. They also took two of the Romans,
alive ; the one was a horseman, and the other
a footman. They then cut the throat of the
footman, and immediately had him drawn
through the whole city, as revenging them-
selves upon the whole body of the Romans
by this one instance. But the horseman said
he had somewhat to suggest to them, in or-
der to their preservation; whereupon he was
brought before Simon; but he having nothing
to say when he was there, he was delivered to
Ardalas, one of his commanders, to be pun-
ished, who bound his hands behind him, and
put a riband over bis eyes, and then brought
him out over against the Romans, as intend-
ing to cut off his head. But the man pre-
vented that execution, and ran away to the
Romans, and this while the Jewish executioner
was drawing out his sword. Now when he
was gotten away from the enemy, Titus could
not think of putting him to death; but be-
cause he deemed him unworthy of being a
Roman soldier any longer, on account that be
had been taken alive by the enemy, he took
away his arms, and ejected him out of the
legion whereto he had belonged; which, to one
that had a sense of shame, was a penalty se-
verer than death itself.

2. On the next day the Romans drove the
robbers out of the lower city, and set all on
nre as far as Siloam. These soldiers were
indeed glad to see the city destroyed. But
they missed the plunder, because the seditious
had carried off all their effects, and were re-

tired into the upper city; for they did not vet
at all repent of the mischiefs they had done,
but Were insolent, as if they had done well;
for, as they saw the city on fire, they appeared
cheerful, and put on joyful countenances, in
expectation, as they said, of death to end their
miseries. Accordingly, as the people were
now slain, the holy house was burnt down,
and the city was on fire, there was nothing
farther left for the enemy to do. Yet did not
Josephus grow weary, even in this utmost ex-
tremity, to beg of them to spare what was left
of the city ; he spake largely to them about
: their barbarity and impiety, and gave them his
advice, in order to their escape, though he
gained nothing thereby more than to be laugh-
ed at by them ; and as they could not think
of surrendering themselves up, because of the
oath they had taken, nor were strong enough
to fight with the Romans any longer upon the
square, as being surrounded on all sides, and
a kind of prisoners already, yet were they so
accustomed to kill people, that they could not
! restrain their right hands from acting accord-
ingly. So they dispersed themselves before
the city, and laid themselves in ambush
among its ruins, to catch those that attempted
to desert to the Romans; accordingly many
such deserters were caught by them, and were
all slain ; for these were too weak, by reason
of their want of food, to fly away from them;
so their dead bodies were thrown to the dogs.
Now every sort of death was thought more to-
lerable than the famine, insomuch that, though
the Jews despaired now of mercy, yet would
they fly to the Romans, and would themselves,
even of their own accord, fall among the mur-
derous rebels also. Nor was there any place
in the city that bad no dead bodies in it, but
what was entirely covered with those that
were killed either by the famine or the rebel-
lion; and all was full of the dead bodies of
such as had perished, either by that sedition
or by that famine.

3. So now the last hope which supported
the tyrants and that crew of robbers who were
with them, was in the caves and caverns under
ground; whither, if they could once fly, they
did not expect to be searched for; but endea-
voured, that after the whole city should be
destroyed, and the Romans gone away, they
might come out again, and escape from them.
This was no better than a dream of theirs; for
they were not able to lie hid either from God
or from the Romans. However, they depended
on these under-ground subterfuges, and set
more places on fire than did the Romans them-
selves; and those that fled out of their houses
thus set on fire, into ditches, they killed
without mercy, and pillaged them also; and
if they discovered food belonging to any one,
they seized upon it and swallowed it down,
together with their blood also; nay, they
were now come to fight one with another
about their plunder; and I cannot but think758

WARS OF THK JEWS.

BOOK VI.

that, had not their destruction prevented it,
their barbarity would have made them taste
of even the dead bodies themselves.

CHAPTER VIIT.

HOW CiESAtt RAISED BANKS ROUND ABOUT THE
UPPER CITY,* AND WHEN THEY WERE COM-
PLETED, GAVE ORDERS FOR THE MACHINES
TO BE BROUGHT. HE THEN POSSESSED HIM-
SELF OF THE WHOLE CITY.

§ 1. Now, when Ctesar perceived that the
upper city was so steep, that it could not pos-
sibly be taken without raising banks against
it, he distributed the several parts of that work
among his army, and this on the twentieth
day of the month Lous [Ab]. Now, the car-
riage of the materials was a difficult task,
since all the trees, as I have already told you,
that were about the city, within the distance
of a hundred furlongs, bad their branches cut
off already, in order to make the former banks.
The works that belonged to the four legions
were erected on the west side of the city,
over against the royal palace; but the whole
body of the auxiliary troops, with the rest of
the multitude that were with them, [erected
their banks] at the Xystus, whence they
reached to the bridge, and that tower of Si-
mon, which he had built as a citadel for him-
self against John, when they were at war one
with another.

2. It was at this time that the commanders
of the Idumeans got together privately, and
took counsel about surrendering up them-
selves to the Romans. Accordingly, they
sent five men to Titus, and entreated him to
give them his right hand for their security.
So Titus thinking that the tyrants would
yield, if the Idumeans, upon whom a great
part of the war depended, were once with-
drawn from them, after some reluctance and
delay, complied with them, and gave them
security for their lives, and sent the five men
back; but as these Idumeans were preparing
to march out, Simon perceived it, and im-
mediately slew the five men that had gone to
Titus, and took their commanders, and put
themJn prison, of whom the most eminent
was Jacob, the son of Sosas; but as for the
multitude of the Idumeans, who did not at all
know what to do, now their commanders
were taken from them, he had them watched,
and secured the walls by a more numerous
garrison. Yet could not that garrison resist
those that were deserting; for although a great
number of them were slain, yet were the de-
serters many more in number. These were
all received by the Romans, because Titus
himself grew negligent as to his former orders
for killing them and because the very soldiers
• That is, Mount Sion.

grew weary of killing them, and because they
hoped to get some money by sparing them ;
for they left only the populuce.and sold the rest
of the multitude,f with their wives and chil-
dren, and every one of them at a very lo w price,
and that because such as were sold" were very
many, and the buyers very few; and although
Titus bad made proclamation behuenami.
that no deserter should come alone by him-
self, that so they might bring out their fami-
lies with them, yet did he receive such as these
also. However, he set over them such as
were to distinguish some from others, in or-
der to see if any of them deserved to be pun-
ished ; and indeed the number of those that
were sold was immense; but of the populace
above forty thousand were saved, whom Cte-
sar let go whither every one of them pleased.

3. But now at this time it was that one of
the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name
was Jesus, upon his having security given
him, by the oath of,Caesar, that he should be
preserved, upon condition that he should de-
liver to him certain of the precious things that
had been reposited in the temple,f came out
of it, and delivered him from the wall of the
holy house two candlesticks like to those that
lay in the holy house, with tables, and cis-
terns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and
very heavy. He also delivered to him the
veils and the garments, with the precious
stones, and a great number of other precious
vessels that belonged to their sacred worship.
The treasurer of the temple also, whose name
was Pbineas, was seized on, and showed Ti-
tus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a
great quantity of purple and scarlet, which
were there reposited for the uses of the veil,
as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia,
with a large quantity of other sweet spices,§
which used to be mixed together, and offered as
incense to God every day. A great many other
treasures were also delivered to him, with
sacred ornaments of the temple not a few;
which things thus delivered to. Titus, obtain-
ed of him for this man the same pardon that

+ This innumerable multitude of Jews that were
“sold” by the Romans, were an eminent completion of
God’s ancient threatening by Moses, that if they aposta-

“ sold unto their enemies for bondmen and bond-
women ” Dent, xxviii 08. See more especially the note
on ch. ix. sect. 2. Rut one thing here is peculiarly re-
markable, that Moses adds.—Though they should he
“ sold” for slaves, yet “no man should buy them;” i e.
either they should have none to redeem them from this
sate into slavery; or rather that the slaves to be sold
should be more than were the purchasers for them and
so they should be sold for little or nothing; which is
what Josephus here affirms to have been the case at this

ne.

t What became a? these spoils of the temple that es-
ped the 6re, see Josephus himself hereafter, b. vii. ch.
sect. 5, and Reland de Spoliis Ttmpli, p. 129—138.
i These various sorts of spices, even more than those

........	' (Ex ‘	' '

four which Mo:
were

which Moses prescribed (Exod. xxxi. 34), we see
used in their public worship under Herod’s temple,
;ularly cinnamon and cassia; which Iteland takes

particularly cinnamon and cassia; i
particular notice of, as agreeing with the latter testimony
of the Talmudists.CHAP. VIII.

WARS OK THE JEWS.

he had allowed to such as deserted of their
own accord.

4.	And now were the banks finished on the
seventh day of the month Gorpieus [Elul], in
eighteen days’ time, when the Romans brought
their machines against the wall; but for the
seditious, some of them, as despairing of sav-
ing the city, retired from the wall to the cita-
del ; others of them went down into the sub-
terranean vaults, though still a great many of
them defended themselves against those that
brought the engines for the battery; yet did
the Romans overcome them by their number
and by their strength ; and, what was the
principal thing of all, by going cheerfully
about their work, while the Jews were quite
dejected and become weak. Now, as soon as
a part of the wall was battered down, and cer-
tain of the towers yielded to the impression
of the battering-rams, those that opposed
themselves fled away, and such a terror fell
upon the tyrants, as was much greater than
the occasion required ; for before the enemy
got over the breach they were quite stunned,
and were immediately for flying away; and
now one might see these men, who had hi-
therto been so insolent and arrogant in their
wicked practices, to be cast down and to
tremble, insomuch that it would pity one’s
heart to observe the change that was made in
those vile persons. Accordingly they ran with
great violence upon the Roman wall that en-
compassed them, in order to force away those
that guarded it, and to break through it, and
get away ; but when they saw that those who
hud formerly been faithful to them, had gone
away (as indeed they were fled whithersoever
the great distress they were in persuaded
them to flee) as also when those that came
running before the rest told them that the
western wqll was entirely overthrown, while
others said the Romans were gotten in, and
others that they were near, and looking out
for them, which were only the dictates of
their fear which imposed upon their sight,
they fell upon their faces, and greatly lament-
ed their own mad conduct; and their nerves
were so terribly loosed, that they could not flee
away ; and here one may chiefly reflect on the
power of God exercised upon these wicked
wretches, and on the good fortune of the Ro-
mans; for these tyrants did now wholly de-
prive themselves of the security they had in
their own power, and came down from those
very towers of their own accord, wherein they
could have never been taken by force, nor in-
deed by any other way than by famine. And
thus did the Romans, when they bad taken J
such great pains about weaker walls, get by
good fortune what they could never have got-
ten by their engines; for three of these tow-
ers were too strong for all mechanical engines
whatsoever; concerning which we have treat-
ed of before.

5.	So they now left these towers of them-

750

selves, or rather they were ejected out of
them by God himself, and fled immediately
to that valley which was under Siloam, where
they again recovered themselves out of the
dread they were in foe a while, and ran vio-
lently against that part of the Roman wall
which lay on that side ; but as their courage
was too much depressed to make their attacks
with sufficient force, and their power was now
broken with fear and affliction, they were re-
pulsed by the guards, and dispersing them-
selves at distances from each other, went down
into the subterranean caverns. So the Ro-
mans being now become masters of the walls,
they both placed their ensigns upon the tow-
ers, and made joyful acclamations for the vic-
tory they had gained, as having found the end
of this war much lighter than its beginning;
for when they bad gotten upon the last wall,
without any bloodshed, they could hardly be-
lieve what they found to be true; but seeing
nobody to oppose them, they stood in doubt
what such an unusual solitude could mean.
But when they went in numbers into the lanes
of the city, with their swords drawn, they slew
those whom they overtook, without mercy,
and set fire to the houses whither the Jews
were fled, and burnt every soul in them, and
laid waste a great many of the rest; and when
they were come to the houses to plunder
them, they found in them entire families of
dead men, and the upper rooms full of dead
corpses, that is of such as died by the famine;
they then stood in a horror at this sight, and
went out without touching any thing. But
although they had this commiseration for
such as were destroyed in that manner, yet
had they not the same for those that were
still alive, but they ran every one through
whom they met with, and obstructed the very
lanes with their dead bodies, and made the
whole city run down with blood, to such a
degree indeed that the fire of many of the
houses was quenched with these men’s blood.
And truly so it happened, that though the
slayers left off at the evening, yet did the fire
greatly prevail in the night; and as all was
burning, came that eighth day of the month
Gorpieus [Elul] upon Jerusalem; a city that
had been liable to so many miseries during
this siege, that, had it always enjoyed as much
happiness from its first foundation, it would
certainly have been the envy of the world.
Nor did it on any other account so much de-
serve these sore misfortunes, as by producing
such a generation of men as were the ocua<
sions of this its overthrow.wars or i hi; jews.

BOOK VI.

7 no

CHAPTER IX.

WHAT INJUNCTIONS CrESAR GAVE WHEN HE
WAS COME WITHIN THE CITY. THE NUM-
BER OF THE CAPTIVES, AND OF THOSE THAT
PERISHED IN THE SIEGE; AS ALSO CONCERN-
ING THOSE THAT ESCAPED INTO THE SUB-
TERRANEAN CAVERNS, AMONG WHOM WERE
THE TYRANTS SIMON AND JOHN THEM-
SELVES.

§ 1. Now, when Titu9 was come into this
[upper] city, he admired not only some other
places of strength in it, but particularly those
strong towers which the tyrants, in their mad
conduct, had relinquished; for w'hen he saw
their solid altitude, and the largeness of their
several stones,and the exactness of their joints,
as also how great was their breadth, and how
extensive their length, he expressed himself
after the manner following-—“ We have cer-
tainly had God for our assistant in this war,
and it was no other than God who ejected the
Jews out of these fortifications; for what
could the hands of men, or any machines, do to-
wards overthrowing these towers!” At which
time he had many such discourses to his
friends; he also let such go free as had been
bound by the tyrants and were left in the
prisons. To conclude, when he entirely demo-
lished the rest of the city, and overthrew its
walls, he left these towers as a monument of
his good fortune, which had proved his auxi-
liaries, and enabled him to take what could
not otherwise have been taken by him.

2. And now, since his soldiers were already
quite tired with killing men, and yet there
appeared to be a vast multitude still remain-
ing alive, Caesar gave orders that they should
kill none but those that were in arms, and
opposed them, but should take the rest alive.

But, together with those whom they had
orders to slay, they slew the aged and the in-
firm; but for those that were in their flourish-
ing age, and who might be useful to them,
they drove them together into the temple, and
shut them up within the walls of the court of] salem t0 be destroyed in this siege, as
,,	r	, . .	r . . I set down bv Josephus, but that both Je

the women ; over which Caesar set one ot ms	-

freed men, as also Fronto, one of his own
friends; which last was to determine every
one’s fate, according to his merits. So this
Fronto slew all those that had been seditious
and robbers, who were impeached one by
another ; but of the young men he chose out
the tallest and most beautiful, and reserved
them for the triumph; and as for the rest of
the multitude that were above seventeen
years old, he put them into bonds, and sent
them to the Egyptian mines.* Titus also sent
a great number into the-pro vinces as a present
to them, that they might be destroyed upon

their theatres, by the sword and by the wild
beasts; but those that were under seventeen
years of age were 9old for slaves. Now dur-
ing the days wherein Fronto was distinguish-
ing these men, there perished, for want of
food, eleven thousand; some of whom did not
taste any food, through the hatred their guards
bore to them; and others would not take in
any when it was given them. The multitude
also was so very great, that they were in want
even of corn for their sustenance.

3. Now the numberf of those that were
carried captive during this whole war was
collected to be ninety-seven thousand; as was
the number cf those that perished during the
whole siege eleven hundred thousand, the
greater part of whom were indeed of the same
nation [with the citizens of Jerusalem], but
not belonging to the city itself; for they were
come up from all the country to the feast o:
unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut
up by an army, which, at the very first, occa-
sioned so great a straitness among them that
there came a pestilential destruction upon
them, and soon afterward such a famine, as
destroyed them more suddenly. And that
this city could contain so many people in it
is manifest by that number of them which wa3
taken under Cestius, who being desirous of
informing Nero of the power of the city, who
otherwise was disposed to contemn that na-
tion, entreated the high-priests, if the thing
were possible, to take the number of their
whole multitude. So these high-priests, upon
the coming of their feast which is called the
Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from
the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that
a company not less than tenj belong to every
sacrifice (for it is not lawful for them to feast
singly by themselves), and many of us are

+ The whole multitude of the Jews that were de-
stroyed during the entire seven years before this time,
in all the countries of and bordering on Judea, is sum-
med up by Archbishop Usher, from Lipsius, out of Jose-
phus, at the year of Christ 70, and amounts to 1,337,190.

phus, at the y
Nor could thei

re have been that number of Jews in Jeru-
will be presently
ws and i

• See the several predictions that the Jews, if they
became obstinate in their ii
be sent again, or
Deut. xxviii. (38; Jer. xliv.

35; 2 Esd. xv. 10—14. with
19, 121, and Reland Palsest* a, tom.ii.p.715.

rat predictions that the Jews, it they
in their idolatry and wickedness, should
sold into Egypt, for their punishment,
7; Hos. viii. 13; ix. 3; xi
Authentic Records, part i.p.

proselytes
ither coun-

of justice were just then come up out of the othgr <
tries of Galilee, Samaria, Judea, and Perea, and other
remoter regions, to the Passover, in vast numbers, and
ed u	'

therein cooped up, as in a prison, by the Roman army,
as Josephus himself well observes, in this

ts, i

section, and as is exactly related elsewhere, b. v, ch. iii.
and ch. xiii. sect. 7.

aschal lamb,

this and the next

on, i

sect. 1; a.iu uii. Am j,.,.,...

t This number of a company for one pas
between ten and twenty, agrees exactly with the number
thirteen at our Saviour’s last passover. As to the whole
number of tiie Jews that used to come up to the Pass-
at Jerusalem, see the note on b. ii. ch.

to be here indeed just

In his present
number is,
,ce now ci-

r, and eat of it at Jerusalem,

• sect. 3. This number ought
ten times the number of the lambs, or just 2,565,000. by

ugnt tc
lambs,

Josephus’s own reasoning; whereas it is, In
copies, no less than 2,7011,000, which last n
however, nearest the other number in the plate
ted, which is 3.000,000. But what is here chiefly remark-
able is this, that no foreign nation ever came thus to
destroy the Jews at any of their solemn festivals, from
the days of Moses till this time, but came now upon (heir
apostacy from God, and from obedience to him. Nor is
it possible, in the nature of things, that in any other
nation such vast numbers should be gotten together, uni
perish in the siege of any one city whatsoever as uow
happened in Jerusalem.CHAP. X,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

761

twenty in a company, found the number of
sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thou-
sand five hundred; which, upon the allow-
ance of no more than ten that feast together,
amounts to two millions seven hundred thou-
sand and two hundred persons that were pure
and holy; for as to those that have the leprosy,
or the gonorrhoea, or women that have their
monthly courses, or such as are otherwise pol-
luted, it is not lawful for them to be partakers
of this sacrifice; nor indeed for any foreign-
ers neither, who come hither to worship.

4. Now this vast multitude is indeed col-
lected out of remote places, but the entire na-
tion was now shut up by fate as in a prison, and
the Roman army encompassed the city when
it was crowded with inhabitants. Accordingly
the multitude of those that therein perished,
exceeded all the destructions that either
men or God ever brought upon the world;
for, to speak only of what was publicly known,
the Romans slew some of them, some they
carried captives, and others they made search
for under ground, and when they found where
they were, they broke up the ground and
slew all they met with. There were also
found slain there above two thousand persons,
partly by their own hands, and partly by one
another, but chiefly destroyed by the famine;
but then, the ill savour of the dead bodies
was most offensive to those that lighted upon
them, insomuch that some were obliged to
get away immediately, while others were so
greedy of gain, that they would go in among
the dead bodies that lay in heaps, and tread
upon them; for a great deal of treasure was
found in these caverns, and the hope of gain
made every way of getting it to be esteemed
lawful. Many also of those that had been put
in prison by the tyrants were now brought out;
for they did not leaveofftheir barbarous cruelty
at the very last: yet did God avenge himself
upon them both, in a manner.agreeable to jus-
tice. As for John, he wanted food, together
with his brethren, in these caverns, and beg-
ged that the Romans would now give him their
right hand for his security, which he had often
proudly rejected before; but for Simon, he
struggled hard with the distress he was in,
till he was forced to surrender himself, as we
shall relate hereafter; so he was reserved for
the triumph, and to be then slain: as was
John condemned to perpetual imprisonment:
and now the Romans set fire to the extreme
parts of the city, and burnt them down, and
entirely demolished its walls.

CHAPTER X.

THAT WHEREAS THE CITY OF JERUSALEM
HAD BEEN FIVE TIMES TAKEN FORMERLY,

THIS WAS THE SECOND TIME OF ITS DESOLA-
TION. A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF ITS HISTORY, obvious, is this, that 1 hart entirely prevented mysel

.	, that treatise beforehand; to which, therefore. I must t

$1. AND thus was Jerusalem taken. Ill the I once for all, seriously refer every inquisitive reader.

second year of the reign of Vespasian, on the
eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul], It
had been taken five * times before, though
this was the second time of its desolation; for
Shishak, the king of Egypt, and after him
Antiochus, and after him Pompey, and after
them Sosius and Herod took the city, but
still preserved it; but before all these, the
king of Babylon conquered it, and made it
desolate, one thousann Hir hundred and sixty-
eight years and six months after it was built.
But he who first built it f was a potent man
among the Canaanites, and is in our tongue
called [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, for
such he really was; on which account he was
[there] the first priest of God, and first built
a temple [there], and called the city Jerusalem,
which was formerly called Salem. However,
David, the king of the Jew's, ejected the Ca-
naanites, and settled his own people therein.
It was demolished entirely by the Babylo-
nians, four hundred and seventy-seven years
and six months after him. And from king
David, who was the first of the Jews who
reigned therein, to this destruction under
Titus, were one thousand one hundred and
seventy-nine years; but from its first build-
ing, till this last destruction, w'ere two thou-
sand one hundred and seventy-seven years; yet
hath not its great antiquity, nor its vast riches,
nor the diffusion of its nation over all the ha-
bitable earth, nor the greatness of the vene-
ration paid to it on a religious account, been
sufficient to preserve it from being destroyed.
And thus ended the siege of Jerusalem.

* Besides tliese five here enumerated, who had takei.
Jerusalem of old. Josephus, upon farther recollection,
reckons a sixth, Antiq. h. xii. ch. i. sect. 1, who should
have been here inserted in the second place; I mean

Ptolemy, the son of Lagns.

+ Why 1

Colon, b. ii. ch iv.). that “ There are in this clause of

1 the great Uochart should say (De Phcenic.

Josephus as many mistakes as words,” I do by no means
understand. Josephus thought Melchisedek first built,
or ratner rebuilt and adorned this city, and that it was
then called Salem, as Psal. Ixxvi. 2: lhat it afterwards
came to be called Jerusalem: and that Melchisedek, be-
ing a priest as well as a king, built to the true God
therein a temple, or place for public divine worship and
sacrifice; all which things may be very true for aught
we know to the contrary; and for the word	or

Temple, as if it must needs belong to the great temple
built by Solomon long afterward, Josephus himself uses
vuog, for the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. b. iii.ch.vi.
sect. 4. See also Antiq. b. iii. ch. vi. sect. 1, as lie here
presently uses for a large and splendid synagogue of
the Jews at Antioch only, b. vii-cb. iii. sect. 3.

**» This is the proper place for snch as have closely
tended to these latter hooks of the War, to peruse, and
that with equal attention, those distinct and plain pre-
dictions of Jesus of Nazareth, in the gospels thereto re-

attended to these lati

lating, as compared with their exact completions in Jo-
sephus’B history; upon which completions,as Dr. Whitby
well observes, Annot on Matt. xxiv. 2, no small part of
the evidence for the truth of the Christian religion does

The

reason why I have so seldom taken notice of those com-
pletions in the course of these notes, notwithstanding
their being so very remarkable, and frequently so very
obvious, is this, that I had entirely prevented myself in

rer,
tice i702

BOOK VII.

CONTAINIKG THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT THREE YEABS.

FROM THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS, TO THE SEDITION
OF THE JEWS AT CYRENE.

CHAPTER I.

HOW THE ENTIRE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS
DEMOLISHED, EXCEPTING THREE TOWERS;
AND HOW TITUS COMMENDED HIS SOL-
DIERS, IN A SPEECH MADE TO THEM, AND
DISTRIBUTED REWARDS TO THEM, AND
THEN DISMISSED MANY OF THEM.

§ 1. Now, as soon as tbe army had no more
people to slay or to plunder, because there
remained none to be the objects of their fury
(for they would not have spared any, had there
remained any other such work to be done), Cae-
sar gave orders that they should now demolish
the entire city and. temple, but should leave
as many of the towers standing as were of the
greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and
Hippicus, and Mariamne, and so much of the
wall as enclosed the city on the west side.
This wall was spared, in order to afford a
camp for such as were to lie in garrison; as
were the towers also spared, in order to de-
monstrate to posterity what kind of city it
w'as, and how well fortified, which the Roman
valour had subdued; but for all the rest of
the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with
the ground by those that dug it up to the foun-
dation, that there was left nothing to make
those that came thither believe it had ever
been inhabited.. This was the end which Je-
rusalem came to by the madness of those that
were for innovations; a city otherwise of great
magnificence, and of mighty fame among all
mankind.

2. But Cffisar resolved to leave there as a
guard the tenth legion, with certain troops of
horsemen, and companies of footmen. So,
having entirely completed this war, he was
desirous to commend his whole army, on ac-
count of the great exploits they had performed,
and to bestow proper rewards on such as
had signalized themselves therein. He had
therefore a great tribunal made for him in the
midst of the place where he had formerly en-

camped, and stood upon it with his principal
commanders about him, and spake so as to be
heard by the whole army in the manner fol-
lowing:—That he returned them abundance
of thanks for their good-will which they had
shown to him; he commended them for that
ready obedience they had exhibited in this
whole war;—which obedience bad appeared in
the many and great dangers they had coura-
geously undergone; as also, for that courage
they had shown, and had thereby augmented
of themselves their country’s power, and had
made it evident to all men, that neither the
multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of
their places, nor the largeness of their cities,
nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their
antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get
clear of tbe Roman valour, although some of
them may have fortune in many respects on
their side. He said farther, that it was but
reasonable for them to put an end to this
war, now it had lasted so long, for they had
nothing better to wish for when they en-
tered into it; and that this happened more
favourably for them and more for their glory,
that all the Romans had willingly accepted
of those for their governors, and the curators
of their dominions, whom they had chosen for
them, and had sent into their own country
for that purpose, which still continued under
the management of those whom they bar
pitched on, and were thankful to them foi
pitching upon them. That accordingly, al-
though he did both admire and tenderly re-
gard them all, because he knew that every
one of them had gone as cheerfully about
their work as their abilities and opportunities
would give them leave, yet, he said, that he
would immediately bestow rewards and digni-
ties on those that had fought the most bravely,
and with greater force, and had signalized
their conduct in the most glorious manner,
and had made his army more famous by their
noble exploits: find that no one who had been
willing to take non- pains than another,ciiap. ii,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

should miss of a just retribution for the same;
for that he had been exceedingly careful about
this matter, and that the more, because he
had much rather reward the virtues of his fel-
low-soldiers than punish such as had offended.

3. Hereupon Titus ordered those whose
business it was, to read the list of all that had
performed great exploits in this war, whom
he called to him by their names, and com-
mended them before the company, and re-
joiced in them in the same manner as a man
would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He
also put on their heads crowns of gold, and
golden ornaments about their necks, and gave
them Jong spears of gold, and ensigns that
were made of silver, and removed every one
of them to a higher rank: and besides this,
he plentifully distributed among them, out of
the spoils and the other prey they had taken,
silver, and gold, and garments. So when
they had all these honours bestowed on them,
according to his own appointment made to
every one, and he had wished all soits of hap-
piness to the whole army, he came down,
among the great acclamations which were
made to him, and then betook himself to of-
fer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once
sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood
ready at the altars, and distributed them among
the army to feast on ; and when he hud staid
three days among the principal commanders,
and so long feasted with them, he sent away
the rest of his army to the several places where
they would be every one best situated ; but
permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard
at Jerusalem, and did not send them away
beyond Euphrates, where they had been be-
fore ; and as he remembered that the twelfth
legion had given way to the Jews, under Ces-
tiu9 their general, he expelled them out of all
Syria, for they had lain foimerly at Raphanea,
and sent them away to a place called Mele-
tine, near Euphrates, which is in the limits of
Armenia and Cappadocia; he also thought
lit that two of the legions should stay with
him till he should go to Egypt. He then
went down with his army to that Cesarea
which lay by the sea-side, and there laid up
the rest of his spoils in great quantities, and
gave order that the captives should be kept
there; for the winter-season hindered him then
from sailing into Italy.

CHAPTER II.

MOW TITUS EXHIBITED ALL SORTS OF SHOWS
AT CESAREA PHILIPPI. CONCERNING SIMON
THE TYRANT, HOW HE WAS TAKEN, AND
RESERVED FOR THE TRIUMPH.

§ 1. Now, at the same timo that Titus Caesar
lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian
go on board a merchant-ship, and sailed from
Alexandria to Rhodes; whence he sailed away

763

in ships with three rows of oars; and as he
touched at several cities that lay in his road,
he was joyfully received by them all, and so
passed over from Ionia into Greece; whence
he set sail from Corcyra to the promontory of
Iapyx, whence he took his journey by land.
But as for Titus, he marched from that Cesa-
rea which lay by the sea-side, and came to that
which is named Cesarea Philippi, and staid
therea considerable time, and exhibited all sorts
of show's there ; and here a great number of
the captives were destroyed, some being thrown
to w'ild beasts, and others in multitudes forced
to kill one another, as if they were enemies.
And here it was that Titus was info-med of
the seizure of Simon, the soi. of Gioras, unich
was made after the manner following:—This
Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was in
the upper city; but when the Roman army
were gotten within the walls, and were laying
the city waste, he then took the most faithful
of his friends with him, and among them some
that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools
which belonged to their occupation, and as
great a quantity of provisions as would suf-
fice them for a long time, and let himself
and them all down into a certain subterrane-
ous cavern that was not visible above ground.
Now, so far us had been digged of old, they
went onward along it without disturbance ;
but where they met with solid earth, they dug
a mine under ground, and this in hopes that
they should be able to proceed so far as to
rise from under ground, in a safe place, and
by that means escape; but when they came to
make the experiment, they were disappointed
of their hope; for the miners could make but
small progress, and that with difficulty also;
insomuch that their provisions, though they
distributed them by measure, began to fail
them. And now Simon, thinking he might
be able to astonish and delude the Romans,
put on a white frock, and buttoned upon him
a purple cloak, and appeared out of the ground
in the place where the temple had formerly
been. At the first, indeed, those that saw
him were greatly astonished, and stood still
where they were; but afterward they came
nearer to him, and asked him who he was.—
Now Simon would not tell them, but bade
them call for their captain ; and when they ran
to call him, Terentius Rufus,* who was left to
command the army there, came to Simon, and
learned of him the whole truth, and kept him
in bonds,, and let Caesar know that he was
taken. Thus did God bring this man to be
punished for what bitter and savage tyranny
he bad exercised against his countrymen, by

* This Terentins Rufus, as Reland in part observes
here, is the same person whom tlfe Talmudists cail Tut-
nus Rufus; of whom they relate, that *’ he ploughed up
Siun as a field, and made Jerusalem become as heaps,
and the mountain of the bouse as the high places of .a
forest;” which was long before foretold by the prophet
Micab (iii. 12). and quoted from him in the prophecies
of Jeremiah (xxvi. 18).784

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII,

those who were his worst enemies; and
this while he was not subdued by violence,
but voluntarily delivered himself up to
them to be punished, and that on the very
same account that he had laid false accusa-
tions against many Jews, as if they were fall-
ing away to the Romans, and had barbarously
slain them; for wicked actions do not escape
the divine anger, nor is justice too weak to
punish offenders, but in time overtakes those
that transgress its laws, and inflicts its punish-
ments upon the wicked in a manner so much
more severe, as they expected to escape it on
account of their not being punished immedi-
ately.* Simon was made sensible of this, by
falling under the indignation of the Romans.
This rise of his out of the ground did also
occasion the discovery of a great number of
others of the seditious at that time, who had
hidden themselves under ground; but for
Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds,
when he was come back to that Cesarea which
was on the sea-side ; who gave orders that he
should be kept against that triumph which he
was to celebrate at Rome upon this occasion.

CHAPTER III.

HOW TITUS, UPON THE CELEBRATION OF HIS
brother’s and father’s BIRTH-DAYS, HAD

MANY OF THE JEWS SLAIN. CONCERNING
THE DANGER THE JEWS WERE IN AT ANTI-
OCH, BY MEANS OF THE TRANSGRESSION
AND IMPIETY OF ONE ANTIOCHUS, A JEW.

§ 1. While Titus was at Cesarea, he solem-
TNzed the birth-day of his brother [Domitian]
after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great
deal of the punishment intended for the Jews
in honour of him: for the number of those
that were now slain in fighting with the
beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one
another, exceeded two thousand five hundred.
Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when
they were thus destroying ten thousand seve-
ral ways, to be a punishment beneath their
deserts. After this Caesar came to Berytus,f
which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman co-
lony, and staid there a long time, and exhi-
bited a still more pompous solemnity about
his father’s birth-day, both in the magnificence
of the shows, and in the other vast expenses
he was at in his devices thereto belonging; so
that a great multitude of the captives were
here destroyed after the same manner as be-
fore.

2. It happened also about this time, that
the Jews who remained at Antioch were un-

* See Eccles.viii. 11.

+ This Berytus was certainly a Roman colony, and
has coins extant that witness the same, as Hudson and
.Spanheim inform us. See the note, Antiq. b. xvi. ch-
2i sect. I.

der accusations, and in danger of perishing,
from the disturbances that were raised against
them by the Antiochians, and this both or;
account of the slanders spread abroad at this
time against them, and on account of what
pranks they had played not long before; which
I am obliged to describe without fail, though
briefly, that I may the better connect my nar-
ration of future actions with those that went
before.

3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dis-
persed over all the habitable earth among its
inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled
with Syria by reason of its neighbourhood,
and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch
by reason of the largeness of the city, where-
in the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded
them a habitation with the most undisturbed
tranquillity; for though Antiochus, who was
called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and
spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeed-
ed him in the kingdom restore all the dona-
tions that were made of brass to the Jews of
Antioch, and dedicated them to their syna-
gogue ; and granted them the enjoyment of
equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks
themselves; and as the succeeding kings
treated them after the same manner, they
both multiplied to a great number, and adorned
their templef gloriously by fine ornaments,
and with great magnificence, in the use of
what had been given them. They also made
proselytes of a great many of the Greeks per-
petually, and thereby, after a sort, brought
them to be a portion of their own body. But
about this time when the present wrar began,
and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, and
all men had taken up a great hatred against
the Jews, then it was that a certain person,
whose name wras Antiochus, being one of the
Jewish nation, and greatly respected on ac-
count of his father, who was governor of the
Jews at Antioch,§ came upon the theatre at
a time when the people of Antioch were as-
sembled together, and became an informer
against his father; and accused both him and
others, that they bad resolved to burn the
whole city in one night; he also delivered
up to them some Jews that were foreigners,
as partners in their resolutions. When the
people heard this, they could not refrain their
passion, but commanded that those who were
delivered up to them should have fire brought
to burn them; who were accordingly all

t i e. Their synagogue. See the note on b. vi. cb. x.
sect 1.

8 The Jews at Antioch and Alexandria, the two prin-
cipal cities in all the east, had allowed them, both by
the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Romans, a go-
vernor of their own, who was exempt from the jurisdic-
tion of the other civil governors. He was called some-
times barely “governor,” sometimes “etbnarch,” and
[at Alexandria] “ alabarch,” as Dr. Hudson takes notice
on this place, out of Fuller’s Miscellanies. They had
the like governor or governors allowed them at Babylon
under their captivity there, as the History of Susanna
implies.CHAP. IV.

WARS OF THE JEW®.

burnt upon the theatre Immediately. They
did hIso fall violently upon the multitude of
the Jews, as supposing, that by punishing
them suddenly they should save their own
city. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the
rage they were in, and thought to give them
a demonstration of his own conversion, and
of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacri-
ficing after the manner of the Grteks: he
persuaded the rest also to compel them to do
the same, because they would by that means
discover who they were that had plotted
against them, since they would not do so:
and when the people of Antioch tried the ex-
periment, some few complied; but those that
wpuld not do so were slain. As for Antio-
chus himself, he obtained soldiers from the
Roman commander, and became a severe
master over his own citizens, not permitting
them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing
them to do all that they usually did on other
days; and to that degree of distress did he
reduce them in this matter, that the rest of
the seventh day was dissolved not only at
Antioch, but the same thing which took
thence its rise, was done in other cities also,
m like manner, for some small time.

4. Now, after these misfortunes had hap-
pened to the Jews at Antioch, a second cala-
mity befel them, the description of which
when we were going about, we premised the
account foregoing: for upon this accident,
whereby the four-square market-place was
burnt down, as well as the archives, and the
place where the public records were preserved,
and the royal palaces (and it was not with-
out difficulty that the fire was then put a
stop to, which was likely, by the fury where-
with it wa9 carried along, to have gone over
the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews
as the occasion of all the mischief that was
done. Now this induced the'people of An-
tioch, who were now under the immediate
persuasion, by reason of the disorder they
were in, that this calumny was" true; and
would have been under the same persuasion,
even though they had not borne an ill-will at
the Jews before, to believe this man’s accu-
sation, especially when they considered what
had been done before; and this to such a de-
gree, that they all fell violently upon those
that were accused; and this, like madmen,
in a very furious rage also, even as if they
had seen the Jews in a manner setting, fire
themselves to the city; nor was it without
difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the le-
gate, could prevail with them to permit the
affairs to be laid before Caesar; for as to Ce-
sennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian
had already sent him away; and so it hap-
pened, that he was not yet come back thither.
But when Collegas had made a careful in-
quiry into the matter^ he found out the truth,
and thut not one of those Jews that were ac-
cused by Antiochus had .any hand in it; but

7<ft

that all W&9 done by some vile persons greatly
in debt, who supposed, that if they could once
set fire to the market-place, und burn the
public records, they should have no further
demands made upou them. So the Jew.
were under great disorder and terror, in the
uncertain expectations of what would be
the upshot of those accusations against them.

CHAPTER IV.

HOW VESPASIAN WAS RECEIVED AT ROME; AS
ALSO HOW THE GERMANS REVOLTED FROM
THE ROMANS, BUT WERE SUBDUED. THAT
THE SARMATIANS OVER-RAN MYSIA, BUT
WERE COMPELLED TO RETURN TO THEIR
OWN COUNTRY AGAIN.

§ 1. And now Titu9 Caesar, upon the news
that was brought him concerning his father,
thkt his coming was much desired by all the
Italian cities, and that Rome especially re-
ceived him with great alacrity and splendor,
betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to ft
great degree, as now freed from the solicitude
he had been under, after the most agreeable
manner. For all men that were in Italy
showed their respects to him in their minds,
before he came thither, as if he were already
come, as esteeming the very expectation they
had of him to be his real presence on account
of the great desires they had to see him, and
because the good -will they bore him was en-
tirely free and unconstrained; for it was a
desirable thing to the senate, who well re-
membered the calamities they had undergone
in the late changes of their governors, tc
receive a governor who was adorned with the
gravity of old age, and with the highest skill
in the actions of war, whose advancement
would be, as they knew, for nothing else but
for the preservation of those that were to be
governed. Moreover, the people had been
30 harassed by their civil miseries, that
they were still more earnest for his coming
immediately, as supposing they should then
he firmly delivered from their calamities,
and believed they should then recover their
secure tranquillity and prosperity: and for
the soldiery, they had the principal regard
to him, for they were chiefly apprised of
his great exploits in war; and since they
had experienced the want of skill and want
of courage in other commanders, they wera
very desirous to be freed from that great
shame they had undergone by their means,
and heartily wished to receive such a prince
bb might be a security and an ornament to
tl^em; and as this good-will to Vespasian
was universal, those that enjoyed any remark-
able dignities could not have patience enough
to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet him
at a very great distance from it; nay, indeed.700

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII.

owe- of the rest cGuld endure tie delgy of settled and tottering condition, they thought
seeing bim, but did all pour out of the eity in
such crowds, and were so universally possess-
ed with the opinion that it was easier and
better for them to go out than to stay there,
that this was the very first time that the city
joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its
citizens; for those tbut stain within were few er
than those that went out; but as soon as the
new's was come that he was hard by, and those
that had met him at first related with what
good humour he received every one that came
to him, then it was that the whole multitude
that had remained in the city, with their wives
and children, came into the road, and waited for
him there; and for those whom he passed by,
they made all sorts of acclamations on account
of the joy they had to see him, and the plea-
santness of his countenance, and styled him

this was the best opportunity that could afford
itself for themselves to make a sedition, when
the state of the Romans was so ill. Clasi-icns*
also, and Vitellius,-!- two of their commanders,
puffed them up with such hopes. These had
for a long time been openly desirous of such
an innovation, and were induced by the pre-
sent opportunity to venture upon ihe declara-
tion of their sentiments; the multitude WU9
also ready; and when these men told them of
what they intended to attempt, that news was
gladly received by them. So when a great
part of the Germans bad agreed to rebel, and
the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian,
as guided by divine Providence, sent letters
to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had
the command of Germany, whereby be de-
clared him to have the dignity of consul, and

their Benefactor and Saviour, and the only f commanded him to take upon him the govern-
person who w'as worthy to be ruler of the city nient of Britain; so he went whither he was
of Rome; and now' the city wras likea temple, ‘ ordered to go, and when he was informed of
full of garlands and sw'eet odours; nor was; the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them
it easy for him to come to the royal palace for | as soon as they were gotten together, and put
the multitude of people that stood about him,
where yet at last he performed his sacrifices
of thanksgivings to his household gods, for
bis safe return to the city. The multitude
did also betake themselves to feasting; which
feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by
their tribes, and their families, and their neigh-
bourhoods, and still prayed God to grant that
Vespasian, bis sons, and all their posterity,
might continue in the Roman government for
a very long time, and that his dominion might
be preserved from all opposition. And that
was the manner in which Rome so joyfully
received Vespasian, and thence grew im-
mediately into a state of great prosperity.

2. But before this time, and while Vespa-
sian was about Alexandria, and Titus was
lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multi-
tude of the Germans were in commotion, and
tended to rebellion; and as the Gauls in their
neighbourhood joined with them, they con-
spired together, and had thereby great hopes
of success, and that they should free them-
selves from the dominion of the Romans.

The motives that induced the Germans to this
uttempt for a reyolt, and for beginning the
w'ar, were these:—In the first place, the nature
[of the people], which was destitute of just
reasonings, and ready to throw themselves
rashly into danger upon small hopes: in the
next place, the hatred they bore to those that
were their governors, while their nation had
nd'ver been conscious of subjection to any but
to the Romans, and that by compulsion only.

Besides these motives, it vVas the opportunity
that now offered itself, which above all the
rest prevailed with them so to do; for when
they 6aw the Roman government in a great
internal disorder, by the continual changes of
its rulers, and understood that every part of
the bebitahbs earth under them was in an un-

his army in battle-array, and slew a great
multitude of them in the fight, and forced
them to leave off their madness, and to grow
wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly
upon them on the place, it had not been long
ere they would however have been brought to
punishment; for as soon as ever the news of
their revolt was come to Rome, and Caesar
Domitian was made acquainted with it, be
made no delay even at that his age, when he
was exceeding young, but undertook this
weighty affair. He had a courageous mind,
from his father, and had made greater improve-
ments than belonged to such an age: accord-
ingly he marched against the barbarians im-
mediately; whereupon their hearts failed
them at the rumour of his approach, and they
submitted themselves to him with fear, and
thought ita happy tbingthat they were brought
under their old yoke again without suffering
any farther mischiefs. When therefore Do-
mitian had seAled all the affairs of Gaul in
such good order, that it would not be easily
put into disorder any more, he returned to
Rome with honour and glory,-as having per-

* This Classicus, and Civilis, and Cerealis, are names
well known in Tacitust the two former as moving sedi-
tion against the Romans, and the last as sent to repress
them by Vespasian, jnst as they are here described by
Josephus; which is the case also of Fonteius Agrippa
and Hubrius Callus, in sect. 3; but as to the very fa-
vourable account presently given of Domitian, parti-
cularly as to his designs in this his Gallic and Gennanio
expedition, it is not a little contrary to that in Suetonius,
Vesp. sect.7. Nor are the reasons unobvious that might
occasion this great diversity: Domitian was one of Jc*
aephus’s patrons, and when he published these- books of
the Jewish war, was very young, and bad hardly began
1 practices which rendered bim so infamous
while Suetonius seems so have been too
too low in life to receive any remarkable
favours from him; as Domitian was eertainly very lewd
and cruel, and' generally bated, when Snetonlua wrote
about bim.

+ Civilis*—Torif.

Jew
those wicked
afterward
young a
faviCHAP. V.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

767

formed such exploits as were above his own
age, and worthy of such a father.

3. At the very same time with the fore--
mentioned revolt of the Germans, did the
bold attempt of the Scythians against the
Romans occur; for those Scythians who are
called Sarmatians, being a very numerous
people, transported themselves over the
Danube into Mysia, without being perceived;
after which, by their violence, and entirely
unexpected assault, they slew a great many
of the Romans that guarded the frontiers;
and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa
came to meet them, and fought courageously
against them, he was slain by them. They
then overran all the region that had been
subject to him, tearing and rending every
thing that fell iii their way ; but when Ves-
pasian was informed of what had happened,
and how Mvsia was laid waste, he sent away
Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians ;
by whose means many of them perished in
the battles he fought against them, and that
part which escaped fled with fear to their
own country. So when this general had put
an end to the war, he provided for the future
security of the country also; for he placed
more and more numerous garrisons in the
place, till he made it altogether impossible for
the barbarians to pass over the river any
more; tfhd thus had this war in Mysia a sud-
den conclusion.

CHAPTER V.

CONCERNING THE SABBATIC RIVER WHICH TI-
TUS SAW AS HE WAS JOURNEYING THROUGH
SYRIA; AND HOW THE PEOrLE OF ANTI-
OCH CAME WITH A PETITION TO TITUS
AGAINST THE JEWS, BUT WERE REJECTED
Bt HIM; AS ALSO CONCERNING TITUSES

and Vespasian’s triumph.

§ 1. Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at
Berytus, as we told you before. He thence
removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in
all those cities of Syria through which he
went, and made use of the captive Jews as
public instances of the destruction of that na-
tion. He then saw a river as he went along,
of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in
history; it runs in the middle between Ar-
cea, belonging to Agrippa’s kingdom, and
Rapbanea. It hath somewhat very peculiar
in it; for when it runs, its current is strong,
and has plenty of water; after which its
springs fail for six days together, and leave
its channel dry, as any one may see; after
which days it runs on the seventh day as it
did before, and* as though* it had undergone
no change at all: it hath also been observed
to keep this order perpetually and exactly;
whence it is that they call it the Sabbatic

River,*—that name being taken from the sa-
cred seventh day among the Jews.

2. But when the people of Antioch were
informed that Titus was approaching, they
were so glad at it, that they could not keep
within their walls, but hasted away to give
him the meeting; nay, they proceeded as far
as thirty furlongs, and more, with that inten-
tion. These were not the men only, but a
multitude of women also with their children

did the same; and when they saw him com-
ing up to them, they stood on both sides of
the way, and stretched out their right hands,
saluting him, and making all sorts of accla-
mations to him, and turned back together
with him. They also among all the accla-
mations they made to him, besought him all
the way they went, to eject the Jews out of
their city; yet did not Titus at all yield to
this their petition, but gave them the bare
hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews
were in a great deal of terrible fear, under
the uncertainty they were in what his opinion
was, and what he would do to them; for Ti-
tus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his
progress immediately to Zeugma, which li6s
upon the Euphrates, whither came to him
messengers from Vologeses, king of Parthia,
and brought him a crown of gold upon the
victory he had gained over the Jews; which he
accepted of, arid feasted the king’s messen-
gers, and then came back to Antioch. And
when the senate and people of Antioch ear-
nestly entreated him to come upon their the-
atre, where their whole multitude was assem-
bled, and expected him, he complied with
great humanity; but when they pressed him
with much earnestness, and continually beg-
ged of him, that he would eject the Jews out
of their city, he gave them this very pertinent
answer ;—“ How can this be done, since that
country of theirs, whither the Jews must be
obliged then to retire, is destroyed, and no
place will receive them besides?” Where-
upon the people of Antioch, when they had
failed of success in this their first request,
made him a second; for they desired that he
would order those tables of brass to be re-
moved, on which the Jews’ privileges were
engraven. However, Titus would not grant
that neither, but permitted the Jews of An-
tioch to continue to enjoy the very same pri-
vileges in that city which they had before,
and then departed for Egypt; and as he came
to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared'
the melancholy condition he saw it then in,

* Since in these later ages this Sabbatic River, once
sb famous, which, by Josephus’s account here, ran every
seventh day. and rested on six, but according to Rimy,
Nat. Hist. xxxi. 1|. ran perpetually on six days, and
rested on the seventh (though it do way appears by ei-
ther of their accounts that the seventh dav of this river
was the Jewish seventh day or Sabbath), is'quite vanish-
ed. I shall add no more about it: only see Dr. Hudson’s
note. In Varenius’s Geography, i. 17. the reader will
find several instances of such periodical fountains and
rivers, though none of their periods were that of a just
week, as of olrl this appears to have hern.7m

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII.

with the ancient glory of the city, and called
to mind the greatness of its'present ruins, as
wf'il as its ancient splendor, he'could not but
pity the destruction of the city,—so far was
he from boasting that so great and goodly a
city as that was, had been by him taken by
force; nay, he frequently cursed those that
had been the authors of their rovolt, and had
brought such a punishment upon the city ; in-
somuchthatitopenlyappeared that he did not
desire that such a calamity as this punishment
of theirs amounted to, should be a demonstra-
tion of his courage. Yet was there no small
quantity of the riches that had been in that
city still found among its ruins, a great deal
of which the Romans dug up; but the greatest
part was discovered by those who were cap-
tives, and so they carried it away, I mean the
gold and the silver, and the rest of that most
precious furniture which the Jews had, and
which, the owners had treasured up under
ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.

3.	So Titus took the journey he intended
into Egypt, and passed over the desert very
suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took
up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And
as he was accompanied by two legions, he
sent each of them again to the places whence
they had before come; the fifth he sent to
Mysia; and the fifteenth to J’annonia; as
for the leaders of the captives, Simon and
John, with the other seven hundred men,
whom he had selected out of the rest as be-
ing eminently tnll and handsome of body, he
gave order that they should be soon carried
to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his
triumph. So when he had had a prosperous
voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved
itself in his reception, and their meeting
him at a distance, as it did in the case of his
father. But what made the most splendid
appearance in Titus’s opinion was, when his
father met him, and received him; but still
the multitude of the citizens conceived the
greatest joy when they saw them all three
together,* as they did at this time : nor were
many days overpast when they determined to
have but one triumph, that should be common
to both of them, on account of the glorious
exploits they had performed, although the
senate had decrepd each of them a separate
triumph by himself. So when notice had been
given beforehand of the day appointed for
this pompous solemnity to be made, on ac-
count of their victories, not one of the im-
mense multitude was left in the city, but
everybody went out so far as to gain only a
station where they might stand, and left only
such a . passage as was necessary for those
that were to be seen to go along it.

4.	Now' all the soldiery marched out be-
forehand by companies, and in their several
ranks, under their several commanders, in the

Vespasian and his Iwo suns, Titus anil Domitian.

night-time, and were about the gates, not of
the upper palaces, but those •near the temple
of Isis; for there it was that the emperors
had rested the foregoing night. And as soon
as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came
out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those
ancient purple habits which were proper to
their family, and then went as far as Octa-
vian’s Walks; for there it was that the se-
nate, and the principal rulers, and those that
had been recorded as of the equestrian order,
waited for them. Now a tribunal had been
erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs
had been set upon it, when they came and
sat down upon them. Whereupon the sol-
diery made an acclamation of joy to them
immediately, and all gave them attestations
of their valour; while they were themselves
without their arms, and only in their silken
garments, and crowned with laurel: then
Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs ;
but while they were still disposed to go on in
such acclamations, he gave them a signal of si-
lence. And when everybody entirely held their
peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest
part of bis hakd with his cloak, he put up the
accustomed solemn prayers ; the like prayers
did Titus put up also; after which prayers
Vespasian made a short speech to all the peo-
ple, and then sent away the soldiers td a din-
ner prepared for them by the emperors.—
Then did he retire to that gate which was
called the Gate of the Pomp, because .pom-
pous shows do always go-through that gate;
there it was that they tasted some food, and
when they had put on their triumphal gar-
ments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods
that were placed at the gate, they sent the
triumph forward, and marched through the
theatres, that they might be the more easily
seen by the multitude.

5.	Now it is impossible to describe the
multitude of the shows as they deserve, and
the magnificence of them all; such indeed as
a man could not easily think of as performed
either by the labour of workmen, or the va-
riety of riches, or the larities of nature ; for
almost all such curiosities as the most happy
men ever get by piece-meal were here heaped
one upon another, and those both admirable
and costly in their nature; and all brought
together on that day, demonstrated the vastness
of the dominions of the Romans; for there
was here to be seen a mighty quantity of sil-
ver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts
of things, and did not appear as carried along
in pompous show only, hut, as a man may say,
running along like a river. Some parts were
composed of the rarest purple hangings, and
so carried along; and others accurately re-
presented to the life what was embroidered by
the arts of the Babylonians. There were also
precious stones that were transparent, some
set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches,
as the workmen pleased ; and of these such'CHAP. V.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

a vast number were brought, that we could
not but thence learn how vainly we imagined
any of them to be rarities. The images of
the gods were also carried, being as well
wonderful for their largeness, as made very
artificially, and with great skill of the work-
men ; nor were any of these images of any
other than very costly materials; and many
species of animals were brought, every one in
their olvn natural ornaments. The men also
who brought every one of these shows were
great multitudes, and adorned with purple
garments, all over interwoven .with gold; those
that were chosen for carrying these pompous
shows, having also about them such magnifi-
cent ornaments as were both extraordinary
and surprising. Besides these, one might see
that even the great number of the captives
was not unadorned, while the variety that was
in their garments, and their fine texture, con-
cealed from the sight the deformity of their
bodies. But what afforded the greatest sur-
prise of all, was the structure of the pageants
that were borne along; for indeed he that
met them could not but be afraid that the
bearers would not be able firmly enough to
support them, such was their magnitude ; for
many of them were so made, that they were
on three or even four stories, one above ano-
ther. The magnificence also of their struc-
ture afforded one both pleasure and surprise;
for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold.
There was also wrought gold and ivory fas-
tened about them all; and many resemblances
of the war, and fbose in several ways, and
variety of contrivances, affording a most lively
portraiture of itself; for there was to be seen
a happy country laid waste, and entire squad-
rons of enemies slain ; while some of them ran
away, and some were carried into captivity ;
with walls of great altitude and magnitude
overthrown, and ruined by machines; with
the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls
of most populous cities upon the tops of hills
seized on, and an army pouring itself within
the walls; as also every place full of slaughter,
and supplications of the enemies, when they
were no longer able to lift up their hands in
way of opposition. Fire also seut upon temples
was here represented, and houses overthrown
and falling upon their owners: rivers also,
after they came out of a lafge and melancholy
desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated,
nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through
a land still on fire upon every side; for the
Jews related that 6uch a thing they had un-
dergone during this war. Now the work-
manship of these representations was so mag-
nificent and lively in the construction of the
things, that it exhibited what had been done
tc such as did not see it, as if they had been
there really present. On the top of every
one of these pageants was placed the com-
mander of the city that was taken, and the
manner wherein he was talftn. Moreover,

769

there followed these pageants a great number
of ships; and for the other spoils, they were
carried in great plenty. But for those that
were taken in the temple of Jerusalem,* they
made the greatest figure of them all; that is
the golden table of the weight of many ta-
lents ; the candlestick also, that was made
of gold, though its construction were now
changed from that which we made use of:
for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis,
and the small branches were produced out
of it to a great length, having the likeness of
a trident in their position, and had every one
a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops
of them. These lamps were in number seven,
and represented the dignity of the number se-
ven among the Jews; and the last of all tie
spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. After
these spoils passed by a great many men, car-
rying the images of Victory, whose structure
was entirely either of ivory, or of gold. Af-
ter which Vespasian marched in the first place,
.and Titus followed him ; Domitian also rode
along with them, and made a glorious appear-
ance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of
admiration.

6. Now the last part of this pompous show
was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,
whither when they were come, they stood
still; for it was the Romans’ancient custom
to stay'tiii somebody brought the news that
the general of the enemy was slain. This
genera, was Simon, the son of Gioras, who
had then been led in this triumph among
the captives; a rope had also been put upon
his head, and he had been drawn into a pro-
per place in the forum, and had withal been
tormented by those that drew him along; and
the law of the Romans required, that male-
j factors condemned to die should be slain there.
Accordingly, when it was related that there
was an end of him, and all the people had set
up a shout for joy, they then began to offer
those sacrifices which they had consecrated,
in the prayers used in such solemnities ; which
when they had finished, they went away to
the palace. And as for some of the specta-
tors, the emperors entertained them at their
own feast; and for all the rest there were
noble preparations made for their feasting
at home; for this was a festival-day to the
city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory
obtained by their army over their enemies,

as

* See the representations of these
ey still stand on Titus’s triumphal
stand's very curious book de Sooliis

I’s very curious book de Spoliis Templi, throug
out. But what things are chiefly to be noted are thes
(1.) That Josephus says, the candlestick here carried
this triumph was not thoroughly like'that which v

Jewish vessels
arch at Home, in
h-
these.
ied in

oroughly like'that which was
usru in me lempie. winch appears in the number of the
little knohs and flowers in that on the triumphal arch,
not well agreeing with Moses’s description. Kxod. xxv.
31—36.	(2.) The smallness of the branches in Jose-

phus. compared with the thickness of those on that arch.
(3.) That the Law or Pentateuch does not appear cn
that arch at all, though Josephus, an eye-witness,
assures us that it was carried in this processiou. Ail
which things deserve the consideration of the inquisitive
reader.

3 C770

WARS OF THE JEWS.	BOOK VII.

for the end that was now put to their civil
miseries and for the commencement of their
hopes of future prosperity and happiness.

7. After these triumphs were over, and
after the affairs of the Romans were settled
on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved
to build a temple to Peace, which he finished
in so short a time, and in so glorious a man-
ner, as was beyond all human expectation and
opinion : for he having now by Providence a
vast, quantity of wealth, besides what he had
formerly gained in his other exploits, he had
this temple adorned with pictures and statues;
for in this temple were collected and deposit-
ed all such rarities as men aforetime used to
wander all over the habitable world to see,
when they had a desire to see them one after
another: he also laid up therein, as ensigns
of his glory, those golden vessels and instru-
ments that were taken out of the Jewish tem-
ple. But still he gave order that they should
lay up their law, and the purple veils of the
holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep
them there.

CHAPTER VI.

CONCERNING THE CITY CALLED MACHERUS;

AND HOW LUCILIUS BASSUS TOOK THE CITA-
DEL, AND OTHER PLACES.	'

§ 1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate
into Judea, and there he received the army
from Cerealis Vitellius, and took that cita-
del which was in Herodium, together with
the garrison that was in it; after which he got
together all the soldiery that was there (which
was a large body, but dispersed into several
parties), with the tenth legion, and resolved
to make war upon Macherus; for it was high-
ly necessary that this citadel should be demo-
lished, lest it might be a means of drawing
away many into a rebellidn, by reason of its
strength ; for the nature of the place was very
capable of affording tbe surest hopes of safety
to those that possessed it, as well as delay and
fear to those that should attack it; for what
was walled in was itself a very rocky hill,
elevated to a very great height; which cir-
cumstance alone made it very hard to be sub-
dued. It was also so contrived by nature,
that it could not be easily ascended; for it is,
as it were, ditched about with such valleys on
all sides, and to such a depth that the eye
cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are
not easily to be passed over, and even such as
it is impossible to fill up with earth ; for that'
valley which cuts it on the west, extends to
threescore furlongs, and did not end till it
came to the lake Asphaltitiy; on tbe same
side it was also that Macherus had the tallest
top of its hill elevated above the rest. But
then for the valleys that'lay on the north and
south sides, although they are not so large as

that already described, yet is it in like man.
ner an impracticable thing to think eff getting
over them; and for the valley that lies on the
east side, its depth is found to be no less than
a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a moun-
tain that lies over against Macherus with
which it is bounded.

2.	Now when Alexander [Janneus], the
king of the Jews, observed the nature of this
place, he was the first who built a 'citadel
here, which afterwards was demolished by
Gabinius, when he made war against Aristo-
bulus; but when Herod came to be king, he
thought the place to be worthy of the utmost
regard, and of being built upon in the firmest
manner, and this especially because it lay so
near to Arabia; for it is seated in a conve-
nient place on that account, and hath a pro-
spect toward that country; he therefore sur-
rounded a large space of gTound with walls
and towers, and built a city tlierej out of
which city there was a way that led up to the
very citadel itself on the top of the mountain;
nay, more than this, he built a wall round
that top of the hill, and erected towers at the
corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high;
in the middle of which place he built a pa-
lace, after a magnificent manner, wherein
were large and beautiful edifices. He also
made a great many reservoirs for the recep-
tion of water, that there might be plenty of
it ready for all uses, and those in the pro'per-

est places that were afforded him there._____

Thus did he, as it were, contend with the
nature of the place, that he might exceed its
natural strength and security (which yet itself
rendered it hard to be taken) by those forti-
fications which were made by the bands of
men. Moreover, he put a large quantity
of darts and other machines of war into it,
and contrived to get every thing thither that
might any way contribute to its inhabitants'
security, under the longest siege possible.

3.	Now within this place there grew a sort
of rue,* that deserves our wonder on account
of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to
any fig-tree whatsoever, either in height or
in thickness; and the report is, that it had
lasted ever since the times of Herod, and
would probably have lasted much longer, had
it not been cut down by those Jews who
took possession of the place afterward: but
still in that valley which encompasses the
city on the north side, there is a certain place
called Baaras, which produces a root of the
same name with itselfjf its colour is like to that

» Spanheim observes here, that in Graecia Major and
-■Sicily they had me prodigiously great and durable, like
this rue at Macherus.

+ This strange account of the place and root Baaras,
seems to have been taken from the njagicians. and the
root to have been made use of in the days of Josephus,
in that superstitious way of casting out demons, sup-
posed by him to have been derived from kine Solomon;
of which we have already seen he had a great opinion,
Antiq. b. viii. ch. if. sect. 6. We also may learn tbsCHAP. VI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

of flame, and towards the evening it sends
out a certain ray like lightning: it i? not easily
taken by such as would do it, but recedes
from tbeir hands, nor will yield itself to be
taken quietly, until either the urine of a wo-
man, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon
it; nay, even then it is certain death to those
that touch it, unless any one take and hang
the root itself down from his hand, and so
carry it away. It may also be taken another
way, without danger, which is this: they dig a
trench quite round about it, till the hidden
part of the root be very small, they then tie a
dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to fol-
low him that tied him, this root is easily
plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as
if it were instead of the man that would take
the plant away; nor after this need any one
be afraid of taking it into their hands.
Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only
valuable on account of one virtue it hath,
that if it be only brought to sick persons, it
quickly drives away those called Demons,
which are no other than the spirits of the
wicked, that enter into men that are alive and
kill them, unless they can obtain some help
against them. Here are also fountains of
hot water, that flow out of this place, which
have a very different taste one from the other;
for some of them are bitter, and others of
them are plainly sweet. Here are also many
eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in
the places that lie lower, and have their foun-

tains near one another, but, what is still more
wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave
hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is
covered over by a rock that is prominent:
above this rock there stand up two [hills or]
breasts, as it were, but a little distant one
from another, the one of which sends out a
fountain that is very cold, and the other sends
out one that is very hot; which waters, when
they are mingled together, compose a most
pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for
other maladies, but especially good for
strengthening the nerves. This place has in
it also mines of sulphur and alum.

4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view
of this place, he resolved to besiege it by fill-
ing up the valley that lay on the east side; so
he fell hard to work, and took great pains to
raise his banks as soon as possible, and by that
means to render the siege easy. As for the
Jews that were caught in this place, they
separated themselves from the strangers that
were with them, and they forced those stran-
gers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to
stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo
the principal dangers, while they themselves
seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and
this both on account of its strength, and to

true notion Josephus had of demons aild demoniacs, ex-
actly like that of the Jews and Christians in the New
Testament, and the tlrst four centuries. See Antiq. b. vi.
cb. vlii- sect 2| b. xi. ch. iL sect 3.

provide for their own safety. They also sup.
posed they might obtain their pardon, in case
they should at last surrender the citadel.
However, they were willing to make trial, in
the first place, whether the hopes they hud of
avoiding a siege would come to any thing;
with which intention they made sallies every
day, and fought with those that met them;
in which conflicts they were,many of them
slain, as they therein slew many of the Ro-
mans; but still it was the opportunities that
presented themselves which chiefly gained both
sides their victories; these were gained by the
Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they
were off their guard; but by the Romans,
when, upon the others’ sallies against tlfeir
banks, they foresaw their coming, and were
upon their guard when they received them;
but the conclusion of this siege did not de-
pend upon these bickerings, but a certain sur-
prising accident, relating to what was done in
this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the
citadel. There was a certain young man
among the besieged, of great boldness, and
very active of his hand, bis name was Eleazar;
he greatly signalized himself in those sallies,
and encouraged the Je\ys to go out in great
numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the
banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mis-
chief when they came to fighting : he so man-
aged matters, that those who sallied out, made
their attacks easily, and returned back without
danger, and this by still bringing up tbe rear
himself. Now it happened, that on a cer-
tain time when the fight was over, and both
sides were parted, and retired home, he, in
way of contempt of the enemy, and thinking
that none of them would begin the fight again
at that time, staid without the gates, arid talked
with those that were upon the wall, and his
mind was wholly intent upon what they said.
Now a certain person belonging to tbe Roman
camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an
Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when no-
body expected such a thing, and carried faiiH
off, with his armour itself; while, in the
mean time, fhose that- saw it from the wall
were under such an amazement, that Rufus
prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar
to the Roman camp. So the general of tbe
Romans ordered that be should be taken up
naked, set before the city to be seen, and sore-
ly whipped before tbeir eyes. Upon this sad
accident that befel the young man, tbe Jews
were terribly confounded, and the city, with
one voice, sorely lamented him. and the
mourning proved greater than could well be
supposed upon tbe calamity of a single person.
When Bassus perceived that, be began to
think of using a stratagem against the enemy,
and was desirous to aggravate tbeir grief, in
order to prevail with them to surrender the
city for the preservation of that man. Nop
did he fail of his hope; for he commanded
them to set up a cross, as if be were773	WARS OF THE JEWS.	BOOK VII,

tng to bang Eleazar upon it immediately: | received them with great courage; and so.
the sight of this occasioned a sore grief among | v\ bile the one side fought desperately, arid
those that were in the citadel, and they groaned I the others would not yield, the tight w as pro-
vehemently, and cried out that they could llonged on that account. But the event of
not bear to see him thus destroyed. Where-1 the battle did not answer the expectation of

upon Eleazar besought them not to disregard
him, now he was going to suffer a most miser-
able death, and exhorted them to save them-
selves, by yielding to the Roman power and
good fortune, since all oiher people were
now conquered by them. These men were
greatly moved with what he said, ^here being
also many within the city that interceded for
him, because be was of an eminent and very
numerous family: so they now yielded to their
passion of commiseration, contrary to their
usual custom. Accordingly they Sent out
immediately certain messengers, and treated
with the Romans, in order to a surrender of
the citadel to them, and desired that they
might he permitted to go away, and take
Eleazar along with them. Then did the Ro-
mans and their general accept of these terms;
while the multitude of strangers that were in
the lower part of tbp city, hearing of the
agreement that was made by the Jews for
themselves alone, were resolved to fly away
privately, in the night time; but as soon as
they had opened their gates, those that had
come to terms with Bassus told him of it;
whether it were that they envied the others
deliverance, or whether it were done out. of
fear, lest an occasion should be taken against
them upon their escape, is uncertain. The
most courageous, therefore, of those men that
went out prevented the enemy, and got away,
and fled for it; but for those men that were
caught within, ihev were slain, to the num-
ber of one thousand seven hundred, as were
the women and the children made slaves: but
as Bassus thought he must perform the cove-
nant he had made wiih those that had surren-
dered the citadel, he let them go, and restored
Eleazar to them.

5. When Bassus had settled these affairs,
he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden.-as
it is called; for be had heard that a great
many of those that had fled from Jerusalem
and Alacherus formerly, weie there gotten
together. When he was therefore come to
the place, and understood that the former
news was no mistake, he, in the first place,
surrounded the whole place with bis horse-
men. that such of the Jews as had boldness
enough to try to break through, might have
no way possible for escaping, by reason of
the situation of these horsemen; and for the
footmen, he ordered them to cut down the
trees that were in the wood whither they were
tied. So the Jews were under a necessity ol
performing some glorious exploit, and of
greatly exposing themselves in a Imttle. since
tney might perhaps thereby escape. So they
made a general attack, and with a great shout
Cell upon those that surrounded them, who

the assailants; for so it happened, that no
more than twelve fell on the Roman side,
wiih a few that were wounded; but not one
ot the Jews escaped out of this battle, for
they were all killed, being in the whole not
fewer in number than three thousand, toge-
ther with Judas, the son of Jairus, their gene-
ral; concerning whom we have before spoken,
that he had been captain of a certain band at
the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down
into a certain vault under ground, had pri-
vately made his escape.

6. About the same time it was that Caesar
sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberiu6 Max-
imus, who was the procurator [of Judea],
and gave order that all Judea should be ex-
posed to sale; * for he did not found any
city there, but reserved the country for him-
self. However, he assigned a place for eight
hundred men only, whom he had dismissed
from his army, which he gave them for their
habitation; it is called Emmaus.f and is dis-
tant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. He
also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever
they were, and enjoined every one of them to
bring two drachmae every year into the
Capitol, as ihey used to pay the same to the
temple at Jerusalem. And this wa6 the state
ot the Jewish affairs at this time.

CHAPTER VII.

CONCERNING THE CALAMITY THAT BEFEL
ANTIOCH US, KING OF COMMAGENE. AS
ALSO CONCERNING THE ALANS, AND WHAT
GREAT MISCHIEFS THEY DID TO THE MEDES
AND ARMENIANS.

§ 1. And now, in the fourth year of the
reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that An-
tiochus, the-king of Commagene, with all hia

* It is very* remarkable lhat Titus did not people this
now desolate country of Judea, but ordered it to be all
sold; nor indeed is it properly peopled at this day. but
lies ready for its old inhabitants thr Jews, at their future
restoration. Sue Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies,
page 77.

+ That the c>ty Emmaus, orAtnmaus. in Josephus
and oihers. which was the place of the government ot
Juluis Africai ns, in the heginnini of the third century,
a i d w 111 i'll he itien pri cured Io tie rebuilt, and alter which
rebuildii g it was called Nicopnlis, is entirely different
freio lhat I n maos which is mentioned by St. I tike
(xxiv 13), su Reland’s I'alteslina, lit), ii. pa:e 4’.9. and
under li e name 'n maus also. I!nt lie jnsllv thinks
that that in st Lttl.e may s' ell he the san e with this
An mans before os. especia'K since the Greek copies
lie'e usually make it sixty liirlorgs distant Irom derusa-
lem. as does -t. Luke, though the l.atin copies say only
thirty. The place also allotted lor these PRO soldiers,
as for a Romun garrison, in this place, would most oa.
turally not he so remote Irom Jerusalem as was thu
other F.niroaus, or Nicopolia.CHAP. VII,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

family, fell into very great calamities. The
occasion was this:—Cesennius Petus, who
was president of Syria at this time, whether
it were done out of regard to truth, or whe-
ther out of hatred to Antiochus (for which
was the real motive was never thoroughly
discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, and
therein told him that Antiochus, with his son
Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the
Romans, and had made a league with the king
of Parthia to that purpose: that it was there-
fore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us,
and begin such a war as may cause a general
disturbance in the Roman empire. Now
Caesar was disposed to take some care about
the matter since this discovery was made;
for the neighbourhood of the kingdoms made
this affair worthy of greater regard; for Sa-
mosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon
Euphrates, and, upon any such design, could
afford an easy passage over to the Parthians,
and could also afford them a secure reception.
Petus was accordingly believed, and had autho-
rity given him of doing what he should think
proper in the case; so he set about it with-
out delay, and fell upon Commagene before
Antiochus and his people had the least ex-
pectation of his coming: he had with him
the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and
troops of horsemen. These kings also came
to his assistance:—'Aristobulus king of the
country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who
was called king of Emesa: nor was there
any opposition made to his forces when they
entered the kingdom; for no one of that
country would so much as lift up his hand
against them. When Antiochus heard this
unexpected news, he could not think in the
least of making war with the Romans, but
determined to leave his whole kingdom in the
state wherein it now was, and to retire pri-
vately, with his wife and children, as think-
ing thereby to demonstrate himself to the
Romans to be innocent as to the accusation
laid against him. So he went away from that
city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs,
into a plain, and there pitched his tents.

2.	Petus then sent some of his men to
seize upon Samosata, and by their means took
possession of that city, while he went himself
to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army.
However, the king was not prevailed upon by
the distress he was in to do any thing in the
way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned
his own hard fate, and endured with patience
what hei was not able to prevent. But his
sons, who were young and unexperienced in
war, but of strong bodies, were not easily in-
duced to beap this calamity without fighting.
Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus betook
themselves to military/orce ; and as the bat-
tle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long,
they showed their own valour in a remarkable
manner; and nothing but the approach of
night put a period thereto, and that without

773

any diminution of their forces; yet would
not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the
fight, continue there by any means, but took
his wife and his daughters, and tied away with
them to Cilicia; and, by so doing, quite dis-
couraged the minds of his own soldiers. Ac-
cordingly, they revolted, and went over to the
Romans, out of the despair they were in of
his keeping the kingdom; and his case was
looked upon by all as quite desperate. It was
therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his
soldiers should get clear of their enemidh be-
fore they Ijjcame entirely destitute of any con-
federates ; nor were there any more than ten
horsemen with him, who passed with him over
Euphrates, whence they went undisturbed to
Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they
were not disregarded as fugitives; but had
the same respect paid them as if they had re-
tained their ancient prosperity.

3.	Now when Antiochus was come to Tar-
sus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to
go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome.
However, Vespasian could not endure to have
a king brought to him in that manner, but
thought it fit rather to have a regard to the
ancientfriendshipthat had been between them,
than to preserve an inexorable anger upon
pretence of this war. Acer rdingly, he gave
orders that they should take off his bonds,
while he was still upon the road, and that he
should not come to Rome, but should now go
and live at Lacedemon ; he also gave him
large revenues, that he might not only live in
plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes,
who before was in great fear for his father,
was informed of this, theiF minds were freed
from that great and almost incurable concern
they had been under. He also hoped that
Ctesar would be reconciled to them, upon the
intercession of Vologeses; for although he
^ived in plenty, he knew not how to beau liv-
ing out of the Roman empire. So Ctesar
gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and
he came to Rome; and as his father came
quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all
sorts of respect paid him there, and there he
remained.

4.	Now there was a nation of the Alans,
which we have formerly mentioned somewhere
as being Scythians,* and inhabiting at the
Lake Meotis. This nation about this time
laid a design of falling upon Media and the
parts beyond it, in order to plunder them;
with which intention they treated with the
king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that
passage which king Alexander [the Great]
shut up with iron gates. This king gave
them leave to come through them; so they
came in great multitudes, and fell upon the
Medes unexpectedly, and plundered their
country, which they found full of people, and
replenished with abundance of cattle, while

* This is now worthy774

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII

nobody durst make any resistance against them;
for Pacorus, the king of the country, had fled
away for fear, into places where they could
not easily come at him, and had yielded up
every thing he had to them, and had only
saved his wife and his concubines from them,
and that with difficulty also, after they had
been made captives, by giving them a hun-
dred talents for their ransom. These Alans
therefore plundered the country without op-
position, and with great ease, and then pro-
ceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste be-
fore them. Now Tiridates was kiire of that
country, who met them, and fought them, but
had like to have been taken alive in the bat-
tle ; for a certain man threw a net over him
from a great distance, and had soon drawn
him to him, unless he had immediately cut
the cord with his sword, and ran away, and
prevented it. So the Alans, being still more
provoked by this sight, laid waste the coun-
try, and drove a great multitude of the men,
and a great quantity of the other prey they had
gotten out of both kingdoms, along with them,
and then retreated back to their own.country.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONCERNING MASADA AND THOSE SICARIIWHO
KEPT IT; AND HOW SILVA BETOOK HIMSELF
TO FORM THE SIEGE OF THAT* CITADEL.
ELEAZAR’S SPEECHES TO THE BESIEGED.

§ 1. When Bassus was dead in Judea, Fla-
vius Silva succeeded him as procurator there;
who, when he saw that all the rest of the
country was subdued in this war, and that
there wajs but one only strong hold that was
still in rebellion, he got all his army together
that lay in different places, and made an ex-
pedition against it. This fortress was called
Masada. It was one Eleazar, a potent man,
and the commander of these Sicarii, that had
seized upon it. He was a descendant from that
Judas who had persuaded abundance of the
Jews, as we have formerly related, not to sub-
mit to the taxation when Cyrenius vvas sent
into Judea to make one; for then it was that
the Sicarii got together against those that were
willing to submit to the Romans, and treated
them in all respects as if they had been their
enemies, both by plundering them of what
they had, by driving away their cattle, and by
setting fire to their houses: for they said that
they differed not at all from foreigners, by
betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that
'freedom which Jews thought worthy to be
contended for to the utmost, and by own-
ing that they preferred slavery under the
Romans before such a contention. Now this
was in reality no better than a pretence, and
a cloak for the barbarity which was made use
of by them, and to colour over their own

avarice, which they afterwards made evident
by their own actions; for those that were
partners with them in their rebellion, joined
also with them in the war against the Ro-
mans, and went farther lengths with them in
their impudent undertakings against them;
and when they were again convicted of dis-
sembling in such their pretences, they still
more abused those that justly reproached them
for their wickedness; and indeed that was a
time most fertile in all manner of wicked
practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds
were then left undone; nor could any one so
much as devise any bad thing that was new,
so deeply were they all infected, and strove
with one another in their single capacity, and
in their communities, who should run the
greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and
in unjust actions towards their neighbours;
the men of power oppressing the multitude,
and the multitude earnestly labouring to de-
stroy the men of power. The one part were
desirous of tyrannizing over others; and the
rest of offering violence to others, and of plun-
dering such as were richer than themselves.
They were the Sicarii who first began these
transgressions, and first became barbarous to-
wards those allied to them, and left no words
of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition
untried, in order to destroy those whom their
contrivances affected. Yet did John demon-
strate by his actions, that these Sicarii were
more moderate than he was himself, for he
not only slew such as gave him good counsel
to do what was right, but treated them worst
of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had
among all the citizens; nay, he filled his en-
tire country with ten thousand instances ol
wickedness, such as a man who was already
hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards
God, would naturally do; for the food was
unlawful that was set upon his table, and he
rejected those purifications that the law of his
country had ordained; so that it was no lon-
ger a wonder if he, who was so mad in his
impiety towards God, did not observe any
rules of gentleness and common affection to-
wards men. Again, therefore, what mischief
"was there which Simon the son of Gioras did
not do? or what kind of abuses did he ab-
stain from as to those very free men who had
set him up for a tyrant? What friendship or
kindred were there that did not make him
more bold in his daily murders? for they
looked upon the doing of mischief to stran-
gers only, as a work beneath their courage,
but thought their barbarity towards their near-
est relations would be a glorious demonstra-
tion thereof. The Idumeans also strove with
these men who should be guilty of the great-
est madness ! for they [all], vile wretches as
they were, cut the throats of the high-priests,
that so no part of a religious regard to God
might be preserved; they thence proceeded to
destroy utterly the least remains of a politicalCHAP. VIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

775

government, and introduced the most com-
plete scene of iniquity in all instances that
were practicable; under which scene, that
sort of people that were called Zealots grew
up, and who indeed corresponded to tfie name;
for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if
their memory suggested any evil thing that
had formerly been done, did they avoid zea-
lously to pursue the same; and.although they
gave themselves that name from their zeal for
what was good, yet did it agree to them only
by way of irony, an account of those they had
unjustly treated by their wild and brutish dis-
position, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs
to be the greatest good. Accordingly, they
all met with such ends as God deservedly
brought upon them in way of punishment;
for all such miseries have been sent upon
them as man's nature is capable of undergo-
ing, till the utmost period of their lives, and
till death came upon them in various ways of
torment: yet might one say justly that they
suffered less than they had done, because it
was impossible they could be punished accord-
ing to their deserving: but to make a lamen-
tation according to the deserts of those who
fell under these men’s barbarity, this is not a
proper place for it:—I therefore now return
again to the remaining part of the present nar-
ration.

2 For now it was that the Roman gene-
ral came, and led his army against Eleazar
and those Sicarii who held the fortress Ma-
sada together with him; and for the whole
country adjoining, he presently gained it, and
put garrisons into the most proper places of
it: be also built a wall quite round the entire
fortress, that none of the besieged might easi-
ly escape: be also set his men to guard the
several parts of it: he also pitched his camp
in such an agreeable place as he bad chosen
for tlie siege, and at which place the rock be-
longing to the fortress did make the nearest
approach to the neighbouring mountain,
which yet was a place of difficulty for getting
plenty of provisions; for it was not only food
that was to be brought from a great distance
[to the army], and this with a great deal of
pain to those Jews who were appointed for
that purpose, but water was also to he brought
to the camp, because the place afforded no
fountain that was near it. When therefore
Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he
fell to besieging the place; which siege was
likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill
and pains, by reason of the strength of the
fortress, the nature of which 1 will now de-
scribe. 1

3. There was a rock not small in circum-
ference, and very high. It was encompassed
with valleys of such vast, depth downward,
that the eye could not reach their bottoms ;
they were abrupt, and such us no animal
could walk upon, excepting at two places of
the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford

a passage for ascent,’though not without dif-
ficulty. Now, of the wavs that lead td it,
one is that from the lake Asphaltitis, towards
the sun-rising, and another on the west, where
the ascent is easier: the one of these ways is
called the Serpent, as resembling that animal
in its narrowness, Hnd its perpetual windings:
for it is broken off at the prominent precipices
of the rock, and returns frequently into it-
self, and lengthening again by little and little,
hath much ado to proceed forward; and he
that would walk along it must first go oil one
leg, and tBen on the other; there is also no-
thing but destruction, in case your feet slip;
for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm
and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage
of every body by the terror it infuses into
the mind. When, therefore, a man bath
gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the
rest is the top of the hill,— not ending at a
small point, hut is no other than a plain upon
the highest part of the mountain. Upon this
top of the hill, Jonathan the high-priest first
of all built a fortress, and called it Manadat
after which the rebuilding of this place em-
ployed the care of king Herod to a great de-
gree; he also built a wall round abuut the
entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long;
it was composed of white stone; its height
was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits;
there were also erected upon that wall thirty-
eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high;
out of which you might pass into lesser eci-
fires, which were built on the inside, round
the entire wall; fof the king reserved the
top of the bill, which was of a fat soil and
better mould than any valley for agriculture,
that such as committed themselves to this
fortress for their preservation, might not even
therefore be quite destitute of food, in case
they should ever be in want- of it from abroad.
.Moreover, he built a palace therein at the
western ascent: it was within and beneath
ibe walls of the citadel, but inclined to its
north side. Now the wall of this palace was
very high and strong, and had at its four cor-
ners towers sixty cubits high. The furniture
aUq of the edifices, and of the cloisters, anft of
the baths, was of great variety, and very
costly; and these buildings were supported
by pillars of single stones on every side: the
walls als'tand the floors of the edifices were
paved with stones of several colours. He also
had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for
w ater, out of the rocks, at every one of the
places that were inhabited, both above and
qjjUiid about the palace,, and h^fyre the wall;
ana by this contrivance he endeavoured to
have water for several uses, as if there bad
been fountains there. Here was also a road
digged from the palace.and leading to the very
top of the mountain, which yet could not be
seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor
indeed could enemies easily make use of the
plain roads; for the road on the east side, osWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII,

776

we bare already taken notice, could not be
walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for
the western road, be built a large tower at its
narrowest place, at no less a distance from the
top of the bill than a thousand cubits; which
tower could not possibly be passed by, nor
could it be easily taken; nor indeed could
those that walked along it without any fear
(such was its contrivance) easily get to the
end of it; and after such a manner was this
citadel fortified, both by nature and by the
hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks
of enemies.

4. As for the furniture that was within this
fortress, it was still more wonderful on account
of its splendour and long continuance; for
here was laid up corn in large quantities, and
such as would subsist men for a long time;
here wa6 also wine and oil in abundance, with
all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up to-
gether; all which Eleazar found there, when
he and bis Sicarii got possession of the fortress
by treachery. These fruits were also fresh
and full ripe, and no way inferior to such
fruits newly laid in, although they were little
short of a hundred years * from the lajing in
these provisions [by Herod], till the place was
taken by the Romans; nay, indeed, when the
Romans got possession of those fruits that
were left, they found them not corrupted all
that w bile: nor should we be mistaken, if we
supposed that the air was here the cause of
their enduring so long, this fortress being so
high, and so free from the mixture of all
terrene and muddy particles of mutter. There

5. Since therefore the Roman commander
Silva had now built a wall on the outside,
round about this whole place, as we have said
already, and bad thereby made a most accu-
rate provision to prevent any one of the be-
sieged running away, he undertook the 6iege
itself, though he found but one single plaee
that would admit of the banks he was to raise;
for behind that tower which secured the road
that led to the palace, and to the top of the
hill from the west, there was a certain emi-
nency of the rock, very broad and very pro-
minent, but three hundred cubits beneath the
highest part of Masada; it was called the
White Promontory. Accordingly he got up-
on that part of the rock, and ordered the army
to bring earth: and when they fell to that
work with alacrity, and abundance of them
together, the bank was raised, and became
solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet
was not this bank thought sufficiently high for
the use of the engines that were to be set upon
it; but still another elevated work of great
stones compacted together was raised upon
that bank: this was fifty cubits, both in
breadth and height. The other machines
that were now' got ready were like to those
that bad been first devised by Vespasian, and
afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was
also a tower made of the height of sixty
cubits, and all over plated with iron, out
of which the Romans threw darts and stones
from the engines, and soon made those that
fought from the walls of the place to retire,
and would not let them lift up their heads

was also found here a large quantity of all I above the works. At the same time Silva

sorts of weapons of war, which had been trea-
sured up by that king, and were sufficient for
ten thousand men: there was cast iron, and
brass, and tin, which show that he had taken
much pains to have all things here ready for
the greatest occasions; for ihe report goes
how llerod thus prepared this iortre>-s on
his own account, as a refuge against two
kinds of danger: the one for fear of the mul-

ordered that great battering-ram which be
had made, to be brought thither, and to be
set against ihe wall, and to make frequent
batteries against it, which with some diffi-
culty, broke down a part of the wall, and
quite overthrew it. However the Sicarii
made haste, and presently built another wall
within that, which should not be liable to the
same misfortune from the machines with the

titude of the Jews, lest they should depose other: it was made soft and yielding, and
him and restore ibeir former kings to the go- so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows

vernment; the other danger was greater and
more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra,
queen of Egypt, who eid not conceal her
intentions, but spoke often to Antony, and
desired him to cut off Hercd, and entreated
him to bestow the kingdom of Judea upon
her. And certainly it is a great wonder
that Antony did never comply with her com-
mands in this'point, as he was so miserably
enslaved to his passion for her; nor should

gratified in such her request. So the fear of
these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada,
and thereby leave it for the finishing-stroke
of the Romans in this Jewish war.

* Pliny and others confirm this strange paradox, that
provisions laid up against sieges will continue (rood for
a hundred yean, as Spanhehn note* upon this place.

that affected the other. It was framed aftei
the following manner:—They laid together
great beams of wood lengthways, one close to
the end of another, and the same way in
which they were cut: there were two of these
row's parallel to one another, and laid at such
a distance from each other as the breadth of
the wall required, and earth was put into the
space between those rows. Now, that the
earth might not fall away upon the elevation

any rine have bean surprised if she had beeniMf this bank to a greater height, they farther

laid other beams over across them, and
thereby bound those beams together that
lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like
a real edifice; and when the machines were
applied, the blows were weakened by its yield-
ing; and as tbe materials by such concussion
were shaken closer together, the pile by thatCHAP. VIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

777

means became firmer than before. When
Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavour
the taking of this wall by setting fire to it;
bo he gave order that the soldiers should throw
a great number of burning torches upon it;
accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood,
it soon took fire; and when it was once set
on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread
tQ a mighty flame. Now, at the very begin-
ning of this fire, a north wind that then blew
proved terrible to the Romans; for by'bring-
it)g the flame downward, it drove it upon
them, and they were almost in despair of suc-
cess, as fearing their machines would be
burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind
changed into the south, as if it were done by
Divine Providence; and blew strongly the
contrary way,* and carried the flame, and
drove it against the wall, which was now on
fire through its entire thickness. So the
Romans, having now assistance from God, re-
turned to their camp with joy, and resolved
to attack their enemies the very next.day; on
which occasion they set their watch more care-
fully that night, lest any of the Jews should
run away from them without being disco-
vered.

6. However, neither did Eleazar once think
of flying away, nor would he permit any one
else to do so; but when he saw their wall
burnt down by the fire, and could devise no
other way of escaping, or room for their far-
ther courage, and setting before their eyes
what the Romans would do to them, their
children, and their wives, if the/'got them
into their power, he consulted about having
them all slain. Now, as he judged this to be
the best thing they could do in their present
circumstances, he gathered the most courage-
ous of his companions together, and encou-
raged them to take that course by a speech*
which he made to them in the manner fol-
lowing:—“ Since we, long ago, my generous
friends, resolved never to be servants to the
Romans, nor to any other than to God him-
self, who alone is the true and just Lord of
mankind, the time is now come that obliges
us to make that resolution true in practice.
And let us not at this time bring a reproach
upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we
formerly would not undergo slavery, though
it were then without danger, but must now,
together with slavery, choose such punish-
ments also as are intolerable; I mean this,
upon the supposition that the Romans once

• "r5v! speeches in this and the next section, a9 intro-
duce^ «rder the person of this F.leaxar. are exceeding
remarkable, and on the noblest subjects, the contempt of
deat... and the dignity and immortality of the soul; and
that only among the Jews, but among the Indians
themselves also: and are highly worthy the peni9al of all
the our.ous. It seems as if that philosophic lady who
uirv:v£-d. ch. ix. sect-1. 2. remembered the substance of
these discourses, as spoken bv F.leazar, and so Josephus
clothed them in his own words: at the lowest they con.
tai:i .he Jewish notions on these heads, as understood
then by our Josephus, aud cannot but deserve a suitable
icganl from us.

reduce us under tbeir power while we are
alive. We were the very first that revolted
from them, and we are the last that fight
against them ; and I cannot but esteem it as
a favour that God hath granted us, that it is
still in our power to die bravely, and in a state
of freedom, which hath not been the case of
others, who were conquered unexpectedly. It
is very plain that we shall be taken within a
day’s time; but it is still an eligible thing to
die after a glorious manner, together with our
dearest friends. This is what our enemies
themselves cannot by any means hinder, al-
though they be very desirous to take us alive.
Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to
fight them and beat them. It had been pro-
per indeed for us to have conjectured at the
purpose of God much sooner, and at the very
first, when we were so desirous of defending
our liberty, and when we received such sore
treatment from one another, and worse treat-
ment from our enemies, and to have been sen-
sible that the same God, who had of old taken
the Jewish nation into his favour, had now con-
demned them to destruction; for had he either
continued favourable, or been but in a lesser
degree displeased with us, he had not overlook-
ed the destruction of so many men, or delivered
his most holy city to be burnt and demolished
by our enemies. To be sure, we weakly hoped
to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves
alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had
been guilty of no sins ourselves against God,
nor been partners with those of others; we also
taught other men to preserve their liberty.
Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced
us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing
such distress upon us in the desperate state
we are now in, and which is beyond all our
expectations; for fhe nature of this fortress,
which was in itself unconquerable, hath not
proved a means of our deliverance; and even
while we have still great abundance of food,
and a great quantity of arms, and other ne-
cessaries more than we want, we are openly
deprived by God himself of all hopes of deli-
verance ; for that fire which was driven upon
our enemies did not of its own accord turn
back upon the wall which we had built: this
was the effect of God’s anger against us for
our manifold sitis, which we have been guilty
of in a most insolent and extravagant manner
with regard to our own countrymen; the. pu-
nishments of which let us not receive from
the Romans but from God himself, as exe-
cuted by our own hands, for these win be
more moderate than the other. Let our wives
die b£|&re they are aoused, and our children
before they have tasted of slavery ; and after
we have slain them, let us bestow that glori-
ous benefit upon one another mutually, and
preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent
funeral monument for us. But first let us de-
stroy our money and the fortress by fire; for
I am well assured that this will be a great griefWARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII

778

to the Romans, that they shall not be‘able to
seize upon our .bodies, and shall fail of our
wealth also: and let us spare nothing but our
provisions; for they will be a testimonial
when we are dead that we were not subdued
for want of necessaries; but that, according
to our original resolution, we have preferred
death before slavery.”

7. This was Eleazar’s speech to them. Yet
did not the opinions of all the auditors acqui-
esce therein; but although some of them were
very zealous to put his advice in practice, and
were in a manner filled with pleasure at it,
and thought death to be a good thing, yet had
those that were most effeminate a commisera-
tion for their wives and families; and when
these men were especially moved by the pros-
pect of their own certain death, they looked
wistfully at one another, and by the tears that
were in their eyes, declared their dissent from
his opinion. When Eleazar saw these peo-
ple in such fear, and that their souls were de-
jected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid
lest perhaps these effeminate persons should,
by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those
that heard what he bad said courageously;
so he did not leave off exhorting them, but
stirred up himself, and recollecting proper
arguments for raising their courage, he un-
dertook to speak more briskly and fully to
them, and that concerning the immortality of
the soul. So he made a lamentable groan,
and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, j
he spake thus :—“Truly, I was greatly mis-
taken when I thought to be assisting to brave
men who struggled hard for their liberty, and
to such as were resolved either to live with
honour, or else to die: but I find that you
are such people as are no better than others,
either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid
of dying, though you be delivered thereby
from the greatest miseries, while you ought
to make no delay in this matter, nor to await
any one to give you good advice; for the laws
of our country, and of God himself, have,
from ancient times, and as soon as ever we
could use our reason, continually taught us,
and our forefathers have corroborated the
same doctrine by their actions and by their
bravery of mind, that it is life that is a cala,-
mitv to men, and not death ; for this last af-
fords our souls their liberty, and sends them
by a removal into their own place of purity,
where they are to be insensible of all sorts of
misery; for while souls are tied down to a
mortal body, they are partakers of its mise-
ries; and really, to speak the truth, they §f.e
themselves dead ; for the union of what is di-
vine to what is mortal, is disagreeable. It is
true, the power of the soul is great, even when
it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by
moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes
the body a sensible instrument, and causes it
to advance farther in its actions than mortal na-
ture could otherwise do. However, when it is

freed from that weight which draws it down to
the earth and is connected with it, it obtains
its own proper place, and does then become
a partaker of that blessed power, and. those
abilities, which are then every way incapable
of being hindered in their operations. It con-
tinues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as
does God himself; for certainly it is not it-
self seen, while it is in the body; for it is
there after an invisible manner, and when it
is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this
soul which hath one nature, and that an in-
corruptible one also; but yet is it the cause
of the change that is made in the body; for
whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that
lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it
is removed, that withers away an<} dies: such
a degree is there in it of immortality. Let
me produce the state of sleep as a most evi-
dent demonstration of the truth of what I say;
wherein souls, when the body does not dis-
tract them, have the sweetest rest depending
on themselves, and conversing with God, by
their alliance to him; they then go every-
where, and foretell many futurities before-
hand ; and why are we afraid of death, while
w'e are pleased with the rest that we have in
sleep ? and how absurd a thing is it to pur-
sue after liberty while we are alive, and yet
to envy it to ourselves where it will be eter-
nal 1 We, therefore, who have been brought
up in a discipline of our own, ought to become
an example to others of our readiness to die;
yet if we do stand in need of foreigners
to support us in this matter, let us regard
those Indians who profess the exercise of phi-
losophy ; for these good men do but unwillingly
undergo the time of life, and look upon it as
a necessary servitude, and make haste to let
their souls loose from their bodies; nay,
when no misfortune presses them to it, nor
drives them upon it, these have such a desire
of a life of immortality, that they tell other
men beforehand that they are about to de-
part ; and nobody hinders them, but every
one thinks them happy men, and gives them
letters to be carried to their familiar friends
[that are dead]; so firmly and certainly do
they believe that souls converse with one
another [in the other world]. So when these
men have heard all such commands that were
to be given them, they deliver their body to
the fire; and, in order to their getting their
soul a separation from the body, in the great-
est purity, they die in the midst of hymns of
commendations made to them; for their
dearest friends conduct them to their death
more readily than do any of the rest of man-
kind conduct their fellow-citizens when they
are going a very long journey, w'ho, at the
same time, weep on their own account, but
look upon the others as happy persons, as so
soon to be made partakers of the immortal
order of beings. Are not we, therefore,
ashamed to have lower notions than the Indi-CHAP. VIII.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

779

ana? and by our own cowardice to lay a base
reproach upon the laws of our country, which
are so much desired and imitated by all man-
kind? But' put the case that we had been
brought up under another persuasion, and
taught that life is the greatest good which
men are capable of, and that death is a calami-
ty; however, the circumstances we are now
in ought to be an inducement to us to bear
such calamity courageously, since it is- by the
will of God, and by necessity, that we are to
die; for it now appears that God hath made
such a decree against the whole Jewish na-
tion, that we are to be deprived of this life
which [he knew] we would not make a due
use of; for do not you ascribe the occasion i
of your present condition to yourselves, nor
think the Romans are the true occasion that
this war we have had with them is become so
destructive to us all: these things have not
come to pass by their power, but a more
powerful cause hath intervened, and made us
afford them an occasion of their appearing to
be conquerors over us. What Roman wea-
pons, I pray you, were those, by which the
Jews of Cesarea were slain? On the con-
trary, when they were no way disposed to
rebel, but were all the while keeping their
seventh day festival, and did not so much as
lift up their hands against the citizens of Ce-
sarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in
great crowds, and cut their throats, and the
throats of their wives and children, and this
without any regard to the Romans themselves,
who never took us for their enemies till we re-
volted from them. But some may be ready to
sa^, that truly the people of Cesarea had always
a quarrel against those that lived among them,
and that when an opportunity offered itself,
they only satisfied the old rancour they had
against them. What then shall we say to those
of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with
us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they
do it by_yvay of revenge upon the Romans,
when they acted in concert with our country-
men. Wherefore you see how little our
good-will and fidelity to them profited us,
while they were slain, they and their whole
families after the most inhuman manner,
which was all the requital that was made
them for the assistance they had afforded the
others; for that very same destruction which
they had prevented from falling upon the
others, did they suffer themselves from them,
as if they bad been ready to be the actors
against them. It would be too long for me
to speak at this time of every destruction
brought upon us: for ybu cannot but know,
that there was&ot any one Syrian city which
did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and
were not more bitter enemies to us than were
the Romans themselves: nay, even those of
Damascus,* when they were able to allege

« See b. ii. ch. xx sect. 2, where the number of the
t.Juin is but 10,000

no tolerable pretence against us,‘ filled their
city with the most barbarous slaughter of our
people, and cut the throats of eighteen thou-
sand Jews, with their wives and children.
And as to the multitude of those that were
slain in Egypt, and that with torments also,
we have been informed they were more than
sixty thousand; those indeed being in a fo-
reign country, and so naturally meeting with
nothing to oppose against their enemies, were
killed in the manner forementioned. As for
all those of us who have waged war against
the Romans in our own country, had we not
sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory?
For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses
so prepared as not to be easily taken, and
courage not to be moved by any dangers in
the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all
to revolt from the Romans. But then, these
advantages sufficed us but for a short time,
and only raised our hopes, while they really
appeared to be the origin of our miseries;
for all we had bath been taken from us, and
all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these
advantages were only to render their victory
over us the more glorious, and were not
disposed for the preservation of those by
whom these preparations were made. And
as for those that are already dead in the war,
it is reasonable we should esteem them
blessed, for they are dead in defending, and
not in betraying their liberty ; but as to the
multitude of those that are now under the Ro-
mans, who would not pity their condition? and
who would not make haste to die, before he
would suffer the same miseries with them ?
Some of them have been put upon the rack,
and tortured with fire and whippings, and so
died. Some have been half-devoured by
wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive
to be devoured by them a second time, in or-
der to afford laughter and sport to our ene-
mies ; and such of those as are alive still, are
to be looked on as the most miserable, who,
being so desirous of death, could not come
at it. And where is now that great city, the
metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was
fortified by so many walls round about, which
had so many fortresses and large towers to
defend it, which could hardly contain the in-
struments prepared for the war, and which
.had so many ten thousands of men to fight
for it? Where is this city that was believed
to have God himself inhabiting therein ? It
is now demolished to the very foundations:
and hath nothing but that monument of it pre-
served, I mean the camp of those that have de-
stroyed it which still dwells upon its ruins)
some unfortunate old men also lie upon the
ashes of the temple, and a few women are
there preserved alive by the enemy, for our
bitter shame and reproach. Now, who is
there that revolves these things in his mind,
and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun,
though he might live out of danger? Who780

WARS OF

in there so much his country’s enemy, or so
unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to
repent that he is still alive ? And 1 cannot
out wish that we had all died before we had
seen that holy city demolished by the hands
of, our enemies, or the foundations of our
holy temple dug up after so profane a man-
rer. But since we had a generous hope that
deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been
able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on
that account, though it he now become
vanity, and hath left us aloDe in this distress,
let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity
ourselves, our children, .and our wives, while
it is in our power to show pity to them; for
we are born to die,* as well as those were
whom we have begotten; nor is it in the
power of the most happy of our race to avoid

THE JEWS.

BOOK VIL

CHAPTER IX.

HOW THE' PEOPLE THAT WERE IN THE FOR-
TRESS WERE PREVAILED ON BY THE WORDS
OF ELEAZAR, TWO WOMEN AND FIVE CHIL-
DREN ONLY EXCEPTED, AND ALL SUBMIT-
TED TO BE KILLED BY ONE ANOTHER.

§ 1. Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in
this exhortation* they ail cut him off short, and
made haste to do the work, as full of an un-
conquerable ardour „of mind, and moved with
a. demoniacal fury. So they went their ways,
as one still endeavouring to be before another,
and as thinking that this eagerness would be
a demonstration of their courage and good

it. But for abuses and slavery, and the I conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the

last class : so great was the zeal they were in
to slay their wives and children, and them-
selves alsol Nor indeed, when they came to
the work itself, did their courage fail them,
as one might imagine it would have done-,
but they then held fast the same resolution,
without wavering, which they had upon the
bearing of Eleazar’s speech, while yet every
one of them still retained the natural passion
of love to themselves and their families, be-
cause the reasoning they went upon appeared
to them to be very just, even with regard to
those that were dearest to them; for the hus-
bands tenderly embraced their wives, and
took their children into their arms, and gave
the longest parting kisses to them, with tears
in their eyes. Yet at the same time did they
complete what they had resolved on, as if they
had been executed by the hands of strangers,
and they had nothing else for their comfort
but the necessity they were in of doing this
execution, to avoid that prospect they had of
the miseries they were to suffer from their
enemies. Nor was there at length any one
of these men found that scrupled to act their
part in this terrible execution, but every one of
them dispatched his dearest relations. Miser-
able men indeed were they 1 whose distress
forced them to slay their own wives and chil-
dren with their own hands, as the lightest of
those evils that were before them. So they
being not able to bear the grief they were
under for what they had done any longer, and
esteeming it an injury to those they had slain,
to live even the shortest space of time after
them,—they presently laid all they had in a
heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten
men by lot out of them, to slay all the rest;
every one of whom laid himself down by his
wife and children on the grouqd, and threw
his arms about them, and they offered their
necks to the stroke of those who by lot exe-
cuted that melancholy office: and when these
ten had, without fear, slain them all, they
made the same rule for casting lots for them-
| selves, that he whose lot it was should first

sight of our wives led away after an ignomi-
nious manner, with their children, these are
not such evils as are natural and necessary
among men ; although such as do not prefer
death before those miseries, when it is in
their power so to do, must undergo even them,
on account of their own cowardice. We re-
volted from the Romans with great preten-
sions to courage; and when, at the very last,
they invited us to preserve ourselves, we
would not comply with them. Who will
not, therefore, believe that they will certainly
be in a rage at us, in case they can take us
alive? Miserable will then be the young
men, who will be strong enough in their
bodies to sustain many torments! miserable
also will be those of elder years who will not
be able to bear those calamities which young
men might sustain! One man will be obliged
to hear the voice of his son imploring help of
his father, when his hands are bound 1 But
certainly our hands are still at liberty, and
have a sword in them : let them then be sub-
servient to us in our' glorious design ; let us
die before we become slaves under our ene-
mies, and let us go out of the world, together
with our children and* our wives, in a state of
freedom. This it is that our laws command
us to do; this it is that our wives and chil-
dren crave at our hands; nay, God himself
hath brought this necessity upon us while the
Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid
lest any of us should die before we are taken.
Let us therefore make haste, and instead of
affording them so much pleasure as they hope
for in getting us under their power, let us
leave them an example which shall at once
cause their astonishment at our death, and
their admiration of our hardiness therein.”

* Reland here sets down a parallel aphorism of one of
the Jewish rabbins. •• We are bom that we may die,
and die that we may live.”CHAP. X,

WARS OF THE JEWS.

781

kill the other nine, and after all, should kill
himself. Accordingly, all these had courage
sufficient to be no way behind one another in
doing or suffering; so, for a conclusion, the
nine offered their necks to the executioner,
and he who was the last of all took a view of all
the other bodies, lest perchance some or other
among so manf that were slain should want
his assistance to be quite dispatched; and
when he ^CiCeived that they were all slain, he
set fire to the palace, and with the great force
of his hand ran bis sword entirely through
himself, and fell down dead near to his own
relations. So these people died with*this in-
tention, that they would leave not so much
as one soul among them all alive to be sub-
ject to the Romans. Yet was there an an-
cient woman, and another who was of kin to
Eleazar, and superior to most women in pru-
dence and learning, with five children, who
had concealed themselves in caverns under
ground, and had carried water thither for
their drink, and were hidden there when the
rest were intent upon the slaughter of one
another. Those others were nine hundred
and sixty in number, the women and children

being withal included in that computation___

This calamitous slaughter was made on the
fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].

% Now for the Romans, they expected
that they should be fought in the morning,
when accordingly they put on their armour,
and laid bridges of planks upon tbeir ladders
from their banks, to make an assault upon
the fortress, which they did; but saw nobody
as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every
side, with a fire within the place, as well as a
perfect silence. So they were at a loss to
guess at what had happened. At length they
made a shout, as if it had been at a blow
given by the battering-ram, to try whether
they could bring any one out that was within;
the women heard this noise, and came out of
their underground cavern, and informed the
Romans what had been done, as it was done;
and the second of them clearly described all
both what was said and what was done, and
the manner of it; yet did they not easily give
t lei' attention to Such a desperate undertak-
ing, and did not believe it could be as they
said they also attempted to put the fire out,
a.id ruickly cutting themselves a way through
it, they came within the palace, and so met
with the multitude of the slain, but could
tuk" no pleasure in tfye fact, though it were
done to tbeir enemies. Nor could they do
o*Ler than wonder at the courage of their re-
solution, and the immovable contempt of
d;ath which so great a number of them had
shown, when they went through with such an
action as that was.

CHAPTER X.

THAT MANY OF THE SICARII FLED TO ALEX-
ANDRIA ALSO, AND WHAT DANGERS THEY
WERE IN THERE; ON WHICH ACCOUNT
THAT TEMPLE WHICH HAD FORMERLY
BEEN built BY ONIAS. THE HIGH-PRIEST,
WAS DESTROYED.

§ 1. When Masada was thus taken, the ge-
neral left a garrison in the fortress to keep
it, and he himself went away to Ceserea; for
there were now no enemies left in the country,
it being all overthrown by so long a war. Yet
did this war afford disturbances and danger-
ous disorders even in places very far remote
from Judea; for still it came to pass that
many Jews were slain at Alexandriain Egypt;
for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly
thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea,
were not content to have saved themselves,
but must needs be undertaking to make new
disturbances, and persuaded many of those
that entertained them to assert their liberty,
to esteem the Romans to be no better than
themselves, and to look upon God as their
only Lord and Master. But when part of
the Jews of reputation opposed them, ihey
slew some of them, and with the others they
were very pressing in their exhortations to
revolt from the Romans; but when the prin-
cipal men of the senate saw what madness
they were come to, they thought it no longer
safe for themselves to overlook them. So they
got all the Jews together to an assembly, and
accused the madness of the Sicarii, and de-
monstrated that they had been the authors of
all the evils that had come upon them. They
said also, that “these men, now they were
run away from Judea, having no sure hope
of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall
be known, they will be soon destroyed by the
Romans, they come hithea and fill us full of
those calamities which belong to them, while
we have not been partakers with them in any
of their sins.” Accordingly they exhorted
the multitude to have a care, lest they should
be brought to destruction by their means, and
to make their apology to the Romans for what
had been done, by delivering these men up to
them; who being thus apprized of the great-
ness of the danger they were in, complied with
what was proposed, and ran with great vio-
lence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them;
and, indeed, six hundred of them were caught
immediately: but as to all those that fled in-
to Egypt,* and to the Egyptian Thebes, it

* Since Josephus here informs us that some of these-
Sicarii. or ruffians, went Irom Alexandria (which was
itself in Egypt, in a large sense) into Eevpt. and Thehes
there situated. Reland well observes, from Vossius. that
Egypt sometimes denotes Proper or Upper Egvpt, as
distinct from the Delta, and the lower pnrts near Pales-
tine. Accordingly, as be aAds, those that say it never782

WARS OF THE JEWS.

BOOK VII.

was not long ere they were caught also, and
brought back,—whose courage, or whether
we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in
their opinions, everybody was amazed at; for
when all sorts of torments and vexations of
their bodies that could be devised were made
use of to them, they could not get any one
of them to comply so far as .to confess, or
seetn to confess, that Caesar was their lord;
but they preserved their own opinion, in spite
of ail the distress they were brought to, as if
they received these torments and the fire itself
with bodies insensible of pain, and with a
soul that in a manner rejoiced under them.
But what was most of all astonishing to the
beholders, was the courage of the children;
for not one of these children was so far over-
come by these torments, as to name Caesar for
their lord. So far does the strength of the
courage [of the soul] prevail over the weak-
ness of the body.

2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexan-

mos was called the Nomos of Heliopolis,
where Onias built a fortress and a temple,
not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as
resembled a tower. He built it of large
stones to the height of sixty cubits; he made
the structure of the altar in imitation of that
in our own country, and in like manner
adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the
candlestick, for he did not make a candle-
stick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out
of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place
with its rays, and which he hung by a chain
of gold; but the entire temple was encom-
passed with a wall of burnt brick, though it
had gates of stone. The king also gave him
a large country for a revenue in money, that
both the priests might have a plentiful pro-
vision made for them, and that God might
have great abundance of what things were ne-
cessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias
do this out of a sober disposition, but he batl
a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem,

dria, who presently sent Caesar word of this I and could not forget the indignation he had
commotion; who having in suspicion the rest-	1

less temper of the Jews for innovation, and
eing afraid lest they should get together again
and persuade some others to join with them,
gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish
temple which was in the region called Onion,*
and was in Egypt, which was built and had
its denomination from the occasion follow-
ing:—Onias, the son of Simon, one of the

for being banished thence. Accordingly, he
thought that by building this temple he should
draw away a great number from them to him-
self. There had been also a certain ancient
prediction made by a [prophet] whose name
was Isaiah, about six hundred years before,
that this temple should he built by a man that
was a Jew in Egypt.f And this is the history
of the building of that temple.

4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alex-
andria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter,
Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Pto-1 came to the temple, and carried out of it some
lemy received him very kindly on account of

Jewish high-priests, fled from Antiochus the
king of Syria, when he made war with the

his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that
if he would comply with his proposal, he
would bring all the Jews to his assistance;
and when the king agreed to do it so far as
he was able, he desired him to give him leave
to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and
to worship God according to the customs of
his own country; for that the Jews would
then be so much readier to fight against An-
tiochus, who had laid waste the temple at Je-
rusalem, and that they would then come to
him with greater good-will; and that, by
granting them liberty of conscience, very
many of them would come over to him.

3. So Ptolemy complied with bis proposals,
and gave him a place one hundred and eighty
furlongs distant from Memphis, f That No-

rains in Egypt, must mean the Proper or Upper Egypt
because it does sometimes rain in the other parts. See
the note on Antiq. b. ii. ch. vii. sect 7; and b. iii. ch.

t	r	'

i sect. 6.

* Of this

i temple of Onias’s building in Egypt, see the
notes on Antiq. b. xiii. ch. iii. sect. 1, but whereas it is
>oth
>w q

that at Jerusalem, and here that it was not like it, but

ntiq. d, xm. cn. m. sect. ij
elsewhere, botn of the War. h. i. ch. L sect. 1, and in the
Antiq. as now quoted, said that this temple was like to

like a tower, sect. 3. there is some reason to suspect the
reading here, and that either the negative particle is here
he blotted out, or the word entirely added.

+ We must observe, that Josephus here speaks of

Antiochn
when O

e must observe, that Josephus here speaks of
us, who profaned the temple, as now alive
nias bad leave given him by Philometor to build

v- vv	vvwipit., BIIU UUI I ItU U'Jl VI IV OUIIJC

of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut
up the temple itself; and as Lupus died a

little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him__________

This man left none of these donations there,
and threatened the priests severely if they did
not bring them all out; nor did he permit
any who were desirous of worshipping God
there, so much as to come near the whole
sacred place; but when he bad shut up the
gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, inso-
much that there remained no longer the least
footsteps of any divine worship that had been
in that place. Now the duration of the time
from the building of this temple till it was
shut up again, was three hundred and forty-
three years.

his temple; whereas it seems not to have been actually
built till about fifteen years afterwards. Yet, because it
is said in the Antiq. that Onias went to Philometor, b.
xii. cb. ix. sect 7, during the life-time of that A ntinchua,
it is probable he petitioned, and perhaps obtained his
leave them, though it were not actually built or finished
till fifteen years afterward,
t Isa. xix. 18-23-£HAP. XI.

WARS OF THE JEWS.

783

CHAPTER XL

CONCERNING JONATHAN, ONE OF THE SICARII,

THAT STIRRED UP A SEDITION IN CYRENE,

AND WAS A FALSE ACCUSER [OF THE INNO-
CENT.]

§ 1. And now did the madness of the Sicarii,
like a disease, reach as far as the cities of Cy-
rene ; for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by
trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed
with no small number of the poorer sort to
give ear to him; he also led them into the
desert, upon promising them that he would
show them signs and apparitions; and as for
the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his
knavery from them, and put tricks upon them;
but those of the greatest dignity among them
informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan
Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and
of the preparations he had made for it. So
he sent out after him both horsemen and foot-
men, and easily overcame them, because they
were unarmed men: of these, many were
slain in the fight, but some were taken alive,
and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan,
the head of this plot, he fled away at that
time; but upon a great and very diligent
search which was made all the country over for
him, he was at last taken; and when he was
brought to Catullus, he devised a way where-
by he both escaped punishment himself, and
afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing
much mischief; for he falsely accused the
richest men among the Jews, and said that
they had put him upon what he did.

2.	Now Catullus easily admitted of these
his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly,
and made tragical exclamations that he might
also be supposed to have' had a hand in the
finishing of the Jewish war; but what was
still harder, he did not only give a too easy
telief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii
to accuse men falsely. He bade this Jona-
nathan, therefore, name one Alexander, a Jew
(with whom he had formerly had a quarrel,
and openly professed that he hated him); he
also got him to name his wife Bernice, as
concerned with him. These two Catullus
ordered to be slain in the first place; nay,
after them he caused all the rich and wealthy
Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than
three thousand. This, he thought, he might
do safely, because he confiscated their effects,
and added them to Caesar’s revenues.

3.	Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived

elsewhere should convict him of his villany,
he extended his false accusations farther, and
persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that
were caught with him, to bring an accusation
of attempts for innovation against tho Jews
that were of the best character both at Alex-
andria and at Rome. One of these, against
whom this treacherous accusation was laid,

was Josephus, the writer of these books____

However, this plot, thus contrived by Catul-
lus did not succeed according to his hopes;
for though he came himself to Rome, and
brought Jonathan and his companions along
with him in bonds, and thought he should
have had no farther inquisition made as to
those lies that were forged under his govern-
ment, or by his means, yet did Vespasian sus-
pect the matter, and make an inquiry how
far it was true; and when he understood that
the accusation laid against the Jews was an
unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes
charged upon them; and this, on account of
Titus’s concern about the matter, and brought
a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he
was first tormented, and then burnt alive.

4.	But as to Catullus, the emperors were
so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe
condemnation at this time; yet was it not
long before he fell into a complicated and al-
most incurable distemper, and died miserably.
He was not only afflicted ip body, but the
distemper in his mind was more heavy upon
him than the other; for he was terribly dis-
turbed, and continually cried out, that he saw
the ghosts of those whom he had slain stand-
ing before him. Whereupon he was not able
to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed,
as if both torments and fire were brought to
him. This his distemper grew still a great
deal worse and worse continually, and his
very entrails were so corroded, that they fell
out of his body, and in that condition he died.
Thus he became as great an instance pf divine
providence as ever was,» and demonstrated
that God punishes wicked men.

5.	And here we shall put an end to this
our history; wherein we formerly promised
to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such
as should be desirous of understanding after
what manner this war of the Romans with
the Jews was managed. Of which history,
how good the style is, must be left to the
determination of the readers; but for the
agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple
to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been
what I have alone aimed at through its entire
composition.ANTIQUITY OF THE JEWS.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS

AGAINST

API ON.*

BOOK I.

§1.1 suppose that, by my books of the An-
tiquities of tbe Jews, most excellent Epapbro-
ditii9,t I have made it evident to those who
peruse them, that our Jewish nation is of very
great antiquity, and had a distinct subsistence
of its own originally; as also, I have therein

• This first book has a wrong title. It is not written
against Apion, as is the first part of tbe second book,
but against those Greeks in general who would not be-
lieve Josephus’s former accounts of tbe very ancient
state of the Jewish nation, in his xx books of Antiqui-
ties; and particularly against Agatharchides, Manetho,
Cheremon, and Lysimachus. It is one of the most
learned, excellent, and useful books of all antiquity;
and upon Jerome’s perusal of this, and the following
books, he declares, that it seems to him a miraculous
thing “ how one that was a Hebrew, who had been
from his infancy instructed in sacred learning, should
oe able to produce such a number of testimonies out of
profane authors, as if he had read over all the Grecian
libraries,” Epist. 84, ad Magnum and the learned Jew,
Manasseh-Ben-lsrael, esteemed these two books so ex-
cellent, as to translate them into the Hebrew; this we
learn from his own catalogue of his works, which I have
seen. As to the time and place, when and where these
two books were written, the learned have not hitherto
been able to determine them any farther than that they
were written some time after his Antiquities, or some
time after A.n.93; which indeed is too obvious at their
entrance to be overlooked by even a careless peruser,
they being directly intended against those that would
not believe what he bad advanced in those books con-
cerning the great antiquity of the Jewish nation. As
to the place, they all Imagine that these two books were
WTitten where the former were. I mean at Rome; and
I confess, that 1 myself believed both those determina-
tions, till I came to finish my notes upon these books,
when I met with plain indications that they were writ-
ten not at Rome, but in Judea, and this after the third
year of Trajan, or a.d. 100.

+ Take Dr. Hudson’s note here, which, as it justly
lontradicts the common opinions that Josephus either
died under Domitian, or at least wrote nothing later
than bis days, bo does it perfectly agree to my own de-
termination, from Justus of Tiberias, that he wrote or
finished, his own life after the third of Trajan, or a.d.

declared how we came to inhabit this country
wherein we now live. Those Antiquities
contain the history of five thousand years,
and are taken out of our 6acred books; but
are translated by me into tbe Greek tongue
However, since I observe a considerable num
ber of people giving ear to the reproaches that
are laid against us by those who bear ill-will
to us, and will not believe what I have written
concerning the antiquity of out nation, while
they take it for a plain 6ign that our nation
is of a late date, because they are not so much
as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most fa-
mous historiographers among the Grecians, I
therefore have thought myself under an obliga-
tion to write somewhat briefly about these sub-
jects in order to convict those that reproach us
of spite and voluntary falsehood, and to correct
the ignorance of others, and withal to instruct
all those who are desirous of knowing the
truth of what great antiquity we really are.
As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for
the proof of what I say, they shall be such as
are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation
for truth, and the most skilful in the know-
ledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks them-
100. To which Noldius also agrees, de Herod, No. 383.
[.Epaphroditus.] “Since Flavius Josephus (says Dr.
Hudson) wrote Tor finished] his books of Antiquities
on the thirteenth of Domitian [a. d. 93], and after that
wrote the Memoirs of his own Life, as an appendix to
the hooks of Antiquities, and at last his two hooks
against Apion, and yet dedicated all those writings to
Epaphroditus, he can hardly he that Epaphroditus who
was formerly secretary to Nero, and was slain on the
fourteenth [or fifteenth] of Domitian, after he had been
for a good while in banishment; but another Epaphro-
ditus, a freed-man, and procurator of Trajan, as says
Grotius on Luke L 3.”BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHU* AGAINST APION.

785

selves. I will also slow, tbat those who
nave written so reproachfully and falsely about
us, are to be convicted by what they have
written theraseivestothe contrary. I shall also
endeavour to give an account of the reasons
why it hath so happened, that there hath not
been a great number of Greeks who have made
mention of our nation in their histories. I will
however bring those Grecians to light who
have not omitted such our history, for the sake
of those that either do not know them, or pre-
tend not to know them already.

2. And now, in the first place, I cannot
hut greatly wonder at those men, who sup-
pose that we must attend to none but Gre-
cians, when we are inquiring about the most
ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of
their truth from them only, while we must
not believe ourselves nor other men; for I
am convinced that the very reverse'is the
truth of the case. I mean this,—if we will
not be led by vain opinions, but will make in-
quiry after truth from facts themselves; for
they will find, that almost all which concerns
the Greeks happened not long ago; nay, one
may say, is of yesterday only. I speak of
the building of their cities, the invention of
their arts, and the description of their laws;
and as for their care about the writing down
of their histories, it is very near the last thing
they set about. However, they acknowledge
themselves so far, that they were the Egyp-
tians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for
I will not now reckon ourselves among them)
that have preserved the memorials of the most
ancient and most lasting traditions of man-
kind ; for almost all these nations inhabit
such countries as are least subject to destruc-
tion from the world about them; and these
also have taken especial care to have nothing
omitted of what was [remarkably] done
among them; but their history was esteemed
sacred, and put into public tables, as written
by men of the greatest wisdom they had
among them ; but a$ for the place where the
Grecians inhabit, ten thousand destructions
have overtaken it, and blotted out the memo-
ry of former actions; so that they were ever
beginning a new way of living, and supposed
that every one of them was the origin of their
new state. It was also late, and with diffi-
culty, that they came to know the letters
they now use; for those who would advance
their use of these letters to the greatest anti-
quity, pretend that they ,learned them from
the Phoenicians and from Cadmus; yet is
nobody able to demonstrate that they have
any writing preserved from that time, neither
in their temples, nor in any other public mo-
numents. This appears, because the time
when those lived who went to the Trojan war,
bo many years afterward, is in great doubt,
and great inquiry is made whether the Greeks
U6ed their letters at that time; and the most
prevailing opinion, and that nearest the truth,

is, that their present way of using those lettera
was unknown at that time. However, there
is not any writing which the Greeks agree to
be genuine among them ancienter than Ho-
mer’s Poems, who must plainly be confessed
later than the Siege of Troy: nay, the report
goes, that even he did not leave his poems in
writing, but that their memory was preserved
in songs, and they were put together after-
ward ; and this is the reason of such a num-
ber of variations as ai e found in them.* As for
those who set themselves about writing their
histories, I mean such as Cadmus of Miletus,
and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that
may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus,
they lived but a little while before the Per-
sian expedition into Greece. But then for
those that first introduced philosophy, and the
consideration of things celestial and divine
among them, such as Pherecydes the Syrian,
and Pythagoras, and Thales, all with one con-
sent agree, that they learned what they knew
of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and wrote
but little. And these are the things which are
supposed to be the oldest of all among the
Greeks; and they have much ado to believe
that the writings ascribed to those men are
genuine.

3. How can it then he other than an ab-
surd thing for the Greeks to be so proud, and
to vaunt themselves to be the only people that
are acquainted with antiquity, and that have
delivered the true accounts of those eariy
times after an accurate manner! Nay, who
is there that cannot easily gather from the
Greek writers themselves, that they knew but
little on any good foundation when they set
to write, but rather wrote their histories from
their own conjectures 1 Accordingly, they
confute one another in their own books to
purpose, and are not ashamed to give us the
most contradictory accounts of the same
things: and I should spend my'time to littl'
purpose, if I should pretend to teach the
Greeks that which they know better than I
already, what a great disagreement there i*
between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about their
genealogies; in how many cases Acusilaur
corrects Hesiod: or after what manner Epho
rus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies
in the greatest part of his history; as does
Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and
the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all
the later writers do to Herodotus ;f nor could

* This preservation of Homer’s Poems by memory,
and not by his own writing them down, and that thence
they were styled Rhapsodies, as sung by him, like bal-
lads, by parts, and not composed and connected together
in complete works, are opinions well known from the
ancient commentators, though such supposal seems
to myself, as well as to Fabricius, Biblioth. Gnec. i. p.
269, and to others, highly improbable. Nor does Jose-
phus say there were no ancienter writings among the
Greeks than Homer’s Poems, hut that they did not
fully own any ancienter writings pretending to such
antiquity; which is true.

t It well deserves to be considered, that Josephus here
says, how all the following Greek historians looked on
Herodotus as a fabulous author, and presently, seot.14,

3 D786	FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST AFIQN,	BOOK I.

Timeus agree with Antiochus and Philistius,
or with Callias, about the Sicilian History, no
more than do the several writers of the At-
thidse follow one another about the Athenian
affairs; nor do the historians .the like, that
wrote the Argolics about the affairs of the
Argives. And now what need I say any mure
about particular cities and smaller places,
while in the most approved writers of the ex-
pedition of the Persians, and of the actions
which were therein performed, there are so
great differences! Nay, Thucydides himself
is accused by some as writing what is false,
although he seems to have given us the ex-
actest history of the affairs of his own tipe.

4.	As for the occasions of this so great dis-
agreement of theirs, there may be assigned
many that are very probable, if any have a
mind to make an inquiry about them; but I
ascribe these contradictions chiefly to two
causes, which I will now mention, and still
think what I shall mention in the first place,
to be the principal of all; for if we remem-
ber, that in the beginning the Greeks had
taken no care to have public records of their
several transactions preserved, this, must for
certain have afforded those that would after-
ward write about those ancient transactions,
the opportunity of making mistakes, and the
power of making lies also; for this original
recording of such ancient transactions hath
not only been neglected by the other states of
Greece, but even among the Athenians them-
selves also, who pretend to be Aborigines,
and to have applied themselves to learning,
there are no such records extant; nay, they
say themselves, that the laws of Draco con-
cerning murders, which are now extant in
writing, are the most ancient of their public
records; which Draco yet lived but a little
time before the tyrant Pisistratus.* For as
to the Arcadians, who make such boasts of
their antiquity,’what need I speak of them in
particular, since it was still later before they
got their letters, and learned them, and that
with difficulty also.

5.	There must therefore Naturally arise
great differences among writers, when they

how Manetho, the most authentic writer of the Egyp-
tian History, greatly complains of his mistakes in the
Egyptian affairs; as also that Strabo, b. xi. p. 507, the
most accurate geographer and historian, esteemed him
such; that Xenophon, the much more accurate histo-
rian in the affairs of Cyrus, implies, that Herodotus’s
account of that great roan is almost entirely romantic
See the notes on Antiq. b. xi. ch. ii. sect. 1, and Hutch-
inson’s Prolegomena to his edition of Xenophon’s Kofi
that we have already Been in the note on An-
tiq. b. viii. ch. x. sect. 3, how very little Herodotus knew
about the Jewish affairs and country, and that he greatly
affected what we call the Marvellous, as Monsieur Rol-
lin has lately and justly determined; whence we are not
always to depend on the authority of Herodotus, where
it is unsupported by other evidence, but ought to com-
pare the other evidence with his, and, if it preponderate,
to prefer it before his. I do not mean by this, that Hero-
dotus wilfully related what he believed to be false (as
Ctesias seems to have done), but that he often wanted
evidence, and sometimes preferred what was marvellous
tc what was best attested as really true.

* About the days of Cyrus and Daniel.

had no original records tq lay for their foun-
dation, which might at once inform those who
had an inclination to learn, and, contradict
those that would tell lies. However, we are
to suppose a second occasion besides the for-
mer of these contradictions; it is this: That
those who were the most zealous to write his-
tory, were not solicitous for the discovery of
truth,f although it was very easy for them
always to make such a profession ; but their
business was to demonstrate that they could
write well, and make an impression upon
mankind thereby; and in what manner of
writing they thought they were able to exceed
others, to that did they apply themselves.—
Some of them betook themselves to the writ-
ing of fabulous narrations; some of them en-
deavoured to please the cities or the kings,
by writing in their commendation; others of
them ft*U to finding faults with transactions,
or with the writers of such transactions, and
thought to make a great figure by so doing;
and indeed these do what is of all things the
most contrary to true history; for it is the
great character of true history that all con-
cerned therein both speak and write the same
things; while these men, by writing different-
ly about the same things,^tbink they shall be
believed to write with the greatest regard to
truth. "We therefore [who are Jews] must
yield to the Grecian writers as to language
and eloquence of composition; but then vre
shall give them no such preference as to the
verity of ancient history; and least of all as
to that part which concerns the affairs of our
own several countries.

6.	As to the care of writing down the re-
cords from the earliest antiquity among the
Egyptians and Babylonians; that the priests
were intrusted therewith, and employed a
philosophical concern about it; that they were
the Chaldean priests that did so among the
Babylonians; and that the Phoenicians, who
were mingled among the Greeks, did espe-
cially make use of their letters, both for the
common affairs of life, and for the delivering
down the history of common transactions, T
think I may omit any proof, because all men

+ It is here well worth our observation, what the rea-
sons are that such ancient authors as Herodotus, Jo-
sephus. and others, have been read to so little pur-
pose by many learned critics; viz. That their main aim
has not been chronology, or history, but philology, to
know words, and not things, they not much entering
oftentimes into the real contents of their authors, and
judging which were the most accurate discoverers of
truth, and most to be depended on in the several histo-
ries, but rather inquiring who wrote the finest style, and
had the greatest elegance in their expressions,- which
are things of small consequence in comparison with the
other. Thus you will sometimes find great debates
among the learned, whether Herodotus or Thucydides
were the finest historian in the Ionic and Attic ways of
writing; which signify little as to the real value of each
of their histories; whiie it would be of much more mo.
nent to let the reader know, that as the consequence of
Herodotus’s history, which begins so much earlier, and
reaches so much wider than that ot Thucydides, is
therefore vastly greater,- so is the most part of Thucy-
dides, which belongs to his own times, and fell unde/
his own ihservation, much the most certainBOOK I.	FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.	787

allow it so to be: but now as to our fore-
fathers, that they took no less care about
writing such records (for I will not say they
took greater care than the others I spoke of)
arid that they committed that matter to their
high-priests and to their prophets, and that
these records have been written all along
down to our own times with the utmost ac-
curacy; nay, if it be not too bold for me to say
it, our history will’beso written hereafter; —
I shall endeavour briefly to inform you.

7. For our forefathers did not only appoint
the best of these priests, and those that attended
upon the divine worship, for that design
from the beginning, but made provision that
the stock of the priests should continue un-
mixed and pure; for he who is partaker of
the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the
same nation, without having any regard to
money, or any other dignities ; but he is to
make a scrutiny, and take his wife’s gene-
alogy from the ancient tables, and procure
many witnesses to it;* and this is our prac-
tice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any
body of men of our nation do live; and even
there, an exact catalogue of our priests’ mar-
riages is kept; I mean at Egypt and at Ba-
bylon, or in any other place of the rest of the
habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are
scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the an-
cient names of their parents in writing, as well
as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify
who are the witnesses also; but if any war
falls out, such as have fallen out, a great many
of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes
made an invasion upon our country, as also
when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus
did so also, and principally in the wars that
have happened in our own times, those priests
that survive them compose new tables of gene-
alogy ou£ of the old records, and examine
the circumstances of the women that remain;
for still they do not admit of those that have
been captives, as suspecting that they had con-
versation with’ some foreigners; but what is
the strongest argument of our exact manage-
ment in this matter is what I am now going
to say, that we have the names of our high-
priests, from father to son, set down in our
records, for the interval of two thousand
years; and if any of these have been trans-
gressors Of these rules, they are prohibited
to present themselves at the altar, or to
be partakers of any other of our purifications;
und this is justly, or rather necessarily done,
because every one is not permitted of his own
iccord to be a writer, nor is there any disagree-
ment in what is written; they being only
prophets that have written the original and
earliest accounts of things as they learned them

* Or this accuracy of the Jews, before and in our
Saviour’s time, in carefully preserving their genealogies
all ilong, particularly those of the priests, see J osephus’s
Lite, sect. 1. This accuracy seems to have ended at
Ilie destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, or, however, at
'hat by Adrian.

of God himself by inspiration; and othera
have written what hath happened in their own
times, and that in a very distinct manner also.

8. For we have not an innumerable mul-
titude of books among us, disagreeing from
and contradicting one another [as the Greeks
have], but only twenty-two books,] which
contain the records of all the past times;
which are justly believed to be divine; and of
them, five belong to Moses, which contain his
laws and the traditions of the origin of man-
kind till his death. This interval of time
was little short of three thousand years; but
as to the time from the death of Moses till the
reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, who reign-
ed after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after
Moses, wrote down what was done in their
times in thirteen books. The remaining four
books contain hymns to God, and precepts
for the conduct of human life. It is true, our
history hath been written since Artaxerxes
very particularly, but hath not been esteemed
of the like authority with the former by our
forefathers, because there hath not been an
exact succession of prophets since that time;
and how firmly we have given credit to those
books of our own nation, is evident by what
we do; for during so many ages as have
already passed, no one has been so bold a3
either to add any thing to them, to take any
thing from them, or to make any change in
them ; but it becomes natural to all Jews, im-
mediately and from their very birth, to esteem
those books to contain divine doctrines, and to
persist in them, and, if occasion be, willingly
to die for them. For it is no new thing for
our captives, many of them in number, and
frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks
and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that
they may not be obliged to say one word
against our laws, and the records that contain
them; whereas, there are none at all among
the Greeks who would undergo the least harm
on that account, no, nor in case all the writ-
ings that are among them were to be destroy-
ed; for they take them to be such discourses
as are framed agreeauiy to the inclinations of
those that write them; and they have justly
the same opinion of the ancient writers, since
they see some of the present generation bold
enough to write about such affairs, wherein
they were not present, nor had concern enough
to inform themselves about them from those
that knew them; examples of which may be
had in this late war of ours, where some per-
sons have written histories, and published
them, without having been in the places con-
rned, or having been near them when the

+ Wbicb were these twenty-two sacred books of the
Old Testament, see the Supplement to the Essay on the
Old Testament, p. 26—29, viz. those we call canonical,
all exceptiug the Canticles; but still with this farther
exception, that the first book of apocryphal Esdras be
taken into the number, instead of our canonical Ezra;
which seems to be no more than a later epitome of the
other; which two books of Canticles and Ezra, it no way
appears that our Josephus ever saw.788

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I.

actions were dbne; but these men put a fevy
things together by hearsay, and insolently
abuse the world, and call these writings by
the name of Histories.

9. As for myself, I have composed a true
history of that whole war, and all the parti-
culars that occurred'therein, as having been
concerned in all its transactions; for I acted
as general of those among us that are named
Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to
make any opposition. I was then seized on
by the Romans, and became a captive. Ves-
pasian also and Titus had me kept under a
guard, and forced me to attend them con-
tinually. At the first I was put into bonds;
but was set at liberty afterward, and sent to
accompany Titus when he came from Alex-
andria to the siege of Jerusalem; during which
time there was nothing done which escaped
my knowledge; for what happened in the
Roman camp I saw, and wrote down care-
fully; and what informations the deserters
brought [out of the city], I was the only man
that understood them. Afterward I got lei-
sure at Rome; and when all my materials
were prepared for that work, I made use of
some persons to assist me in learning the
Greek tongue, and by these means I composed

contained in those writings: and as for the
History of the War, I wrote it as having
been an actor myself in many of its transac-
tions, an eye-witness in the greatest part of
the rest, and was not unacquainted with any
thing whatsoever that was either said or done
in it. How impudent then must those deserve
to be esteemed, who undertake to contradict
me about the true state of those affairs! Who,
although they pretend to have made use of
both the emperors’ own memoirs, yet they
could not be acquainted with our affairs who
fought against them.

11. This digression I have been obliged to
make, out of necessity, as being desirous to
expose the vanity of those that profess to
write histories; and I suppose I have suffi-
ciently declared that this custom of transmit-
ting down the histories of ancieht times hath
been better preserved by those nations which
are called Barbarians, than by the Greeks
themselves. I am now willing, in the next
place, to say a few things to those who endea-
vour to prove that our constitution is but of
late time, for this reason, as they pretend
that the Greek writers have said nothing
about us; after which I shall produce testi-
monies for our antiquity out of the writings

the history of those transactions; and 1 was of foreigners: I shall also demonstrate that
so well assured of the truth of what I related; [ such as cast reproaches upon our nation do it
that I first of all appealed to those that had 1 very unjustly.

the supreme command in that war, Vespasian 12. As for ourselves, therefore, we neither
and Titus, as witnesses for me, for to them I j inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight
presented those books first of all, and after : in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with
them to many of the Romans who had been 1 other men as arises from it; but the cities
in the war. I also sold them to many of | we dwell in are remote from the sea, and hav-
our own men who understood the Greek 1 ing a fruitful country for our habitation, we
philosophy; among whom were Julius Arche-: take pains in cultivating that only. Our

laus, Herod [king of Chaicis], a person of
great gravity, and king Agrippa himself, a
person that deserved the greatest admiration.
Now ^tll these men bore their testimony to
me, that I had the strictest regard to truth;
who yet would not have dissembleu the
matter, nor been silent, if I, out of ignorance,
or out of favour to any side, either had given
false colours to actions, or omitted any of
them.

10. There have been indeed some bad
men, who have attempted to calumniate my
history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic
performance for the exercise of young men.
A strange sort of accusation and calumny
thisl since every one that undertakes to
deliver the history of actions truly, ought to
know them accurately himself in the first
place, as either having been concerned in
them himself, or-been informed of them by
such as knew them. Now, both these methods
of knowledge I may very properly pretend
to in the composition of both my works;
for, as I said, I have translated the Antiqui-
ties out of our sacred books; which 1 easily
could do, since I was a priest by my birth,
qnd have studied that philosophy which is

principal care of all is this, to educate our
children well; and we think it to be the most
necessary business of our whole life, to
observe the laws that have been given us, and
to keep those rules of piety that have been
delivered down to us. Since, therefore,
besides what we have already taken notice
of, we have had a peculiar way of living of
our own, -there was no occasion offered us in
ancient ages for intermixing among the Greeks,
as they had for mixing among the Egyptians,
by their intercourse of exporting and import-
ing their several goods; as they also mixed
with the Phoenicians, who lived by the sea-
side, by means of their love of lucre in trade
and merchandise. Nor did our forefathers
betake themselves, as did some others, to rob-
bery; nor did they, in order to gain more
wealth, fall into foreign wars, although oar
country contained many ten thousands of
men of courage sufficient for that purpose;
for this reason it was that the Phoenicians
themselves came soon by trading and naviga-
tion to be known to the Grecians, ami by
their means the Egyptians became known to
the Grecians also, as did all those people
whence the Phoenicians in long voyages o^erBOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

789

the seas carried wares to the Grecians. The
Medes also and the Persians, when they were
lords of Asia, became well known to them ;
and this was especially true of the Persians,
who led their armies as far as the other con-
tinent [Europe]. The Thracians were also
known to them by the nearness of their coun-
tries, and Scythians' by the means of those
that sailed to Pontus; for it was so in gene-
ral that all maritime nations, and those that
inhabited near the eastern or western seas, be-
came most known to those that were desirous
to be writers; but such as had their habita-
tions farther from the sea were for the most
part unknown to them: which things appear
to have happened as to Europe also, where
the city of Rome, that hath this long time
been possessed of so much power, and hath
performed such great actions in war, is never
yet mentioned by Herodotus, nor by Thucy-
dides, nor by any one of their contemporaries;
and it was very late, and with great difficulty,
that the Romans became known to the Greeks.
Nay, those that were reckoned the most
exact historians (and Ephorus for one) were
so very ignorant of the Gauls and the Span-
iards, that he supposed the Spaniards, who
inhabit so great a part of the western regions
of the earth, to be no more than one city.
Those historians also have ventured to de-
scribe such customs as were made use of by
them, which they never had either done or
said; and the reason why these writers did
not know the truth of their affairs, was this,
that they had not any commerce together; —
but the reason why they wrote such falsities
was this, that they had a mind to appear to
know things which others had not known.
Mow can it then be any wonder, if our
nation was no more known to many of the
Greeks, nor had given them any occasion
to mention them in their writings, while
they were so remote from the sea, and had a
conduct of life so peculiar to themselves?

13. Let us now put the case, therefore,
that we made use of this argument concerning
the Grecians, in order to prove that their na-
tion was not ancient, because nothing is said
of them in our records; would not they laugh
at us all, and probably give the same reasons
for our silence that I have now alleged, and
would produce their neighbouring nations as
witnesses to their own antiquity? Now, the
very same thing will I endeavour to do; for
I will bring the Egyptians and the Phoenicians
as my principal witnesses, because nobody
can complain of their testimony as false, on
account that they are .known to have borne
the greatest ill-will towards us; I mean this
as to the Egyptians, in general all of them,
while of the Phoenicians, it is known the
Tyrians have been most of all in the same ill
disposition towards us: yet do I confess that I
cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since
our first leaders and ancestors were derived

from them; and they do make mention of us
Jews in their records, on account of the kin-
dred there is between us. Now, when I shall
have made my assertions good, so far as con-
cerns the others, I will demonstrate that some
of the Greek writers have made mention of us
Jews also, that those who envy us may not
have even this pretence for contradicting what
I have said about our nation.

14. I shall begin with the writings of the
Egyptians; not indeed of those that have
written in the Egyptian language, which it
is impossible for me to do. But Manetho
was a man who was by birth an Egyptian,
yet had he made himself master of the Greek
learning, as is very evident; for he wrote the
history of his own country in the Greek
tongue, by translating it, as lie saith himself,
out of their sacred records: he also finds
great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance
and false relations of Egyptian affairs. Now,
this Manetho, in the second book of his
Egyptian History, writes concerning us in
the following manner. I will set down his
very words, as if I were to bring the very
man himself into a court for a witness: —
“ There was a king of ours, whose name was
Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know
not how, that God was averse to us, and there
came, after a surprising manner, men of
ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had
boldness enough to make an expedition into
our country, and with ease subdued it by
force, yet without our hazarding a battle with
them. So when they had gotten those that
governed us under their power, they after-
wards burnt down our cities, and demolished
the temples of the gods, and used all the in-
habitants after a most barbarous manner: nay,
some they slew, and led their children and
their wives into slavery. At length they
made one of themselves king, whose name was
Salatis; he also lived at Memphis, and made
both the upper and lower regions pay tribute,
and left garrisons in places that were the most
proper for them. He chiefly aimed to secure
the eastern parts, as foreseeing that the Assy-
rians, who had then the greatest power, would
be desirous of that kingdom and invade them;
and as he found in the Saite Nomos [Seth-
roite], a city very proper for his purpose, and
which lay upon the Bubastic channel, b’jt
with regard to a certain tbeologic notion was
called Avaris, this he rebuilt, and made very
strong by the walls he built about it, and by
a most numerous garrison of two hundred
and forty thousand armed men whom he put
into it to keep it. Thither Salatis came in
summer-time, partly to gather his corn, and
pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to
exercise his armed men, and thereby to terrify
foreigners. When this man had reigr.ed
thirteen years, after him reigned another
whose name was Beon, for forty-four years-
after him reigned another, called Apr.chnaa790

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I.

thirty-six years and seven months; after him
Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then
Jonias fifty years and one month; after all
these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two
months. And these six were the first rulers
among them, who were all along making war
with the Egyptians,and were very desirous gra-
dually to destroy them to the very roots. This
whole nation was styled Hycsos, that is, Shep-
herd-kitty s ; for the first syllable Hyc, according
to the sacred dialect denotes a kitty, as is Sos
a shepherd—but this according to the ordinary
dialect; and of these is compounded Hycsos:
but some say that these people were Arabians.”
Now, in another copy it is said, that this word
does not denote Kings, but, on the contrary,
denotes Captive Shepherds, and this on account
of the particle Hyc ; for that Hyc, with the aspi-
ration, in the Egyptian tongue again denotes
Shepherds, and that expressly also; and this
to me seems the more probable opinion, and
more agreeable to ancient history. [But
Mauetho goes on]:—“ These people, whom we
have before named kings, and called shepherds
also, and their descendants,” as he says, “kept
possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven
years.” After these he says, “ That the kings
of Thebais and of the other parts of Egypt
made an insurrection against the shepherds,
and that there a terrible and long war was
made between them.” He says farther, “ That
under a king, whose name was Alisphragmu-
thosis, the shepherds were subdued by him,
and were indeed driven out of other parts of
Egypt, but were shut up in a place that con-
tained ten thousand acres: this place was
named Avaris. Manetho says, “ That the shep-
herds built a wall round all this place, which
was a large and strong wall, and this in order to
keep all their possessions and their prey
within a place of strength, but that Thummosis
the son of Alisphragmutbosis made an attempt
to take them by force and by siege, with
four hundred and eighty thousand men to
lie round about them; but that, upon his
des pair of taking the place by that siege, they
ca.,:e to a composition with them, that they
should leave Egypt, and go without any harm
V:> be done them, whithersoever they would;
iud that, after this composition was made,
.hey went away with, their whole families and
effects, not fewer in number than two hundred
and forty thousand, and took their journey
from Egypt, through the wilderness, for
Syria: but that, as they were in fear of the
Assyrians, who had then the dominion over
Asia, they built a city in that country
which is now called Judea, and that large
enough to contain this great number of men,
ami called it Jerusalem.”* Now Manetho, in
another book of his, says, “ That this nation,

* Hert we have an account of tlie first building of the
c.t) 01 Jerusalem, according to Vlauetho, when the Phoe-
nician shepherds were expelled out of Egypt, about
ttir.j-seven years before Abraham came out of Maran.

thus called Shepherds, were also called Cap-
tives, in their sacred books.” And this
account of his is the truth; for feeding of
sheep was the employment of our forefathers
in the most ancient agesjf and as they led
such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they
were called Shepherds. Nor was it without
reason that they were called Captives by the
Egyptians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph,
told the king of Egypt that he was a captive.J
and afterward sent for his brethren into
Egypt by the king’s permission; but as for
these matters, I shall make a more exact
inquiry about them elsewhere.§

15. But now I shall produce the Egyptians
as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I
shall therefore here bring in Manetho again,
and what he writes as to the order of the times
in this case, and thus he speaks: — “When
this people or shepherds were gone out of
Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of
Egypt, who drove them out, reigned after-
ward twenty-five years and four months, and
then died; after him his son Chebron took
the kingdom for thirteen years; after whom
came Amenophis, for twenty years and seven
months: then came his sister Amesses, foi
twenty-one years and nine months; after her
came Mephres, for twelve years and nine
months; after him was Mepkramuthosis, for
twenty-five years and ten months; alter him
was Tethmosis, for nine years and eight
months; after him came Amenophis, for
thirty years and ten months; after him came
Orus, for thirty-six years and five months;
then came his daughter Acencbres, for twelve
years and one month; then was her brother

Rathotis, for nine years; then was Aceii-
cheres, for twelve years and five months;
then came another Acencheres, for twelve
years and three months; after him Armais,
for four years and one month; after him was
Ramesses, for one year and four months'
after him came Armesses Miammoun, foi
sixty-six years and two months; after him
Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months;
after him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, who
had an army of horse, and a naval force. This
king appointed his brother Armais, to be his
deputy over Egypt.” [In another copy it
stood thus: — After him came Sethosis, and
Ramesses, two brethren, the former of whom
had a naval force, and in a hostile manner
destroyed those that met him upon the sea;
but as he slew Ramesses in no long time after-
ward, so he appointed another of his brethren
to be his deputy over Egypt.] He also gave
him all the other authority of a king, but with

+ Gen.xlvi 32,34; xlvii.3,4.

tin our copies of the book of Genesis and of Josephus,
this Joseph never calls himself “a captive,” wbe he
was with the king of Egypt, though be does call himself
a servant,” “ a slave,” or “ captive,” many times in
the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, under Joseph,
sect 1, 11, 13,14,15, 16.

I This is now wanting.BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

791

these only injunctions, that he should not
wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the queen,
the mother of his children, and that he should
not meddle with the other concubines of the
king; while he made an expedition against
Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and besides against the
Assyrians and the Medes. He then subdued
hem all, some by his arms, some without
ighting, and some by the terror of his great
irmy; and being puffed up by the great
successes he had had, he went on still the
nore boldly, and overthrew the cities and
:ountries that lay in the eastern parts; but
ifter some considerable time, Armais, who
was left in Egypt, did all those very things,
jy way of opposition, which his brother had
forbidden him to do, without fear; for he

to those things which Manetho adds, not from
the Egyptian records, but, as he confesses
himself, from some stories of an uncertain
original, I will disprove them hereafter par-
ticularly, and shall demonstrate that they are
no better than incredible fables.

17. I will now, therefore, pass from these
records, and come to those that belong to the
Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall
produce attestations to what I have said out of
them. There are then records among the Ty-
rians that take in the history for many years,
and these are public writings, and are kept
with great exactness, and incmde accounts of
the facts done among them, and such as con-
cern their transactions with other nations also,
those I mean which were worthy of remem-

jsed violence to the queen, and continued to I bering. Therein it was recorded that the
nake use of the rest of the concubines, with- j temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusa-
iut sparing any of them; nay, at the persua- |lera, one hundred forty-three years and eight
don of his friends he put on the diadem, and I months before the Tyrians built Carthage;
,et up to oppose his brother; but then, he j and in their annals the building of our tempie
who was set over the priests of Egypt, wrote I is related: for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was
letters to Sethosis, and informed him of all that I the friend of Solomon our king, and had such
nad happened, and how his brother had set up | friendship transmitted down to him from his
to oppose him: he therefore returned back I forefathers. He thereupon was ambitious to
to Pelusium immediately, and recovered his I contribute to the splendour of this edifice of
Kingdom again. The country also was called I Solomon, and made him a present of one hun-

from his name Egypt; for Manetho says
that Sethosis himself was called Egyptus, as
was his brother Armais culled Danaus.”*

16. This is Manetho’s account; and evi-
dent it is from the number of years by him set
down belonging to this interval, if they be sum-
med up together, that these shepherds, as they
are here called, who were no other than our
forefathers, were delivered out of Egypt, and
came thence, and inhabited this country three
hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus
-ame to Argos; although the Argives look
upon himf as their most ancient king. Ma-
netho, therefore, bears this testimony to two
points of the greatest consequence to our pur-
pose, and those from the Egyptian records
hemselves. In the first place, that we came
tut of another country into Egypt; and that
withal our deliverance out of it was so an-
ient in time, as to have preceded the siege of
Troy almost a thousand years; but then, as

,aken by Josephus, and of these t'hcemcian shepherds,
as falsely supposed by biin, and others after him, to
have bee'n tbe Israelites in Egypt, see Essay on the Old

bis Egypt!;
Josephus.

chronology of Manetho, as mis-
d of these Phoenician shepherds

Testament,
when Jusephu
on this Dai
“the most ancient1

le Israelites in Egypt, see J
Appendix, p. 18^—189. And note here, that
hus tells us that the Greeks

11 king of Ari

rgo;

supposed to mean, in the strictest sense, that they had
no one king so ancient as he; for it is certain that they
owned nine kings before him, and Inacbus at the head
of them. See Authentic hecords, part ii. page
as Josephus could not but know very well; hut th

Essay

re, t

or Argives looked
a most ancient,” or
he need not be

:e 983,

isephus could not but know very well; hut that he
esteemed as very ancient by them, and that they
first of all denominated “Danai”
Nor does this su-
most ancient ” of all

was

knew they bad been

from this very ancient king Danaus.
perlative degree always imply the “ m
without exception, but is sometim;

ption, but is sometimes to be rendered
t” only, as is

very ancient” only, as
ive degrees of other word;
♦ See the preceding note

the case in the like supcrla-
s also.

dred and twenty talents of gold. He also
cut down the most excellent timber out of
that mountain which is called Libanus. and
sent it to him for adorning its roof. Solomon
also not only made him many other presents,
by way of requital, but gave him a country
in Galilee also, that was cailed Ohabulon:f
but there was another passion, a philosophic
inclination of theirs, which cemented the
friendship that was betwixt them; for they
sent mutual problems to one another, with a
desire to have them unriddled by each other;
wherein Solomon was superior to Hirom, as
he was wiser that he in other respects; and
many of the epistles that passed between them
are still preserved among the Tyrians. Now
that this may not depend on my bare word,
I will produce for a witness, Dius, one that
is believed to have written the Phoenician His-
tory after an accurate manner. This Dius,
therefore, writes thus, in his Histories of the
Phoenicians:—“ Upon the death of Abibalus,
his son Hirom took the kingdom. This king
raised banks at the eastern parts of the city,
and enlarged it; he also joined the temple of
Jupiter Olympius, which stood before in an
island by itself, to the city, by raising a causey
between them, and adorned that temple with
donations of gold. He moreover went up to
Libanus, and had timber cut down for the
building of temples. They say farther, that
Solomon, when he was king of Jerusalem,
sent problems to Hirom to be solved, and
desired he would send others back for him to
solve, and that he who could not solve the
problems proposed to him, should pay money
t l Kings ix. 13.79?

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I.

to him that solved them; and when Hirom
had agreed to the proposals, but was not able
to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay
a great deal of money, as a penalty for the
same. As also they relate, that one Abde-
mon, a man of Tyre, did solve the problems,
and proposed others which Solomon could not
solve upon which he was obliged to repay a
great aeal of money to Hirom.” These things
are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we
have said upon the same subjects before.

18. And now I shall add Menander the
Ephesian, as an additional witness. This
Menander wrote the Acts that were done both
by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every
one of the Tyrian kings; and had taken much
pains to learn their history out of their own
records. Now, when he was writing about
those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came
to Ilirom, and says thus: — “ Upon the death
of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the king-
dom; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned
thirty-four. He raised a bank on that called
the Broad place, and dedicated that golden
pillar which is in Jupiter’s temple; he also
went and cut down timber from the moun-
tain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar

away from him, and built the city of Carthage
in Libya.” So the whole time from the
reign of Hirom till the building of Carthage,
amounts to the sum of one hundred and fifty-
five years and eight months. Since then the
temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth
year of the reign of Hirom, there were from the
building of the temple until the building of
Carthage, one hundred forty-three years anil
eight months. Wherefore, what occasion is
there for alleging any more testimonies out of
the Phoenician histories [on the behalf of our
nation], since what I have said is so tho-
roughly confirmed already? and to be sure
our ancestors came into this country long
before the building of the temple; for it was
not till we had gotten possession of the whole
land by war that we built our temple. And
that is the point that I have clearly proved out
of our sacred writings in my Antiquities.

19. I will now relate what hath been writ-
ten concerning us in the Chaldean histories;
which records have a great agreement with
our. books in other things also. Berosus
shall be witness to what I say: he was by
birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned,
on account of his publication of the Chaldean

for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled books of astronomy and philosophy among
dow'n the old temples, and built new ones: the Greeks. This Berosus, therefore, follovv-
besides this, he consecrated the temples of Her- ing the most ancient records of that nation,
cules and Astarte. He first built Hercules’s gives us a history of the deluge of waters
temple, in the month Peritus, and that of that then happened, and of the destruction of
Astarte when he made his expedition against mankind thereby, and agrees with Moses’s
the Tityans, who would not pay him their narration thereof. He also gives us an

tribute; and when he had subdued them to
himself, he returned home. Under this king

account of that ark wherein Noah, the origin
of our race, was preserved, when it was

there was a younger son of Abdemon, who brought to the highest part of the Armenian
mastered the problems which Solomon, king mountains: after which he gives us a cata-
of Jerusalem, had recommended to be solved.” , logue of the posterity of Noah, and adds the
Now the time from this king to the building | years of their chronology, and at length come..

of Carthage, is thus calculated: — “ Upon the
death of Hirom, Baleazarus his son took the
kingdom; he lived forty-three years, and
reigned seven years: after him succeeded his

down to Nabolassar, who was king of Baby-
lon, and of the Chaldeans. And when he
w'as relating the acts of this king, he describes
to us how he sent his son Nabuchodonosor

son Abdastartus; he lived twenty-nine years, j against Egypt, and against our land, with a
arid reigned nine years. Now four sons of | great army, upon his being informed that
his nurse plotted against him and slew him, | they had revolted from him; and how, by
the eldest of whom reigned twelve years: | that means, he subdued them all, and set our
after them came Astartus the son of Deleas- I temple that was at Jerusalem on fire; nay,
tartus: he lived fifty-four years, and reigned land removed our people entirely out of their
twelve years; after him came his brother I own country, and transferred them to Baby-
Aserv:i.us: he lived fifty-four years, and j Ion; when it so happened that our city was
reigned nine years: he was slain by his I desolate during the interval of seventy years,
brother Pheles. who took the kingdom and I until the days of Cyrus king of Persia, lie
reigned but eight months, though he lived j then says, “ That this Babylonian king con-

^ ft IT 1 ' i _AI an a L. .. ■.... A nl Aim Lv - - TltlA L -1..* XL a i A1 II AHA J	A...-.X .. .. J O .. !       J I 1 T_ - -	1

fifty years: he was slain by Ithobalus, the
priest, of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two
years, a.id lived sixty-eight years: he was
succeeded by his son Badezorus, who lived
forty-five yeaTs, and reigned six years; he was
succeeded by Matgenus his son: be lived
thirty-tivo years, and reigned nine years;
Pygmalion succeeded him: he lived fifty-six

quered Egypt, and Syria, and Phoenicia, and
Arabia; and exceeded in his exploits all that
had reigned before him in Babylon and Chal-
dea.” A little after which, Berosus subjoins
what follows in his History of Ancient
Times. I will set down Berosus’s own
accounts, which are these: — “When Nabo-
lassar, father of Nabuchodonosor, heard that

years, and reigned forty-seven years. Now, the governor whom be had set over Egypt
in the -seventh year of his reign, is sister fled i and over the parts of Celesyria and Phoenicia,BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

793

bad revolted from him, be was not able to
bear it any longer; but committing certain
parts of his army to his son Nabuchodonosor,
who was then but young, he sent him against
the rebel: Nabuchodonosor joined battle with
him, and conquered him, and reduced the
country under his dominion again. Now it
so fell out, that his father Nabolassar fell into
a distemper at this time, and died in the city
of Babylon, after he had reigned twenty-
nine years. But as he understood, in. a little
time, that his father Nabolassar was dead, he
set the affairs of Egypt and the other coun-
tries in order, and committed the captives he
had taken from the Jews, and Phoenicians,

ing, without any foundation, that Babylon
was built by Semiramis,* queen of Assyria,
and for her false pretence to those wonderful
edifices thereto relating, as if they were her
own workmanship; as indeed in these affairs
the Chaldean History cannot but be the most
credible. Moreover, we meet with a confir-
mation of what Berosus says, in the archives
of the Phoenicians, concerning this king Nn-
buchodonosor, that he conquered all Syria and
Phoenicia; in which case Philostratus agrees
with the others in that history which he com-
posed, where he mentions the siege of Tyre;
as does Megasthenes also, in the fourth book
of his Indian History, wherein he pretends to

and Syrians, and of the nations belonging to . prove that the fore-mentioned king of the Ba-
Egypt, to some of his friends, that they might bylonians was superior to Hercules in strength

conduct that part of the forces that had on
heavy armour, with the rest of his baggage,
to Babylonia; while he went in haste, having
but a few with him, over the desert to Baby-
lon; whither when he was come, he found
the public affairs had been managed by the
Chaldeans, and that the principal persons
among them had preserved the kingdom for
him. Accordingly, he now entirely obtained
all his father’s dominions. He then came,
and ordered the captives to be placed as colo-
nies in the most proper places of Babylonia:
but for himself, he adorned the temple of
Belus, and the other temples, after an elegant
manner, out of the spoils he had taken in this
war. He also rebuilt the old city, and added
another to it on the outside, and so far re-
stored Babylon, that none who should besiege
it afterwards might have it in their power to
divert the river, so as to facilitate an entrance
into it; and this he did by building three
walls about the inner city, and three about
the outer. Some of these walls he built of
burnt brick and bitumen, and some of brick
only. So when he had thus fortified the city
with walls, after an excellent manner, and
had adorned the gates magnificently, he added
a new palace to that which his father had
dwelt in, and this close by it also, and that
more eminent in its height, and in its great
splendour. It would perhaps require too long
a narration, if any one were to describe it.
However, as prodigiously large and magnifi-
cent as it was, it was finished in fifteen days.
Now in this palace he erected very high
walks, supported by stone pillars, and by
planting what was called a pensile paradise,
and replenishing it with all sorts of trees, he
rendered the prospect of an exact resemblance
of a mountainous country. This he did to
please his queen, because she had been brought
up in Media, and was fond of a mountainous
situation.”

20. This is what Berosus relates concern-
ing the fore-mentioned king, as he relates
many other things about him also in the third
book of his Chaldean History; wherein he
complains of the Grecian writers for suppos-

and the greatness of his exploits; for he says
that he conquered a great part of Libya, and
conquered Iberia also. Now, as to what I
have said before about the temple at Jerusa-
lem, that it was fought against by the Baby-
lonians, and burnt by them, but was opened
again when Cyrus had taken the kingdom of
Asia, shall now be demonstrated from what
Berosus adds farther upon that head; for thus
he says in his third book:—“Nabuchodono-
sor, after he had begun to build the fore-
mentioned wall, fell sick, and departed this
life, when he had reigned forty-three years;
whereupon his son Evilmerodach obtained
the kingdom. He governed public affairs
after an illegal and impure manner, and had
a plot laid against him by Neriglissoor, his
sister’s husband, and was slain by him when
he had reigned but t^o years. After he was
slain, Neriglissoor, the person who plotted
against him, succeeded him in the kingdom,
and reigned four years; his son Laborosoar-
chod obtained the kingdom, though he was
but a child, and kept it nine months; but by
reason of the very ill-temper and ill practices
he exhibited to the world, a plot was laid
against him also by his friends, and he was
tormented to death. After his death, the
conspirators got together, and by common
consent put the crown upon the head of Na-
bonnedus, a man of Babylon, and one who
belonged to that insurrection. In his reign
it was that the walls of the city of Babylon
were curiously built with burnt brick and
bitumen; but when he was come to the seven-
teenth year of his reign, Cyrus came out of
Persia with a great army; and having already
conquered all the rest of Asia, he came hastily
to Babylonia. When Nabonnedus perceived
he was coming to attack him, he met bitv
with his forces, and, joining battle with hiir.,
was beaten; and fled away with a few of hi-
troops with him, and was shut up within the
city Borsippus. Hereupon Cyrus took J’a

* The great improvements that Nebuchadneicas.
made ill the buildings at Uabylon, do co way contiadh.
those ancient and authentic testimonies which Rsenb"
its liisl building to Nimrod, and its first rebuilding iu
■'iciuiraiuis, as lierosns seems here to suppose.794

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I

bylon, and gave order that the outer walls of
the city should be demolished, because the city
had proved very troublesome to him, and cost
him a great deal of pains to take it. He then
inarched away to Borsippus, to besiege Nabon-
nedus; but as Nabonnedus did not sustain the
siege, but delivered himself into his hands, he
was at first kindly used by Cyrus, who gave
him Carmania, as a place for him to inhabit
in, but sent him out of Babylonia. Accor-
dingly Nabonnedus spent the rest of his time
in that country, and there died.”

21.	These accounts agree with the true
history in our books; for in them it is writ-
ten that Nebuchadnezzar, in the eighteenth
year of his reign,* laid our temple desolate,
and so it lay in that state of obscurity for
fifty years; but that in the second year of the
reign of Cyrus, its foundations were laid, and
it was finished again in the secondf year of
Darius. I will now add the records of the
Phoenicians; for it will not be altogether
superfluous to give the reader demonstrations
more than enow on this occasion. In them
we have this enumeration of the times of their
several kings: — “ Nabuchodonosor besieged
Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal,
their king; alter him reigned-Baal, ten years;
after him were judges appointed, who judged
the people: Ecuibalus, the son of Balsacus,
tvvo months; Cbelbes, the son of Abdeus,
ten months; Abhar, the high-priest, three
months; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons
of Abdelemus, were judges six years; after
whom Balatorus reigned one year; after his
death they sent and fetched Merbalus from
Babylon, who reigned four years; after his
death they sent for his brother Hirom, who
reigned twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus
became king of Persia.” So that the whole
interval is fifty-four years besides three
months; for in the seventh year of the reign
of Nebuchadnezzar he began to besiege Tyre;
and Cyrus the Persian took the kingdom in
the fourteenth year of Hirom. So that the
records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree
with our writings about this temple; and the
testimonies here produced are an indisputable
and undeniable attestation to the antiquity of
our nation; and I suppose that what I have
already said may be sufficient to such as are
not very contentious.

22.	But now it is proper to satisfy the
inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of

* This number in Josephus, that Nebuchadnezzar
destroyed the temple in the eighteenth year of his reign,
is a mistake in the nicety of chronology; for it was in the
nineteenth.

+ The true number here for the year of Darius, in
which the second temple was finished, whether the
second with our present copies, or the sixth with that of
Syncellus, or the tenth with that of Eusebius, is very
uncertain; so we had best lollow Josephus’s own account
elsewhere, Antiq. b. xi. ch. iii. sect. 4. which shows us,
that according to his copy of the Old Testament, after
tile second of Cyrus, that work was interrupted till the
second ol Darios, when in seven years it was finished in
the ninth of Darius.

barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be
worthy of credit, and to produce many of
these very Greeks who were acquainted with
our nation, and to set before them such
upon occasion have made mention of us
in their own writings. Pythagoras, therefore,
of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was
esteemed a person superior to all philosophers,
in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it
is plain that he did not only know our doc-
trines, but was in very great measure a fol-
lower and admirer of them. There is not
indeed extant any writing that is owned for
his;J but many there are who have written
his history, of whom Hermippus is the most
celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive
in all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus,
in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks
thus:—“That Pythagoras, upon the death of
one of his associates, whose name was Cal-
liphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed that
this man’s soul conversed with him both night
and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a
place where an ass had fallen down; as also
not to drink of such waters as caused thirst
again; and to abstain from all sorts of
reproaches.” After which he adds thus: —
This he did and said in imitation of the
doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which
he transferred into his own philosophy.” For
it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras,
that he took a great many of the laws of tbe
Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our
nation unknown of old to several of the Gre-
cian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of
imitation by some of them. This is declared
by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning
laws; for he says that “the laws of the
Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths.”
Among which he enumerates some others,
and particularly that called Cor ban; which
oath can only be found among the Jews, and
declares what a man may call “ A thing
devoted to God.” Nor indeed was Herodotus,
of Halicarnassus, unacquainted with our nation,
but mentions it after a way of his own,
when he saith thus, in the second book con-
cerning the Colchians. His words are these:
—“ The only people who were circumcised in
their privy members originally, were the Col-
chians, tbe Egyptians, and the Ethiopians;
but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are
in Palestine, confess that they learned it from
the Egyptians; and as for those Syrians who
live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthe-
nius, and tbeir neighbours the Macrones, they
say they have lately learned it from the Col-
chians; for these are the only people that are
circumcised among mankind, and appear to have
done the very same thing with the Egyptians;

t This is a tiling well known by the learned, that we
are not secure that we have any genuine writings o(
Pythagoras,* those Golden Verses, which are his best
remains, being gencial<y supposed to have been written
not by himsell, but by some of bis scholars only, in
agreement with what Josephus here afl*n:»s o*' him.BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

795

but as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians them-
sehes, I am not able to say which of them
received it from the other." This there-
fore is what Herodotus says, that “the Sy-
rians that are in Palestine are circumcised.”
But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that
are circumcised excepting the Jews; and
therefore it must be his knowledge of them
that enabled him to speak so much concern-
ing them. Cherilus* also, a still ancienter
writer, and a poet, makes mention of our
nation, arid informs us that it came to the
assistance of king Xerxes, in his expedition
against Greece ; for in his enumeration of all
those nations, he last of all inserts ours among
the rest, when he says:—“ At the last there
passed over a people, wonderful to he beheld;
for they spake the Phoenician tongue with
their mouths; they dwelt in the Solymean
mountains, near a broad lake; their heads were
sooty; they had round rasures on them : their
heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads
also, that had been hardened in the smoke.” I
think, therefore, that it is evident to everybody
that Cherilus means us, because the Soly-
mean mountains are in our country, wherein
we inhabit, as is also the lake called Asphal-
titis; for this is a broader and larger lake than
any other that is in Syria: and thus does
Cherilus make mention of us. But now that
not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but
those that are held in ihe greatest admiration
for their philosophic improvements among
them, did not only know the Jews, but, when
they lighted upon any of them admired them
alao, it is easy for any one to know; for Clear-

* Whether tnese verses of Cherilus, the heathen
poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in
Pisidia. that were near a small lake, or to the lews that
dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near
the great and broad lake Asphaltitis, that were a strange
people, and spake the Phoenician tongue, is not agreed
on bv the learned. It is yet certain that Josephus here,
and Busebius (I’rteo. ix. 9. p. 412) took them to be
Jews: and I confess I cannot but very much incline to
the same opinion The other '-olymi were not a strange
people, but heathen idolatnrs, like the other parts of
Xerxes’s army; and that these spake the Phoenician
tongue, is next to impossible, as the Jews certainly did;
nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor
was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi
at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake
Asphaltitis; not indeed were these so considerable a
people as the Jews, nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes
for liis army as the Jews, to whom he was always very
favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus’s description,
that “ their heads were sooty ,• that they had round ra-
sures on their heads; that their heads and faces were
like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the
smoke;” these awkward characters probably fitted the
Solymi of P'sidia no better than they did the Jews in
Judea: and indeed this reproachful language,here given
these people, is to me a strong indication that they were
the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi
celebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes;
Dor are we to expect that either Cherilus or Hecateus.
or any other Pagan writers cited by Josephus and K.use-
bius, made no mistakes in the Jewish history. If by
comparin'-’ their testimonies with the more authentic re-
cords of that nation, we find them for the main to con-
firm the same, as we almost always do. we ought to he
satisfied, and not to expect that they ever had an exact
hnowledge of all the circumstances of the Jewish af-
fairs, which indeed it was almost always impossible lor
them to hav r.—See sect 23.

chus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and
inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whomso-
ever, in his first book concerning sleep, says
that “ Aristotle, bis master, related what fol-
lows of a Jew,” and sets down Aristotle's own
discourse with him. The account is this, as
written down by him : “ Now, for a great
part of what this Jew said, it would be too
long to recite it; but what includes in it both
wonder and philosophy, it may not he amiss
to discourse of. Now, that 1 may be plain
with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seein
to thee to relate wonders, and what will re-
semble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hype-
rochides answered modestly, and said. For
that very reason it is that all of us are very-
desirous of hearing what thou art going to say.
Then replied Aristotle, For this cause it will
he the best way to imitate that rule of the
Rhetoriciuns, which requires us first to give
an account of the man, and of what nation he
was, that so we may not contradict our mas-
ter’s directions. .Then said Hyperochides,
Go on, if it so pleases thee. This man then
[answered Aristotle], was by birth a Jew, and
came from Celesyria; these Jews are derived
from the Indian philosophers; they are named
by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians
Judcri, and took their name from the country
they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for
the name of their city it is a very awkward
one, for they call it Jerusalem. Now this man,
when he was hospitably treated by a great
many, came down from the upper country to
the places near the sea, and became a Grecian,
not only in his language, but in his soul also;
insomuch that when we ourselves happened
to be in Asia about the same places whither
he came, he conversed with us and with other
philosophical persons, and made a trial of our
skill in philosophy; and as he had lived with
many learned men, he communicated to us
more information than he received from us.”
This is Aristotle’s account of the matter, as
given us byClearchus; which Aristotle dis-
coursed also particularly of the great and won-
derful fortitude of this Jew- in his diet, and con-
tinent way of living, as those that please may
learn more about him from Clearchus’s book
itself; for I avoid setting down any more than
is sufficient for my purpose. Now Clearchus
said this by way of digression for his main de-
sign was of another nature; but for Hecateus of
Abdera, who was both a philosopher, and one
very useful in an active life, he was contempo-
rary with king Alexander in his youth, and af-
terward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus;
he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the
byeonly, but composed an entire book concern-
ing the Jews themselves; out of which book I
am willing to run over a few things, of which
I have been treating, by way of epitome. And
in the first place I will demonstrate the time
when this Hecateus lived, for he mentions the
fight that was between Ptolemy and Demetrius790

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I

about Gaza, which was fought in the eleventh
year after the death of Alexander, and in the
hundred and^seventeenth olympiad, as Castor
says in his history. For when he had set down
this olympiad, he says farther, that “ on this
olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat
in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who
was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza.” Now it is
agreed by all, that Alexander died in the hun-
dred and fourteenth olympiad; it is therefore
evident, that our nation flourished in his time,
and in the time of Alexander. Again, Hecateus
says to the same purpose, as follows:—“ Pto-
lemy got possession of the places in Syria after
the battle at Gaza; and many, when they
heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity,
went along with him to Egypt, and were wil-
ling to assist him in his affairs; one of whom
(Hecateus says) was Hezekiah* the high-
priest of the Jews ; a man of about sixty-six
years of age, and in great dignity among his
own people. He was a very sensible man,
and could speak very movingly, and was very
skilful in the management of affairs, if any
other man ever were so ;'although, as he says,
all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the
products of the earth, and managed public
affairs, and were in number not above fifteen
hundred at the most.” Hecateus mentions this
Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he
was possessed of so great a dignity, and was
become familiar with us, so did he take certain
of those that were with him, and explained to
them all the circumstances of their people;
for he had all their habitations and polity down
in writing.” Moreover, Hecateus declares
again, “ what regard we have for our laws,
and that we resolve to endure any thing ra-
ther than trangress them, because we think
it right for us to do so.” Whereupon he
adds, that “although they are in a bad repu-
tation among their neighbours, and among all
those that come to them, and have been often
treated injuriously by the kings and gover-
nors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded
from acting what they think best; but that
when they are stripped on this account, and
have torments inflicted upon them, and they
are brought to the most terrible kinds of
death, they meet them after a most extraor-
dinary manner, beyond all other people, and
will not renounce the religion of their fore-
fathers.” Hecateus also produces demonstra-
tions not a few of this their resolute tena-
ciousness of their laws, when he speaks thus:
*• Alexander was once at Babylon, and had
an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus
that was fallen to decay, and in order thereto,
he commanded all his soldiers in general to
bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they

* This Hezekiah, who is here called a high-priest, is
not named in Josephus's catalogue; the real high-priest
at Inat time being rather Onhis. as Archbishop Usher
supposes. However, Josephus often uses the word high-
piiesis in the plural number, as living many at the same
time. See the note on Antiq. b. x.x. ch. viii. sect. 3-

only, would not comply with that command;
nay, they underwent stripes and great losses
of what they had on this account, till the aing
forgave them and permitted them to li -e in
quiet.” He adds farther, that “ when the
Macedonians came to them into that country,
and demolished the [old] temples and tbe al-
tars, they assisted them in demolishing them
all;f but [for not assisting them in rebi.i’ ling
them] they either underwent losses, or some-
times obtained forgiveness.” He adds farther,
that “these men deserve to he admired on that
account.” He also speaks of the mighty po-
pulousness of our nation, and says, that “ the
Persians formerly carried away many ten thou-
sands of our people to Babylon, as also that
not a few ten thousands were removed after
Alexander’s death into Egypt and Phoenicia,
by reason of the sedition that was arisen in
Syria.” The same person takes notice in
history, how large the country is which we
inhabit, as well as of its excellent character,
and says, that “ the land in which the Jews
inhabit contains three millions of arourae,J
and is generally of a most excellent and most
fruitful soil ; nor is Judea of lesser dimen-
sions.” The same man describes our city
Jerusalem also itself as of a most excellent
j structure, and very large, and inhabited from
I the most ancient times. He also discourses
j of the multitude of men in it, and of the
| construction of our temple, after the follow-
ing manner:—“ There are many strong places
and villages (says he) in the country of Ju-
dea ; but one strong city there is, ataut fifty
furlongs in circumference, which inhabited
by a hundred and twenty thousand men,
or thereabouts :§ they call it Jerusalem__________

t So I read the text with Havercamp, though the
place be difficult.

t This number of arourte or Egyptian acres, 3,000.000,
each aroura containing a square of one hundred Egyp-
tian cubits (being about three quarters of an English
acre, and just twice the area of the court of the Jewisn
tabernacle), as contained in tbe country of Judea, will
be about one-third of the entire number of arourse in
the whole land of Judea; supposing it one hundred and
sixty measured miles long, and seventy such miles
broad; which estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, as
perhaps here in Hecateus, is not therefore very wide
from the truth. The fifty furlongs in. compass for the
city Jerusalem presently are not very wide from the
truth also, as Josephus himself describes it, who, of tho
War, b. v. ch. iv. sect 3, makes its wall thirty-three
furlongs, besides the suburbs and gardens; nay, he says,
b. v. ch. xii. sect. 2. that Titus’s wall about it at some
small distance, after tbe gardens and suburbs were de-
stroyed, was not less than thirty-nine furlongs. Nor
perhaps were its constant inhabitants, in the days of
Hecateus. many more than these 120.000, because room
was always to be left for vastly greater numbers which
came up at the three great festivals; to say nothing of the
probable increase in their nnmber between the days of
Hecateus and Josephus, which was at least three hun-
dfed years; but see a more authentic account of some
of these measures in my Description of the Jewish
Temples. However, we are not to expect that such
heathens as Cherilus or Hecateus, or the rest that are
cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making
many mistakes in the Jewish history, while yet they
strongly confirm the same history in the general, and
are most valuable attestations to those more authentic
accounts we have in the Scriptures and Josephus con*
cerning them.

i See the above note.BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APlON

797

There is about the middle of the city, a wall
of stone, the length of which is five hundred
feet, and the breadth a hundred cubits, with
double cloisters; wherein there is a square
aitar, not made of hewn stone, but composed
of white stones gathered together, having each
side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten
cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein
there is an altar and a candlestick, both of
gold, and in weight two talents; upon these
there is a light that is never extinguished nei-
ther by night nor by day. There is no image,
nor any thing, nor any donations therein;
nothing at all is there planted, neither grove,
nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide
therein both nights and days, performing cer-
tain purifications, and drinking not the least
drop of wine while they are in the temple.”
Moreover, he attests that we Jews went as
auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and
after him with his successors. I will add
farther what he says he learned when he was
himself with the same army, concerning the
actions of a man that was a Jew. His words
are these*—“As I was myself going to the
Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose
name was Mosollam; he was one of the

husband Demetrius, while yet Seleucus would
not marry her as she expected, but during the
time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred
up a sedition about Antioch; and how after
that the king came back, and upon his taking
of Antioch, she fled to Seleucia, and had it in
her power to sail away immediately, yet did
she comply with a dream which forbade her
so to do, and so was caught and put to death.’
When Agatharchides had premised this story,
and had jested upon Stratonice for her
superstition, he gives a like example of
what was reported concerning us, and writes
thus:—“ There are a people called Jews,
who dwell in a city the strongest of all
other cities, which the inhabitants call Jeru-
salem, and are accustomed to rest on every
seventh day;* on which times they make no
use of their arms, nor meddle with hus-
bandry, nor take care of any affairs of life,
but spread out their hands in their holy
places, and pray till the evening. Now it
came to pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of
Lagus, came into this city with his army,
these men, in observing this mad custom of
theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered

their country to submit itself to a bitter lord;
Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a'and their law was openly proved to have
strong body, I commanded a foolish practice.^ This

person of great courage, of
and by all allowed to be the most skilful
archer that was either among the Greeks or
barbarians. Now this man, as people were in
great numbers passing along the road, and a
certain augur was observing an augury by a
bird, and requiring them all to stand still,
inquired what they staid for. Hereupon the
augur showed him the bird from whence he
took his augury, and told him that if the bird
staid where he was, they ought all to stand
still; but that if he got up, and flew onward,
they must go forward; but that if he flew
bacKward, they must retire again. Mosollam
made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at
the bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as
the augur and some others were very angry,
and wished imprecations upon him, he
answered them thus: — Why are you so mad

acci-
dent taught all other men but the Jews
to disregard such dreams as these were, and
not to follow the like idle suggestions deli-
vered as a law, when, in such uncertainty
of human reasonings, they are at a loss what
they should do.” Now this our procedure
seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharchides,
but will appear to such as consider it without
prejudice a great thing, and what deserved a
great many encomiums; I mean, when certain
men constantly prefer the observation of
their laws, and their religion towards God,
before the preservation of themselves and
their country.

23. Now, that some writers have omitted
to mention our nation, not because they knew
nothing of us, but because they envied us, or
for some other Unjustifiable reasons, I think

as to take this most unhappy bird into your 11 can demonstrate by particular instances; for
' J ” ^ L	. Hieronymus, who wrote the History of [Alex-

ander’s] Successors, lived at the same time
with Hecateus, and was a friend of king
Antigonus, and president of Syria. Now,
it is plain that Hecateus wrote an entire book
concerning us, while Hieronymus never men-
tions us in bis history, although he was bred
up very near to.the places where we live.
Thus different from one another are the
inclinations of men; while the one thought
we deserved to be carefully remembered,

hands? for how can this bird give us any true
information concerning our march, which
could not foresee how to save himself? for
had he been able to foreknow what was
future, he would not have come to this place,
but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the
Jew would shoot at him, and kill him.” But
of Hecateus’s testimonies we have said
enough; for as to such as desire to know mo^p
of them, they may easily obtain them from
his book itself. However, I shall not think
it tco much for me to name Agatharchides, as
having made mention of us Jews, though in
way of derision at our simplicity, as he sup-
poses it to be; for when he was discoursing
of the affairs of Stratonice, “ how she came
out of Macedonia into Syria, and left her

• A glorious testimony this of the observation of the
Sabbath by the Jews. See Antiq. o. xvi. ch. ii. sect.
4; and ch. vi. sect. 2; the Life, sect 04; and War, b.jv.
ch. ix. sect. 12.

+ Not their law, but the superstitious interpretation
of their leaders, which neither the Ifiaccitbees noi ou/
hlessid Saviour did ever approve of.798

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I

os some ill-disposed passion blinded tbe
elbur's mind so entirely, that he could not
cinctru the truth. And now certainly tbe
foicKoing records of the Egyptians, and
('naldeans, and Phoenicians, together with so
many of the Greek writers, will be sufficient
for the demonstration of our antiquity. More-
over, besides those fore-mentioned, Theophi-
lus, and Theodotus, and Alnaseas, and Aris-
tophanes, and Hermogenes, Euhemerus also,
and Conon, and Zopyrion, and perhaps many
others (for 1 have not lighted upon all the
Greek books) have madecistinct mention of us.
It is true, many of the men before-mentioned
have made great mistakes about the true
accounts of our nation in the earliest times,
because they had not perused our sacred books;
yet have they all of them afforded their testi-
mony to our antiquity, concerning which 1
am now treating. However, Demetrius
Phalereus, and the elder Philo, with Eupo-
lcmus, have not greatly missed the truth
about our affairs; whose lesser mistakes ought
therefore to be forgiven them; for it was not
in their power to understand our writings
with the utmost accuracy.

24.	One particular there is still remaining
behind of what I at first proposed to speak
to, and that is to demonstrate that those
calumnies and reproaches, which some have
thrown upon our nation, are lies, and to make
use of those writers’ own testimonies against
themselves: and that in general this self-
contradiction hath happened to many other
authors by reason of their ill-will to some
people, 1 conclude, is not unknown to such
as have read histories with sufficient care;
for some of them have endeavoured to dis-
grace the nobility of certain nations, and
of some of the most glorious cities, and have
cast reproaches upon certain forms of govern-
ment. Thus hath Theopompus abused the
city of Athens, Polycrates that of Lacede-
rnoii, as hath be that wrote the Tripoliticus
(for he is not Theopompus, as is supposed by
some) done by the city of Thebes. Timeus
also hath greatly abused the foregoing people
and others also; and this ill-treatment they
use chiefly when they have a contest with
men of the greatest reputation; some, out of
envy and malice, — and others, as supposing
that, by this foolish talking of theirs, they
may be thought worthy of being remembered,
themselves; and indeed they do by no means
fail of their hopes, with regard to the foolish
part of mankind, but men of sober judgment
still condemn them of great malignity.

25.	Now the Egyptians were the first that
cast reproaches upon us; in order to please
which nation, some others undertook to per-
vert the truth, while they would neither own
tnat our forefathers came into Egypt from
another country, as the tact was, nor give a
tiue account of our departure thence; and
indeed the Egyptians leuk m.iii^ occasions to

hate us and envy us: in the first place,
because our ancestors bad had the dominion
over their country,* and when they were
tlelivered from them, and gone to their own
country again, they lived there in prosperity.
In the next place, the difference of our
religion from- theirs bath occasioned great
enmity between us, while our way of divine
worship did as much exceed that which their
laws appointed, as does the nature of God
exceed that of brute beasts; for so tar they all
agree through the whole country, to esttem
such animals as gods, although they differ
from one another in the peculiar worship they
severally pay to them; and certainly men they
are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have
thus accustomed themselves from tbe begin-
ning to have such bad notions concerning
their gods, and could not think of imitating
that decent form of divine worship which we
made use of, though, when they saw our in-
stitutions approved of by many others, they
could not but envy us on that account; tor
some of them have proceeded to that degree
of folly and meanness in their conduct, as not
to scruple to contradict their own ancient re-
cords, nay, to contradict themselves also in
their writings, and yet were so blinded by
their passions as not to discern it.

26.	And now I will turn iny discourse to
one of their principal writers, whom I have a
little before made use of as a witness to our
antiquity; 1 mean Manetho.f He promised
to interpret the Egyptian history out of their
sacred writings, and premised this: that “ Our
people had come into Egypt, many ten thou-
sands in number, and subdued its inhabi-
tants;” and when he bad farther confessed,
that “We went out of that country afterward,
and settled in that country which is now called
Judea, and there built Jerusalem and its tem-
ple.” Now thus far he followed his ancient
records; but after this he permits himself, in
order to appear to have written what rumours
and reports passed abroad about the Jews,
and introduces incredible narrations, as if he
would have the Egyptian multitude, that had
the leprosy and other distempers, to have
been mixed with us, as he says they were, and
that they were condemned to fly out of Egypt

• The Phoenician shepherds, whom Josephus mistook
for the Israelites See the note oil sect. Hi.

+ In reading this and the remaining sections of this
book, and some parts of the next, one may easily per-
ceive that our usually cool and candid author, Josephus,
was too liignly offended with the impudent calumnies of
iManetho, and the other bitter enemies of the Jew s. with
whom he had now to deal, and was thereby betrayed into
a greater heat and passion than ordinary, and that by
consi quei.ee he does nut hear reason with his usual fairness
and impartiality; he seems to depart sometimes from the
brevity and sincerity of a iailhful historian, which is his
giand character, and indulges the prolixity and colours
of a pleader and a disputant: accordingly, 1 confess, 1
always read these sections with less pleasure than I do

rcuons wtin less pleasure than 1
the rest of his w ritings, though 1 tally believe the re-
proaches cast on the Jews, which lie here endeavours
to ronluteand expose, were wholly groundless and tin-
reasonable.BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

799

together; for he mentions Amenophis, a I desire he granted them. Now thi9 city, accord-

factitious king’s name, though on that account
he durst not set down the number of years of
his reign, which yet he had accurately done
as to the other kings he mentions; he then
ascribes certain fabulous stories to this king,
as having in a manner forgotten how he had
already related that the departure of the shep-
herds for Jerusalem had been five hundred
and eighteen years before; for Tethmosis
was king when they went away. Now, from
his days, the reigns of the intermediate kings,
according to Manetho, amounted to three
hundred and ninety-three years, as he says
himself, till the two brothers, Setbos and Her-
meus; the one of whom, Sethos, was called by
that other name of Egyptus; and the other,
Hermeus, by that of Danaus. He also says,
that Sethos east the other out of Egypt, and
reigned tifty-niue years, as did his eldest son
Rhampses reign after him sixty-six years.
When Manetho therefore had acknowledged
that our forefathers were gone out of Egypt so
many yeurs ago he introduces his fictitious king
Amenophis. and says thus:—“ This king was
desirous to become a spectator of the gods, as
had Orus, one of bis predecessors in that
kingdom, desired the same before him; he
also communicated that his desire to his name-
sake Amenophis, who was the son of Papis,
and one that seemed to partake of a divine
nature, both as to wisdom and the knowledge

ing to the ancient theology, was Trypho’s city.
But when tbesfe men were gotten into it,
and found the place fit for a revolt, they ap-
pointed themselves a ruler out of the priests
of Heliopolis, whose name was Osamph, and
they took their oaths that they woulc be obe-
dient to him in all things. He then, in the
first place, made this law for them, That they
should neither worship the Egyptian gons,
nor should abstain from any one of those
sacred animals which they have in the highest
esteem, but kill and destroy them all; that
they should join themselves to nobody but to
those that were of this confederacy. — When
he bad made such laws as these, and many
more such as were mainly opposite to the
customs of the Egyptians/ he gave order that
they should use the multitude of the hands
they had in building walls about their city,
and make themselves ready for a war with
king Amenophis, while he did himself take
into his friendship the other priests and those
that were polluted with them, and sent am-
bassadors to those shepherds who bad been
driven out of the land by Tethmosis to the city
called Jerusalem ; whereby be informed them
of his own atf.irs, and of the state of those
others that bad been treated after such an
ignominious manner, and desired that they
woidd come with one consent to bis assistance
in this war against Egypt. He also promised

of futurities.’’ Manetho adds, “ How this | that he would, in the first place, bring them

namesake of his told him that he might see
the gods, if he would clear the whole country
of the lepers and of the other impure people;
that the king was pleased with this injunction,
and got together all that had any defect in
their bodies out of Egypt. Ami that their
number was eighty thousand; whom he sent
to those quarries which are on the east side
of the Nile, that they might work in them,
and might be separated from the rest of the
Egyptians.” He says farther, that " There
were some of the learned priests that were
polluted with the leprosy; but that still this
Amenophis, the wise man and the prophet,
was afraid that the gods would be angry at
him and at the king, if there should appear
to have been violence offered them; who also
added this farther [out of his sagacity about
futurities], that certain people would come to
the assistance of these polluted wretches, and
would conquer Egypt, and keep it in their pos-
session thirteen years: that, however, he durst
not tell the king of these things, but that he
left a writing behind him about all those mat-
ters, and then slew himseT, which made the
king disconsolate.” After which he writes
thus, verhutim.—“ After those ttiat were sent
to work in the quarries had continued in that
miserable ..tate tor a long while, the king was
desired that he would set apart the city Avaris,
whicn was then left desolate of the shepherds,
for their habitation and protection; which

back to their ancient city and country Avaris,
and provide a plentiful maintenance tor their
multitude; that he would protect them and
fight for them as occasion should require, and
wouln easily reduce the country under their
dominion. These shepherds were all very
glad of this message, and came away v\ith
alacrity all together, being in number two
hundred thousand men; and in a little time
they came to Avaris. And now Amenophis
the king of Egypt, upon his being informed
of their invasion, was in great confusion, as
calling to mind what Amenophis, the son of
Papis, had foretold him; aim, in the first
place, he assembled the multitude of the Egyp-
tians, and took counsel with their leaders, and
sent for their sacred animals to him, especially
tor those that were principally worshipped in
the temples, and gave a particular charge to
t e priests distinctly, that they should hide
the images of their gods witn the utmost
care. He also sent his son Setbos, who vva3
also named Harnesses from his fattier Hhamp-
ses, being but five years old, to a friend of
bis. He then passed on with the rest of the
Egyptians, being three hundred thousand of
i he must warlike of them, against the ene-
my, who met them. Yet uid he not join

* This is a very valuable testimony of Alanetiio,
that tne laws of Osarsipn, or Muses, were not made in
compliance witn. but in op, usilio.i to. toe customs ol
die Egyptians, bee tbe note ou Amiq. b. in. ch. viii,
sect. 9.800

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I.

battle with them; but thinking that would
be to fight against the gods, he returned back
and came to Memphis, where he took Apis
and the other sacred animals which he had
sent for to him, and presently marched into
Ethiopia, together with his whole army and
multitude of Egyptian?; for the king of
Ethiopia was under an obligation to him, on
which account he received him, and took care
of all the multitude that was with him, while
the country supplied -all that was necessary for
the food of the men. He also allotted cities
and villages for this exile, that was to be from
its beginning during those fatally-determined
thirteen years. Moreover, he pitched a camp
for his Ethiopian army, as a guard to king
Amenophis, upon the borders of Egypt. And
this was the state of things in Ethiopia. But
for the people of Jerusalem, when they came
down together with the polluted Egyptians,
they treated the men in such a barbarous
manner, that those who saw how they subdued
the fore-mentioned country, und the horrid
wickedness they were guilty of, thought it a
most dreadful thing; for they did not only
set the cities and villages on fire, but were not
satisfied till they had been guilty of sacrilege,
and destroyed the images of the gods, and
used them in roasting those sacred animals
that used to be worshipped, and forced the
priests and prophets to be the executioners and
murderers of those animals, and then ejected
them naked out of the country. It was also
reported that the priest, who ordained their
polity and their laws, was by birth of Helio-
polis ; and his name Osarsiph, from Osiris,
who was the god of Heliopolis; but that when
he was gone over to these people, his name j
was changed, and he was called Moses.”

27. This is what the Egyptians relate about j
the Jews, with much more, which I omit
for the sake of brevity. But still Manetho
goes on, that “Afterthis, Amenophis returned
from Ethiopia with a great army, as did
his son Rhampses with another army also,
and that both of them joined battle with
the shepherds and the polluted people, and
beat them, and slew a great many of them,
and pursued them to the bounds of Syria.”
These and the like accounts are written by
Manetho. But 1 will demonstrate that he
trifles, and tells arrant lies, after I have made
a distinction which will relate to what I am
going to say about him; for this Manetho had
granted and confessed that this nation was
not originally Egyptian, but that they had
come from another country, and subdued
Egypt, and then went away again outof it. But
that those Egyptians who were thus diseased
in their bodies were not mingled with us
afterward, and that Moses who brought the
people out was not one of that company, but
lived many generations earlier, 1 shall endea-
vour to demo list ■■ate from .u..r;etho’s own
accounts themselves.

28. Now, for the first occasion of this fic-
tion, Manetho supposes what is no better than
a ridiculous thing; for he says that “ King
Amenophis desired to see the gods.” What
gods, I pray, did he desire to see ? If he
meant the gods whom their laws ordained to
be worshipped, the ox, the goat, the crocodile,
and the baboon, he saw them already; but for
the heavenly gods, how could he sec them,
and what should occasion this his desire? To
be sure,* it was because another king before
him had already seen them. He had then been
informed what sort of gods they were, and
after what manner they had been seen, inso-
much that he did not stand in need of any
new artifice for obtaining this sight. How-
ever, the prophet by whose means the king
thought to compass his design was a wise man.
If so, how came he not to know that such his
desire was impossible to be accomplished ?
for the event did not succeed. And what
pretence could there be to suppose that the
gods would not be seen by reason of the peo-
ple’s maims in their bodies, or leprosy? for the
gods are not angry at the imperfection of bodies,
but at wicked practices; and as to eighty
thousand lepers, and those in an ill state also,
how is it possible to have them gathered to-
gether in one day? nay, how came the king
not to comply with the prophet? for his in-
junction was, that those that were maimed
should be expelled out of Egypt, while the
king only sent them to work in the quarries,
as if he were rather in want of labourers, than
intended to purge his country. He says
farther, that “ This prophet slew himself, as
foreseeing the anger of the gods, and those
events which were to come upon Egyp*
afterward; and that he left this prediction for
the king in writing.” Besides, how came it
to pass that this prophet did not foreknow
his own death at the first? nay, how came
he not to contradict the king in his desire to
see the gods immediately ? how came that
unreasonable dread upon him of judgments
that were not to happen in his life-time; or
what worse thing could he suffer, out of the
fear of which he made haste to kill himself?
But now let us see the silliest thing of all:
—the king, although he had been informed
of these things, and terrified with the fear of
what was to come, yet did not he even then
eject these maimed people out of his country,
when it had been foretold him that he was to
clear Egypt of them; but, as Manetho says,
“ He then, upon their request, gave them
that city to inhabit, which had formerly
belonged to the shepherds, and was called
Avaris; whither when they were gone in
crowds (he says) they chose one that Lad
formerly been priest of Heliopolis; and that
this priest first ordained that they should nei-
ther worship the gods, nor abstain from those

• or. Uj J ujjiler.BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

801

animals that were worshipped by the Egyp- tho, that he does not lay the principal charge

tians, but should kill and eat them all, and
should associate with nobody but those that
had conspired with them; and that he bound
the multitude by oaths to be sure to continue
in those laws; and that when he had built a wall
about Avaris, he made war against the king.”
Manetho adds also, that “this priest sent
to Jerusalem to invite that people to come to
his assistance, and promised to give them
Avaris; for that it had belonged to the fore-
fathers of those that were coming from Jeru-
salem, and that when they were come, they
made a war immediately against the king,
and got possession of all Egypt.” He says
also, that “the Egyptians came with an army
of two hundred thousand men, and that Ame-
nophis, the king of Egypt, not thinking that
he ought to fight against the gods, ran away
presently into Ethiopia, and committed Apis
and certain other of their sacred animals to
the priests, and commanded them to take
care of preserving them.” He says further,
that “ the people of Jerusalem came accord-
ingly upon the Egyptians, and overthrew
their cities, and burnt their temples, and
slew their horsemen, and in short abstained
from no sort of wickedness nor barbarity;
and for that priest who settled their polity
and their laws,” he says, “ he was by birth of
Heliopolis, and his name was Osarsiph, from
Osiris the god of Heliopolis; but that he
changed his name, and called himself Moses.”
He then says, that “on the thirteenth year
afterward, Amenophis, according to the fa-
tal time of the duration of his misfortunes,
came upon them out of Ethiopia with a great
army, and joining battle with the shepherds
and with the polluted people, overcame them
in battle, and slew a great many of them,
and pursued them as far as the bounds of
Syria.”

29. Now Manetho does not reflect upon
the improbability of his lie; for the leprous
people, and the multitude that was with them,
although they might formerly have been an-
gry at the king, and at those that had treated
them so coarsely, and this according to the
prediction of the prophet; yet certainly,
when they were come out of the mines, and
had received of the king a city, and a coun-
try, they would have grown milder towards
him. However, had they ever so much hated
him in particular, they might have laid a
private plot against himself, but would hardly
have made war against all the Egyptians; I
mean this on the account of the great kindred
they who were so numerous must have had
among them. Nay still, if they had resolved
to fight with the men, they would not have
had impudence enough to fight with their
gods; nor would they have ordained laws
quite contrary to those of their own country,
and to those in which they had been bred up
themselves. Yet are we beholden to Mane-

of this horrid transgression upon those that
came from Jerusalem, but says that the
Egyptians themselves were the most guilty,
and that they were their priests that contrived
these things, and made the multitude take
their oaths for doing so; but still how absurd
is it to suppose that none of these people’s
own relations or friends should be prevailed
with to revolt, nor to undergo the hazards of
war with them; while these polluted people
were forced to send to Jerusalem, and bring
their auxiliaries from thence 1 What friend-
ship, I pray, or what relation was there for-
merly between them that required this assist-
ance? On the contrary, these people were
enemies, and greatly differed from them in
their customs. He says, indeed, that they
complied immediately, upon their promising
them that they should conquer Egypt; as if
they did not themselves very well know that
country out of which they had been driven
by force. Now, had these men been in want,
or lived miserably, perhaps they might have
undertaken so hazardous an enterprise; but
as they dwelt in a happy city, and had a large
country, and one better than Egypt itself,
how came it about, that for the sake of those
that had of old been their enemies, of those
that were maimed in their bodies, and of those
whom none of their own relations would en-
dure, they should run such hazards in assist-
ing them ? For they could not foresee that
the king would run away from them: on the
contrary, he saith himself, that “ Ameno-
phis’s son had three hundred thousand men
with him, and met them at Pelusium.” Now,
to be sure, those that came could not be ig-
norant of this; but for the king’s repentance
and flight, how could they possibly guess at
it? He then says, that “those who came from
Jerusalem, and made this invasion, got the
granaries of Egypt into their possession, and
perpetrated many of the most horrid actions
there.” And thence he reproaches them, as
though he had not himself introduced them
as enemies, or as though he might accuse
such as were invited from another place for
so doing, when the natural Egyptians them
selves had done the same things before their
coming, and had taken oaths so to do. How
ever, “ Amenophis, some time afterward,
came upon them, and conquered them in a
battle, and slew bis enemies, and drove them
before him as far as Syria.” As if Egypt
were so easily taken by people that came
from any place whatsoever; and as if those
that had conquered it by war, when they
were informed that Amenophis was alive, did
neither fortify the avenues out of Ethiopia
into it, although they had great advantages
for doing it, nor did get their other forces
ready for tlieir defence I but that he followed
them over the sandy desert, and slew them as
far as Syria; while yet it is not an easy thing802

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK I.

for an army to pass over that country, even
without fighting.

30.	Our nation, therefore, according to Ma-
netho, was not derived from Egypt, nor were
any of the Egyptians mingled with us ; for it
is to be supposed that many of the leprous
and distempered people were dead in the
mines, since they had been there a long time,
ami in so ill a condition ; many others must
be dead in the battles that happened after-
ward, and more still in the last battle ant
flight after it.

31.	It now remains that I debate with Ma-
net-ho about Moses. Now the Egyptians
acknowledge him to have been a wonderful,
and a divine person; nay, they would wil-
lingly lay claim to him themselves, though
after a most abusive and incredible manner;
and pretend that he was of Heliopolis, and
one of the priests of that place, and was eject-
ed out of it among the rest, on account of his
leprosy ; although it had been demonstrated
out of their records, that he lived five hundred
and eighteen years earlier, and then brought
our forefathers out of Egypt into the country
that is now inhabited by us. But now, that
he was not subject in his body to any such
calamity, is evident from what he himself tells
us: for he forbade those that had the leprosy
either to continue in a city or to inhabit a
village, but commanded that they should go
about by themselves with their clothes rent;
and declares that such as either touch them,
or live under the same roof with them, should
be esteemed unclean ; nay, more, if any one
of their diseases be healed, and he recover his
natural constitution again, he appointed them
certain purifications, and washings with
spring-water, and the shaving off all their hair,
and enjoins that they shall offer many sacri-
fices, and those of several kinds, and then at
length to be admitted into the holy city; al-
though it were to be expected that, on the
contrary, if he had been under the same cala-
mity. he should have taken care of such per-
sons beforehand, and have had them treated
.after a kinder manner, as affected with a con-
cern for those that were to be under the like
misfortunes with himself. ^Nor was it only
those leprous people for whose sake he made
these laws; but also for suth as should be
maimed in the smallest part of their body,
who yet are not permitted by him to officiate as
priests; nay, although any priest, already initi-
ated, should have such a calamity fall upon him
afterward, he ordered him to he deprived of
his honour of officiating. How can it then
be supposed that Moses should ordain such
laws against himself, to his own reproach and
damage who so ordained them ? Nor indeed
is that other notion of Manetho at all pro-
bable, wherein he relates the change of his
name, and says, that “he was formerly called
Osarsiph;” and this a name no wav agree-
able to the other, while his true name was

Mouses, and signifies a person who is pre-
served out of the water, for the Egyptians
call water Moii. I think, therefore, I have
made it sufficiently evident that Manetho,
while he followed his ancient records, did not
much mistake the truth of the history; but
that when he had recourse to fabulous stories,
without any certain author, he either forged
them himself, without any probability, or else
gave credit to some men who spake so, out of
their ill-will to us.

32.	And now I have done with Manetho,
I will inquire into what Cheremon says; for
he also, when he pretended to write the Egyp-
tian history, sets down the same name for
this king that Manetho did, Amenophis, as
also of his son Ramesses, and then goes on
thus:—“The goddess Isis appeared to Ame-
nophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her
temple had been demolished in the war: but
that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said to
him, that in case he would purge Egypt of
the men that had pollutions upon them, he
should be no longer troubled with such fright-
ful apparitions. That Amenophis according-
ly chose out two hundred and fifty thousand
of those that were thus diseased, and cast
them out of the country: that Moses and Jo-
seph were scribes, and Joseph was a sacred
scribe; that their names were Egyptian ori-
ginally; that of Moses had been Tisithen,
and that of Joseph, Petesepb : that these two
came to Pelusium, and lighted upon three
hundred and eighty thousand that bad been
left there by Amenophis, he not being willing
to carry them into Egypt; that these scribes
made a league of friendship with them, and
made with them an expedition against Egypt:
that Amenophis could not sustain their at-
tacks, but immediately fled into Ethiopia,
and left his wife with child behind him, who
lay concealed in certain caverns, and there
brought forth a son, whose name was Messe-
ne, and who, when he was grown up to man’s
estate, pursued the Jews into Syria, being
about two hundred thousand men, and then
received his father Amenophis out of Ethio-
pia.”

33. This is the account Cheremon gives
us. Now, I take it for granted, that what I
have said already hath plainly proved the fal-
sity of both these narrations; for had there
been any real truth at the bottom, it was im-
possible that they should so greatly disagree
about the particulars; but for those that in-
vent lies, what they write will easily give us
very different accounts, while they forge what
they please, out of their own heads. New,
Manetho says that the king’s desire of seeing
the gods was the origin of the ejection of the
polluted people; hut Cheremon feigns that it
was a dream of his own, sent upon him by
Isis, ihnt was the occasion of it. Manetho
says that the person w ho foreshowed this pur-
gation of Egypt tilth, king, was Amenophis;BOOK I.

FLAVIUS JOSEFRUS AGAINST APION,

803

but tbis man says it was Phritipbantes. As
to the numbers of the multitude that were ex-
pelled, they agree exceedingly well,* the for-
mer reckoning them eighty thousand, and the
latter about two hundred and fifty thousand!
Now, for Manetho, he describes these polluted
persons as sent first to work in the quarries,
and says, that after that the city Avaris was
given them for their habitation. As also, he
relates that it was not till after they had made
war with the rest of the Egyptians that they
invited the people of Jerusalem to come to
their assistance; while Cheremon says only,
that they were gone out of Egypt, and lighted
upon three hundred and eighty thousand men
about Pelusium, who had been left there
by Amenophis, and so they invaded Egypt
with them again; that thereupon Amenophis
fled into Ethiopia; but then, this Cheremon
commits a most ridiculous blunder in not
informing us who this army of so many ten
thousands were, or whence they came; whe-
ther they were native Egyptians, or whether
they came from a foreign country. Nor
indeed has this man, who forged a dream from
Isis about the leprous people, assigned the
reason why the king would not bring them
into Egypt. Moreover, Cheremon sets down
Joseph as driven away at the same time with
Moses, who yet died four generationsf before
Moses; which four generations make almost
one hundred and seventy years. Besides all
this, Ramesses, the son of Amenophis, by
Manetho’s account, was a young man, and
assisted his father in his war, and left the
country at the same time with him, and fled
into Ethiopia: but Cheremon makes him to
have beeii born in a certain cave, after his fa-
ther was dead, and that he then overcame the
Jews in battle, and drove them into Syria,
being in number about two hundred thousand.
O the levity of the maul for he neither told
us who these three hundred and eighty thou-
sand were, nor how the four hundred and
thirty thousand perished; whether they fell in
war, or went over to Ramesses; and, what is
the strangest of all, it is not possible to learn
out of him, who they were whom he calls
Jews, or to which of these two parties he
•pplies that denomination, whether t»the two
Hundred and fifty thousand leprous people, or
to the three hundred and eighty thousand that
were about Pelusium. But perhaps it will
De looked upon as a silly thing1 in me to make
any larger confutation of such writers as suf-
ficiently confute themselves; for had they
been only confuted by other men, it had been
mure tolerable.

34. I sUill now add to these accounts
about Manetho and Cheremon, somewhat

• By way of irony. I suppose.

+ Here we see thal Josephus esteemed a generation
between Joseph and itloses (o be about 42 or 44 ye.irs;
which, if taken between the earlier children, well agrees
wth the duration of human life in those ages. See
AulheiiL bee. part li. pages 906, 1019, 1020.

about Lysimachus, who hath taken the same
topic of falsehood with those fore-mentioned,
but hath gone far beyond them in the incre-
dible nature of his forgeries; which plainly
demonstrates that he contrived them out of
his virulent hatred of our nation. His words
are these:—“ The people of the Jews being
leprous and scabby, and subject to certain
other kinds of distempers, in the days of Boc-
choris, king of Egypt, they fled to the tem-
ples, and got their food there by begging ;
and as the numbers were very great that were
fallen under these diseases, there arose a scar-
city in Egypt. Hereupon Bocchoris, the king
of Egypt, sent some to consult the oracle of
[Jupiter] Hammon about this scarcity. The
god’s answer was this, that he must purge his
temples of impure and impious men, by ex-
pelling them out of those temples into desert
places; but as to the scabby and leprous peo-
ple, he must drown them, and purge bis tern
pies, the sun having an indignation at these
men being suffered to live; and by this moans
the land will bring forth its fruits. Upon
Bocchoris’s having received these oracles, he
called for their priests, and the attendants
upon their altars, and ordered them to make
a collection of the impure people, and to de-
liver them to the soldiers, to carry them away
into the desert; but to take the leprous peo-
ple, and wrap them in sheets of lead, and let
them down into the sea. Hereupon the
scabby and leprous people were drowned, and
the rest were gotten together, and sent into
desert places, in order to be exposed to de-
struction. In tbis case they assembled them-
selves together, and took counsel what they
should do; and determined, that, as the night
was coming on, they should kindle fires and
lamps, and keep watch; that they also should
fast the next night, and propitiate the gods,
in order to obtain deliverance from them.
That on the next day there was one Moses,
who advised them that they should venture
upon a journey, and go along one road till
they should come to places fit for habitation:
that he charged them to have no kind regards
for any man, nor give good counsel to auv,
but always to advise them for the worst; ami
to overturn all those temples and altars of the
gods they should meet with: that the rest
commended what he had said with one con-
sent, and did what they bad resolved on, and
so travelled over the desert. But that the
difficulties of the journey being over, they
came to a country inhabited, and that there
they abused the men, and plundered and burnt
their temples, and then came into that land
which is called Judea, and there they built a
city, and dwelt therein, and that their city
was named Hierosyla, from this their robbing
of the temples; but that still, upon *Le suc-
cess they had afterwards, they through course
of time changed its denomination, that it
might not be a reproach to them, and calledBOOK n.

804	F&AVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

the city Hierosolyma, and themselves Siero-
solymites.”

35. Now this man did not discover and
mention the same king with the others, but
feigned a newer name, and passing by the
dream and the Egyptian prophet, he brings
him to [Jupiter] Hammon, in order to gain
oracles about the scabby and leprous people;
for he says that the multitude of Jews were
gathered together at the temples. Now, it is
uncertain whether he ascribes this name to
these lepers, or to those that were subject to
such diseases among the Jews only; for he
describes them as a people of the Jews. What
people does he mean? foreigners, or those of
that country? Why then dost thou call them
Jews, if they were Egyptians? But if they
were foreigners, why dost thou not tell us
whence they came? And how could it be
that, after the king had thrown many of them
into the sea, and ejected the rest into desert
places, there should be still so great a multi-
tude remaining? Or after what manner did
they pass over the desert, and get the land
which we now dwell in, and build our city,
and that temple which hath been so famous
among all mankind? And besides, he ought
to have spoken more about our legislator than
by giving us his bare name; and to have in-
formed us of what nation he was, and what
parents he was derived from; and to have
assigned the reasons why he undertook to make
such laws concerning the gods, and concern-
ing matters of injustice with regard to men
during that journey. For, in case the people
were by birth Egyptians, they would not on
the sudden have so easily changed the cus-

toms of their country; and in case they had
been foreigners, they had for certain some laws
or other which had been kept by them from
long custom. It is true, that with regard to
those who had ejected them, they might have
sworn never to bear good-will to them, and
might have had a plausible reason for so doing.
But if these men resolved to wage an impla-
cable war against all men, in case they had
acted as wickedly as he relates of them, and
this while they wanted the assistance of all
men, this demonstrates a kind of mad con-
duct indeed ; but not of the men themselves,
but very greatly so of him that tells such lies
about them. He hath also impudence enough
to say that a name, implying “ Robbers of the
temples,”* was given to their city, and that
this name was afterward changed. The rea-
son of which is plain, that the former name
brought reproach and hatred upon them in the
times of their posterity, while, it seems, those
that built the city thought they did honour to
the city by giving it such a name. So we see
that this fine fellow had such an unbounded
inclination to reproach us, that he did not
understand that robbery of temples is not
expressed by the same word and name among
the Jews as it is among the Greeks. But
why should a man say any more to a person
who tells such impudent lies ! However, since
this book is arisen to a competent length, I
will make another beginning, and endeavour
to add what still remains to perfect my design
in the following book.

* That is the meaning of Hierosyla in Greek, not in
Hebrew.

BOOK n.

§ 1. In the former book, most honoured Epa-
phroditus, I have demonstrated our antiquity,
and confirmed the truth of what I have said,
from the .writings of the Phoenicians, and
Chaldeans, and Egyptians. I have, more-
over, produced many of the Grecian writers,
as witnesses thereto. I have also made a
refutation of Manetho and Cheremon, and of
certain others of our enemies. I shall nowf
therefore begin a confutation of the remaining
authors who have written any thing against
us; although I confess I have had a doubt

+ The former part of this second book is written
against the calumnies of Apion, and then more briefly
against the like calumnies of Apollonius Molo. But
after that, Josephus leaves off any more particular re-
ply to those adversaries of the Jews, and gives us a large
and excellent description and vindication of that theo-
cracy which was settled for the Jewish nation by Moses,
their great legislator.

upon me about Apion f the grammarian,
whether I ought to take the trouble of con-
futing him or not; for some of his writings
contain much the same accusations which the
others have laid against us, some things that
he hath added are very frigid and contemp-
tible, and for the greatest part of what he
says, it is very scurrilous, and, to speak no
more than the plain truth, it shows him to
be a very unlearned person, and what he lays
together, looks like the work of a man of very
bad morals, and of one no better in his whole
life than a mountebank. Yet, because there
are a great many men so very foolish, that
they are rather caught by such orations than
by what is written with care, and take plea-

J Called by Tiberius CymbalumiTundi, The drum
of the world.BOOK II,

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

805

sure in reproi thing
abide to hear them
tc be necessary not to let this man go off
without examination, who had written such
an accusation against us, as if he would bring
us to make an answer in open court. For I
also have observed, that many men are very
much delighted when they see a man who
first began to reproach another, to be himself
exposed to contempt on account of the vices
he hath himself been guilty of. However, it
is not a very easy thing to go over this man’s
discourse, nor to know plainly what he means;
yet does he seem, amidst a great confusion
and disorder in his falsehoods, to produce, in
the first place, such things as resemble what
we have examined already, and relate to the
departure of our forefathers out of Egypt;
and, in the second place, he accuses those
Jews that are inhabitants of Alexandria; as,
in the third place, he mixes with these things
such accusations as concern the sacred puri-
fications, with the other legal rites used in the
temple.

2. New, although I cannot but think that
I have already demonstrated, and that abun-
dantly, more than was necessary, that our
fathers were not originally Egyptians, nor
were thence expelled, either on account of
bodily diseases, or any other calamities of
that sort, yet will I briefly take notice of what
Apicn udds upon that subject; for in his third
beck, which relates to the affairs of Egypt,
he speaks thus:—“ I have heard of the an-
cient men of Egypt, that Moses was of Helio-
polis, and that he thought himself obliged to
folicw the customs of his forefathers, and
offered his prayers in the open air, towards
the city walls; but that he reduced them all
to be directed towards the sun-rising, which
was agreeable to t e situation of Heliopolis :
that he also set up pillars instead of gnomons,*
under which was represented a cavity like that
of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their
tops fell down upon that cavity, that it might
go round about tl e like course as the sun
itself goes round ii the other.” This is that
wonderful relation which we have given us by
this great grammarian. But that it is a false
one is so plain, that it stands in need of few
words to prove it, but is manifest from the
works of Moses: for when he erected the first
tabernacle to God, he did himself neither give
order for any such kind of representation to
be made at it, nor ordain that those who came
after him should make such a one. Moreover,
wbe.’. in a future age Solomon built his tem-
ple in Jerusalem, he avoided all such needless
decorations as Apion hath here devised. He
says farther, “How we had heard of the ancient
mi:., that Moses was of Heliopolis.” To be

* This seems to have been the first dial that had been
mt.Ic .r. l;?vpl. and was a little lielore the time thatAhaz
made hit [first] dial in Jmlea, and about anno 7.15, in
the first year of the s-venth olympiad, as we shall see
PK.aei.lly. See 2 Kin^s xx. 11; Isa xxxvlli. a

sure that was, because being a younger man
himself, he believed those that by their elder
age were acquainted and conversed with him.
Now, this [man], grammarian as he was, could
not certainly tell which was the poet Homer’B
country, no more than he could which was the
country of Pythagoras, who lived comparative-
ly but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily
determine the age of Moses, who preceded them
such a vast number of years, as depending on
his ancient men’s relation, which shows how
notorious a liar he was. But then as to this
chronological determination of the time when
he says he brought the leprous people, the
blind, and the lame, out of Egypt, see how
well this most accurate grammarian of ours
agrees with those that have written before him!
Manetho says that the Jews departed out of
Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hun-
dred and ninety-three years before Danaus fled
to Argos; Lysimachus says it was under king
Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hun-
dred years ago; Molo and some others deter-
mined it as every one pleased: but this Apion
of ours, as deserving to be believed before
them, hath determined it exactly to have been
in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of
that olympiad; the very same year in which he
says that Carthage was built by the Phoeni-
cians. The reason why he added this build-
ing of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as
be thought, to strengthen his assertion by so
evident a character of chronology. But he
was not aware that this character confutes his
assertion ; for if we may give credit to the
Phoenician records as to the time of the first
coming of their colony to Carthage, they re-
late that Hirom their king was above one
hundred and fifty years earlier than the build-
ing of Carthage; concerning whom I have
formerly produced testimonials out of those
Phoenician records, as also that this Hirom
was a friend of Solomon when he was build-
ing the temple of Jerusalem, and gave him
great assistance in his building that temple;
while still Solomon himself built that temple
six hundred and twelve years after the Jews
came out of Egypt. As for the number of
those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath
contrived to have the very same number with
Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred arid
ten thousand. He then assigns a certain
wonderful and plausible occasion for the
name of Sabbath; for he says, that “ when the
Jews had travelled a six days’ journey, they
had buboes in their groins: and that on this
account it was that they rested on the seventh
day, as having got safely to that country which
is now called Judea; that then they preserved
the language of the Egyptians, and called
that day the Sabbath, for that malady of bu-
boes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by
the Egyptians.” And would not a man now
laugh at this fellow’s trifling, or rather hate
his impudence in writing thus? We must, it

other men, and cannot
commended, I thought it806

FLAVICJS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK II,

seems, take it for granted, that all these hun-
dred and ten thousand men must have these
buboes! But, for certain, if those men had
been blind and lame, and had all sorts of dis-
tempers upon them, as Apion says they had,
they could not have gone one single day's
journey; but if they had been all able to
travel over a large desert, and, besides that, to
fight and conquer those that opposed them,
they had not all of them had buboes in their
groins after the sixth day was over; for no
6ucb distemper comes naturally and of neces-
sity upon those that travel; hut still, when
there are many ten thousands in a camp to-
gether, they constantly march a settled space
[in a day], Nor is it at all probable that
such a thing should happen by chance; this
would he prodigiously absurd to he supposed.
However, our admirable author Apion hath
before told us, that “they came to Judea
in six days’ timeand again, that “ Moses
went up to a mountain that lay between Egypt
and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and was
concealed there forty days, and that when
he came down from thence he gave laws to
the Jews.” But then, how was it possible for
them to tarry forty days in a desert place
where there was no water, and at the same
time to pass all over the country between
that and Judea in the six days ? And as for
this grammatical translation of the word Sab-
bath, it either contains an instance of his great
impudence or gross ignorance ; for the words
Sabbo and Sabbath are widely different from
one another; for the word Sabbath in the
Jewish language denotes rest from all sorts of
work ; but the word Sabbo, as he affirms, de-
notes among the Egyptians the malady of a
bubo in the groin.

3. This is that novel account which the
Egyptian Apion gives us concerning the Jews’
departure out of Egypt, and is no better than
a contrivance of his own. But why should we
wonder at the lies he tells us about our fore-
fathers, when he affirms them to be of Egyp-
tian original, when he lies also about himself?
for although he was born at Oasis in Egypt,
he pretends to be, as a man may say, the top
man of all the Egyptians; yet does he for-
swear his real country and progenitors, and
by falsely pretending to be horn at Alexan-
dria, cannot deny the pravity of his family;
for you see how justly he calls those Egyp-
tians whom he hates, and endeavours to re-
proach; for had he not deemed Egyptians
to be a name of great reproach
have avoided the name of an
self; as we know that those who brag of their
own countries, value themselves upon the de-
nomination they acquire thereby, and reprove
such as unjustly lay claim thereto. As for
the Egyptians’ claim to be of our kindred,
they do it on one of the following accounts;
I mean, either as they value themselves upon
it, and pretend to bear that relation to us; or

, he would not
Egyptian him-

else as they would draw 11s in to be partakers
of their own infamy. But this fine fellow
Apion seems to broach this reproachful ap-
pellation against us [that we were originally
Egyptians], in order to bestow it on the Alex-
andrians as a reward for the privilege they bad
given him of being a fellow-citizen with
them; he also is apprised of the ill-will tl.e
Alexandrians bear to those Jews who are
their fellow-citizens, and so proposes to him-
self to reproach them, alt bough be must there-
by include all the other Egyptians also ; while
in both cases he is no better than an impu-
dent liar.

4. But let us now see what those heavy
and wicked crimes are which Apion charges
upon the Alexandrian Jews. “ They came
(says he) out of Syria, and inhabited near the
tempestuous sea, and were in the neighbour-
hood of the dashing of the waves.” Now, if
the place of habitation includes any thing
that is reproachful, this man reproaches not
his own real country [Egypt], but what he
pretends to be his own country, Alexandria;
for all are agreed in this, that the part of that
city which is near the sea, is the best part of
all for habitation. Now, if the Jews gained
that part of the city by force, and have kept
it hitherto without impeachment, this is a mark
of their valour; but in reality it was Alexan-
der himself that gave them that place for their
habitation, when they obtained equal privi-
leges there with the Macedonians. Nor can
I devise what Apion would have said, had
their habitation been at Necropolis,* and not
been fixed hard by the royal palace [as it is];
nor had their nation had the denomination of
Macedonians given them till this very day [as
they have]. Had this man now read the epis-
tles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolerny the
son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the
succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still
standing at Alexandria, and contains the pri-
vileges which the great [Julius] Caesar be-
stowed upon the Jews ; had this man, I say,
known these records, and yet hath the impu-
dence to write in contradiction to them, he
hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but
if he knew nothing of these records, he hath
shown himself to be a man very ignorant;
nay, when he appears to wonder how Jews
could be called Alexandrians, this is another
like instance of his ignorance; for all such
as are called out to be colonies, although
they be ever so far remote from one another
in their original, receive their names from
those that bring them to their new habitations.
And what occasion is there to speak of others,
when those of us Jews that dwell at Antioch
are named Antiochians, because Seleucus the
founder of that city gave them the privileges
belonging thereto? After the like manner do
those Jews that inhabit Ephesus and the other

The burial-place for dead bodies, as I suppose.BOOK II.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST AFION.

807

cities of Ionia enjoy tbe same name with those
that were originally horn there, by the grant of
tlie succeeding princes; nay, the kindness and
humanity of the Homans hath been so great,
that it hath granted leave to almost all others
to take the same name of Homans upon them;
I mean not particular men only, but entire
and large nations themselves also; for those
anciently named Iberi, and Tyrrheni, and
Suhini, are now called Homaui: and if Apion
reject this way ol obtaining the privilege of a
citizen of Alexandria, let him abstain from
calling himself an Alexandrian hereafter ; lor
otherwise, how can he who was born in the
very heart of Egypt be an Alexandrian, if
this way of accepting such a privilege, of which
he would have us deprived, be once abro-
gated' Although indeed these Homans, who
are now tbe lords of the habitable earth, have
forbidden the Egyptians to have the privileges
of any city whatsoever, while this tine fellow,
who is willing to partake of such a privilege
himself as lie is forbidden to make use of,
endeavours by calumnies to deprive those of it
that have justly received it; for Alexander
did not therefore get some of our nation to
Alexandria, because he wanted inhabitants
for this his city, on whose building he had
bestowed so much pains; but this was given
to our people as a reward; because he had,
upon a careful trial, found them all to have
been men of virtue and fidelity to him; for,
as Hecateus says concerning us, “ Alexander
honoured our nation to such a degree, that,
for the equity and the fidelity which the Jews
had exhibited to him, he permitted them to
hold the country of Samaria free from tribute.
Of the same mind also was Ptolemy the son
of Lagus, as to those Jews who dwelt at
Alexandria.” For he intrusted the fortresses
of Egypt into their hands, as believing they
would keep them faithfully and valiantly for
him; and when he was desirous to secure the
government of Cyrene, and the other cities of
Libya to himself, he sent a party of Jews to
inhabit them. And for his successor Ptolemy,
who was called Philadelphus, he did not only
set all those of our nation free, who were
captives under him, but did frequently* give
money [for their ransom]; and, what was his
greatest work of all, he had a great desire of
knowing our laws, and of obtaining the books
of our sacred scriptures: accordingly, he
desired that such men might be sent him as
might interpret our law to him ; and in order
to have them well compiled, he committed
that care to no ordinary persons, but ordained
that Demetrius Phalereus, and Andreas, and
Aristeas; the first, Demetrius, the most

• for voixicxie, or frequently, I would here read
w>.Xa. a (mat ttcai of money; lor we indeed read, both
in Aristeas and Jasephus. that this Ptolemy Philadel-
phia once save a very i;reat sum of money to redeem
hl>./ve 100,000 Jewish captives; hut not of any sums
of money which he disbursed on their account at other
times, that l kiioW ol.

learned person of his age, and tbe others, such
as were inlru-sted with the guard of his body,
should take the care of this matter: nor would
lie certainly have been so desirous of learning
our law, and the philosophy of unr nation,
had he despised the men that nude use ol it,
or had lie not indeed hud them in great
admiration.

5. Now this Apion was unacquainted with
almost all the kings of those Macedonians
whom he pretends to have been his progeni-
tors,—who were yet very well affected towards
us; for the third of those Ptolemies, who
was called Euergetes, when he had gotten
possession of all Syria by force, did not offer
his thank-offerings to the Egyptian gods for
his victory, but came to Jerusalem, and,
according to our own laws, offered many sacri-
fices to God, and dedicated to him such gifts
as were suitable to such a victory: and as for
Ptolemy Philometor, and his wife Cleopatra,
they committed their whole kingdom to Jews,
when Onias and Dosithcus, both Jews, whose
names are laughed at by Apion, were the
generals of their whole army; but certainly
instead of reproaching them, he ought to
admire their actions, and return them thanks
for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pre-
tends to be; Tor when these Alexandrians
were making war with Cleopatra the queen,
and were in danger of being utterly ruined,
these Jews brought them to terms of agree-
ment, and freed them from the miseries of a
civil war. “But then (says Apion) Onias
brought a small army afterward upon the city
at the time when Thermus the Roman ambas-
sador was there present.” Yes, do I venture
to say, and that he did rightly and very
justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy, who was
called Physco, upon the death of his brother
Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would
have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out
of their kingdom, that he might obtain it for
himself unjustly.f For this cause then it was
that Onias undertook a war against him on
Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert
that trust the royal family had reposed in him
in their distress. Accordingly, God gave a
remarkable attestation to his righteous proce-
dure ; for when Ptolemy Physco f had the
presumption to fight against Onias’s army,
and had caught all the Jews that were in the
city [Alexandria], with their children and
wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds
to his elephants, that they might be trodden
upon and destroyed, and when he had made

+ Here begins a great defect in the Greek copy;
but the old Latin version fully supplies that delect.

1 What error is here generally believed to have been
committed by our Josephus in ascribing a deliverance
of tbe Jews to tbe reign of Ptolemy Physco, the seventh
of those Ptolemies, which lias been universally sup-
posed to have happened under Ptolemy Pliiloputor, the
fourth of them, is no better than a gross error of the
moderns, and not uf Josephus, as I have fully proved
in the Authent. Rec. part i. p. 200 — 204, whither I
refer the inquisitive reader.80S

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK II.

those elephants drunk for that purpose, the
event proved contrary to his preparations; for
these elephants left the Jews who were exposed
to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s
friends, and slew a great number "of them;
nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost,
which prohibited his hurting those men; his
very concubine, whom he loved so well (some
call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making
supplication to him, that he would not per-
petrate so great a wickedness. So he com-
plied with her request, and repented of what
he either had already done, or was about to
do; whence it is well known that the Alexan-
drian Jews do with good reason celebrate this
day, on the account that they had thereon
been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance
from God. However, Apion, the common
calumniator of men, hath the presumption to
accuse the Jews for making this war against
Physco, when he ought to have commended
them for the same. This man also makes
mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alex-
andria, and abuses us, because she was un-
grateful to us; whereas he ought to have
reproved her, who indulged herself in all kinds
of injustice and wicked practices, both with
regard to her nearest relations, and husbands
who had loved her, and inflbed in general
with regard to all the Romans, and those
emperors that were her benefactors; who also
had her sister Arsinoe slain in a temple,
when she bad done her no harm : moreover,
she had her brother slain by private treachery,
and she destroyed the gods of her country
and the sepulchres of her progenitors; and
while she had received her kingdom from the
first Ciesar, she had the impudence to rebel
against his son* and successor; nay, she cor-
rupted Antony with her love-tricks, and ren-
dered him an enemy to his country, and made
him treacherous to his friends, and [by his
means] despoiled some of their royal authority,
and forced others in her madness to act
wickedly; but what need I enlarge upon this
head any farther, when she left Antony in
his fight at sea, though he were her husband,
and the father of their common children, and
compelled him to resign up his government,
with the army, and to follow her [into
Egypt]; nay, when last of all Ciesar had taken
Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty,
that she declared she had some hope of pre-
serving her affairs still, in case she could kill
the Jews, though it were with her own hand;
to such a degree of barbarity and perfidious-
ness had she arrived; and doth any one think
that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing,
if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time
of famine distribute wheat among us? How
ever, she at length met with the punishment
she deserved. As for us Jews, we appeal to
the great Ciesar what assistance we brought

• Bister’s son, and adopted son.

him, and what fidelity we showed to him
against the Egyptians; as also to the senate
and its decrees, and the epistles of Augustus
Ciesar, whereby our merits [to the Romans]
are justified. Apion ought to have looked
upon those epistles, and in particular to have
examined the testimonies given on our behalf,
under Alexander and all the Ptolemies, and
the decrees of the senate and of the greatest
Roman emperors; and if Germanicus was
not able to make a distribution of corn to all
the inhabitants of Alexandria, that only shows
what a barren time it was, and how great a
want there was then of'corn, but tends no-
thing to the accusation of the Jews; for what
all the emperors have thought of the Alex-
andrian Jews is well knpwn, for this distribu-
tion of wheat was no otherwise omitted with
regard to the Jews, than it was with regard
to the other inhabitants of Alexandria; but
they stdl were desirous to preserve what the
kings had formerly intrusted to their care,
I mean the custody of the river: nor did
those kings think them unworthy of having
the entire custody thereof upon all occasions.

6. But besides this, Apion objects to v.s
thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of
Alexandria, why do they not worship the same
gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I
give this answer: Since you are yourselves
Egyptians, why do you fight it out one again,st
another, and have implacable wars about your
religion? At this rate we must not call you
all Egyptians, nor indeed in general men,
because you breed up with great care beasts of
a nature quite contrary to that of men, although
the nature of all men seems to be one and the
same. Now if there be such differences in
opinion among you Egyptians, why are you
surprised that those who came to Alexandria
from another country, and had original laws
of their own before, should persevere in the
observance of those laws? But still he charges
us with being the authors of sedition: which
accusation, if it be a just one, why is it not
laid against us all, since we are known to be
all of one mind? Moreover, those that search
into such matters will soon discover that the
authors of sedition have been such citizens of
Alexandria as Apion is; for while they were
the Grecians and Macedonians who were in
possession of this city, there was no sedition
raised against us, and we were permitted to
observe our ancient solemnities; but when the
number of the Egyptians therein came to he
considerable, the times grew confused, ar<\
then these seditions brake out still more and
more, while our people continued nncor-
rupted. These Egyptians therefore were the
authors of these troubles, who not having the
constancy of Macedonians, nor the prudence
of Grecians, indulged all of them the evil
manners of the Egyptians, and contirm. d
their ancient hatred against us; for what is
here so presumptuously charged upon us. isFLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

809

owing to the differences that are amongst
thetoselves ; while many of them have not ob-
tained the privileges of citizens in proper times,
but style those who are well known to have had
that privilege extended to them all, no other
than foreigners; for it does not appear that any
of the kings have ever formerly bestowed those
privileges of citizens upon Egyptians, no more
than have the emperors done it more lately;
while it was Alexander who introduced us
into this city at first, the kings augmented our
privileges therein, and the Romans have been
pleased to preserve them always inviolable.
Moreover, Apion would lay a plot upon us,
because we do not erect images to our em-
perors, as if those emperors did not know
this before, or stood in need of Apion as their
defender; whereas he ought rather to have
admired the magnanimity and modesty of the
Romans, whereby they do not compel those
that are subject to them to transgress the laws
of their countries, but are willing to receive
the honours due to them after such a manner
as those who are to pay them esteem consistent
with piety and with their own laws; for they
do not thank people for conferring honours

upon them, when they are compelled by vio-
lence so to do. Accordingly, since the Gre-
cians and some other nations think it a right
thing to make images, nay, when they have
painted the pictures of their parents, and
wives, and children, they exult for joy: and
some there are who take pictures for them-
selves of such persons as ■were no way related
to them: nay, some take the pictures of such
servants as they were fond of. What wonder
is it then if such as these appear willing to pay
the same respect to their princes and lords 1
But then our legislator hath forbidden us to
make images not by way of denunciation be-
forehand, that the Roman authority was not to
be honoured, but as despising a thing that was
neither necessary noT useful for either God or
man; and he forbade them, as we shall prove
hereafter, to make these images for any part
of the animal creation, and much less for God
himself, who is no part of such animal crea-
tion. Yet hath our legislator nowhere forbid-
den us to pay honours to worthy men, pro-
vided they be of another kind, and inferior to
those we pay to God; with which honours we
willingly testify our respect to our emperors,
and to the people of Rome; we also offer
perpetual sacrifices for them; nor do we only
offer them every day at the common expenses
of all the Jews, but although we offer no other
such sacrifices out of our common expenses, no
not for our own children, yet do we this as a
peculiar honour to the emperors, and to them
alone, while we do the same to no other per
6on whomsoever. And let this suffice for an
answer in general to Apion as to what he sayu
with relation to the Alexandrian Jews;

7. However, I cannot but admire those
other authors who furnished this man with

such his materials; I mean Posidonius and
Apollonius [the son of] Molo,* who while
they accuse us for not worshipping the same
gods whom others worship, they think them-
selves not guilty of impiety when they tell
lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful
stories about our temple; whereas it is a most
shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on
any occasion, and much more so to forge them
about our temple, which was so famous over
all the world, and was preserved so sacred by
us; for Apion hath the impudence to pretend,
that “ the Jews placed an ass’s head in their
holy place and he affirms that this was dis-
covered when Antiochus Epiphanes spoiled
our temple, and found that ass’s bead there
made of gold, and worth a great deal of mo-
ney. To this my first answer shall be this,
that had there been any such thing among us,
an Egyptian ought by no means to have
thrown it in our teeth, since an ass is not a
more contemptible animal than * * *,f and
goats, and other such creatures, which among
them are gods. But besides this answer, I
say farther, how comes it about that Apion
does not understand this to be no other than
a palpable lie, and to be confuted by the thing
itself as utterly incredible ? For we Jews
are always governed by the same laws, in
which we constantly persevere; and although
many misfortunes have befallen our city, as
the like have befallen others, and although
Theos [Epiphanes], and Pompey the Great,
and Licinius Crassus, and last of all Titus
Caesar, have conquered us in war, and gotten
possession of our temple, yet has none of
them found any such thing there, nor indeed
any thing but what was agreeable to the strict-
est piety ; although what they found we are
i not at liberty to reveal to other nations. But
for Antiochus [Epiphanes], he had no just
cause for that ravage in our temple that he
made; he only came to it when he wanted
money, without declaring himself our enemy,
and attacked us while we were his associates
and his friends: nor did he find any thing
there that was ridiculous. This is attested by
many worthy writers; Polybius of Megalo-
polis, Strabo of Cappadocia, Nicolaus of Da-
mascus, Timagenes, Castor the chronologer,
and Apollodorus, t who all say that it was out
of Antiochus’s want of money that he broke
his league with the Jews, and despoiled their
temple when it was full of gold and silver.
Apion ought to have had a regard to these
facts, unless he had himself had either au
ass’s heart or a dog’s impudence; of such a

• Called more properly Molo, or Apollonius Molo, as
hereafter; for Apollonius, the son of Molo, was another
person, as Strabo informs us, lib. xiv.

+ Furtmes in the Latin, which what animal it denotes,
does not now appear.

t It is great pity that these six Pagan authors here
mentioned to have described the famous profanation of
the Jewish temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, should be
all lost; I mean so far of their writings as contained that
description; though it is plain Josephus p-rused them
all, as exant in his time810

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK II

dog, I mean, as they worship; for he had no
other external reason for the lies he tells of
us. As for us Jews, we ascribe no honour
or power to asses, as do the Egyptians to cro-
codiles and asps, when they esteem such as
are seized upon by the former, or bitten by
the latter, to be happy persons, and persons
worthy of God. Asses are the same with us
which they are with other wise men, viz. crea-
tures that bear the burdens that we lay upon
them; but if they come to our threshing-
floors and eat our corn, or do not perform
what we impose upon them, we beat them
with a great many stripes; because it is their
business to minister to us in our husbandry
affairs. But this Apion of ours was either
perfectly unskilful in the composition of such
fallacious discourses, or however, when he
began [somewhat better], he was not able to
persevere in what he had undertaken, since
he hath no manner of success in those re-
proaches he casts upon us.	,

8. He adds another Grecian fable, in order
to reproach us. In reply to which it would
be enough to say that they who presume to
speak about divine worship, ought not to be
ignorant of this plain truth, that it is a de-
gree of less impurity to pass through temples,
tbau to forge wicked calumnies of its priests.
Now such men as he are more zealous to jus-
tify a sacrilegious king than to write what is
just and what is true about us, and about our
temple; for when they are desirous of grati-
fying Antiochus, and of concealing that per-
fidiousness and sacrilege which he was guilty
of, with regard to our nation, when he wanted
money, they endeavour to disgrace us, and
tell lies even relating to futurities. Apion
becomes other men’s prophet upon this occa-
sion, and says, that “ Antiochus found in our
temple a bed and a man lying upon it, with a
small table before him, full of dainties, from
the [fishes of the] sea, and the fowls of the
dry land; that this man was amazed at these
dainties thus set before him; that he imme-
diately adored the king, upon his coming in,
as hoping that he would afford him all possi-
ble assistance; that he fell down upon his
knees, and stretched out to him bis right hand,
and begged to be released: and that when the
king bade him sit dow’n, and tell him who he
was, and why he dwelt there, and what was
the meaning of those various sorts of food
that were set before him, the man made a la-
mentable complaint, and with sighs, and tears
in his eyes, gave him this account of the dis-
tress he was in ; and said that he was a Greek,
and that as he went over this province, in or-
der to get his living, he was seized upon by
foreigners, on a sudden, and brought to this
temple, and shut up therein, and was seen by
nobody, but was futtened by these curious
provisions thus set before him : and that truly
at the first such unexpected advantages seem-
ed to him mattes of great joy; that, after a

while they brought a suspicion upon him, and
at length astonishment, what their meaning
should be; that at last he inquired of the ser-
vants that came to him, and was by them in-
formed that it was in order to the fulfilling a
law of the Jews, which they must not tell
him, that he was thus fed : and that they did
the same at a set time every year : that they
used to catch a Greek foreigner, and fatten
him thus up every year, and then lead him to a
certain wood, and kill him, and sacrifice with
their accustomed solemnities, and taste of his
entrails, and take an oath upon this sacrifi-
cing a Greek, that they would ever be at en-
mity with the Greeks; and that then they
threw the remaining parts of the miserable
wretch into a certain pit.” Apion adds far-
ther, that “ the man said there were but a few
days to come ere he was to be slain, and im-
plored Antiochus that, out of the reverence
he bore to the Grecian gods, he would disap-
point the snares the Jews laid for his blood,
and would deliver him from the miseries with
which he was encompassed.” Now this is
such a most tragical fable, as is full of nothing
but cruelty and impudence; yet does it not
excuse Antiochus of his sacrilegious attempts,
as those who wrote it in his vindication are
willing to suppose; for he could not presume
beforehand that he should meet with any such
thing in coming to the temple, but must have
found it unexpectedly. He was therefore
still an impious person, that was given to un-
lawful pleasures, and had no regard to God
in his actions. But [as for Apion] he hath
done whatever his extravagant love of lying
hath dictated to him, as it is most easy to dis-
cover by a consideration of his writings; for
the difference of our laws is known not to
regard the Grecians only, but they are prin-
cipally opposite to the Egyptians, and to some
other nations also: for while it so falls out,
that men of all countries come sometimes and
sojourn among us, how comes it about that
w'e take an oath, and conspire only against the
Grecians, and that by the effusion of their
blood also? Or how is it possible that all the
Jews should get together to these sacrifices,
and the entrails of one man should be suffi-
cient for so many thousands to taste of them,
as Apion pretends? Or why did not the king
carry this man, whosoever be was, and what-
soever was his name (which is not set down
in Apion’s book), with great pomp back into
his own country ? when he might thereby have
been esteemed a religious person himself, and
a mighty lover of the Greeks, and might there-
by have procured himself great assistance from
all men against that hatred the Jews bore to
him. But Heave this matter; for the proper
way of confuting fools is not to use bare words,
but to appeal to the things themselves that
make against them. Now then, all such as ever
6aw the construction of our temple, of what na-
ture it was, know well enough how the purityBOOK II.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

811

of it was never to be profaned; for it had four
several courts,* encompassed with cloisters
round about, every one of which had by our
law a peculiar degree of separation from the
rest. Into the first court every body was
allowed to go, even foreigners; and none but
women, during their courses, were prohibited
to pass through it; all the Jews went into the
second court, as well as their wives, when they
were free from all uncleanness; into the third
went the Jewish men when they were clean
and purified; into the fourth went the priests,
having on their sacerdotal garments; but for
the most sacred place, none went in but the
high>priests, clothed in their peculiar gar-
ments. Now there is so great caution used
about these offices of religion, that the priests
are appointed to go into the temple but at
certain hours: for, in the morning, at the
opening of the inner temple, those that are to
officiate receive the sacrifices, as they do again
at noon, till the doors are shut. Lastly, it is
not so much as lawful to carry any vessel
into the holy house; nor is there any thing
therein, but the altar [of incense], the table
[of shew-bread], the censer, and the candle-
stick, which are all written in th-fs law: for
there is nothing further there, nor are there
any mysteries performed that may not be
spoken of; nor is there any feasting within
the place. For what I have now said is pub-
licly known, and supported by the testimony
of the whole people, and their operations are
very manifest; for although there be four
courses of the priests, and every one of them
have above five thousand men in them, yet do
they officiate on certain days only ; and when
those days are over, other priests succeed in
the performance of their sacrifices, and assem-
ble together at mid-day, and receive the keys
of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without
any thing relating to food or drink being
carried into the temple; nay, we are not al-
lowed to offer such things at the altar, except-
ing what is prepared for the sacrifices.

9. What then can we say of Apion, but
that he examined nothing that concerned
these things, while still he uttered incredible
words about them 1 But it is a great shame
for a grammarian not to be able to write
true history. Now, if he knew the purity of
our temple, he hath entirely omitted to take
notice of it; but he forges a story about the
seizing of a Grecian, about ineffable food,
and the most delicious preparation of dainties;
and pretends that strangers could go into a
place whereinto the noblest men among the
Jews are not allowed to enter, unless they be

* It is remarkable that Josephus here, and \ think,
nowhere else, reckons up four distinct courts of the tem-
ple: that of the Gentiles, that of the women of Israel,
that of the men of Israel, and that of the priests; as also
that the court of the women admitted of the men (I sup-
pose only of the husbands of those wives that were there-
in), while the court of the men did not admit any women
Into it at alb

priests. This, therefore, is the utmost de-
gree of impiety, and a voluntary lie, in order
to the delusion of those who will not examine
into the truth of matters. Whereas, such
unspeakable mischiefs as are above related,
have been occasioned by such calumnies that
are raised upon us.

10. Nay, this miracle of piety derides us
farther, and adds the following pretended
facts to bis former fable; for he says that this
man related how, “while the Jews were once
in a long war with the Idumeans, there came
a man out of one of the cities of the Idume
ans who there had worshipped Apollo. Thi?
man, whose name is said to have been Zabi-
dus, came to the Jews, and promised that hr
would deliver Apollo, the god of Dora, intc
their hands, and that he would come to oui
temple, if they would all come up with him,
and bring the whole multitude of the Jews
with them; that Zabidus made him a certain
wooden instrument, and put it round about
him, and set three rows of lamps therein, and
walked after such a manner, that he appeared
to those that stood a great way off him, to be
a kind of star walking upon the earth : that
the Jews vvore terribly frighted at so surpri-
sing an appearance, and stood very quiet at
a distance; and that Zabidus, while they con-
tinued so very quiet, went into the holy house,
and carried off that golden head of an ass (for
so facetiously does he write], and then went
his way back again to Dora in great haste.”
And say you so, sir! as I may reply; then
does Apion load the ass, that is himself, and
lays on him a burden of fooleries and lies;
for he writes of places that have no being ;
and not knowing the cities he speaks of, he
changes their situation; for Idumea borders
upon our country, and is near to Gaza, in
which there is no such city as Dora, although
there be, it is true, a city named Dora in
Phoenicia, near Mount Carmel, but it is four
days’ journey from Idumea.] Now, then,
why does this man accuse us, because we
have not gods in common with other nations?
If our forefathers were so easily prevailed
upon to have Apollo come to them, and
thought they saw him walking upon the
earth, and the stars with him ; for certainly
those who have so many festivals, wherein
they light lamps, must yet, at this rate, have
never seen a candlestick I But still it seems
that while Zabidus took his journey over the
country, where were so many ten thousands
of people, nobody met him. He also, it
seems, even in a time of war, found the walls
of Jerusalem destitute of guards. I omit the
rest. Now the doors of the holy house were
seventy]: cubits high, and twenty cubits broad,
they were all plated over with gold, and

-t Judea, in tbe Greek, by a gross mistake of the tran-
scribers.

t Seven in tbe Greek, by a like gross mistake of the
transcribers. See of tbe War, b, v. cb. v. sect. 4.812

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK II.

almost of solid gold itself, and there were
no fewer than twenty* men required to shut
them every day; nor was it lawful ever to
leave them open, though it seems this lamp-
bearer of ours opened them easily, or thought
he opened them, as he thought he had the
ass’s head in bis hand. Whether, therefore,
he returned it to us again, or whether Apion
took it and brought it into the temple a_gain,
that Antiochus might find it, and afford a
handle for a second fable of Apion, is uncer-
tain.

11. Apion also tells a false story, when he
mentions an oath of ours, as if we “ swore by
God, the maker of the heaven, and earth, and
sea, to bear no good-will to any foreigner,
and particularly to none of the Greeks.”—
Now this liar ought to have said directly that
“ we would bear no good-will to any fo-
reigner, and particularly to none of the Egyp-
tians.” For then his story about the oath
would have squared with the rest of his ori-
ginal forgeries, in case our forefathers had
been driven away by their kinsmen the Egyp-
tians, not on account of any wickedness they
had been guilty of, but on account of the
calamities they were under; for as to the
Grecians, we are rather remote from them in
place than different from them in our institu-

this extraordinary privilege, to have never
served any of those monarchs who subdued
Asia and Europe, and this on account, as they
pretend, that the gods fled into their country
and saved themselves, by being changed into
the shapes of wild beasts. Whereas these
Egyptiansf are the very people that appear
to have never, in all the past ages, had one
day of freedom, no not so much as from their
own lords. For I will not reproach them
with relating the manner how the Persians
used them, and this not once only, but many
times, when they laid their cities waste, de-
molished their temples, and cut the throats of
those animals whom they esteemed to be gods;
for it is not reasonable to imitate the clownish
ignorance of Apion, who hath no regard to
the misfortunes of the Athenians, or of the
Lacedemonians, the latter of whom were sty-
led by all men the most courageous, and the
former the most religious, of the Grecians. I
say nothing of such kings as have been fa-
mous for piety, particularly of one of them
whose name was Cresus, nor what calamities
he met with in his life; I say nothing of the
citadel of Athens, of the temple at Ephesus,
of that at Delphi, nor of ten thousand others
which have been burnt down, while nobody
cast reproaches on those that were the suffer-
tions, insomuch that we have no enmity with ers, but on those that were the actors therein.

them, nor any jealousy of them. On the con-
trary, it hath so happened, that many of them
have come over to our laws, and some of
them have continued in their observation,
although others of them had not courage
enough to persevere, and so departed from
them again ; nor did any body ever hear this
oath sworn by us: Apion, it seems, was the
only person that heard it, for be indeed was
the first composer of it.

12. However, Apion deserves to be admir-
ed for his great prudence, as to what I am
going to say, which is this, “ That there is
a plain mark among us, that we neither have

But now we have met with Apion, an accu-
ser of our nation, through one that still forgets
the miseries of his own people, the Egyptians;
but it is that Sesostris, who was once so cele-
brated a king of Egypt, that hath blinded him.
Now we will not boast of our kings, David
and Solomon, though they conquered many
nations; accordingly we will let them alone.
However, Apion is ignorant of what every
Dody knows, that the Egyptians were servants
to the Persians, and afterwards to the Mace-
donians, when they were lords of Asia, and
were no better than slaves, while we have en-
joyed liberty formerly; nay, more than that,

just laws, nor worship God as we ought to |have had the dominion of the cities that lie

do, because we are not governors, but are ra-
ther in subjection to Gentiles, sometimes to
one nation, and sometimes to another; and
that our city hath been liable to several cala-
mities, while their city [Alexandria] hath
been of old time an imperial city, and not
used to be in subjection to the Romans.” But
now this man had better leave off his brag-
ging; for every body but himself would think
that Apion said what he hath said against him-
self; for there are very few nations that have
had the good fortune to continue many gene-
rations in the principality, but still the muta-
tions in human affairs have put them into sub-
jection under others; and most nations have
been often subdued; and brought into sub-
jection by others. Now for the Egyptians,
perhaps they are the only nation that have had

• Two hundred in the Greet, contrary to the twenty
n the War, b. vii. ch. v. sect 3

round about us, and this nearly for a hundred
and twenty years together, until Pompeius
Magnus. And when all the kings everywhere
were conquered by the Romans, our ancestors
were the only people who continued to be
esteemed their confederates and friends, on
account of their fidelity to them.

f This notorious disgrace belonging peculiarly to the
people of Egypt, ever since the times of the old prophets
of the Jews, noted both sect. 4, already and here, may be
confirmed by the testimony of Isidorus, an Egyptian of
Pelusium, Epist. lib. i. Ep. 489. And this is a remark-
able completion of the ancient prediction of God, by
Ezekiel (xxix. 14,15), that the Egyptians should “ be a
base kingdom, the basest of the kingdoms,” and that
“ it should not exalt itself any more above the nations.”
The truth of which still farther appears by the present
observation of Josephus, that these Egyptians had
never, in all the past ages since Sesostris, had one day
of liberty, no not so much as to have been free from
despotic power under any of the monarchs of that day.
And all this has been found equally true in the latter
ages, under the Romans, Saracens, Mamelukes, and
Turks, from the day s of Josephus till the present age also.th OK IK

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

813

)?i. ‘■‘But,” says Apion, “we Jews have
act Lad any wonderful men amongst us, not
any inventors of arts, nor any eminent for
wisdom.” He then enumerates Socrates, and
Zeno, and Cleanthes, and some others of the
same sort,; and, after all, he adds himself to
them, which is the most wonderful thing of ]
ail that he says, and pronounces Alexandria
to be happy, because it hath such a citizen
as t'.e is in it; for he was the fittest man to
oe o witness to his own deserts, although be
hath appeared to all others no better than
a wicked mountebank, of a corrupt life, and
ill discourses; on which account one may
.iu-tly pity Alexandria, if it should value
itself upon sQch a citizen as he is. But as to
our own men, we have had those who have
been as deserving of commendation as any
other whosoever; and such as have perused our
Antiquities cannot be ignorant of them.

14. As to the other things which he sets
down as blame-worthy, it may perhaps be the
best way to let them pass without apology,
that he may be allowed to be his own accuser,
and the accuser of the rest of the Egyptians.
However, he accuses us for sacrificing animals,
and for abstaining from swine's flesh, and
laughs at us for the circumcision of our privy
members. Now, as for our slaughter of tame
animals for sacrifices, it is common to us and
to all other men; but this Apion, by making
it n crime to sacrifice them, demonstrates him-
self to be an Egyptian; for had he been either
a Grecian or a Macedonian [as be pretends
to Vej, he had not shown an uneasiness at it;
for those people glory in sacrificing whole
hecatombs to the gods, and make use of those
sacrifices for feasting; and yet is not the world
thereby rendered destitute of cattle, as Apion
was afraid would come to pass. Yet, if all
men had followed the manners of the Egyp-
tians, the world had certainly been made
desolate as to mankind, but had been filled full
of the wildest sort of brute beasts, which,
because they suppose them to be gods, they
carefully nourish. However, if any one
should ask Apion which of the Egyptians he
thinks to be the most wise, and most pious of
them all, he would certainly acknowledge the
priests to be so; for the histories say that two
things were originally committed to their care
by their kings’ injunctions, the worship of the
gods, and the support of wisdom and philoso-
phy . Accordingly, these priests are all cir-
cumcised, and abstain from swine’s flesh; nor
does any one of the other Egyptians assist
them in slaying those sacrifices they offer to
the gods. Apion was therefore quite blinded
in bis mind when, for the sake of the Egyp-
tians, he contrived to reproach us, and to ac-
cuse such others as not only make use of that
conduct of life which he so much abuses, but
have also taught other men to be circumcised,
as "ays Herodotus; which makes me think
that Apion is hereby justly punished for his

casting such reproaches on the laws of his own
country; for he was circumcised himself of
necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy
member; and when he received no benefit
by such circumcision, but his member became
putrid, he died in great torment. Now, men
of good tempers ought to observe their own
laws concerning religion accurately, and to
persevere therein, but not presently to abuse
the laws of other nations, while this Apion
deserted his own laws, and told lies about
ours; and this was the end of Apion’s life,
and this shall be the conclusion of our dis-
course about him.

15. But now, since Apollonius Molo, and
Lysimachus, and some others, write treatises
about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws,
which are neither just nor true, and this partly
out of ignorance, but chiefly out of ill-will to
us, while they calumniate Moses as an im-
postor and deceiver, and pretend that our
laws teach us wickedness, but nothing that
is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse
briefly, accordingly to my ability, about our
whole constitution of government, and about
the particular branches of it; for I suppose
it will thence become evident that the laws
we have given us are disposed after the best
manner for the advancement of piety, for
mutual communion with one another, for a
general love of mankind, as also for justice,
and for sustaining labours with fortitude, and
for a contempt of death; and I beg of those
that shall peruse this writing of mine, to read
it without partiality; for it is not my purpose
to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I
shall esteem this as a most just apology for us,
and taken from those our laws, according to
which we lead our lives, against the many and
the lying objections that have been made
against us. Moreover, since this Apollonius
does not do like Apion, and lay a continued
accusation against us, but does it only by
starts, and up and down his discourse, while
he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and
man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth
with our want of courage, and yet sometimes,
on the country, accuses us of too great bold-
ness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says
that we are the weakest of all the barbarians,
and that this is the reason why we are the only
people who have made no improvements in
human life; now I think 1 shall have then
sufficiently disproved all these his allegations,
when it shall appear that our laws enjoin
the very reverse of what he says, and that we
very carefully observe those laws ourselves;
and if I be compelled to make mention of the
laws of other nations, that are contrary to
ours, those ought deservedly to thank them*
selves for it, who have pretended to depreciate
our laws in comparison of their own; nor will
there, I think, be any room after that for them
to pretend, either that we have no such laws
ourselves, an epitome of which I will present814

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK II.

to the reader, or that we do not, above all
men, continue in the observation of them.

16. To begin then a good way backward,
I would advance this, in the first place, that
those who have been admirers of good order,
and of living under common laws, and who
began to introduce them, may well have this
testimony that they are better than other men,
both for moderation, and such virtue as is
agreeable to nature. Indeed, their endeavour
was to have every thing they ordained believed
to be very ancient, that they might not be
thought to imitate others, but might appear
to have delivered a regular way of living to
others after them. Since then this is the case,
the excellency of a legislator is seen in pro-
viding for the people's living after the best
manner, and in prevailing with those that are
to use the laws he ordains for them, to have
a good opinion of them, and in obliging the
multitude to persevere in them, and to make
no changes in them, neither in prosperity nor
adversity. Now, I venture to say, that our
legislator is the most ancient of all the legis-
lators whom we have anywhere heard of; for
as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and Za-
leucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who
are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to
be of yesterday, if compared with our legis-
lator, insomuch as the very name of a law
was not so much as known in old times
among the Grecians. Homer is a witness to
the truth of this observation, who never uses
that term in all his poems; for indeed there
was then no such thing among them, but the
multitude was governed by wise maxims, and
by the injunctions of their king. It was also
a long time* that they continued in the use of
these unwritten customs, although they were
always changing them upon several occasions;
but for our legislator, who was of so much
greater antiquity than the rest (as even those
that speak against us upon all occasions do
always confess), he exhibited himself to the
people as their best governor and counsellor,
and included in his legislation the entire con-
duct of their lives, and prevailed with them
to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that
those that were made acquainted with his
laws did most carefully observe them.

17- But let us consider his first and great-
est work; for when it was resolved on by our
forefathers to leave Egypt and return to their
own country, this Moses took the many ten
thousands that were of the people, and saved
them out of many desperate distresses, and
brought them home in safety. And certainly
it was here necessary to travel over a country
without water, and full of sand, to overcome
their enemies, and, during these battles, to
preserve their children and their wives, and
their prey; on all which occasions he became

* Vix. After the greatest part of the world had left
off their obedience to God, their original legislator.
8*o Scripture fell tire, page* 6,7.

an excellent general of an army, and a most
prudent counsellor, and one that took the
truest care of them all: he also so brought it
about, that the whole multitude depended
upon him; and while he had tbem always
obedient to what he enjoined, he made no
manner of use of his authority for his own
private ad vantage, which is the usual time when
governors gain great powers to themselves,
and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom
the multitude to live very dissolutely; where-
as, when our legislator was in so great autho-
rity, he, on the contrary, thought he ought to
have regard to piety, and to show his great
good-will to the people; and by this means
he thought he might show the great degree of
virtue that was in him, and might procure the
most lasting security to those who bad made
him their governor. When be bad therefore
come to such a good resolution, and had per-
formed such wonderful exploits, we had just
reason to look upon ourselves as having him
for a divine governor and counsellor; and
when he had first persuaded himselff that
his actions and designs were agreeable to
God’s will, he thought it his duty to impress,
above all things, that notion upon the multi-
tude; for those who have once believed that
God is the inspector of their lives, will not
permit themselves in any sin; and this is the
character of our legislator: he was no impos-
tor, no deceiver, as his revilers say, though
unjustly, but such a one as they brag Minos J
to have been among the Greeks, and other
legislators after him; for some of them sup-
pose that they had their laws from Jupiter,
while Minos said that the revelation of his
laws was io be referred to Apollo, and his
oracle at Delphi, whether they really thought
they were so derived, or supposed, however,
that they could persuade the people easily
that so it was; but which of these it was who
made the best laws, and which had the
greatest reason to believe that God was their
author, it will be easy, upon comparing those

+ This language, that Moses truraf cavrss, “persuaded
himself’’ that what he did was according to God’s
will, can mean no more, by Josephus's own constant no-
tions elsewhere, than that he was ’• firmly persuaded,”
that he had “fully satisfied himself,” that so it was, viz.
by the many revelations be had received from God, and
the numerous miracles God had enabled him to work,
as he both in these very two books against Apion, and
in his Antiquities, most clearly and frequently assures
us. This is farther evident from several passages lower,
where he affirms that Moses was no impostor nor de-
ceiver, and where be assures us that Moses’s constitution
of government was no other than a theocracy; and
where be says they are to hope for deliverance out of
their distresses by prayer to God, and that withal it was
owing in part to this prophetic spirit of Moses that tbe
Jews expected a resurrection from tbe dead. See almost
as strange a use of tbe like words, rufus m Our, “ to
persuade God,” Antiq. b. vi. ch. ▼. sect 6.

t That is, Moses really was, what tbe heathen legisla-
tors pretended to be, under a divine direction; nor does
it yet appear that these pretensions to a supernatural
conduct, either in these legislators or oracles, were mere
delusions of men without any demoniacal impressions,
nor that Josephus took them so to be; as tbe ancientest
and contemporary authors did still believe them to bo
lupaeastural-BOOK n.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

laws themselves together, to determine; for
it is time that we come to that point. Now*
there are innumerable differences in the par-
ticular customs and laws that are among all
mankind, which a man may briefly reduce
under the following heads:—Some legislators
have permitted their governments to be under
monarchies, others put them under oligar-
chies, and others under a republican form;
but our legislator had no regard to any of
these forms, but he ordained our government
to be what, by a strained expression, may be
termed a Theocracy,! by ascribing the autho-
rity and the power to God, and by persuading
all the people to have a regard to him, as the
author of all the good things enjoyed either
in common by all mankind, or by each one
ir. particular, and of all that they themselves
obtained by praying to him in their greatest
difficulties. He informed them that it was
impossible to escape God’s observation, either
in any of our outward actions, or in any of
our inward thoughts. Moreover, he repre-
sented God as unbegotten! and immutable,
through all eternity, superior to all mortal
conceptions in pulchritude; and, though
known to us by his power, yet unknown to
us as to bis essence. I do not now explain
how these notions of God are the sentiments

* This whole very large passage is corrected by Dr
Hudson, from Eusebius’s citation of it. Pi rep. Evaneel.
viii. £, which is here not a little different hum the pre-
sent MSS. of Josephus.

+ This expression itself, Oio x(tzria.v iwituU te voXt-
nufxtt, that “Moses ordained the Jewish government
to be a Theocracy,” may he illustrated by that parallel
expression in the Antiq. b. iii. ch. viii. sect. 9, that
“ Moses left it to God to be present at his sacrifices when
he pleased; and, when lie pleased, to be absent.” Both
ways of speaking sound harsh in the ears of Jews and
Christians, as do several others which Josephus uses to
the Heathens; but still they were not very improper in
him, when he all along thought fil
self, both in bis Antiquities, at:
against Apion, all written for the
Romans, to their notions and lai

ng thought fit to accommodate him-
ntiquities, and in these his books

impropi

modate

ans, t
rer tr

! use of the Greeks and

________________language, and this as far

as ever trutb would give him leave; though it is very
observable withal, that be never uses such expressions
in his books of the War, written originally for the Jews
beyond Euphrates, and m their language, in all these
However, Josephus directly supposes the Jewish
ent, under Moses, to be a divine settlement, and
indeed no other than a real Theocracy.

ounts of the divii

cases,
settlement, undi

t These excellent accounts

ne attributes,

:pressions about the resurrection
of the dead, and the state of departed souls, ficc. in this
>f Josephus, look more like the exalted no-

and that God is not to be at all known in his essence, as
also some other clear expressions about the

late work of Josephus, look more like the ext
tions of the Essenes, or rather Ebionite Christii
those of a mere Jew or Pharisee. The following large i
counts also of the laws of Moses, seem to me to sh

ard to the higher

i»uans, than
owing large ac-
' ow

ions and improvements

• regi

of Moses's laws, derived from Jesus Christ, than to the
bare letter of them in the Old Testament, whence alone

pbo» took tbei~ __L—	----A~

as I think

raliy
cithe

Josephus took them when he wrote his Antiquitic
nor, as I think, can some of these laws, though gen
raliy excellent in their kind, be properly now l'ou

>e laws of Moses,
igher interpreted!

s’s laws, derived from Jesus Christ, than to the
Testament, whence alone
s wrote his Antiquities;
these laws, though gene-
, be properly now found
cither in the copies of the Jewish Pentateuch, or in
Philo, or in Josephus himself, before he became a
Nazarene or Ebionite Christiannor even all of them
aoiong the laws of Catholic Christianity themselves. I
desire, therefore, the learned reader to consider, whe-
ther some of these improvements or interpretations
might not be peculiar to the Essenes among the Jews, or
rather to the hazarenes or Ebionites among the Chris-
tians. though we have indeed but imperlect accounts of
those Nuzarenes or Ebionite Christians transmitted
down to us at this day.

815

of the wisest among the Grecians, and how
they were taught them upon the principles
that he afforded them. However, they testify,
with great assurance, that these notions are
just, and agreeable to the nature of God,
and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and An-
axagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philoso-
phers that succeeded them, and almost all the
rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the
same notions of the nature of God; yet dursl
not these men disclose those true notions tc
more than a few, because the body of the peo-
ple were prejudiced with other opinions be-
forehand. But our legislator, who made bis
actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail
with those that were his contemporaries to
agree with these his notions, but so firmly
imprinted this faith in God upon all their
posterity, that it never could be removed.
The reason why the constitution of this legis-
lation was ever better directed to the utility
of all than other legislations were, is this,
that Moses did not make religion a part of
virtue, but he saw and he ordained other
virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice,
and fortitude, and temperance, and a univer-
sal agreement of the members of the commu-
nity with one another ; for all our actions and
studies, and all our words [in Moses’s settle-
ment] have a reference to piety towards God;
for he hath left none of these in suspense, or
undetermined; for there are two ways of
coming at any sort of learning and a moral
conduct of life; the one is by instruction in
words, the other by practical exercises. Now,
other lawgivers have separated these two ways
in their opinions, and choosing one of those
ways of instruction, or that which best pleased
every one of them, neglected the other.
Thus did the Lacedemonians and the Cre-
tans teach by practical exercises, but riot by
words; while the Athenians, and almost all
the other Grecians, made laws about what Was
to be done, or left undone, but had no regard
to the exercising them thereto in practice. ‘
18. But for our legislator, he very Care-
fully joined these two methods of instruction
together; for he neither left these practical
exercises to go on without verbal instruction,
nor did he permit the hearing of the law to
proceed without the exercises for practice;
but beginning immediately from the earliest
infancy, and the appointment of every one’s
diet, he left nothing of the very Smallest
consequence to be done at the pleasure and
disposal of the person himself. Accordingly, he
made a fixed rule of law what sorts of food they
should abstain from, and what sorts they should
use; as also, what Communion they shouldhave
with others, what'great diligence they should
use in their occupations, and what times of
rest should be interposed, that, by living
under that law as under a father and a
master, we might be guilty of no sin, neither
voluntary nor out of ignorance; for he did810

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK 71.

not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on
without punishment, but demonstrated the
law to be the best and the most necessary
instruction of all others, permitting the people
to leave off their other employments, and to
assemble together for the hearing of the law,
and learning it exactly, a.id this not once or
twice, or oftener, but e very week; which thing
all the other legislators seem to have neglected.

19.	And indeed, the greatest partof mankind
are so far from living according to" their own
laws, that they hardly know them; hut when
they have sinned they learn from others that they
have transgressed thelaw. Those also who are
in the highest and principal posts of the govern-
ment, confess they are not acquainted with those
laws, and are obliged to take such persons for
their assessors in public administrations as
profess to have skill in those laws; but for our
people, if any body do but ask any one of them
about our laws, he will more readily tell themall
than he will tell his own name, and this in
consequence of our having learned them im-
mediately, as soon as ever we became sensible
of any thing, and of our having them, as it
were, engraven on our souls. Our transgres-
sors of them are but few ; and it is impossible,
when any do offend, to escape punishment.

20.	And this very thing it is that principally
creates such a wonderful agreement of minds
amongst us all; for this entire agreement of
ours in all our notions concerning God, and
our having no ditference in our course of life
and manners, procures among us the most
excellent concord of these our manners that
is anywhere among mankind; for no other
people but we Jews have avoided all dis-
courses about God that any way contradict
one another, whieh yet are frequent among
other nations; and this is true not only
among ordinary persons, according as every
one is affected, but some of the philosophers
have been insolent enough to indulge such
contradictions, while some of them have
undertaken to use such words as entirely take
away the nature of God, as others of them
have taken away his providence over mankind.
Nor can any one perceive amongst us any
difference in the conduct of our lives; but all
our works are common to us all. We have
one sort of discourse concerning God, which
is conformable to our law, and affirms that
he sees all things; as also, we have but one
way of speaking concerning the conduct of
our lives, that all other things ought to have
piety for their end; and this any body may
hear from our women, and servants themselves.

21.	Hence hath arisen that accusation
which some make against us, that we have
not produced men that have been the inven-
tors of new operations, or of new ways of
speaking; for others think it a tine thing to
persevere in nothing that has been delivered
down from their forefathers, and these testify
it to be an instance of the sharpest wisdom

when these men venture to transgress those
traditions; whereas we, on the contrary, sup-
pose it to be our only wisdom and virtue to
admit no actions nor supposals that are con-
trary to our original laws; which proced'Uc
of ours is a just and sure sign that our law 1-
admirably constituted; for such laws as ml
not thus well made, are convicted upon trial
to want amendment.

22.	But while we are ourselves persuaded
that our law was made agreeably to the will
of God, it would be impious for us not :c>
observe the same; for what is there in it imt
any body would change! and what can be
invented betterl or what can we take out of
other people’s laws that willexcecd it 1 Perhaps
some would have the entire settlement of om
government altered. And where shall we tint! a
better or more righteous constitution than ours,
whilethis makes usesteem God to be the gover-
nor of the universe, and permits the priests in
general to be the administrators of the principal
affairs,and withal intrusts the government over
the other priests to the chief high-priest him-
self 1 which priests, our legislator, at their first
appointment, did not advance to that dignity
for their riches, or any abundance of other pos-
sessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of
fortune; but he entrusted the principal man-
agement of divine worship to those that ex-
ceeded others in an ability to persuade men, ur.d
in prudence of conduct. These men bad the
main care of the law, and of the other pans
of the people’s conduct, committed to them,
for they were the priests who were ordained to
be the inspectors of all, and the judges in
doubtful cases, and the punishers of those
thut were condemned to suffer punishment.

23.	What form of government then can be
more holy than thisl what more worthy kind
of worship can be paid to God than we pay,
where the entire body of the people art
prepared for religion, where an extraordinary
degree of care is required in the priests, and
where the whole polity is so ordered as if it
were a certain religious solemnity 1 For what
things foreigners, when they solemnize such
festivals, are not able to observe for a few
days’ time, and call them Mysteries and Su-
cred Ceremonies, we observe with great plea-
sure and an unshaken resolution during cur
whole lives. What are the things then that
we are commanded or forbidden ? They are
simply and easily known. The first com-
mand is concerning God, and affirms thut
God contains all thiugs, and is a being every
way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and
supplying all other beings; the beginning,
the middle, and the end of all things. He is
manifest in his works and benefits, and mere
conspicuous than any other being whatso-
ever; but as to his form and magnitude,
he is most obscure. All materials, let then,
be ever so costly, are unworthy to compete
an image for him; and all arts are unaitfu.BOOK II.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

817

tc express the notion we ought to have of
bir/.. We can neither see nor think of any
thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to
form a resemblance of him. We see his
works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the
sun and the moon, the waters, the generations
of animals, the productions of fruits. These
things hath God made, not with hands, not
with labour, nor as wanting the assistance of
any to co-operate with him; but as bis will
resolved they should be made, and be good
also, they were made and became good im-
mediately. All men ought to follow this
Being, and to worship him in the exercise of
virtue; for this way of worship of God is the
most holy of all others.

24.	There ought also to be but one temple
for one God; for likeness is the constant
foundation of agreement. This temple ought
to be common to all men, because he is the
common God of all men. His priests are to
be continually about his worship, over whom
he that is the first by his birth, is to be their
ruler perpetually. His business must be to
offer sacrifices to God, together with those
priests that are joined with him, to see that
the laws be observed, to determine controver-
sies, and to punish those that are convicted of
injustice; while he that does not submit to
him shall be subject to the same punishment,
as if he bad been guilty of impiety towards
God himself. When we offer sacrifices to
him, we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves,
or to be drunken; for such excesses are
against the will of God, and would be an oc-
casion of injuries and of luxury; but by keep-
ing ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our
other occupations, and being more temperate
than others. And for our duty at the sacri-
fices themselves, we ought in the first place
to pray* for the common welfare of all,
and after that our own; for we are made for
fellowship one with another; and he who pre-
fers the common good before what is peculiar
to himself, is above all acceptable to God.
And let our prayers and supplications be
made humbly to God, not [so much] that he
wou.d give us what is good (for he hath al-
ready given that of his own accord, and hath
proposed the same publicly to all), as that we
may duly receive it, and when’ we have re-
ceived it, may preserve it. Now the law has
appointed several purifications at our sacri-

* We nmy here observe, bow known a thing it was
ong the Jews and heatbeDs in this and many other
lances, that sacrifices were still accompanied with
prayeis; whence most probably came those phrases of
*■ the. sacrifice of prayer, the sacrifice of praise, the sacri-
fice of thanksgiving.” However, those ancient forms
used at sacrifices are now generally lost, to the no small
damage of true religion. It is here also exceeding
remarkable, that although the temple at Jerusalem was
built as the only place where the whole nation of the
Jews were to oiler their sacrifices, yet is there no men-
tion of the “sacrifices” themselves, but of “prayers”
only, in Solomon’s long and famous form of devotion
at its dedication, 1 Kings viii. 2 Clir.m. vi. See also
Oiuny passages cited in the Apostolical Constitutions,
Wi. 37, and of the War above, b. vii. chap. r. sect. &

fices, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral,
after what sometimes happens to us in bed,
and after accompanying with our wives, and
upon many other occasions, too long now to
set down. And this is our doctrine concern-
ing God and his worship, and is the same
that the law appoints for our practice.

25.	But then, what are our laws about
marriage? That law owns no other mixture
of sexes but that which nature hath appointed,
of a man with his wife, and that this be used
only for the procreation of children. But it
abhors the mixture of a male with a male
and if any one do that, death is his punish
ment. It commands us also, when we marry,
not to have regard to portion, nor to take
a woman by violence, nor to persuade her
deceitfully and knavishly; but demand her in
marriage of him who hath power to dispose
of her, and is fit to give her away by the
nearness of his kindred; for, saith the Scrip-
ture, “A woman is inferior to her husband in
all things.f” Let her, therefore, be obedient
to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but
that she may acknowledge her duty to her
husband; for God hath given the authority
to the husband. A husband, therefore, is to
lie only with bis wife whom he hath married;
but to have to do with another man’s wife is
a wick-id thing; which, if any one venture
upon, death is inevitably his punishment:
more can he avoid the same who forces a
virgin betrothed to another man, or entices
another man’s wife. The law, moreover,
enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and
forbids women to cause abortion of what is
begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if
any woman appears to have so done, she will
be a murderer of her child, by destroying a
living creature, and diminishing human kind;
if any one, therefore, proceeds to such forni-
cation or murder, he cannot be clean. More-
over, the law enjoins, that after the man and
wife have lain together in a regular way, they
shall bathe themselves; for there is a defile-
ment contracted thereby, both in soul and
body, as if they had gone into another coun-
try; for indeed the soul, by being united to
the body, is subject to miseries, and is not
freed therefrom again but by death; on which
account the law requires this purification to be
entirely performed.

26.	Nay, indeed, the law does not permit
us to make festivals at the births of our child-
ren, and thereby afford occasion of drinking
to excess; but it ordains that the very begin-
ning of our education should be immediately
directed to sobriety. It also commands us to
bring those children up in learning, and to
exercise them in the laws, and make them
acquainted with the acts of their predecessors,
in order to their imitation of them, and that
they may be nourished up in the laws from their

+ This text is uowhere in our present copies of ttv
Old Testament.818

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK 11.

infancy, and might neither transgress them,
nor yet have any pretence for their ignorance
of them.

27.	Our law hath also taken care of the
decent burial of the dead, but without any ex-
travagant expenses for their funerals, and with-
out the erection of any illustrious monuments
for them; but hath ordered that their nearest
relations should perform their obsequies; and
hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass
by when any one is buried, should accompany
the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It
also ordains, that the bouse and its inhabitants
should be purified after the funeral is over,
that every one may thence learn to keep at a
great distance from the thoughts of being
pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder.

28.	The law ordains also, that parents
ihould be honoured immediately after God
aim^elf, and delivers that son who does not
."equite them for the benefits he hath received
Tom them, but is deficient on any such occa-
sion, to be stoned. It also says, that the
/oung men should pay due respect to every
;lder, since God is the eldest of all beings.
It does not give leave to conceal any thing
from our friends, because that is not true
friendship which will not commit all things to
;heir fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of
secrets, even though an enmity arise between
them. If any judge takes bribes, his punish-
ment is death; he that overlooks one that
offers him a petition, and this when he is able
:o relieve him, he is a guilty person. Wlrat
s not by any one intrusted to another, ought
lot to be required back again. No one is to
i,ouch another’s goods. He that lends money
must not demand usury for its loan. These,
ind many more of the like sort, are the rules
:hat unite us in the bands of society one with
mother.

29.	It will be also worth our while to see
what equity our legislator would have us ex-
ercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it
will thence appear that he made the best pro-
vision he possibly could, both that we should
not dissolve our own constitution, nor show
my envious mind towards those that would
cultivate a friendship with us. Accordingly,
our legislator admits all those that have a
mind to observe our laws, so to do; and this
after a friendly manner, as esteeming that
a true union, which not only extends to our
own stock, but to those that would live after
the same manner with us; yet does he not
allow those that come to us by accident only
to be admitted into communion with us.

30.	However there are other things which
our legislator ordained for us beforehand,
which of necessity we ought to do in common
to all men; as to afford fire, and water, and
food to such as want it; to show them the
roads; and not to let any one lie unburied.
He also would have us treat those that are
esteemed our enemies with moderation ; for he

doth not allow us to set their country on fire,
nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear
fruit: nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those
that have been slain in war. He hath also
provided for such as are taken captive, that
they may not be injured, and especially that the
women may not be abused. Indeed he hath
taught us gentleness and humanity so effec-
tually, that he hath not despised the care of
brute beasts, by permitting no other than a
regular use of them, and forbidding any
other; and if any of them come to our houses,
like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay
them: nor may we kill the dams, together
with their young ones; but we are obliged,
even in an enemy’s country, to spare and not
kill those creatures that labour for mankind.
Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us
an equitable conduct every way, by using us
to such laws as instruct us therein; while at
the same time he hath ordained, that such as
break these laws should be punished, without
the allowance of any excuse whatsoever.

31.	Now the greatest part of offences with
us are capital; as if any one be guilty of
adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any
one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy
with a male; or if, upon another’s making an
attempt upon him, he submits to be so used.
There is also a law for slaves of the like
nature, that can never be avoided. Moreover,
if any one cheats another in measures or
weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale,
in order to cheat another; if any one steal what
belongs to another and takes what he never
deposited; all these have punishments allotted
them, not such as are met with among other
nations, but more severe ones. And as for at-
tempts of unjust behaviour towards parents, or
impiety against God, though they be not actu-
ally accomplished, the offenders are destroyed
immediately. However, the reward of such as
live exactly acording to the laws, is not silver
or gold; it is not a garland of olive-branches
or of smallage, nor any such public sign of
commendation; but every good man hath his
own conscience bearing witness to himself,and,
by virtue of our legislator’s prophetic spirit, and
of the firm security God himself affords such
a one, he believes that God hath made this
grant to those that observe these laws, even
■though they be obliged readily to die for them,
that they shall come into being again, and at
a certain revolution of things receive a better
life than they had enjoyed before. Nor would
I venture to write thus at this time, were it
not well known to all by our actions that
many of our people have many a time bravely
resolved to endure any sufferings, rather than
speak one word against our law.

32.	Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen
out, that our nation had not been so thor-
oughly known among all men as they are,
and our voluntary submission to our laws had
not been so opeu and rnanvfes4 as it is, butBOOK II.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

€19

been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude,
while they neither ploughed their land nor ex-
ercised any trades, but lived in their own city,
free from all such pains-taking, in the enjoy-
ment of plenty, and using such exercises as
might improve their bodies, while they made
use of other men as their servants for all the
necessaries of life, and had their food prepared
for them by the others: and these good and
humane actions they do for no other purpose
but this, that by their actions and their suffer-
ings they may be able to conquer all those
against whom they make war. I need not
add this, that they have not been fully able to
observe their laws; for not only a few single
persons, but multitudes of them, have in
heaps neglected those laws, and have deli-
vered themselves, together with their arms,
into the hands of their enemies.

33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say,
that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of
more than one or two that have betrayed our
better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule laws, no not out of fear of death itself; I do

that somebody had pretended to have written
these laws himself, and had read them to the
Greeks, or had pretended that he had met with
men out of the limits of the known world,
that had such reverend notions of God, and
had continued for a long time in the firm
observance of such laws as ours, I cannot but
suppose that all men would admire them on a
reflection upon the frequent changes they had
therein been themselves subject to; and this
while those that have attempted to write some-
what of the same kind for politic government,
and for laws, are accused as composing mon-
strous things, and are said to have undertaken
an impossible task upon them. And here I
will say nothing of those other philosophers
who have undertaken any thing of this nature
in their writings. But even Plato himself,
who is so admired by the Greeks on account
of that gravity in his manner and force in his
words, and that ability he had to persuade
men beyond all other philosophers, is little

on that account, by those that pretend to
sagacity in political affairs; although he that
shall diligently peruse his writings, will find
his precepts to be somewhat gentle, and pretty
near to the customs of the generality of man-
kind. Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it
is not safe to publish the true notion concern-
ing God among the ignorant multitude. Yet
do some men look upon Plato’s discourses as
no better than certain idle words set off with
great artifice. However, they admire Lycur-
gus as the principal lawgiver; and all men
celebrate Sparta for having continued in the
firm observance of his laws for a very long
time. So far then we have gained, that it is
to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to
laws.* But then let such as admire this in
the Lacedemonians compare that duration of
theirs with more than two thousand years
which our political government hath conti-
nued ; and let them farther consider, that
though the Lacedemonians did seem to ob-
serve their laws exactly while they enjoyed
their liberty, yet that when they underwent a
change in their fortune, they forgot almost all
those laws; while we, having been under ten
thousand changes in our fortune by thechanges
that happened among the kings of Asia, have
never betrayed our laws under the most press-
ing distresses we have been in; nor have we
neglected them either out of sloth or for a
livelihood.f Nay, if any one will consider
it, the difficulties and labours laid upon us
bave been greater than what appears to have

• It may not be amiss to set dawn here a very
remartabk testimony of the great philosopher Cicero, as
rel.-reace of ‘'laws to philosophy:” “1 will
declare my opinion, though the whole
L. I prefer this little book of the
I welVe t ables alone to all the volumes of the philoso-
phers l find it to be not only of more weight, but also
much inure useful.”—De Oratore.

4 t)r. Me have observed our limes of rest, and sorts of
owed us [during our distressesj.

to the pret. reui
(says hr) buldly
world be uffendi

not mean such an easy death as happens in
battles, but that which comes with bodily
torments, and seems to be the severest kind
of death of all others. Now I think, those that
have conquered us have put us to such deaths,
not out of their hatred to us when they had
subdued us, but rather out of their desire of
seeing a surprising sight, which is this,
whether there be such men in the world who
believe that no evil is to them so great as to be
compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary
to their own laws. Nor ought men to won-
der at us, if we are more courageous in dying
for our laws than all other men are; for other
men do not easily submit to the easier things
in which we are instituted; I mean working
with our hands, and eating but little, and
being contented to eat and drink, not at
random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being
under inviolable rules in lying with our wives,
in magnificent furniture, and again in the
observation of our times of rest; while those
that can use their swords in war, and can put
their enemies to flight when they attack them,
cannot bear to submit to such laws about their
way of living: whereas our being accustomed
willingly to submit to laws in these instances,
renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other
occasions also.

34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones,
and some other writers (unskilful sophists as
they are, and the deceivers of young men) re-
proach us as the vilest of all mankind. Now I
have no mind to make an inquiry into the laws
of other nations; for the custom of our country
is to keep our own laws, but not to accuse the
laws of others. Andihdeed, our legislator hath
expressly forbidden us to laugh at and revile
those that are esteemed gods by other people, J
on account of the Very name of God ascribed

i See Antlq. B. Iv. eh. vilK net 10, and Ifewte.FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APiON.

BOOK If

820

to them. But since our antagonists think to when the eldest of them, who is their kirg
run U9 down upon the comparison of their also, hath not been able to restrain himself it
religion and ours, it is not possible to keep the violence of his lust, from lying with Ids
silence here, especially while what I shall say wife, so long as they might get into their
to confute these men will not be now first bed-chamber? Now, some of the gods are
said, but hath been already said by many, and | servants to men, and will sometimes be
these of the highest reputation also; for who ; builders for a reward, and sometimes will be

is there among those that have, been admired
among the Greeks for wisdom, who hath
not greatly blamed both the most famous
poet9 and most celebrated legislators, for
spreading such notions originally among the
body of the people concerning the gods? such
as these, that they may be allowed to be as

shepherds; while others of them, like male-
factors, are bound in a prison of brass; amt
what sober person is there who wmuld not be
provoked at sueh stories, and rebuke those that
forged them, and condemn the great silliness
of those that admit them for trueT Nay,
others there are that have advanced a certain

numerous as they have a mind to have them; '.thnorousuess and fear, as also madness and

that they are begotten one by another, and
that after all the kinds of generation you can
imagine. They also distinguish them in their
places and ways of living, as they would dis-
tiuguish several sorts of animals: as some to
De under the earth; some to be in the sea; and
the ancientest of them all to be bound in hell;
and for those to whom they have allotted
heaven, they have set over them one, who in
title is their father, but in his actions a tyrant
and a lord; whence it came to pass that bis wife,
and brother, and (daughter, which daughter I

fraud,and any other of the vilest passions, into
the nature and form of gods, and have per-
suaded whole cities to offer sacrifices to ihe
better sort of them; on which account they
have been, absolutely forced to esteem some
gods as tbep givers of good things, and to call
others of them averters of evil. They also en-
deavour to move them, as they would the vilest
of men, by gifts and presents, as looking foir
nothing else than to receive some great mischief
from them, unless they pay them such wages.

36. "Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what

he brought forth from his own head), made a I should be the occasion of this unjust man-
conspiracy against him to seize upoir him and ) agement, and of these scandals about the
confine him, as he had himself seized upon 1 Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived
and confined his own father before.	ifrom the imperfect knowledge the heathen le-

35. And justly have the wisest men thought > gislators had at first of the true nature of God;
these notions deserved severe rebukes;theyalso! nor did they explain to the people even so
laugh at them for determining that we ought > far as they did comprehend of it: nor did
to believe some of the gods to be beardless and i they compose the other parts of their political
young, and others of them to be old, and to 1 settlements according to it, but omitted it as
have beards accordingly; that some are set to j a thing of very little consequence, and gave
trades; that one god is a smith, and another Heave both to the poets to introduce what god9
goddess is a weaver; that one god is a war- [they pleased, and those subject to all sorts of

rior, and fights with men; that some of them
are harpers, or delight in archery; and be-
sides, that mutual seditions arise among them,
and that they quarrel about men, ami this so
far, that they not only lay hands upon one
another, but that they are wounded by men, and
lament, and take on for such their afflictions;
but what is the grossest of all in point of lasci-
viousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed
to almost all of them, and their amours; which
bow can it beotherthanamost absurd supposal,
especially when it reaches to the male gods,
and to the female goddesses also ? More-
over, the chief of all their gods, and their
first father himself, overlooks those goddesses
whom he hath deluded and begotten with
child, and suffers them to be kept in prison,
or drowned in the sea. He is also so bound
up by fate, that he cannot save his own off-
spring, nor can he bear their deaths without
shedding of tears_These are fine things in-

deed 1 as are the rest that follow. Adulteries
truly are so impudently looked on in heaven
by the gods,, that some of them have con-
fessed they envied those that were found in the
lfery act; and why should they not do so,

passions, and- to the orators to procure poli-
tical decrees from the people for the admission
of such foreign gods as they thought proper.
The painters also, and statuaries of Greece,
had herein great power, as each of them could
contrive a shape [proper for a god}; the one
to be formed out of clay, and the other by
making a bare picture of such a one; but
those vvorkmeu that were principally admired,
had the use of ivory and of gold as the con-
stant materials for their new statues; [where-
by it comes to pass that some temples are
quite deserted, while others are in great esteem,
and adorned with a‘ll the rites of all kinds
of purification.} Besides this, the first gods,
who have long flourished in the honours
done them, are now grown old [while those
that flourished after them are come in their
room as a second rank, that I may speak the
most honourably of them that I can}: nay, cer-
tain other gods there are who arc newly intro-
duced, and newly worshipped [as we, by way
of digression have said already, and yet have
left their places of worship desolate}; and for
their temples, some of them are already left
desolate, and others are built anew accordingBOOK n

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

to the pleasure of men; whereas they ought
to have preserved their opinion about God,
and that worship which is due to him, always
and immutably the same.

37.	But now, this Apollonius Molo was
one of those foolish and proud men. How-
ever, nothing that I have said was unknown
to those that were real philosophers among
the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with
those frigid pretences of allegories [which
had been alleged for such things]: on which
account they justly despised them, but have
still agreed with us as to the true and be-
coming notions of God; whence it was that
Plato would not have political settlements
to admit of any one of the other poets, and
dismisses even Homer himself, with a garland
on his head, and with ointment poured upon
him, and this because he should not destroy
the right notions of God with his fables. Nay,
Plato principally imitated our legislator in this
point that he enjoined his citizens to have the
main regard to this precept, “That every one
of them should learn their laws accurately.”
He also ordained, that they should not admit
of foreigners intermixing with their own peo-
ple at random; and provided that the com-
monwealth should keep itself pure, and con-
sist of such only as persevered in their own
laws. Apollonius Molo did no way consider
this, when he made it one branch of his accu-
sation against us, that we do not admit of
such as have different notions about God,
nor will we have fellowship with those that
choose to observe a way of living different
from ourselves; yet is not this method pecu-
liar to us, but common to all other men; not
among the ordinary Grecians only, but among
such of those Grecians as are of the greatest
reputation among them. Moreover, the
Lacedemonians continued in their way of
expelling foreigners, and would not, indeed,
give leave to their own people to travel
abroad, as suspecting that those two things
would introduce a dissolution of their own
laws: and perhaps there may be some reason
to blame the rigid severity of the Lacede-
monians, for they bestowed the privilege of
their city on no foreigners, nor would give
leave to them to stay among them: whereas
we, though we do not think fit to imitate
other institutions, yet do we willingly admit
of those that desire to partake of purs, which
I think I may reckon to be a plain indication
of our humanity, and at the 6ame time of our
magnanimity also.

38.	But I shall say no more of the Lace-
demonians. As for the Athenians, who glory
in having made their city to be common to all
men, what their behaviour was, Apollonius
did not know, while they punished those that
spoke contrary to their laws about the gods,
without mercy; for on what other account
was it that Socrates was put to death by them 1
Certainly, he neither betrayed their city to its

821

enemies, nor was he guilty of sacrilege with
regard to their temples; but on this account,
that he swore certain new oaths,* and that
he affirmed, either in earnest, or, as some
say, only in jest, that a certain demon used
to make signs to him [what he should not
do]. For these reasons he was condemned
to drink poison, and kill himself. His accuser
also complained that he corrupted the young
men, by inducing them to despise the political
settlement and laws of their city: and thus
was Socrates, the citizen of Athens, punished.
There was also Anaxagoras, who although
he was of Clazomenae, was within a few suf-
frages of being condemned to die, because he
said the sun, which the Athenians thought to
be a god, was a ball of fire. They also made
this public proclamation, “ That trey would
give a talent to any one who would kill Dia-
goras of Melos,” because it wa9 reported that
he laughed at their mysteries: Portagoras also,
who was thought to have written somewhat
that was not owned for truth by the Athe-
nians about the gods, had been seized upon,
and put to death, if he had not fled immedi-
ately. Nor need we wonder that they thus
treated such considerable men, when they
did not even spare women; for they very
lately slew a certain priestess, because she
was accused by somebody that she initiated
people into the worship of strange gods, it
having been forbidden so to do by one of their
laws; and a capital punishment had been de-
creed to such as introduced a strange god; it
being manifest, that they who make use of
such a law, do not believe those of other na-
tions to be really gods, otherwise they had
not envied themselves the advantage of more
gods than they already had; and this was the
happy administration of the affairs of the
Athenians 1 Now, as to the Scythians, they
take a pleasure in killing men, and differ lit-
tle from brute beasts; yet do they think it
reasonable to have their institutions observed.
They also slew Anacharsis, a person greatly
admired for his wisdom among the Greeks,
when he returned to them, because he ap-
peared to come fraught with Grecian customs.
We find many punished among the Persians,
on the same account. Apollonius was greatly
pleased with the laws of the Persians, and
was an admirer of them, because the Greeks
enjoyed the advantage of their courage, and
had the very same opinion about the gods
which they had. This last was exemplified
in the temples they burnt, and their courage
in coming, and almost entirely enslaving the
Grecians. However, Apollonius has imi-
tated all the Persian institutions, and that
•by his offering violence to other men’s wives,
and castrating his own sons. Now, with

* See what thdse novel
note, viz. to swear by an

rel oaths were in Dr. Hudson's
oak, by a goat, and by a dog, as
by a gander, as say Pbilostratus and others. This
ring strange oaths was also forbidden by the Tyrians,
sect. 22, as Spanheim here notes.	,

note, v
also b1

sweai
b. i.FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

BOOK II

622

us, it is a capital crime, if any one does thus
abuse even a brute beast; and as for us, nei-
ther bath the fear of our governors, nor a de-
sire of following what other nations have in
so great esteem, been able to withdraw us from
our laws; nor have we exerted our courage
in raising up wars to increase our wealth, but
only for the observation of our laws; and
when we with patience bear other losses, yet
when any persons would compel us to break
our laws, then it is that we choose to go to
war, though it be beyond our ability to pur-
sue it, and bear the greatest calamities to the
last with much fortitude; and indeed, what
reason can there be why we should desire
to imitate the laws of other nations, while
we see they are not observed by their own
legislators ? And why do not the Lacedemo-
nians think of abolishing that form of their
government which suffers them not to associ-
ate with any others, as well as their contempt
of matrimony? And why do not the Eleans
and Thebans abolish that unnatural and impu-
dent lust, which makes them lie with males?
For they will not show a sufficient sign of their
repentance of what they of old thought to be
very excellent, and very advantageous in their
practices, unless they entirely avoid all such
actions for the time to come : nay, such things
are inserted into the body of their laws, and
had once such a power among the Greeks, that
they ascribed these sodomitical practices to the
gods themselves, as part of their good charac-
ter ; and indeed it was according to the same
manner that the gods married their own sisters.
This the Greeks contrived as an apology for
their own absurd and unnatural pleasures.

39. I ~omit to speak concerning punish-
ments, and how many ways of escaping them
the greatest part of legislators have afforded
malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulteries,
fines in. money should be allowed, and for
corrupting* [virgins] they need only marry
them ;f as also what excuses they may have
in denying the facts, if any one should attempt
to inquire into them ; for amongst most other
nations it is a studied art how men may trans-
gress their laws; but no such thing is permit-
ted amongst us; for though we be deprived
of. our wealth, of our cities, or of other ad-
vantages we have, our law continues immor-
tal ; nor can any Jew go so far from his own
country, nor be so affrighted at the severest
lord, as not to be more affrighted at the law
than at him. If, therefore, this be the dis-

* Why Josephus here should .blame some heathen
legislators, when they allowed so easy a composition for
simple fomicaljop, as .an obligation, to marry the virgin
that was corrupted,.is. hard to say, seeing he had himself
truly informed us, that it was a law of the Jews, Antiq.
b. iv. chap. viii.sect-2:), as it is the law of Christianity
also; see Horeb Covenant, p. 61	1 am almost ready to

suspect, that for yafttut. we should here read yct/tut;
and that corrnptine, wedlock, or other men’s wives, is li e
crime for which..these heathens wickedly allowed this
Composition in money.

+ Or “ for corrupting other men’s wives, the same
allowance.”

position we are under, with regard to the ex-
cellency of our laws, let our enemies make ui
this concession, that our laws are most excel-
lent; and if still they imagine that though we
so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad
laws notwithstanding, what penalties then do
they deserve to undergo who do not observe
their own laws, which they esteem superior?
Whereas, therefore, length of time is esteemed
to be the truest touchstone in all cases, I
would make that a testimonial of the excel-
lency of our laws, and of that belief thereby
delivered to us concerning God; for as there
bath been a very long time for this compari-
son, if any one will but compare its duration
with the duration of the laws made by other
legislators, he will find our legislator to have
been the most ancient of them all.

40. We have already demonstrated that our
laws have been such as have always inspired
admiration and imitation into all other men ;
nay, the earliest Grecian philosophers, though
in appearance they observed the laws of their
own countries, yet did they, in their actions
and their philosophic doctrines, follow our le-
gislator, and instructed men to live sparingly,
and to have friendly communication one with
another. Nay, farther, the multitude of man-
kind itself have had a great inclination of a
long time to follow our religious observances;
for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor
any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatso-
ever, whither our custom of resting on the se-
venth day bath not come, and by which our
fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our
prohibitions as to our food, are not observed;
they also endeavour to imitate our mutual con-
cord with one another, and the charitable dis-
tribution of our goods, and our diligence in our
trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the dis-
tresses we are in, on account of our laws; and,
what is here matter of the greatest admiration,
our law hath no bait of pleasure to allure men
to it, but it prevails by its own force; and as
God himself pervades all the world, so hath
our law passed through all the world also—
So that if any one will hut reflect on his own
country and his own family, he will have rea-
son to give credit to what I say. It is there-
fore but just, either to condemn all mankind
of indulging a wicked disposition, when they
have been so desirous of imitating laws that
are to them foreign and evil in themselves,
rather than following laws of their own that
are of a better character, or else our accusers
must leave off their spite against us; nor are
we guilty of any envious behaviour towards
them, when we honour our own legislator,
and believe what he, by his prophetic autho-
rity, hath taught us concerning God; for
though we should not be able ourselves to
understand the excellency of our own laws,
yet would the great multitude of those that
desire to imitate them, justify us, in greatly
valuing ourselves upon them.BOOK II,

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.

823

41. But as for the [distinct] political laws struct men to be content with what they have.

by which we are governed, I have delivered
them accurately in my books of Antiquities;
and have only mentioned them now, so far as
was necessary to my present purpose, without
preposing to myself either to blame the laws
of other nations, or to make an encomium
upon our own,—but in order to convict those
that have written about us unjustly, and in
an impudent affectation of disguising the
truth:—and now I think I have sufficiently
completed what I proposed in writing these
books; for whereas our accusers have pre-
tended that our nation are a people of very
late original, I have demonstrated that they
are exceeding ancient; for I have produced
as witnesses thereto many ancient writers,
who have made mention of us in their books,
while they had said no such writer had so
done. Moreover, they had said that we were
sprung from the Egyptians, while I have
proved that we came from another country
into Egypt, while they had told lies of us,
as if we were expelled theuce on account of
diseases on our bodies, it has appeared on the
contrary that we returned to our country by
our own choice, and with sound and strong
bodies. Those accusers reproached our legis-
lator as a vile fellow, whereas God in old time
bare witness to his virtuous conduct; and since
that testimonyof God, time itself hath been dis-
covered to have borne witness to the samething.

42. As to the laws themselves, more words
are unnecessary, for they are visible in their
own nature, and appear to teach not impiety,
but the truest piety in the world. They do
not make men hate one another, hut encou-
rage people to communicate what they have
to one another freely; they are enemies to
injustice, they take care of righteousness, they
banish idleness and expensive living, and in-

and to be laborious in their callings; they
forbid men to make war from a desire of get-
ting more, but make men courageous in de-
fending the laws: they are inexorable in pu
nishing malefactors: they admit no sophistry
of words, but are always established by ac-
tions themselves, which actions we ever pro
pose as surer demonstrations than what i
contained in writing only; on which accoun
I am so bold as to say that we are become
the teachers of other men, in the greatest
number of things, and those of the most ex-
cellent nature only; for what is more excel-
lent than inviolable piety? what is more just
than submission to laws ? and what is more
advantageous than mutual love and concord?
and this so far that we are to be neither divided
by calamities, nor to become injurious and
seditious in prosperity; but to contemn death
when we are in war, and in peace to apply
ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or
to our tillage of the ground; while we in all
things and all ways are satisfied that God is
the inspector and governor of our actions.
If these precepts had either been written at
first, or more exactly kept by any others be-
fore us, we should have owed them thanks as
disciples owe to their masters; but if it be
visible that we have made use of them more
than any other men, end if we have demon-
strated that the original invention of them is
our own, let the Apions, and the Molones,
with all the rest of those that delight in lies
and reproaches, stand confuted; but let this
and the foregoing book be dedicated to thee,
Epapbroditus, who art so great a lover of
truth, and by thy means to those that have
been in like manner desirous to be acquainted
with the affiurs of bur nation.EXTRACT

OUT OF

JOSEPHUS’S DISCOURSE TO THE GREEKS

,	CONCEENINO

HADE S..

( 1. Now as to Hades, wherein the souls of
the righteous and unrighteous are detained,
it is necessary to speak of it. Hades is a place
n the world not regularly finished; a subter-
aneovs region wherein the light of this world

not be but there must be in it perpetual dark-
teas. This region is allotted as a place of
custody for souls, in which angels are appoint-
ed as guardians to them, who distribute to
them temporary punishments, agreeable to
every one’s behaviour and manners.

2.	In this region there is a certain place
set apart as a lake of unquenchable fire,
whereinto we suppose no one hath hitherto
been cast; but it is prepared for a day afore-
determined by God, in which one righteous
sentence shall deservedly be passed upon all
men; when the unjust and those that have
been disobedient to God, and have given ho-
nour to such idols as have been the vain ope-
rations of the hands of men, as to God him-
self, shall be adjudged to this everlasting pu-
nishment, as having been the causes of defile-
ment; while the just shall obtain an incorrup-
tible and never-fading kingdom. These are
now indeed confined in Hades, but not in the
same place wherein the unjust are confined.

3.	For there is one descent into this re-
gion, at whose gate we believe there stands an
archangel with an host; which gate when
those pass through that are conducted down
by the angels appointed over souls, they do
not go the same way; but the just are guided
jo toe right hand, and are led with hymns,
sung by the angels appointed over that place,
unto a region of light, in which the just have
dwelt from the beginning of the world; not

does not shine; from which circumstance, that
>u this region the light does not shine, it can-

constrained by necessity, but ever enjoying
the prospect of the good things they see, and
rejoice in the expectation of those new enjoy-
ments which will be peculiar to every one of
them, and esteeming those things beyond
what we have here; with whom there is no
place of toil, no burning heat, no piercing
cold, nor aTe any briers there; but the coun-
tenance of the fathers and of the just, which
they see, always smiles upon them, while they
wait for that rest and eternal new life in hea-
ven, which is to succeed this region. This
place we call The Bosom of Abraham.

4.	But as to the unjust, they are dragged
by force to the left hand by the angels allotted
for punishment, no longer going with a good-
will, but as prisoners driven by violence; to
whom are sent the angels appointed over
them to reproach them and threaten them
with their terrible looks, and to thrust them
still downwards. Now those angels that are
set over these souls, drag them into the neigh-
bourhood of hell itself; who, when they are
hard by it, continually hear the noise of it,
and do not stand clear of the hot vapour it-
self ; but when they have a nearer view of this
spectacle, as of a terrible and exceeding great
prospect of fire, they are struck with a fear-
ful expectation of a future judgment, and in
effect punished thereby; and not only so, but
where they see the place [or choir] of the fa-
thers and of the just, even hereby are they
punished; for a chaos deep and large is fixed
between them; insomuch that a just man that
hath compassion upon them cannot be admit-
ted, nor can one that is unjust, if he were
bold enough to attempt it, pass over it.

5.	This is the discourse concerning Hades,
wherein the souls of all men are confinedjosei Bus’s discourse concerning hades.

825

Until a proper season, which God hath deter-
mined, when he will make a resurrection of
all men from the dead, not procuring a trans-
migration of souls from one body to another,
but raising again those very bodies, which you
Greeks, seeing to be dissolved, do not believe
[their resurrection]: but learn not to disbe-
lieve it; for while you believe that the soul is
created, and yet is made immortal by God,
according to the doctrine of Plato, and this
in time, be not incredulous; but believe that
God is able, when he hath raised to life that
body which was made as a compound of the
same elements, to make it immortal; for it
must never be said of God that he is able to
do some things, and unable to do others. We
have therefore believed th t the body will be
raised again; for although it be dissolved, it
is not perished; for the earth receives its re-
mains, and preserves the ; and while they
are like seed, and are mixed among the more
fruitful soil, they flourish, and what is sown
is indeed sown bare grain; but at the mighty
sound of God the Creator, it will sprout up,
and be raised in a clothed and glorious condi-
tion, though not before it has been dissolved,
and mixed [with the earth]. So that we have
not rashly believed the resurrection of the
body; for although it be dissolved for a time
on account of the original transgression, it
exists still, and is cast into the earth as into a
potter’s furnace, in order to be formed again,
not in order to rise again such as it was be-
fore, but in a state of purity, rid so as never
to be destroyed any more; and to every body
shall its own soul be restored; and when it
hath clothed itself with that body, it will not
be subject to misery, but, being itself pure,
it will continue with its pure body, and re-
joice with it, with which it having walked
righteously now in this world, and never hav-
ing had it as a snare, it will receive it again
with great gladness: but as for the unjust,
they will receive their bodies not changed, not
freed from diseases or distempers, nor made
glorious, but with the same diseases wherein
they died; and such as they ere in their un-
belief, the same shall they be when they shall
be faithfully judged.

6. For all men, the just as well as the un-
just, shall be brought before God the word;
for to him hath the Father committed all
judgment; and he, in order to fulfil the will
of his Father, shall come as judge, whom we
call Christ. For Minos and Rbadamantbus
are not the judges, as you Greeks do suppose,
but he whom God even the Fatker hath glo-
rified; CONCERNING WHOM WE HAVE ELSE-
WHERE GIVEN A MORE PARTICULAR ACCOUNT,
FOR THE SAKE OF THOSE WHO SEEK AFTEK
truth. This person, exercising the righte-
ous judgment of the Father towards all men,
hath prepared a just sentence for every one,
according to his works; at whose judgment-
seat when all men, and 3ngels, and demons

shall stand, they will send forth one voice,
and say, just is thy judgment; the rejoin-
der to which will bring a just sentence upon
both parties, by giving justly to those that
have done well an everlasting fruition-, but
allotting to the lovers of wicked works eternal
punishment. To these belong the unquench-
able fire, and that without end, and a certain
fiery worm never dying, and not destroying
the body, but continuing its eruption out of
the body with never-ceasing grief; neither
will sleep give ease to these men, nor will the
night afford them comfort; death will not
free them from their punishment, nor will
the interceding prayers of their kindred pro-
fit them; for the just are no longer seen by
them, nor are they thought worthy of remem-
brance; but the just shall remember only
their righteous actions, whereby they have
attained the heavenly kingdom, in which there
is no sleep, no sorrow, no corruption, no
care, no night, no day measured by time, no
sun driven in his course along the circle of
heaven by necessity, and measuring out the
bounds and conversions of the seasons, for
the better illumination of tlie* life of men: no
moon decreasing and increasing, or introdu-
cing a variety of seasons, nor will she then
moisten the earth; no burning sun, no Bear
turning round [the pole], no Orion to rise,
no wandering of innumerable stars. The
earth will not then be difficult to be passed
over, nor will it be hard to find out the
court of Paradise, nor will there be any fear-
ful roaring of the sea, forbidding the passen-
gers to walk on it: even that will be made
easily passable to the just, though it will not
be void of moisture. Heaven will not then
be uninhabitable by men: and it will not be
impossible to discover the way of ascending
thither. The earth will not be unculti-
vated, nor require too much labour of men,
but will bring forth its fruits of its own ac-
cord, and will be well adorned with them.
There will be no more generations of wild
beasts, nor. will the substance of the rest of
the animals shoot out any more; for it will
not produce men, but the number of the righte-
ous will continue, and never fail, together
with righteous angels, and spirits [of God],
and with his word, as a choir of righteous
men and women that never grow old, and
continue in an incorruptible state, singing
hymns to God, who hath advanced them to
that happiness, by the means of a regular in-
stitution of life; with whom the whole crea-
tion also will lift up a perpetual hymn from
corruption to incorruption, as glorified by a
splendid and pure spirit. It will not then be
restrained by a bond of necessity, but with a
lively freedom shall offer up a voluntary
hvmn, and shall praise him that made them,
together with the angels, and spirits, and
men now freed from all bondage.

7. And now, if you Gentiles will be per*626

JOSEPHUS’S DISCOURSE CONCERNING HADES.

suaded by these motives, and leave your vain
imaginations about your pedigrees, and gain-
ing of riches and philosophy, and will not
spend your time about subtilties of words,
and thereby lead your minds into error, and
if you will apply your ears to the bearing of
the inspired prophets, the interpreters both
of God and of his word, and will believe in
God, you shall both be partakers of these
things, and obtain the good things that are
to come; you shall see the ascent into the
immense heaven plainly, and that kingdom
which is there; for what God hath now con-
cealed in silence [will be then made mani-
fest], what neither eye hath seen, nor ear hath
heard, nor hath it entered into the heart of
man, the things that God hath prepared for
them that love him.

8. In whatsoever ways I shall find you, in
them shall I judge you entirely; so cries the
end of all things. And he who hath at
first lived a virtuous life, hut towards the lat-
ter end falls into vice, these labours by him

before endured, shall be altogether vain and
unprofitable, even as in a play, brought to an
ill catastrophe. Whosoever shall have livp/f
wickedly and luxuriously may repent; how.
ever, there will be need of much time to con-
quer an evil habit, and even after repentance
his whole life must he guarded with great care
and diligence, after the manner of a body
which, after it hath been a long time afflicted
with a distemper, requires a stricter diet and
method of living, for though it may be pos-
sible, perhaps, to break off the chain of our
irregular affections at once,—yet our amend-
ment cannot be secured without the grace of
God, the prayers of good men, the help of
the brethren, and our own sincere repentance
and constant care. It is a good thing not to
sin at all; it is also good, having sinned, to
repent,—as it is best to have health always;
but it is a good thing to recover from a dis-
temper. To God be glory and dominion for
ever and ever. Amen.APPENDIX,

DISSERTATION I.

THE TESTIMONIES OF JOSEPHUS CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST, JOHN
THE BAPTIST, AND JAMES THE JUST, VINDICATED.

Since we meet with several important testi-
monies in Josephus, the Jewish historian, con-
cerning John the Baptist, the forerunner of
Jesus of Nazareth, concerning Jesus of Naza-
reth himself, and concerning James the Just
the brother of Jesus of Nazareth; and since
the principal testimony, which is that con-
cerning Jesus of Nazareth himself, has of late
been greatly questioned by many, and rejected
by some of the learned as spurious, it will be
fit for me, who have ever declared my firm
belief that these testimonies were genuine, to
6et down fairly some of the original evidence
and citations I have met with in the first fif-
teen centuries concerning them; and then to
make proper observations upon that evidence,
for the reader’s more complete satisfaction.

But before I produce the citations them-
selves out of Josephus, give me leave to pre-
pare the reader’s attention, by setting down
the sentiments of perhaps the most learned
person, and the most competent judge, that
ever was, as to the authority of Josephus, I
mean of Joseph Scaliger, in the Prolegomena
to his book De Emendatione Temporum, p. 17.
“ Josephus is the most diligent and the great-
est lover of truth of all writers; nor are we
afraid to affirm of him, that it is more safe to
believe him, not only as to the affairs of the
Jews, but also as to those that are foreign to
them, than all the Greek and Latin writers;
and this, because his fidelity and his compass
of learning are everywhere conspicuous.”

THE ANCIENT CITATIONS OF THE TESTIMO-
NIES OF JOSEPHUS, FROM HIS OWN TIME
TILL THE END OFTHE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

About A. D. 110. Tacit. Annul, lib. xv. cap.
44.—Nero in order to stifle the rumour [as

if he himself had set Rome on fire], ascribed
it to those people who were hated for their
wicked practices, and called by the vulgar
Christians: these he punished exquisitely.
The author of this name was Christ, who, in the
reign of Tiberius, was brought to punishment
by Pontius Pilate the procurator.

About A. D. 147- Just. Mart. Dialog, cum
Tryph. p. 230. — You [Jews] knew that
Jesus was risen from the dead, and ascended
into heaven, as the prophecies did foretell was
to happen.

About A. D. 230. Origen. Comment, in
Matth. p. 234. — This James was of so shi-
ning a character among the people, on account
of his righteousness, that Flavius Josephus,
when, in his twentieth book of the Jewish
Antiquities, he had a mind to set down what
was the cause why the peoole suffered such
miseries, till the very holy house was demo-
lished, he said, that these things betel them
by the anger of God, on account of what they
had dared to do to James, the brother of
Jesus, who was called Christ; and wonderful
it ij, that while he did not receive Jesus for
Christ, he did nevertheless bear witness that
James was so righteous a man. He says
farther, that the people thought they had suf-
fered these things for the sake of James.

About A. D. 250. Id. Contr. Cels. lib. i. p.
35, 36____I would say to Celsus, who perso-

nates a Jew, that admitted of John the Bap-
tist, and how he baptized Jesus, thai> one who
lived but a little while after John and Jesus,
wrote, how that John was a baptizer unto the
remission of sins; for Josephus testifies, in
the eighteenth book of his Jewish Antiqui-
ties, that John was the Baptist; and that he
promised purification to those that were bap-
tized. The same Josephus also, although he (fid
not believe in Jesus as Christ, when he wasDISSERTATION I.

82b

inquiring after the cause of the destruction of
Jerusalem, and of the demolition of the tem-
ple. and ought to have said that their machi-
nations against Jesus were the cause of those
miseries coming on the people, because they
had slain that Christ who was foretold by the
prophets, he, though as it were unwillingly,
and yet as one not remote from the truth,
says, “ these miseries befel the Jews by way
of revenge for James the Just, who was the
brother of Jesus that was called Christ;
because they had slain him who was a most
righteous person.” Now this James was he
wnom that genuine disciple of Jesus, Paul,
said he had seen as the Lord's brother [Gal. i.
19]; which relation implies not so much
nearness of blood, or the sameness of educa-
tion, as it does the agreement of manners and
preaching. If therefore he says the desola-
tion of Jerusalem befel the Jews for the sake
of James, with how much greater reason
might he have said that it happened for the
sake of Jesus? &c.

About A.D. 324. Euseb. Demonstr. Evan.
lib. iii. p. 1‘24. Certainly, the attestation of
those I have already produced concerning
our Saviour may be sufficient. However, it
may not be amiss, if, over and above, we
make use of Josephus the Jew for a farther
witness; who, in the eighteenth book of his
Antiquities, when he was writing the history
of what happened under Pilate, makes men-
tion of our Saviour in these words:—“Now
there was about this time Jesus, a wise man,
if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a
doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as had a veneration for truth. He drew
over to him both many of the Jews and many
of the Gentiles: he was the Christ. And
when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal
men among us, had condemned him to the
cross, those that loved him at first did not for-
sake him; for he appeared unto them alive
again the third day, as the divine prophets had
spoken of these, and ten thousand other won-
derful things concerning him: whence the
tribe of Christians, so named from him, are
not extinct at this day.” If therefore we
have this historian’s testimony, that he not
only brought over to himself the twelve apos-
tles, with the seventy disciples, but many of
the Jews and many of the Gentiles also, he
must manifestly have had somewhat in him
extraordinary, above the rest of mankind;
for how otherwise could he draw over so
many of the Jews and of the Gentiles, unless
he performed admirable and amazing works,
and used a method of teaching that was not
common? Moreover, the scripture of the
Acts of the Apostles (xxi. 20) bears witness,
that there were many ten thousands of Jews,
who were persuaded that he was the Christ
of God, who was foretold by the prophets.

About

Gospels makes mention of John the Baptist
as having his head cut off by the younger
Herod. Josephus also concurs in this history,
and makes mention ofHerodiasby name, as the
wife of his brother, whom Herod had married,
upon divorcing his former lawful wife. She
was the daughter of Aretas, king of the Petrean
Arabians; and which Herodias he had parted
from her husband while he was alive; on
which account also, when he had slain John,
he made war with Aretas [Aretas made war
with him], because his daughter had been
used dishonourably: in which war, when it
came to a battle, he says, that all Herod’s
army was destroyed; and that he suffered
this because of his wicked contrivance against
John. Moreover, the same Josephus, by
acknowledging John to have been a most
righteous man, and the Baptist, conspires in
his testimony with what is written in the Gos-
pels. He also relates, that Herod lost his
kingdom for the sake of the same Herodias,
together with whom he was himself condemned
to be banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul; and
this is his account in the eighteenth book of
the Antiquities, where he writes this of John
verbatim:—“ Some of the Jews thought that
the destruction of Herod’s army came from
God, and that very justly, as a punishment
for what he did against John that was called
the Baptist; for Herod slew him, who was a
good man, and one that commanded the
Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteous-
ness towards one another, and piety towards
God, and so to come to baptism, for that by
this means the washing [with water] would
appear acceptable to him, when they made
use of it, not in order to the putting away
[or the remission] of some sins [only],—but
for the purification of the body, supposing
still that the soul was thoroughly purified
beforehand by righteousness. Now when
[many] others came in crowds about him, for
they were greatly delighted in hearing his
words, Herod was afraid that this so great power
of persuading men might tend to some sedi-
tion or other, for they seemed to be disposed
to do every thing he should advise them to, so
he supposed it better to prevent any attempt
for a mutation from him, by cutting him off,
than after any such mutation should be
brought about, and the public should suffer,
to repent [of such negligence]. Accordingly
he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspi-
cious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before
mentioned, and was there put to death.”
—When Josephus had said this of John, he
makes mention also of our Saviour in the same
history after this manner:—“Now there was
about this time one Jesus, a wise man, if it
be lawful to call him a mail; for he was a doer
of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as
receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over
to him both many of the Jews and many of

And

A.D. 330. Id. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. I the Gentiles also:—he was the Christ,
cap. 11. Now the divine scripture of theDISSERTATION I.

829

when Pilate, at the suggestion of the princi- revenge for what he did to John the Baptist,
’	’	’	’ ’ '	' a just man, who had said to him, It is not

lawful for thee to have thy brother’s wife.

The Jews themselves also bear witness to
Christ, as appears by Josephus, the writer of
their history, who says thus: — “That there
was at that time a wise man, if (says he) it be
lawful to have him called a man, a doer of
wonderful works, who appeared to his disci-
ples after the third day from his death alive
again, according to the writings of the pro-
phets, who foretold these and innumerable
other miraculous events concerning him; from
whom began the congregation of Christians,
and hath penetrated among all sorts of men:
nor does there remain any nation in the

pal men among us, had condemned him to
the cross', those that loved him at the first did
not forsake him; for he appeared to them
alive again the third day, as the divine pro-
phets had foretold these, and ten thousand
other wonderful things .concerning him : and
still the tribe of Christians, so named from
him, are not extinct at this day.” And sinct
this writer, sprung from the Hebrews them-
selves, hath delivered these things above in
his own work, concerning John the Baptist
and our Saviour, what room is there for any
farther evasion 1 &c.

Now James was so wonderful a person,
and was so celebrated by all others for righ-
teousness, that the judicious Jews thought
this to have been the occasion of that siege of
Jerusalem, which came on presently after hii
martyrdom; and that it befel them for no
other reason than that impious fact they were
guilty of against him. Josephus therefore
did not refuse to attest thereto in writing, by
the words following:—“ These miseries befel
the Jews by way of revenge for James the
Just, who was the brother of Jesus that was
called Christ, on account that they had slain
him who was a most righteous person.”

The same Josephus declares the manner of
his death in the twentieth book of the Anti-
quities, in these words:—“Caesar sent Albi-
nus into Judea to be procurator, when he had
heard that Festus was dead. Now Ananus,
junior, who, as we said, had been admitted
to the high-priesthood, was in his temper bold
and daring in an extraordinary manner. He
was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who
are more savage in judgment than any of the
other Jews, as we have already signified.
Since therefore this was the character of
Ananus, he thought he had now a proper
opportunity [to exercise his authority], because
Festus was dead, and Albinus was but upon
the road; so he assembles the sanhedrim ot
judges, and brings before them James, the
brother of Jesus who was called Christ, and
some others [of his companions]; and when
he had formed an accusation against them, as
breakers of the law, he delivered them to be
stoned : but as for those who seemed the most
equitable of the citizens, and those who were
the most uneasy at the breach of the laws,
they disliked what was done. They also sent
to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send
to Ananus that he should act so no more, for
that what he had already done could not be
justified,” &c.

About A. D. 360. Ambrose, or Hegesippus
de Excid. Urb. Hierosolym. lib. ii. cap. 12.—
We have discovered that it was the opinion
and belief of the Jews, as Josephus affirms
(who is an author not to be rejected, when he
writes against himself), that Herod lost his
army, not by the deceit of men, but by the

Roman world which continues strangers to
his religion.” If the Jews do not believe us,
let them at least believe their own writers.
Josephus, whom they esteem a very great
man, hath said this, and yet hath he spoken
truth after such a manner; and so far was
his mind wandered from the right way, that
even he was not a believer as to what he
himself said; but thus he spake, in order to
deliver historical truth, because he thought it
not lawful for him to deceive while yet he
was no believer, because of the hardness of
his heart and his perfidious intention. How-
ever, it was no prejudice to the truth that he
was not a believer; but this adds more weight
to his testimony, that while he was an unbe-
liever, and unwilling this should be true, he
has not denied it to be so.

About A. D. 400. Hieronym. de Vir. lllustr.

in Josepho____Josephus in the eighteenth book

of Antiquities, most expressly acknowledges
that Christ was slain by the Pharisees, on
account of the greatness of his miracles; and
that John the Baptist was truly a prophet;
and that Jerusalem was demolished on account
of the slaughter of James the apostle. Now,
he wrote concerning our Lord after this man-
ner:—“ At the same time there was Jesus,
a wise man, if yet it be lawful to call him
a man; for he was a doer of wonderful
works, a teacher of those who willingly
receive the truth. He had many followers,
both of th'J Jews and of the Gentiles:—he
was believed to be Christ. And when by the
envy of our principal men, Pilate had con-
demned him to the cross, yet notwithstanding,
those who had loved him at first persevered,
for he appeared'to them alive on the third
day, as the oracles of the prophets had fore-
told many of these and other wonderful things
concerning him: and the sect of Christians,
so named from him, are not extinct at this
day.”

About A. D. 410. Jsidorus Pelusiota, the

Scholar of Chrysostom, lib. iv. epist. 225---

There was one Josephus, a Jew of the great-
est reputation, and one that was zealous of
the law; one also that paraphrased the Old

anger of God, and that justly, as an effect of| Testament with truth, and acted valiantly for830

DISSERTATION I.

the Jews, and had showed that their settle-
ment was nobler than can be described by
words. Now since he made their interest
give place to truth, for he would not support
the opinion of impious men, I think it neces-
sary to set down his words. What then
does he say? “Now there was about that
time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call
him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful
works, a teacher of such men as receive the
truth with pleasure. He drew over to him
both many of the Jews and many of the Gen-
tiles:—he was the Christ. And when Pilate,

at the suggestion of the principal men among
■Hipiiatf'cbndemned him to the cross, those
that loved him at first did not forsake him;
for he appeared to them the third day alive
again, as the divine prophets had said these,
and a vast number of other wonderful things
concerning him: and the tribe of Christians,
so named from him, are not extinct at this
day.” Now I cannot but wonder greatly at
this great man’s love of truth in many
respects, but chiefly where he says, “Jesus
was a teacher of men who received the truth
with pleasure.”

About A. D. 440. Sozomen. Hist. Eccles.
lib. i. cap. 1. — Now Josephus, the son of
Matthias, a priest, a man of very great note,
both among the Jews and the Romans, may
well be a witness of credit as to the truth
of Christ’s history; for he scruples to call
him a man, as being a doer of wonderful
works, and a teacher of the words of truth.
He n&nes him Christ openly; and is not
ignorant that he was condemned to the cross,
and appeared on the third day alive, and
that ten thousand other wonderful things
were foretold of him by the divine prophets.
He testifies also, that those whom he drew
over to him, being many of the Gentiles, as
well as of the Jews, continued to love him;
and that the tribe named from him was not
then extinct. Now he seems to me by this
bis relation, almost to proclaim that Christ is
God. However, he appears to have been so
affected with the strangeness of the thing, as
to run, as it were, in a sort of middle way,
so as not to put any indignity upon believers
in him, but rather to afford his suffrage to
them.

About A. D. 510. Cassiodorus Hist. Tri-
partite e Sozomeno.—Now Josephus, the son
of Matthias, and a priest, a man of great
nobility among the Jews, and of great dignity
among the Romans, shall be a truth of Christ’s
history: for he dares not call him a man,
as a doer of famous works, and a teacher
of true doctrines: he names him Christ
openly; and is not ignorant that he was con-
demned to the cross, and appeared on the
third day alive, and that an infinite number
of other wonderful things were foretold of
him by the holy prophets. Moreover, he
testifies also, that there were then alive

many whom he had chosen, both Greeks
and Jews, and that they continued to love
him; and that the sect which was named
from him was by no means extinct at that
time.

About A. D. 640. Chroii. Alex. p. 514 —
Now Josephus also relates in his eighteenth
book of Antiquities, how John the Baptist,
that holy man, was beheaded, on account of
Herodias, the wife of Philip, the brother of
Herod himself; for Herod had divorced his
former wife, who was still alive, and had been
his lawful wife: she was the daughter of
Aretas, king of the Petreans. When there-
fore Herod had taken Herodias away from
her husband, while he was yet alive (on whose
account he slew John also), Aretas made war
against Herod, because his daughter had
been dishonourably treated. In which war,
he says, that all Herod’s army was destroyed,
and that he suffered that calamity because
of the wickedness he had been guilty of
against John. The same Josephus relates,
that Herod lost hi’s kingdom on account of
Herodias, and that with her he was banished
to Lyons, &c.

P. 526, 527.] Now that our Saviour
taught his preaching three years, is demon-
strated both by other necessary reasonings, as
also out of the holy Gospels, and out of
Josephus’s writings, who was a wise man
among the Hebrews, &c.

P. 584, 586.] Josephus relates, in the
fifth book of the [Jewish] war, that Jerusa-
lem was taken in the third [second] year or
Vespasian, as after forty years since they had
dared to put Jesus to death: in which time
he says, that James, the brother of our Lord,
and bishop of Jerusalem, was thrown down
[from the temple] and slain of them, by
stoning.

About A. D. 740. Anastasius Abbas contr.
Jud.—Now Josephus, an author and writer
of your own, says of Christ, that be was a
just and good man, showed and declared so
to be by divine grace, who gave aid to many
by signs and miracles.

About A. D. 790. Georgius Syncellus
Chron. p. 339. —These miseries befel the
Jews by way of revenge for James the Just,
who was the brother of Jesus that was called
Christ, on the account that they had slain
him who was a most righteous person. Now
as Ananus, a person of that character, thought
he had a proper opportunity, because Festus
was dead, and Albinus was but upon the
road, so he assembles the sanhedrim of judges
and brings before them James, the brother of
Jesus, who was called Christ, and some of
his companions; and when he had formed
an accusation against them, as breakers of
the law, he delivered them to be stoned; but
as for those that seemed the most equitable
of the citizens, and those that were the most
uneasy at the breach of the laws, thev dislikedDISSERTATION I.

831

what was done. They also sent to the
king [Agrippa] desiring him to send to Ana-
nus that he should act so no more, for that
what he had already done could not be justi-
fied, &c.

About A. D. 850. Johan Malela Chron.

lib. x__From that time began the destruction

of the Jews, as Josephus, the philosopher of
the Jews, hath written; who also said this,
That from the time the Jews crucified Christ,
who was a good and a righteous man (that
is, if it be fit to call such a one a man, and
not God), the land of Judea was never free
from trouble. These things the same Jose-
phus the Jew has related in his writings.

About A. D. 860. Pkotius Cod. lib. xlviii.
—I have read the treatise of Josephus About
the Universe, whose title I have elsewhere read
to be, Of the Substance of the Universe. It is
contained in two very small treatises. He
treats of the origin of the world in a brief
manner. However; he speaks of the divinity
of Christ., who is our true God, in a way very
like to what we use, declaring chat the same
name of Christ belongs to him, and writes of
his ineffable generation of the Father after
such a manner as cannot be blamed; which
thing may perhaps raise a doubt in some, whe-
ther Josephus was the author of the work,
though the phraseology does not at all differ
from this man’s other works. However, I
have found in some papers, that this discourse
was not written by Josephus, but by one Caius,
a presbyter.

Cud. ccxxxviii.] Herod, the tetrarch of
Galilee and of Perea, the son of Herod the
Great, fell in love, as Josephus says, with the
wife of his brother Philip, whose name was
Herodias, who was the grand-daughter of He-
rod the Great, by his son Aristobulus, whom
he had slain. Agrippa was also her brother.
Now Herod took her away from her husband,
and married her. This is he that slew John
the Baptist, that great man, the forerunner
[of Christ], being afraid (as Josephus says)
lest he should raise a sedition among his peo-
ple ; for they all followed the directions of
John, on account of the excellency of his
virtue. In his time was the passion of our
Saviour.

Cod. xxxiii.] I have read the Chronicle of
Justus of Tiberias. He omits the greatest
part of what was most necessary to be related;
but, as infected with Jewish prejudices, being
also himself a Jew by birth, he makes no
mention at all of the advent, or of the acts
done, or of the miracles wrought, by Christ.

The time uncertain. Macarius tn Actis Sanc-
torum, tom. v. p.„149, ap. Fabric. Joseph, p.

61___Josephus, a priest of Jerusalem, and one

that wrote with truth the history of the Jewish
affairs, bears witness that Christ, the true God,
was incarnate, and crucified, and the third
day rose again ; whose writings are reposited
in the public library. Thus he says:—“Now

there was about this time Jesus, a wise man,
if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was
a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as receive the truth with pleasure. He
drew over to him both many of the Jews and
many of the Gentiles also: this was the Christ.
And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the
principal men among us, had condemned him
to the cross, those that loved him at the first,
did not forsake him; for he appeared to them
alive again on the third day, as the divine
prophets had foretold these and ten thousand
other wonderful things concerning him : and
still the tribe of Christians, so named from
him, are not extinct at this day.” Since,
therefore, the writer of the Hebrews has en-
graven this testiraeay Goffcerning our Lord
and Saviour in his own books, what defence
can there remain for the unbelievers?

About A. D. 980. Suidas in voce
We have found Josephus, who hath written
about the taking of Jerusalem (of whom Eu-
sebius Pamphilii makes frequent mention in
his Ecclesiastical History), saying openly in
his Memoirs of the Captivity, that Jesus otfi-
ciated in the temple with the priests. Thus
have we found Josephus saying, a man of
ancient times, and not very long after the
apostles, Stc.

About A. D. 1060. Cedrenus Compend.
Histor. p. 196.—Josephus does indeed write
concerning John the Baptist as follows: —
Some of the Jews thought that the destruc-
tion of Herod's army came from God, and that
he was punished very justly for what punish-
ment he had inflicted on John, that was called
the Baptist; for Herod slew him, who was a
good man, and commanded the Jews to ex-
ercise virtue, both by righteousness towards
one another, and piety towards God, and so
to come to baptism. But as concerning Christ,
the same Josephus says, that about that time
there was Jesus,, a wise man, if it be lawful
to call him a man; for he was a doer of won-
derful works, and a teacher of such men as
receive the truth with pleasure: for that Christ
drew over many even from the Gentiles,
whom, when Pilate had crucified, those who
at first had loved him did not leave off to
preach concerning him; for he appeared to
them the third day alive again, as the divine
prophets had testified, and spoke these and
other wonderful things concerning him.

About A. D. 1080. Theophylact. in Joan.
lib. xiii.—The city of the Jew's was taken,
and the wrath of God was kindled against
them; as also Josephus witnesses, that this
came upon them on account of the death of
Jesus.

About A. D. 1120. Zonaras Annal. tom. i.

p. 267___Josephus, in the eighteenth book of

Antiquities, whites thus concerning our Lord
and God Jesus Christ:	Now there was about

this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful
to call him a man; for he wras a doer of832

DISSERTATION I.

wonderful works, a teacher of such men as
receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over
to him many of the Jews, and many of the
Gentiles: — he was the Christ. And when
Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men
among us, had condemned him to the cross,
those that loved him at first did not forsake
him; for he appeared to them the third day
alive again, as the divine prophets had said
these and ten thousand other wonderful things
concerning him: and the tribe of Christians, so
named from him, are not extinct at this day.

About A. D. 1120. Glycus Annal. p. 234.
—Then did Philo, that wise man, and Jose-
phus, flourish. This last was styled The
■/-nr^r rr™tht because he commended
John, who baptized'tmf-Lord; and because
be bore witness that Christ, in like manner,
was a wise man, and the doer of great mira-
cles; and that, when he was crucified, he
ippeared the third day.

About A. D. il70. Gotfridus Viterbiensis

Chron. p. 366, e Vers. Rvfini______Josephus

relates that a very great war arose between
Aretas, king of the Arabians, and Herod, on
account of the sin which Herod had committed
against John. Moreover, the same Josephus
writes thus concerning Christ: There was
at this time Jesus, a wise man, if at least it
be lawful to call him a man,'- for he was a
doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as willingly hear truth. He also drew
over to him many of the Jews and many of
the Gentiles: — he was Christ. And when
Pilate, at the accusation of the principal men
of our nation, had decreed that he should be
crucified, those that had loved him from the
beginning did not forsake him; for he appeared
to them the third day alive again, according
to what the divinely inspired prophets had
foretold, that these and innumerable other
miracles should come to pass about him.
Moreover, both the name and sect of Chris-
tians, who were named from him, continue in
being unto this day.

About A. D. 1360. Nicephorus Callistus
HiU. Eccles. lib. i: p. 90, 91 — Now this
[concerning Herod the tetrarch] is attested
to, not only by the book of the holy Gospels,
Out by Josephus, that lover of truth; who
also makes mention of Herodias his brother’s
wife, whom Herod had taken away from him
while he was alive, and married her; having
divorced his former lawful wife, who was the
daughter of Aretas, king of the Petrean
Arabians. This Herodias he had married,
and lived with her: on which account also,
when he had slain John, he made war with
Aretas, because his daughter had been dis-
honourably used; in which war he relates
that all Herod’s army was destroyed, and that
ae sulfered this on account of the most unjust
daughter of John. He also adds, that John
was a most righteous man. Moreover, he makes
xiention of his baptism, agreeing m all points

thereto relating with the Gospel. He also
informs us, that Hercd lost his kingdom on
account of Herodias, with whom also he was
condemned to be banished to Vienna, which
was their place of exile, and a city bordering
upon Gaul, and lying near the utmost bounds
of the west.

About A. D. 1450. Hardmannus Schede-
lius Chron. p. 110.—Josephus the Jew, who
was called Flavius, a priest, and the son of
Matthias, a priest of that nation, a most cele-
brated historian, and very skilful in many
things: he was certainly a good man, and of
an excellent character, who had the highest
opinion of Christ.

About A. D. 1480. Platina de Vitis Ponti-
ficum, in Christo.—I shall avoid mentioning
what Christ did until the 30th year of his
age, when he was baptized by John, the son of
Zacharias, because not only the Gospels and
Epistles are full of those acts of his, which
he did in the most excellent and most holy
manner, but the books of such as were quite
remote from his way of living, and acting,
and ordaining, are also full of the same.
Flavius Josephus himself, who wrote twenty
books of Jewish Antiquities in the Greek
tongue, when he had proceeded as far as the
government of the emperor Tiberius, says,
There was in those days Jesus, a certain wise
man, if at least it be lawful to call him a man;
for he was a doer of wonderful works, and a
teacher of men, of such especially as willingly
hear the truth. On this account he drew
over to him many, both of the Jews and
Gentiles:—he was Christ. But when Pilate,
instigated by the principal men of our nation,
had decreed that he should be crucified, yet
did not those that had loved him from the
beginning forsake him; and besides, he
appeared to them the third day after his
death alive, as the divinely inspired prophets
had foretold, that these and innumerable
other miracles should come to pass about
him: and the famous name of Christians,
taken from him, as well as their sect, do still
continue in being.

The same Josephus also affirms, That John
the Baptist, a true prophet, and on that
account one that was had in esteem by all
men, was slain by Herod, the son of Herod
the Great, a little before the death of Christ,
in the castle of MacheTUs,—not because he
was afraid for himself and his kingdom, as the
same author says,—but because he had inces-
tuously married Herodias, the sister of
Agrippa, and the wife of that excellent per-
son his brother Philip.

About A. D. 1480. Trithemius Abbas de
Scriptor, Eccles.—Josephus the Jew, although
he continued to be a 'Jew, did frequently
commend the Christians; and in the eigh-
teenth book of his Antiquities, wrote down
an eminent testimony concerning our Lord
Jesus Christ.DISSERTATION I.

833

OBSERVATIONS FROM THE FOREGOING
EVIDENCE AND CITATIONS.

I.	The style of all these original testi-
monies belonging to Josephus is exactly the
style of the same Josephus, and especially the
style about those parts of his Antiquities
wherein we find these testimonies. This is
denied by nobody as to the other concerning
John the Baptist and James the Just, and is
now becoming equally undeniable as to that
concerning Christ.

II.	These testimonies therefore being con-
fessedly and undeniably written by Josephus
himself, it is next to impossible that he should
wholly omit some testimony concerning Jesus
Christ; nay, while his testimonies of John the
Baptist and of James the Just are so honour-
able, and gave them so great characters, it is
also impossible that this testimony concerning
Christ should be other than very honourable,
or such as afforded him a still greater char-
acter also. Could the very same author, who
gave such a full and advantageous character
of John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus
of Nazareth, all whose disciples were by him
directed to Jesus of Nazareth as to the trne
Messias, and all whose disciples became after-
wards the disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, say
nothing honourable of that Jesus of Nazareth
himself?—and this in a history of those very
times in which he was born, and lived, and
died, and that while the writer lived but a
little after him in the same country in which lie
was born, and lived, and died. This is almost
incredible. And further, could the very same
author, who gave such an advantageous char-
acter of James the Just, and this under the
very appellation of James the brother of Jesus,
who was culled Christ, which James was one of
the principal disciples or apostles of this Jesus
Christ, and had been many years the only
Christian bishop of the believing Jews of Ju-
dea and Jerusalem, in the very days and in
the very country of this writer; — could he, I
say, wholly omit any, nay, a very honourable
account of Jesus Christ himself, whose disciple
and bishop this James most certainly was?
This is also almost incredible. Hear what
Ittigius, one of the wisest and learnedst of all
those who have lately inclined to give up the
testimony concerning Christ, as it stands in
our copies, for spurious, says upon this occa-
sion:—“ If any one object to me, that Jose-
phus hath not omitted John the Baptist, the
forerunner of Christ, nor James the disciple
of Christ, and that therefore he could not
nave done the part of a good historian, if he
had been entirely silent concerning Christ, I
shall freely grant that Josephus was not en-
tirely silent concerning Christ; nay, I shall
further grant, that when Josephus was speak-
ing of Christ, he did not abstain from his
commendation: for we are not to determine

from that inveterate hatred which the modern
Jews bear to Christ, what was the behaviour
of those Jews, upon whom the miracles that
were daily wrought by the apostles in the
name of Christ imprinted a sacred horror.”

III.	The famous clause in this testimony
of Josephus concerning Christ, This wusChrist,
or the Christ, does not mean that this Jesus was
the Christ of God, or the true Messiah of the
Jews; but that this Jesus was distinguished
from all others of that name, of which there
were not a few, as mentioned by Josephus
himself, by the addition of the other name of
Christ; or that this person was no other than
he whom all the world knew by the name of
Jesus Christ, and his followers by the name of
Christians. This I esteem to be a clear case,
and that from the arguments following:—

(1.) The Greeks and Romans, for whose
use Josephus wrote his Antiquities, could no
otherwise understand these words. The Jews
indeed, and afterw-ards the Christians, who
knew that a great Messias, a person that was
to be Christ, the anointed of God, and that
was to perform the office of a King, a Priest,
and a Prophet, to God’s people, might readily
so understand this expression; but Josephus,
as I have already noted, wrote here not to
Jews or Christians, but to Greeks and Ro-
mans, who knew nothing of this: but knew
very well that an eminent person, living in
Judea, whose name was Jesus Chrest, or Jesus
Christ, had founded a new and numerous sect,
which took the latter of these names, and
were everywhere, from him, called Chrestians,
or Christians; in which sense alone they
could understand these words of Josephus,
and in which sense I believe he desired they
should understand them; nor does Josephus
ever use the Hebrew term Messiah in any of
of bis writings, nor the Greek term Christ in
any such acceptation elsewhere.

(2.) Josephus himself as good as explains
his own meaning, and that by the last clause
of this very passage, where he says the Chris-
tians were named from this Christ, without a
syllable as though he really meant he was
the true Messiah, or Christ of God. He far-
ther seems to me to explain this his meaning
in that other place, where alone he elsewhere
mentions this name of Christ; that is, when
upon occasion of the mention of James, when
he was condemned by Ananus, he calls him
the Brother of Jesus, not that was the true
Messiah, or the true Christ, but only that was
called Christ.

(3.) It was quite beside the purpose of
Josephus to declare himself here to be a Chris-
tian, or a believer in Jesus as the true Mes-
siah. Had he intended so to do, he would
surely have explained the meaning of the word
Christ to his Greek and Roman readers; he
would surely have been a great deal fuller
and larger in his accounts of Christ, and of
3 QDISSERTATION I,

834

the Christian religion; nor would such a de-
claration at that time have recommended him,
or his nation, or his writings, to either the
Greeks or the Romans; of bis reputation with
both which people he is known to have been,
in the writing of these Antiquities, very greatly
solicitous.

(4.) Josephus’s usual way of writing is
historical and declarative of facts, and of the
opinions of others, and but rarely such as di-
rectly informs us of his own opinion, unless
we prudently gather it from what he says his-
torically, or as the opinions of others. This
is very observable in the writings of Josephus,
and in particular as to what he says of John
the Baptist and of James the Just; so that
this interpretation is most probable, as most
agreeable to Josephus’s way of writing in
parallel cases.

(5.) This seems to be the universal sense
of all the ancients, without exception, who
cite this testimony from him; and though they
almost everywhere own this to be the true
reading, yet do they everywhere suppose Jo-
sephus to be still an unbelieving Jew, and not
a believing Christian; nay, Jerome appears
so well assured of this interpretation, and that
Josephus did not mean to declare any more
by these words, than a common opinion, that,
according to his usual way of interpreting
authors, not to the words but to the sense (of
which we have, I think, two more instances in
his accounts out of Josephus now before us),
he renders this clause, Credebatur esse Christas,
i.e. He was believed to be Christ. Nor is the
parallel expression of Pilate to be otherwise
understood, when he made that inscription up-
on thecross, This is Jesus, the King of the Jews
(Matt, xxvii. 37); which is well explained
by himself elsewhere, and corresponds to the
import of the present clause, What shall I do
with Jesus, who is called Christ (Matt, xxvii.
17, 22)? And we may full as well prove
from Pilate’s inscription upon the cross, that
he hereby declared himself a believer in Christ,
for the real King of the Jews, as we can from
these words of Josephus, that he thereby de-
clared himself to be a real believer in him, as
the true Messiah.

IV. Though Josephus did not design here
to declare himself openly to be a Christian,
yet could he not possibly believe all that he
here asserts concerning Jesus Christ, unless
he were so far a Christian as the Jewish Na-
zarenes or Ebionites then were, who believed
Jesus of Nazareth to be the true Messiah,
without believing he was more than a man;
who also believed the necessity of the obser-
vation of the ceremonial law of Moses in or-
der to salvation for all mankind, which were
the two main articles of those Jewish Chris-
tians’ faith, though in opposition to all the
thirteen apostles of Jesus Christ in the first
century, and in opposition to the whole
Catholic Church of Christ in the following

centuries also. Accordingly, I have elsewhere
proved, that Josephus was no other in his
own mind and conscience than a Nazarene or
Ebionite Jewish Christian; and have observ-
ed, that this entire testimony, and all that Jo-
sephus says of John the Baptist and of James,
as well as his absolute silence about all the
rest of the apostles and their companions, ex-
actly agree to him under that character and
no other; and indeed to me it is most aston-
ishing, that all our learned men, who have of
late considered these testimonies of Josephus,
except the converted Jew Galatinus, should
miss such an obvious and natural observation.
We all know this from St. James’s own words
(Acts xxi. 20), that so many ten thousands of
Jews as believed in Christ, in the first century,
were all zealous of the ceremonial law, or were no
other than Nazarene or Ebionite Christians;
and, by consequence, if there were any reason
to think our Josephus to be in any sense a
believer or a Christian, as from all these tes-
timonies there were very great ones, all those,
and many other reasons, could not but con-
spire to assure us, he was no other than a
Nazarene or Ebionite Christian; and this I
take to be the plain and evident key of this
whole matter.

V. Since therefore Josephus appears to
have been, in bis own heart and conscience,
no other than a Nazarene or Ebionite Chris-
tian, and, by consequence, with them rejected
all our Greek Gospels and Greek Books of
the New Testament, and received only the
Hebrew Gospels of the Nazarenes or Ebio-
nites, styled by them, the Gospel according to
the Hebrews, or according to the Twelve Apos-
tles, or even according to Matthew, we ought
always to have that Nazarene or Ebionite
Gospel, with the other Nazarene or Ebionite
fragments, in view, when we consider any
passage of Josephus relating to Christ or
to Christianity. Thus, since that Gospel
omitted all that is in the beginning of our St.
Matthew’s and St. Luke’s Gospels, and be-
gan with the ministry of John the Baptist;
in which first parts of the Gospel History are
the accounts of the slaughter of the infants,
and of the enrolment or taxation under
Augustus Caesar and Herod, it is no great
wonder that Josephus has not taken care parti-
cularly and clearly to preserve those histories
to us. Thus when we find that Josephus
calls James, the brother of Christ, by the name
of James the Just, and describes him as a
most just or righteous man, in an especial man-
ner, we are to remember that such is his name
and character in the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, and the other Ebionite remains of
Hegesippus, but nowhere else, that I remem-
ber, in the earliest antiquity; nor are we to
suppose they herein referred to any other
than that righteousness which was by the Jewish
law, wherein St. Paul (Philip, iii. 4, 5, 6.).
before he embraced Christianity, professedDISSERTATION I.

835

himself to have been blameless. Thus when
Josephus, with other Jews, ascribed the mise-
ries of that nation under Vespasian and Titus,
with the destruction of Jerusalem, to the bar-
barous murder of James the Just, we must
remember what we learn from the Ebionite
fragments of Hegesippus, that these Ebionites
interpreted a prophecy of Isaiah as foretelling
this very murder, and those consequent mise-
ries:—Let us take away the just one, for he is
unprofitable to us: therefore shall they eat the
fruit of their own ways (Isaiah iii. 10). Thus
when Josephus says, as we have seen, that
the most equitable citizens of Jerusalem, and
those that were most zealous of the law,
were very uneasy at the condemnation of this
James, and some of his friends and fellow-
Christians, by the high-priest tmd sanhedrim,
about A. D. 62, and declares that he himself
was one of those Jews who thought the terri-
ble miseries of that nation efTecls of the ven-
geance of God for their murder of this James,
about a. d. 68, we may easily see those opi-
nions could only be the opinions of converted
Jews or Ebionites. The high-priest and
sanhedrim, who always persecuted the Chris-
tians, and now condemned these Christians,
and the body of these unbelieving Jews, who
are supposed to suffer for murdering this
James, the head of the Nazarene or Ebionite
Christians in Judea, could not, to be sure, be

those Jews, as is this of Josephus the Jen*
before us; nor indeed does he seem to me
to have had any thing else particularly in his
view here, but this very testimony, where
Josephus says, “ That Jesus appeared to his
followers alive the third day after his cruci-
fixion, as the divine prophets had foretold
these and ten thousand other wonderful
things concerning him.”

VIII. The third author I have quoted for
Josephus’s testimonies of John the Baptist,
of Jesus of Nazareth, and of James the Just,
is Origen, who is indeed allowed on all hands
to have quoted him for the excellent character
of John the Baptist, and of James the Just;
but whose supposed entire silence about this
testimony concerning Christ is usually alleged
as the principal argument against its being
genuine, and particularly as to the clause,
This was the Christ: and that, as we have
seen, because he twice assures us that, in his
opinion, Josephus himself did not acknowledge
Jesus for Christ. Now, as to this latter
clause, I have already shown that Josephus
did not here, in writing to Greeks and
Romans, mean any such thing by those words
as Jews and Christians naturally understand
by them: I have also observed, that all the
ancients allow still, with Origen, that Jose-
phus did not, in the Jewish and Christian
sense, acknowledge Jesus for the true Mes-

of that opinion; nor could Josephus himself • siah, or the true Christ of God, notwithstanding
be of the same opinion, as he declares he was, I their express quotation of that clause in Jose-
without the strongest inclinations to the j phus as genuine; so that unless we suppose
Christian religion, or without being secretly i Origen to have bad a different notion of these
a Christian Jew, i. e. a Nazarene or Ebionite; '| words from all the other ancients, we cannot
which thing is, by the way, a very great addi- •, conclude from this assertion of Origen, that
tional argument that such he was, and no 1 he had not those words in his copy, not to say
other. Thus, lastly, when Josephus is cited 1 that it is, after all, much more likely that his
in Suidas, as affirming that Jesus officiated copy a little differed from the other copies in

with the priests in the temple, this account
is by no means disagreeable to the pretensions
of the Ebionites. Hegesippus affirms the
very same of James the Just also.

VI.	In the first citation of the famous tes-
timony concerning our Saviour from Tacitus,
almost all that was true of the Jews is directly
taken by him out of Josephus, as will be demon-
strated under the Third Dissertation hereafter.

VII.	The second author I have alleged for
it is Justin Martyr, one so nearly coeval with
Josephus, that he might be born about the
time when he wrote his Antiquities: he appeals
to the same Antiquities by that very name;
and though be does not here directly quote
them, yet does he seem to me to allude to this
very testimony in them concerning our Saviour,
when he affirms, in this place, to Trypho the
Jew, that his nation originally knew that
Jesus was risen from the dead, and ascended
into heaven, as the prophecies did foretell
was to happen. Since there neither now is,
nor probably in the days of Justin was,
any other Jewish testimony extant which is
so agreeable to what Justin here affirms of

copy

this clause, or indeed omitted it entirely, than
that he, on its account, must be supposed not
to have had the rest of this testimony therein,
though indeed I see no necessity of making
any such supposal at all. However, it seems
to me that Origen affords us four several
indications that the main parts at least of this
testimony itself were in his copy: —

(1.) When Origen introduces Josephus’s
testimony concerning James the Just, that he
thought the miseries of the Jews were an
instance of the divine vengeance on that nation
for putting James to death instead of Jesus
he uses an expression no way necessary to his
purpose, nor occasioned by any words of Jose-
phus there, That they had slain that Christ
which was foretold in the prophecies. Whence
could this expression come here into Origen’s
mind, when he was quoting a testimony of
Josephus concerning a brother of Christ,
but from his remembrance of a clause in the
testimony of the same Josephus concerning
Christ himself, that the prophets had foretold
his death and resurrection, and ten thousand
other Wonderful things concerning hint836

DISSERTATION I.

(2.) How came Origen to be so surprised
at Josephus’s ascribing the destruction of
Jerusalem to the Jews’ murdering of James
the Just, and not to their murdering of Jesus,
as we have seen he was, if he had not known
that Josephus had spoken of Jesus and his
death before, and that he had a very good
opinion of Jesus, which yet he could learn no
way so authentically as from this testimony?
Nor do the words he here uses, that Josephus
was not remote from the truth, perhaps allude
o any thing else but to this very testimony
efore us.

(3.) How can the same Origen, upon
mother slight occasion, when he had just set
lown that testimony of Josephus concerning
Tames the Just, the brother of Jesus, who was
.ailed Christ, say that “ it may be questioned
whether the Jews thought Jesus to be a man,
or whether they did not suppose him to be a
Deing of a diviner kind?” This looks so very
like the fifth and sixth clauses of this testi-
mony in Josephus, that Jesus was a wise man,
if it be lawful to call-him a man, that it is
highly probable Origen thereby alluded to
them; and this is the more to be depended on,
Decause all the unbelieving Jews, and all the
est of the Nazarene Jews, esteemed Jesus
with one consent, as a mere man, the son of
Toseph and Mary; and it is not, I think,
possible to produce any one Jew but Josephus,
who in a sort of compliance with the Romans
nd the Catholic Christians, who thought him

God, would say any thing like his being a
God.

(4.) How came Origen to affirm twice, so
expressly, that Josephus did not himself own,
n the Jewish and Christian sense, that Jesus
jas Christ, notwithstanding his quotations of
such eminent testimonies out of him for John
the Baptist his forerunner, and for James the
Just, his brother, and one of his principal dis-
ciples? There is no passage in all Josephus
so likely to persuade Origen of this as is the
famous testimony before us, wherein, as he
and all the ancients understood it, he was
generally called • Christ indeed, but not any
otherwise than as the common name whence
the sect of Christians was derived, and where
he all along speaks of those Christians as a
sect then in being, whose author was a won-
derful person, and his followers great lovers
of him and of the truth, yet as such a sect as
he had not joined himself to; which exposition,

officiated with the priests in the temple; omJ
the latter, that the destruction of Jerusalem,
and miseries of the Jews, were owing to their
putting Jesus to death, which are in none of
our present copies, nor cited thence by any
ancienter authors, nor indeed do they seem
altogether consistent with the other most
authentic testimonies. However, since Suidas
cites his passage from a treatise of Josephus,
called Memoirs of the Jews' Captivity, a book
never heard of elsewhere, and since both cita-
tions are not at all disagreeable to Josephus’s
character a3 a Nazarene or Ebionite, I dare
not positively conclude they are spurious, but
must leave them in suspense, for the farther
consideration of the learned.

X. As to that great critic Photius, in the
ninth century, who is supposed not to have
had this testimony in his copy of Josephus, or
else to have esteemed it spurious; because, in
his extracts out of Josephus’s Antiquities, it
is not expressly mentioned,—this is a strange
thing indeed 1—that a section, which had been
cited out of Josephus’s copies all along before
the days of Photius, as well as it has been all
along cited out of them since his days, should
be supposed not to be in his copy, because he
does not directly mention it in certain short
and imperfect extracts, no way 'particularly
relating to such matters. Those who lay a
stress on this silence of Photius, seem little to
have attended to the nature and brevity of
those extracts. They contain little or nothing,
as he in effect professes at their entrance, but
what concerns Antipater, Herod the Great,
and his brethren and family, with their
exploits, till the days of Agrippa junior, and
Cumanus, the governor of Judea, fifteen years
after the death of our Saviour, without one
word of Pilate, or what happened under his
government, which yet was the only proper
place in which this testimony could come to
be mentioned. However, since Photius seems
therefore, a9 we have seen, to suspect the
treatise ascribed by some to Josephus, Of the
Universe, because it speaks very high things of
the eternal generation and divinity of Christ,
this looks very like his knowledge and belief of
somewhat really in the same Josephus, which
spake in a lower manner of him, which could
be hardly any other passage than this testimony
before us; and since, as we have also seen,
when he speaks of the Jewish History of Jus-
tus of Tiberias, as infected with the prejudices

as it is a very natural one, so was it, I doubt, | of the Jews in taking no manner of notice of
but too true of our Josepbus at that time; nor the advent, of the acts, and of the miracles of
can I devise any other reason but this, and1 Jesus Christ, while yet he never speaks so of
the parallel language of Josephus elsewhere, I Josephus himself, this most naturally implies
when he speaks of James as the brother, not, also, that there was not the like occasion here
of Jesus who was Christ, but of Jesus who was . as there; but that Josephus had not wholly
called Christ, that could so naturally induce ( omitted that advent, those acts, or miracles,
Origen and others to be of that opinion. ( wbicn yet he has done everywhere else, in the
IX. There are two remarkable passages ini books seen by Photius, as well as Justus of
Suidas and Theophylact, already set down, I Tiberias, but in this famous testimony before
as citing Josephus; the former that Jesus I us, so that it is most probable, PhotiusDISSERTATION U.

not only had this testimony in his copy, but
belteveti.it to be genuine also.

XL As to tbe silence of Clement of Alex-
andria. who cites the Antiquities of Josephus,
but. never cites any of the testimonies now be-
fore us, it is no strange thing at all, since he
never cites Josephus but once, and that for a
point of chronology only, to determine how
many years had passed from the days of
Moses to the days of Josephus,—so that his
silence may almost as well be alleged
against a hundred other remarkable passages
in Josephus's works as against these before
us.

XII. Nor does the like silence of Tertul-
lian imply that these testimonies, or any of
them, were not in the copies of his age. Ter-
tullian never once hints at any tleatises of
Josephus but those against Apion, and that
in general only, for a point of chronology;
nor does it any way appear that Tertullian

m

ever saw any of Josephus’s writings betides
and far from being certain that he saw even
those. He had particular occasion in his dis-
pute against the Jews to quote Josephus,
aboveany other writer, toprove the completion
of the prophecies of the Old Testament in the
destruction of Jerusalem and miseries of the
J*ews at that time, of which he there discour-
ses, yet does he never once quote him upon
that solemn occasion; 60 that it seems to me
that Tertullian never read either the Greek
Antiquities of Josephus, or his Greek books
of the Jewish wars: nor is this at all strange
in Tertullian, a Latin writer, that lived in
Africa, by none of which African writers is
there any one clause, that I know of, cited
out of any of Josephus’s writings; nor is it
worth my while, in such numbers of positive
citations of these clauses, to mention the
silence of other later writers as being here of
very small consequence.

DISSERTATION II.

CONCERNING GOD'S COMMAND TO ABRAHAM TO OFFER UP XSAA.GL
HIS SON, FOR ▲ SACRIFICE.

Since this command of God to Abrajam
(Gen. xxii.) has of late been greatly mistaken
by some, who venture to reason about very
ancient facts from very modern notions, and
this without a due regard to either the cus-
toms, or opinions, or circumstances of the
times whereto those facts belong, or indeed
to tbe true reasons of tbe facts themselves;
since the mistakes about those customs, opi-
nions, circumstances, and reasons, have of late
so far prevailed, that the very same action of
Abraham, which was so celebrated by St.
Paul (Rom. iv. 16—25), St. James (chap. ii.
21, 22), the author to the Hebrews (chap,
xi. 17—19), Philo,* and Josephus,f in the
first century, and by innumerable others
since, as an uncommon instance of signal vir-
tue, of heroic faith in God, and piety towards
him; nay, is in the sacred history (Gen. xxii.
15 —18) highly commended by the divine
Angel of the Covenant, in the name of God
himself, and promised to be plentifully re-
warded; since this command, I say, is now
at last, in the eighteenth century, become a
Stone of stumbling and a rock of offence among
us, and that sometimes to persons of otherwise
good sepse, and of a religious disposition of
mind also, I shall endeavour to set this mat-
ter in its true, t. e. in its ancient and original
• Phil, da Gigant. p. 39A	+ Antiq. h. i. eta. xiii.

light, for the satisfaction of the inquisitive.
In order whereto we are to consider,

1. That till this very profane age, it has
been, I think, universally allowed by all so-
ber persons, who owned themselves«the crea-
tures of God, that the Creator has a just
right over all his rational creatures, to pro-
tract their lives to what length be pleases,—
to cut them olf when and by whut instru-
ments he pleases,—to afflict them with what
sicknesses be pleases,—and to remove them
from one state or place in this, his great pa-
lace of the universe to another, as he pleases;
and that all those rational creatures are bound
in duty and interest to acquiesce under the
divine disposal, and to resign themselves up
to the good providence of God in all such
his dispensations towards them. I do not
mean to intimate, that God may, or ever
does, act in these cases after a mere arbitrary
manner, or without sufficient reason, believ-
ing, according tp the^whole tenor of natural
and revealed religion, that he hateth nvtntng
that he hath made (Wisdom, xi. 14); tnafc
whatsoever he does, how melancholy soever
it may appear at first sight to us, is really m.
tended for the good of his creatures, nmi, at
the upshot of things, will fully appear so to
be: but that still he is not obliged, no.* does
in general give his creatures an account of838

DISSERTATION II.

the particular reasons of such his dispensations
towards tlem immediately, but usually tries
ar.d exercises their faith ami patience, 1 heir
resignation and obedience, in their present
sla:e of probation ai d reserves those reasons
to the last ( ay. the dai/ <f the revelation of the
righttfus jvc.ymt nt <f God. (Rum. n. 5.) t
2. 'l’liat ihe entiie histories of the past
ages, from the days of Adam till now, show
that Almighty God has ever exercised his
power over mankind, and that without giving
them an immediate account of the reasons of
such his conduct; and that withal, the best
and wisest men of all ages. Heathens as well
as Jews and Christians,—Marcus Antoninus,
as veil as the patriarch Abraham and St.

Paul, have ever humbly submitted themselves
to this conduct of the Divine Providence,
and always confessed that they were obliged
to the undeserved goodness and mercy of
God for every enjoyment, but could not de-
mand any of them of his justice;—no, not so
much as the continuance of that life w hereto
those enjoyments do appertain. When God
was pleased to sweep the wicked race of men
away by a flood, the young innopent infants,
as well as the guilty old sinners; when he
W’as pleased to shorten the lives of men after
the Flood, and still downward till the days
of David and Solomon; when he was pleased
to destroy impure Sodom and Gomorrah
by fire and brimstone from heaven, and to
extirpate the main body of the Amorites out | genera
of the land of Canaan, as soon as their iniqui-
ties were full (Gen. xv. 16), and in these in-
stances included the young innocent infants,
together with the old hardened sinners;
when God was pleased to send an angel, and
by him to destroy 185,000 Assyrians (the
number attested to by Berosus the Chaldean,
as well as by our own Bibles) in the days of
Hezekiah, most of whom seem to have bad
no other peculiar guilt upon them than that
common to soldiers in war, of obeying with-
out reserve their king Sennacherib, his ge-
nerals and captains; and when at the plague
of Athens, London, Marseilles, &c. so many
thousand righteous men and women, with
innocent babes, were swept away on a sud-
den, by a fatal contagion,—I do pot/ remem-
ber that sober men have complained that God
dealt unjustly with such his creatures, in
those to us seemingly severe dispensations.

Nor are wre certain when any such seemingly
severe dispensations are' really such, nor do
we know but shortening the lives of men may
sometimes be the greatest blessing to them,
ar*i prevent or put a stop to those courses of
gross wickedness which might bring them to
a greater misery in the world to come; nor
is it fit for such poor, weak, and ignorant
creatures as we are, in the present state, to
call our almighty, and all-wise, and all-good
Creator aDd Benefactor to an account upon
any aneh qaoaau>u**h.ainee we cannot but

acknowledge tbat it is He that hath made u»,
and not we ourselves (Psalm c. 3), that we
are nothing, and have nothing of ourselves
independent of him, but tbat all we are, all
we have, and all we hope for, is derived from
him, from his free and undeserved bounty,
which therefore he may justly take from us in
what way soever and whensoever he pleases;
all wise and good men still saying in such
cases with the pious Psalmist (Ps. xxxix. 9), 1
was dumb, 1 opened not my mouth, because thou
didst it; and with patient Job (ch. i. 21; ii.
10), Shall we receive good at the hand of God,
and shall not we receive evil? The Lord gave,
andtheLi rd hath ta hen away, blessed be filename
of the Lord. If therefore this shortening or
taking away the lives of men be an objection
against any divine command for that purpose,
it is full as strong against the present system
of the world, against the conduct of Divine
Providence in general, and against natural
religion, which is founded on the justice of
that Providence, and is no way peculiar
to revealed religion, or to the fact of Abra-
ham now before us; nor in this case much
different from what was soon after the days
of Abraham thoroughly settled, after Job’s
and his friends’ debales, by the inspiration of
Elihu, ar;d the determination of God himself,
where the Divine Providence was at length
thoroughly cleared and justified before all
the world, as it will be, no question, more
lly cleared and justified at the final
judgment.

3. That till this profane age, it has also, 1
think, been universally allowed by all sober
men, that a command of God, when suf-
ficiently made known to be so, is abundant
authority for the taking away the life of any
person whomsoever. I doubt both ancient
and modern princes, generals of armies, and
judges, even those of the best reputation also,
have ventured to take many men’s lives away
upon much less authority; nor indeed do the
most sceptical of the moderns care to deny
this authority directly; they rather take a
method of objecting somewhat more plausible,
though it amounts to much the same: they
say that the apparent disagreement of any
command to the moral attributes of God, sqch
as this of the slaughter of an only child seems
plainly to be, will be a greater evidence tbat
such a command does not come from God,
than any pretended revelation can be that it
does; but as to this matter, although divine
revelations have now so long ceased, that we
are not w'ell acquainted with the manner of
conveying such revelations with certainty to
men, and by consequence the apparent disa-
greement of a command with the moral attri-
butes of God, ought at present, generally, if
not constantly, to deter men from actfng upon
Such a pretended revelation, yet was there no
such uncertainty in the days of the old pro-
phets of God, or of Abraham, the friend ofDISSERTATION II.'

839

God (Isa. xli. 8), who are tver found to
have had an entire certainty of those their
revelations; and what evidently shows they
were not deceived, is this, that the events and
consequences of things afterwards always cor-
responded, and secured them of the truth of
sucn divine revelations. Thus the first mira-
culous voice from heaven (Gen. xxii. 11,
12) calling to Abraham not'to execute this
command, and the performance of those emi-
nent promises made by the second voice
(Gen. xxii. 17, 18), on account of his obe-
dience to that command, are -demonstrations
that Abraham’s commission for what he did
was truly divine, and are an entire justifica-
tion of his conduct in this matter. The
words of the first voice from heaven will
come hereafter to be set down ir: a fitter place;
Dut the glorious promises made to Abraham’s
obedience by the second voice, must here be
produced frdfci verse 15 —18. “And the
angel of the Lord called unto Abraham out
of heaven the second time, and said, By my-
self have I sworn, saith the Lord; for because
thou hast done this thing, and hast not with-
held thy son, thine only son from'me, that in
blessing I will bless thee, and in multiplying
I will multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven,
and as the sand which is upon the sea-shore,
and thy seed shall possess the gate of his ene-
mies; and in thy seed shall all the nations of
the earth be blessed, because thou hast obeved
my voice.” Every one of which promises have
been eminently fulfilled; and, what is chiefly
remarkable, the last and principal of tliem,(
that in Abraham's seed all the nations of the
earth should be blessed, was never promised till
this time. It had been twice promised him
(chap. xii. 3; and xviii. 18), that in himself
should all thefamilies of the earth be blessed-, but
that this blessing was to belong to future times,
and to be bestowed by the means of one of his
late posterity, the Messias, that great son and
seed of Abraham only, was never revealed be-
fore, but on such an amazing instance of his
faith and obedience as was this his readi-
ness to offer up his only-begotten son Isaac,
was now first promised, and has been long
ago performed in the birth of Jesus of Nazar-
eth, the son of David, the son of Abraham
(Matt. i. 1), which highly deserves our obser-
vation in this place; nor can we suppose that
any thing else than clear conviction that this
command came from God could induce so
good a man and so tender a father as Abraham
was, to sacrifice his own beloved son, and
to lose thereby all the comfort he received
ftom him at present, and all the expectation
he had of a numerous and happy posterity
froift him hereafter.

4. That long before the days of Abraham,
the demons or heathen gods had required and
received human sacrifices, and particularly
that of the .offerer’s own children, and this
both before and after the Deluge. This prac-

tice had been indeed so long left'off in Egypt,
and the custom of sacrificing animals there was
confined to so few kinds in the days of Hero-
dotus, that he would not believe they had ever
offered human sacrifices at all; for he says,*
that “the fable, as if Hercules was sacrificed to
Jupiter in Egypt, was feigned by the Greeks,
who were entirely unacquainted with the na-
ture of the Egyptians and their laws; for how
should they sacrifice men, with whom it is
unlawful to sacrifice any brute beast, boars
and bulls, and pure calves and ganders only
excepted?” However, it is evident, from
Sanchoniatho, Manetho, Pausanias, Diodorus
Siculus, Philo, Plutarch, and Porphyry, that
such sacrifices were frequent both in Phoe-
nicia and. Egypt, and that long before the
days of Abraham, as Sir John Marsham and
Bishop Cumberland have fully proved: nay,
that in other places (though not in Egypt)
this cruel practice continued long after Abra-
ham, and this till the very third, if not also
to the fifth’ century of Christianity, before it
was quite abolished. Take the words of the
original authors in English, as most of them
occur in their originals, in Sir John Mar-
sham’s Chronicon, p. 76—78, 300—304.

“ Chronus offered up his only-begotten
son as a burnt-offering to his father Uranus,
when there was a famine and a pestilence.”!

“ Chronus, whom the Phoenicians name
Israel [it should be //], and who was, after
his death, consecrated into the star Saturn,
when he was king of the country, and had,
by a nymph of that country, named Ano-
bret, an onlyr begotten son, whom, on that
account, they called Jeud (the Phoenicians to
this day calling an only-begotten son by that
name), he in his dread of very great dangers
that lay upon the country from war, adorned
his son with royal apparel, and built an altar,
and offered him in sacrifice.”!

“ The Phoenicians, when they were in great
dangers by war, by famine, or by pestilence,
sacrificed to Saturn one of the dearest of their
people, whom they chose by public suffrage for
that purpose; and Sanchoniatho’s Phoenician
history is full of such sacrifices.” [These
hitherto I take to have been before the
Flood.] §

“ In Arabia, the Dumatii sacrificed a child
every year.”||

“ They relate, that of old the [Egyptian]
kings sacrificed such men as were of the same
colour with Typho, at the sepulchre of Osi-
ris.”t

“ Manetho relates, that they burnt Ty-
phonean men alive in the city Idithyia (cr
llithyia], and scattered their ashes like cuali
that is winnowed ; and this was done

* Apud Marsh. Chron. p. 303.

+ Phil. Bib. ex Sanction, p 76.
t Phil. Bib. ex Sauchoo. p. 77.

2 Porphyry, p. 77.

N Porphyry, p. 77
*T Died. Sic. p. 78.S40

DISSERTATION II,

publicly, and at an appointed season in the
dog-days.” *

“ The barbarous nations did a long time
admit of the slaughter of children, as of a
holy practice, and acceptable to the gods;
and this thing, both private persons, and
kings, and entire nations, practise at proper
seasons.”f

“ The human sacrifices that were enjoiflea
by the Dodonean oracle, mentioned in Pau-
sanias’s Achaics, in the tragical story of
Coresus and Callirrhoe, sufficiently intimate
that the Phoenician and Egyptian priests had
set up this Dodonean oracle before the time
of Amosis, who destroyed that barbarous
practice in Egypt.” J

------Isque adytis here tristia dicta rep&rtat :

Sanguine plucastis ventos, el virtjme ccesa,

Cumpnmum Itiacas Danai venutis ad oras;
Sauyume querrendl reditus, animaque Utundum
Aryoiica-----

Virg. 2En. ii. 115.

He from the gods this dreadful answer brought:

O Grecians, when the Trojan shore? you sought,
Your passage with a virgin’s blood was bought!

So must your safe returu be bought again,

And Grecian blood once more atone the main.

These bloody sacrifices were, for certain,
instances of the greatest degree of impiety,
tyranny, and cruelty in the world: that either
wicked demons or wicked men, who neither
made nor preserved mankind, who had there-
fore no right over them, nor were they aole
to make them amends in the next world for
what they thus lost or suffered in this, should,
after so inhuman a manner, command the tak-
ing away the fives of men, add particularly
of the offerer’s own children, without the
commission of any crime; this was, 1 think,
an abomination derived from him who was a
murderer from, the beginning (John viii. 44);
a crime truly and properly diabolical.

5. That, accordingly, Almighty God him-
self, under the Jewish dispensation, vehe-
mently 'condemned the Pagans, and sometimes
the Jews,themselves, for this crime; and for
this, among other heinous sins, cast the idola-
trous nations (nay, sometimes the Jews too) out
of Palestine. Take the principal texts hereto
relating, as they lie in order in the Old
Testament: —

“ Thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass
through the fire to Molech. Defile not your-
selves in any of these things, for in all these
the nations are defiled, which I cast out be-
fore you,” &c. (Lev. xviii. 21.)

“ Whosoever he be of the children of Is-
rael, or of the strangers that sojourn in Israel,
that giveth any of his seed unto Molech, he
shall surely be put to death; the people of
the land shall stone him with stones.” (Lev.
xx. 2.)

Take heed to thyself, that thou be not

• Plutarch,

i, p. 78.	+ NonnuIIi apnd Phil. p. 76.

t Curoh-rl. Sanobon. p. 378.

snared by following the nations, after that
they be destroyed frorp before thee; and that
thou inquire not after their gods, saying,
How did these nations serve their gods, even
so will I do likewise. Thou shalt not do so
unto the Lord thy God; for every abomina-
tion of the Lord, which he hateth, have they
done unto their gods; for even their sons
and their daughters have they burnt in the
fire to their gods.” (Deut. xii. 30, 31. See
chap, xviii. 10, and 2 Kings xvii. 17.)

“ And Ahaz made his son to pass through
the fire, according to the abominations of the
heathen, whom the Lord cast out before the
children of Israel.” (2 Kings xvi. 3.)

“ Moreover, Ahaz burnt incense in the
valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his
children (his son, in Josephus) in the fire,
after the abominations of the heathen, whom
the Lord had cast out before the children of
Israel.” (2 Chron. xxviii. 3.) '

“ And the Sepharvites burnt their children
in the fire to Adrammelech and Anamelech,
the gods of Sepharvaim,” &c. (2 Kings xvii.
3L)

“ And Josiah defiled Tophet, which is in
the valley of the children of Hinnom, that
no man might make his son or his daughter
to pass through the fire unto Molech.”
(2 Kings xxiii. 10.)

“Yea, they sacrificed their sons and their
daughters unto demons; and shed innocent
blood, the blood of their sons and of their
daughters, whom they sacrificed unto the
idols of Canaan; and the land was polluted
with blood.” (Psal. cvi. 37, 38. See Isa.
lvii. 5.)

“ The children of Judah have done eviLin
my sight, saith the Lord; they have set
their abominations in the house which is call-
ed by my name to pollute it; and they have
built the high places of Tophet, which is iu
the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn
their sons and their daughters in the fire,
which I commanded them not, nor came
it into my heart.” (Jer. vii. 30—32.)

“ Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, the Goe
of Israel, Behold I will bring evil upon this
place, the which whosoever heareth, his ear?
shall tingle, because they have forsaken me.
and have estranged this place, and have burnt
incense unio other gods, whom neither
they nor their fathers have known, nor the
kings	of Judah, and have filled this	place

with	the	blood of	innocents. They	have

built	also	the high	places of Baal, to	burn

their	sons	with fire	for burnt-offerings	unto

Baal, which I commanded not, nor spake it,
neither came it into my mind,” &c. (Jer. xix.
3—3.)

“ They built the high places of Baal, which
are in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to
cause their sons and their daughters to pass
through the fire unto Molech, which I com-
manded' them not, neither came it into myDISSERTATION II,

841

mind that they should do this abomination,
to cause Judah to sin.” (Jer. xxxii. 35.)

“ Moreover, thou hast taken thy sons and
thy daughters, whom thou hast born unto
me, and these hast thou sacrificed unto them
to be devoured. Is this of thy whoredoms
a small matter, that thou bast slain my chil-
dren, and delivered them to cause them to
pass through the fire for them?” (Ezek. xvi.
20, 21. See chap. xx. 26; 1 Cor. x. 20.)

“ Thou hatest the old inhabitants of thy
holy land, for doing most odious works of
witchcraft and wicked sacrifices; and also
those merciless murderers of children, and
devourers of man’s flesh, and feasts of blood,
with their priests, out of the midst of their
idolatrous crew, and the parents that killed
with their own hands souls destitute of help.”
(Wisd. xii. 4—6.)

6. That Almighty God never permitted, in
any one instance, that such a human sacrifice
should actually be offered to himself (though
he had a right to have required it, if he had
so pleased) under the whole Jewish dispensa-
tion, which yet was full of many other kinds
of sacrifices, and this at a time when mankind
generally thought such sacrifices of the great-
est virtue for the procuring pardon of sin and
the divine favour. This the ancient records of
the heathen world attest. Take their notion
in the words of Philo Biblius,* the translator
of Sanchoniatho:—“ It was the custom of the
ancients, in the greatest calamities and dan-
gers, for the. governors of the city or nation,
in order to advert the destruction of all, to
devote their beloved son to be slain, as a price
of redemption to the punishing [or avenging]
demons; and those so devoted were killed after
a mystical manner.” This the history of the
king of Moab (2 Kings iii. 27), when he was
in great distress in his war against Israel and
Judah, informs us of; who then “took his
eldest son, that should have reigned in his
stead, and offered him for a burnt-offering
upon the city-wall.” This also the Jewish
prophet Micah (chap. vi. 6—8) implies, when
he inquires, “ Wherewith shall I come before
the Lord, and bow myself before the High
God? Shall' I come before him with burnt-
offerings, with calves of a year old? Will the
Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, and
ten. thousands of fat kids of the goats ?
Shall I give my first-horn for my transgres-
sion, the fruit of my body for the sin of my
soul?” No, certainly; “ For he hath showed
thee, O man, what is good; and what doth
the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and
to love mercy, and to humble thyself to walk
with thy God?”

It is true, God did here try the faith and
obedience of Abraham to himself,’ whether
they were as strong as the Pagans exhibited
to their demons or idols, yet did he withal

• Apad Marsh, p. 76.

take effectual care, and that by a miraculous
interposition also, to prevent the execution,
and provided himself a ram, as a vicarious
substitute, to supply the place of Isaac imme-
diately:—“ And the angel of the Lord called
unto Abraham, and said, Abraham, Abra-
ham 1—and he said, Here am I:—and he
said, Lay not thine hand upon the lad, neither
do thou any thing unto him; for now I know
that thou fearest God, seeing thou hast not
withheld thy son, thine only son, from me.
And Abraham lifted up his eyes, and looked,
and behold a ram caught in a thicket by hi9
horns; and Abraham went and took the ram,
and offered him up for a burnt-offering in
the stead of his son.” (Gen. xxii. 11—13.)
Thus though Jephtha (Judg. xi. 36—39)
has, by many, been thought ,to have vowed to
offer up his daughter and only child for a
sacrifice, and that as bound on him, upon sup-
position of his vow, by a divine law (Levit.
xxvij. 28, 29), of which opinion I was once
myself; yet upon more mature consideration,
I have, for some time, thought this to be a mis-
take, and that his vow extended only to her
being devoted to serve God at the tabernacle,
or elsewhere, in a state of perpetual virginity;
and that neither that law did enjoin any human
sacrifices, nor do we meet with any example
of its execution in this sense afterwards. Philo
never mentions any such law, no more than
Josephus; and when Josephus thought that
Jephtha had made such a vow, and executed
it, he is so far from hinting at its being done
in compliance with any law of God, that he
expressly condemns hirrt for it, as having acted
contrary thereto; or, in his own words,f “as
having offered an oblation neither conformable
to the law, nor acceptable to God, nor weigh-
ing with himself what opinion the hearers
would have of such a practice.”

7. That Isaac being at this time, according
to Josephus, J who is herein justly followed by
Archbishop Usher,§ no less than twenty-five
years of age, and Abraham being, by conse-
quence, one hundred and twenty-five, it is
not to be supposed that Abraham could bind
Isaac, in order to offer him in sacrifice, but by
his own free consent; which free consent of
the party who is to suffer, seems absolutely
n'ecessary in all such cases; and which free
consent St. Clement, as well as Josephus, dis-
tinctly takes notice of on this occasion. St.
Clement|| describes it thus: — “Isaac, being
fully persuaded of what he knew was to come,
cheerfully yielded himself up for a sacrifice.”
And for Josephus, after introducing Abraham
in a pathetic speech, laying before Isaac the
divine command, and exhorting him patiently
and joyfully to submit to it, he tolls usf that

+ Antiq. b. v. ch. vii. sect 10.

* Antiq. b. i. ch ii.

§ Vsh. Annal. ad A.M. 2133.

II S. Clem, sect 31.

1T Antiq. b. i. ch. xiii. sect 3.84?

DISSERTATION II.

“ Isaac very cheerfully consentedand then
introduces him in a short, but very pious an-
swer, acquiescing in the proposal; and adds,
that “ be then immediately, and readily, went
to the altar to be sacrificed.” Nor did Jeph-
tha (Judges xi. 36, 37) perform his rash vow,
■whatever it were, till his daughter had given
ber consent to it.

8.	It appears to me that Abraham never
despaired entirely of the interposition of
Providence for the preservation of Isaac,
although in obedience to the command he
prepared to sacrifice him to God. This seems
to me intimated in Abraham’s words to his
servants, on the third day, when he was in
sight of the mountain on which he was to
offer his son Isaac: “ We will go and worship,
and we will come again to you.” *As also in
his answer to his son, when he inquired,
“Behold the fire and the wood; but where
is the lamb for a burnt-offering?—and Abra-
ham said, My son, God will provide himself
a lamb for a burnt-offering.” (Gen. xxii.
5—7.) Both these passages look to me some-
what like such an expectation. However,

9.	It appears most- evident that Abraham,
and I suppose Isaac also, firmly believed,
that if God should permit Isaac to be actually
slain as a sacrifice, he would certainly and
speedily raise him again from the dead.
This, to be sure,, is supposed in the words
already quoted, that both “ he and his son
would go and worship, and come again to
the sei'vants;” and is clearly and justly col-
lected from this history by the author to the
Hebrews (chap. xi. 17, 18, 19); “By faith
Abraham, when he was tried, offered up
Isaac; and he that had received the promises
offered up his only-begotten, of whom it was
said, That in Isaac shall thy seed be called,
accounting [or reasoning] that God was able
to raise him from the dead.” And this rea-
soning was at once very obvious and wholly
undeniable, that since God was truth itself,
and had over and over promised that he
would “ multiply Abraham exceedingly;
that he should be a father of many nations;
that his name should be no longer Abram,
but Abraham, because a father of many na-
tions God had made him,” &c.; that “ Sarai
his wife should be called Sarah; that he
would bless her, and give Abraham a son also
of her;” and that “ he would bless him; and
she should become nations; and kings of
people should be of her,” &c. (Gen. xvii.
2, 4, 5, 6, 16); and that “in Isaac should his
seed be called” (Gen. xxi. 12):—and since
withal it is here supposed that Isaac was to
be slain as a sacrifice before he was married,
or had any seed, God was, for certain, obliged
by his promises, in these circumstances, to
raise Isaac again from the dead; and this
was an eminent instance of that faith whereby
“Abraham believed God, and it was im-

to him for righteousness’’(Gen. xv. 6),

viz. that if God should permit Isaac to be sa-
crificed, he would certainly and quickly raise
him up again from the dea*d, “ from whence
also he received him in a figure,” as the
author to the Hebrews (chap. xi. 19) here
justly observes.

10.	That the firm and just foundation of
Abraham’s faith and assurance in God for
such a resurrection was this, besides the gene-
ral consideration of th6 divine veracity, that
during the whole time of his sojourning iu
strange countries, in Canaan and Egypt, ever
since he bad been called out of Chaldea or
Mesopotamia at seventy-five years of age
(Gen. xii. 4), he had had constant experience
of a special, of an over-ruling, of a kind
and gracious Providence over him, till his
125th year, which, against all human views,
had continually blessed him and enriched
him, and, in his elder age, had given him
first Isbmael by Hagar, and afterward promised
him Isaac to “spring from his own body
now dead, and from the deadness of Sarah’s
womb (Rom. iv. 19), when she was past age
(Heb. xi. 11), and when it ceased to be
with Sarah after the manner of women (Gen.
xviii. 11), and had actually performed that
and every other promise, how improbable so-
ever that performance had appeared, he bad
ever made to him, and this during fifty en-
tire years together; so that although, at his
first exit out of Chaldea or Mesopotamia, he
might have been tempted to stayger at
such a promise of God, through unbelief,
yet might he now, after fifty years’ constant
experience, be justly strong in faith, giving
glory to God, as being fully persuaded., that
what God had promised (the resurrection of
Isaac) he was both able and willing to perform.
(Rom. iv. 20, 21.)

11.	That this assurance, therefore, that
God, if he permitted Isaac to be slain, would
infallibly raise him again from the dead, en-
tirely alters the state of the case of Abraham’s
sacrificing Isaac to the true God, from that
of all other human ' sacrifices whatsoever
offered to false ones, all those others being
done without the least promise or prospect
of such a resurrection; and this indeed takes
away all pretence of injustice in the divine
command, as well as of all inhumanity or
cruelty in Abraham’s obedience to it.

12.	That upon the whole, this command
to Abraham, and what followed upon it,
looks so very like an intention of God to
typify or represent beforehand, in Isaac,
a beloved or only-begotten son, what was
to happen long afterwards to the great Son
and seed of Abraham, the Messiah, the be-
loved and the only-begotten of the Father,
whose day Abraham saw by faith beforehand,
and rejoiced to see it.” (John viii. 56), viz
that he, by the determinate counsel and
foreknowledge of God, should be crucified ana
slain, as a sacrifice, and should be raisedDISSERTATION If.	843.

again the third day (Acts ii. 22—32), and
this at Jerusalem also; arid that in the mean
time. God would accept of the sacrifices of
rams and the like animals, at the same city
Jerusalem, that one cannot easily avoid the
application. This seems the reason why
Abraham was obliged to go to the land of
Moriah, or Jerusalem, and why it is noted that
it was the third day (Gen. xxii. 2, 4) that he
came to the place, which implies that the
return back, after the slaying of the sacrifice,
would naturally be the third day also; and
why this sacrifice was not Ishmael the son
after the flesh only, but Isaac the son by pro-
mise, the beloved son of Abraham; and why
Isaac was styled the only son, or only begott.n
son of Abraham (Heb. xi. 17), though he had
Ishmael besides; and why Isaac himself was
to bear the wood on which he was to be sacri-
ficed (Gen. xxii. 6; John xix. 17); and why
the place was no other than the land of Moriah,
or vision, i. e. most probably a place where
the Shechinah or Messiah had been seen, and
God by him worshipped, even before the days
of Abraham, and where lately lived, and per-
haps now lived, Melchisedeck, the grand type
of the Messiah (who might then possibly be
present at the sacrifice); and why this sacri-
fice was to be offered either on the mountain
called afterwards distinctly Moriah, where
the temple s^ood, and where all the Mosaic
sacrifices were afterwards to be offered, as
Josephus* and the generality suppose, or per-
haps, as others suppose, that where the Mes-
siah himself was to be offered,—its neighbour
mount Calvary. This seems also the reason
why the ram was substituted as a vicarious
sacrifice instead of Isaac. These circumstances
seem to me very peculiar and extraordinary,
and to render the present hypothesis extremely
probable. Nor perhaps did St. Clement mean
any thing else, when, in his fore-cited passage,
he says, that “ Isaac was fully persuaded of
what he knew was to come,” and therefore
“ cheerfully yielded himself up for a sacrifice.”
Nor indeed does that name of this place,
Jehovah-Jireh, which continued till the days
of Moses, and signified God will see, or rather,
God will provide, seem to be given it by Abra-
ham, on any other account, than that God
would there, in the fulness of time, provide
himself a lamb (that Lamb of God, John i. 297
which was to take away the sin of the world)
for a burnt-offering.

But now, if after all it be objected, that
how peculiar and how typical soever the cir-
cumstances of Abraham and Isaac might be
in themselves, of which the heathens about
them could have little notion, yet 6uch a
divine command to Abraham for slaying his
beloved son Isaac, must however be of very
ill example to the Gentile world, and that
it probably did either first occasion, or at
least greatly encourage, their wicked practices,
• Andq. b. i. ch. xiii. sect 3.

in offering their children for sacrifices to
their idols, I answer by the next considera-
tion:—

13. That this objection is so far from truth,
that God’s public and miraculous prohibition
of the execution of this command to Abra-
ham (which command itself the Gentiles
would ntjt then at all be surprised at, btcuuse
it was so like to their own usual practices), as
well as God’s substitution of a vicarious obla-
tion, seems to have been the very occasion
of the immediate abolition of those impious
sacrifices by Tethmosis or Amosis, among the
neighbouring Egyptians, and of the substitu-
tion of more inoffensive ones there instead of
them. Take the account of this abolition,
which we shall presently prove was about the
time of Abraham's offering up his son Isaac,
as it is preserved by Porphyry, from Manetbo,
the famous Egyptian historian and cbronolo-
ger, which is also cited from Porphyry by
Eusebius and Theodoret:—“Amosis,” says
Porphyry,f “ abolished the lavr for slaying of
men at Heliopolis in Egypt, as Manetbo bears
witness in his book of Antiquity and Piety.
They were sacrificed to Juno, and were exa-
mined, as were the pure calves, that were also
sealed with them: they were sacrificed three
in a day. In whose stead Amosis commanded
that men of wax, of the same number, should
be substituted.”

Now I have lately shown that these Egyp-
tians had Abraham in great veneration, and
that all the wisdom of those Egyptians, in which
Moses was afterwards learned, was derived
from no other than from Abraham. Now it
appears evidently by the fore-cited passage,
that the first abolition of these human sacri-
fices, and the substitution of waxen images in
their stead, and particularly at Heliopolis, in
the north-east part of Egypt, in the neigh-
bourhood of Beersheba, in the south of Pales-
tine, where Abraham now lived, at the
distance of about a hundred and twenty miles
only, was in the days, and by the order of
Tethmosis or Amosis, who was the first of
the Egyptian kings, after the expulsion of the
Phoenician shepherds. Now therefore we are
to inquire when this Tethmosis or Amosis
lived, and compare his time with the time of
the sacrifice of Isaac* Now, if we look into
my Chronological Table, published a. d. 1721,
we shall find that the hundred and twenty-
fifth year of Abraham, or, which is all one,
the twenty-fifth year of Isaac, falls into
A. M. 2573, or into the thirteenth year of Tetb-
mosis or Amosis, which is the very middle of
his twenty-five years’ reign; so that this abo-
lition of human sacrifices in Egypt, and sub-
stitution of others in their room, seems to have
been occasioned by the solemn prohibition
of such a sacrifice in the case of Abraham,
and by the following substitution of a rain
in its stead: which account of this matter not
+ A pud Mush. p. 801.844

DISSERTATION III,

only takes away the groundless suspicions of direct occasion of putting a stop to the har-
tte moderns, but shows the great seasonable- barity of the Egyptians in offering hum m
ness of the divine prohibition of the execution sacrifices, and that for many, if not lor all
ot tms command to Abraham, as probably the [generations afterwards.

DISSERTATION III.

TACITUS’S ACCOUNTS OP THE ORIGIN OF THE JEWISH NATION, AND
OF THE PARTICULARS OF THE LAST JEWISH WAR; THAT THE
FORMER WAS PROBABLY WRITTEN IN OPPOSITION TO JOSE-
PHUS’S ANTIQUITIES, AND THAT THE LATTER WAS FOR CER-
TAIN ALMOST ALL DIRECTLY TAKEN FROM JOSEPHUS’S HISTORY
OF THE JEWISH WAR.

Since Tacitus, the famous Roman historian,
has written more largely und professedly
about the origin of the Jewish nation, about
the chorography of Judea, and the last Jewish
war under Cestius, Vespasian, and Titus, than
any other old Roman historian: and since
both Josephus and Tacitus were in favour
with the same Roman emperors,—Vespasian,
Titus, and Domitiau; and since Tacitus was
an eminent pleader and writer of history at
Rome during the time, or not long after, our
Josephus had been there studying the Greek
language, reading the Greek books, and
writing bis own works in the same Greek lan-
guage, which language was almost univer-
sally known at Rome in that age; and since
therefore it is next to impossible to suppose
that Tacitus could be unacquainted with the
writings of Josephus, it cannot but be highly
proper to compare their accounts of Judea, of
the Jews, and Jewish affairs, together. Nor is
it other than a very surprising paradox to me,
bow it has been possible tor learned men,
particularly for the several learned editors of
Josephus und Tacitus, to be so very silent
about this matter as they have hitherto been,
especially when not only fhe correspondence
of the authors as to time and place, but the
likeness of the subject matter and circum-
stances, is so often so very remarkable: nay,
indeed, since many of the particular facts be-
longed peculiarly to the region of Judea, ana
to the Jewish nation, and are such as could
hardly be taken by a foreigner from any other
author than from our Josephus,—this strange
silence is ulmost unaccountable, if not inex-
cusable. flic t <«o umy ot ner w 11> ei > nil. w

kuow of, from whom Jewish affairs might he
supposed to be taken by Tacitus, who never
appears to have been in Juuea himself, are
Justus ot' Tiberias, a Jewish historian, contem-

porary with Josephus, and one Antonius Julia-
nus, once mentioned by Minutius Felix, in his
Octavius (sect. 33), as having written on tbe
same subject with Josephus, and both already
mentioned by me on another occasion (Dis-
sert. I.) As to Justus of Tiberias, be could
not be tbe historian whence Tacitus took bis
Jewish affairs; because, as we have seen in
the place just cited, tbe principal passage in
Tacitus ot that nature, concerning Christ and
his sufferings, under the emperor Tiberius,
and by his procurator Pontius Pilate, was not
there, as we know from the testimony of Pho-
tius (Cod. xxx);—and as to Antonius Juli-
anus, his very name shows him to have been
not a Jew, but a Roman. He is never men-
tioned by Josephus; and so probably knew
no more of tbe country or affairs of Judea
than Tacitus himself. He was, I suppose,
rather an epitomizer of Josephus, and not so
early as Tacitus, than an original historian
himself before bim. Nor could so exact a
writer as Tacitus ever take up with such poor
and almost unknown historians as these were,
while Josephus’s seven books of the Jewish
War were then so common; were in such
great reputation at Rome; were attested to,
and recommended, tiy Vespasian and Titus,
the emperors, by king Agrippa, and king
ArcLelaus, and Herod king ot Chalcis; and
be wa$ there honoured with a statue; and
these bis books were reposited in tbe public
library at Rome, as we know from Josephus
himself, from Eusebius, and Jerome, while we
never hear of any other history of tbe Jews
that hao tnen anil mere any such attestations
or recommendations. Some things indeed
Tacitus might take from the Roman recorus
of this war. 1 mean from the Commentaries
of Vespasian, which are mentioned by Jose-
phus himself, in his own Life (sect. 65y,DISSERTATION III.

845

and some others from the relations of Roman
people, where the affairs of Rome were con-
cerned: as also other affairs might be remem-
bered by old officers and soldiers that had been
in the Jewish war. Accordingly I still suppose
that Tacitus had some part of his information
these ways, and particularly where he a little
differs from or makes additions to Josephus:
but then as this will all reach no farther than
three or four years during this war, so will it
by no means account for that abridgment of
the geography of the country, and entire
series of the principal facts of history thereto
relating, which are in Tacitus, from the days
of Antiochus Epipbanes, two hundred and
forty years before that war, with which Anti-
ochus both Josephus and Tacitus begin their
distinct histories of the Jews, preparatory to
the history of this last war. Nor could Taci-
tus take the greatest part of those earlier
facts belonging to the Jewish nation from the
days of Moses, or to Christ and the Christians
in the days of Tiberius, from Roman authors;
of which Jewish and Christian affairs those
authors had usually ver^ little knowledge, and
which the heathen generally did grossly per-
vert and shamefully falsify; and this is so
true as to Tacitus’s own accounts of the ori-
gin of the Jewish nation, that the reader may
almost take it for a constant rule, that when
Tacitus contradicts Josephus’s Jewish Anti-
quities, he either tells direct falsehoods, or
truths so miserably disguised as renders them
little better than falsehoods, and hardly ever
lights upon any thing relating to them that
is true and solid, but when the same is in
those Antiquities at this day:—of which
rtiatters more will be said in the notes on this
history immediately following.

HISTORY OF THE JEWS.

BOOK V. CHAP. II.

Since we are now going to relate the final
period of this famous city [Jerusalem], it
seems proper to give an account of its origi-
nal.*— The tradition is, that the Jews r^n
away from the island of Crete, and settled
themselves on the coast of Libya, and this at
the time when Saturn vvas driven out of his
kingdom by the power of Jupiter: an argu-
ment for it is fetched from' their name. The
mountain Ida is famous in Crete; and the
neighbouring inhabitants are named Idai,
which, with a barbarous augment, becomes
the name of Judai [Jews]. Some say they
were a people that were very numerous in
Egypt, under the reign of Isis; and that the
Egyptians got free from that butden, by

» Most of these stories are so entirely groundless, and
bo contradictory to one another, that they do not de«ervr
a .serious confutation. It is strange Tacitus* coni » ■	-

suade him.'.ejt thus crudely to set thrin down.

sending them into the adjacent countries, under
their captains Hierosolymus and Judas. The
greatest part say they were those Ethiopians
whom Tear and hatred obliged to change their
habitations,inthereignofkingCepheus.6 There
are those who report that they were Assyrians,
who, wanting lands, got together, and obtained
part of Egypt, and soon afterward settled
themselves in cities of their own, in the land
of the Hebrews, and the parts of Syria that
lay nearest to them.® Others pretend their
origin to be more eminent, and that the
Solymi, a people celebrated in Homer’s poems,
were the founders of this nation, and gave
this their own name Hierosolyma to the city
which they built there.*1

Chap. III.] Many authors agree, that
when once an infectious distemper was arisen
in Egypt, and made men’s bodies impure,
Bocchoris, their king, weqt to the oracle of
[Jupiter] Hammon, and begged he would
grant him some relief against this evil, and
that he was enjoined to purge his nation of
them, and to banish this kind of men into
other countries, as hateful to the gods.e That
when he had sought for, and gotten them all
together, they were left in a vast desert: that
hereupon the rest devoted themselves to weep-
ing and inactivity; but one of those exiles,
Moses by name, advised them to look for no
assistance from any of the gods, or from any
of mankind, since they had been abandoned by
both, but bade them believe in him, as in a
qelestial leader,1 by whose help they had
already gotten clear of their present miseries.
They agreed to it; and though they were unac-
quainted with every thing, they began their
journey at random; but nothing tired them
so much as the want of water; and now they
laid themselves down on the ground to a great
extent, as just ready to perish, when a herd
of wild asses came from feeding, and went
to a rock ove^shadovVed by a grove of trees.
Moses followed them, as conjecturing that
there was [thereabouts] some grassy soil, and
so he opened large sources of water for
them.* That was an ease to them; and when
they had journeyed continually sixh entire

•> One would wonder how Tacitus, or any heathen,
could suppose the African Ethiopians under Cepheus,
who are known to be blacks, could be the parents of the
Jews, who are known to be whites.

® This account comes nearest the truth, and this
Tacitus might have from Josephus, only disguised by
himself.

<* This Tacitus might have out of Josephus, Antiq.
b. vii ch. iii sect. 2.

• Strange doctrine to Josephuswho truly obser^-s on
this occasion, that the gods are angry, not at bodily imper-
fections, but at wicked practices. Apion, b. i. sect. 28.

f This believing in Moses as in a celestial u nder,
seems a blind confession of Tacitus that Moses processed
to have his laws from God.

g This looks also like a plain confession of Tacihls,
that Moses brought the Jews water out of a rock in great
plenty, which he might have from Josephus, Antiq. b.iii.
nh i	7.

► Strange indeed! that 600,000 men should travel
ab-'vr g(XJ nver the deserts of Arabia, in six days,
u> *1 ci’i.quer J udra on the seveutb.846

DISSERTATION III.

days, on the* seventh day they drove out the
inhabitants, and obtained those lands wherein
their city and temple were dedicated.

Chap. IV.] As for Moses, in order to se-
cure the nation firmly to himself, he ordained
new rites, and such as were contrary to those
of otner men. All things are with them pro-
fane which with us are sacred: and, again,
those practices are allowed among them which
are by us esteemed most abominable.1

They place the image of that animal in
their most holy place, by whose indication it
was that they had escaped their wandering
condition and their tbirst.k

They sacrifice rams by way of reproach to
[Jupiter] Hammon. Aji ox is also sacrificed,
which the Egyptians worship under the name
of Apis.1

They abstain from swine’s flesh, as a me-
morial of that miserable destruction which the
mange, to which that creature is liable,
brought on them, and with which they had
been defiled.™

That they had endured a long famine
they attest still by their frequent fastings:11
and that they stole the fruits of the earth, we

whereby mankind are governed; and indeed
the most of the heavenly bodies exert their
power and perform their courses according
to the number Seven.1

Chap. V.] These writes, by what manner
soever they were first begun, are supported
by their antiquity.* The rest of their institu-
tions are awkward," impure, and got ground
by their pravity; for every vile fellow, des-
pising the rites of his forefathers; brought
thither their tribute and contributions, by
which means the Jewish commonwealth, was
augmented; and because among themselves
there is an unalterable fidelity and kindness
always ready at hand, but bitter enmity to-
wards all others;1 they are a people separated
from all others in their food and in their
beds; though they be the lewdest nation
upon earth, yet will they not corrupt foreign
.women,* though nothing be esteemed unlaw-
ful among themselves.2

They have ordained circumcision of the
part used in generation, that they may there-
by be distinguished from other people. The
proselytes to their religion have the same
usage."

have

rgument from the bread of the They are taught nothing sooner than to
Jews, which is unleavened.0	despise the gods, to renounce their country,

It is generally supposed that they rest on [ and to have their parents, children, and bre-
the seventh day ;P because that day gave them | thren in the utmost contempt;b but still they

[the first] rest from their labours. Besides
which, they are idle on every seventh year,a
ts being pleased with a lazy life. Others say
that they do honour thereby to Saturn;' or
perhaps the Id«ei gave them this part of their
religion, who [as we said above] were expell- I
ed, together with Saturn, and who, as we I
have been informed, were the founders of this I
nation; or else it was because the star Saturn
moves in the highest orb, and of the seven
planets exerts the principal part of that energy

i This is not true in general, but’only so far, that the
Israelites were by circumcision and other rites to be
kept separate from tbe wicked and idolatrous nations
about them.

k This strange story contradicts what the same Taci-
tus will tell us presently, that when Pompey went into
the holy of holies he found no image there.

1 These are only guesses of Tacitus, or of his heathen
authors, but no more.

■» Such memorials of what must have been very re-
proachful, are strangers to the rest of mankind, and
without any probability.

» Tue Jews had but one solemn fast of old in the
whole year,— the great day of expiation.

0 Unleavened bread was only used at the Passover.

take care to increase and multiply, for it is
esteemed utterly unlawful to kill any of their
children.

They all look on the souls of those that
die in battle, or are put tp death for their
crimes, as eternal. Hence comes their love
of posterity and contempt of death.

They derive their custom of burying,e
instead of burning their dead, from the Egyp-
tians ; they have also the same care of the
dead with them, and the same persuasion
about the invisible world below; but of the
gods above, their opinion is contrary to theirs.
The Egyptians worship abundance of animals,
and images of various sorts.

■ That the sun, moon, and stars rule over the affairs
pf mankind, was a heathen, and not a Jewish notion;
neither Jews nor Christians were permitted to deal in
astrology, though Tacitus seems to have been dee]

* This acknowledgment of the antiquity of Most
of Ills Jewish settlement, was what tbe heathen

P It is very strange that Tacitus should not know'or
and seventh year of
th or Sabbath day’s
rest, alter the six days of creation. Every Jew, as well

ery s

confess that tbe Jews’ seventh day and seventh year of
rest were in memory of the seventh^ or Sabbath day’s
tion.

lest, auei UIC aiA u<xya v» picauuu.	vtrvj uj nvii

as every Christian, could have informed him of those
matters.

g.A strange hypothesis of the origin of the Sabbatic
year, and without all good foundation. Tacitus pro-
buoiy bad never heard cl' the Jews’ year of Jubilee; so
ne says nothing ol it.

r As if the .lews in the days of Moses, or long before,
knew that the Creeks and Romans would long after-
ward call the seventh day of the week Saturn's day;
which Dio observes was not so called in old time; and
it is a question, whether, before the Jews fell into ido-
latry, tliey ever heard of such a star or god as Saturn.
Amos v. Zo; Acts vii. 43.

not always to own.
u What ll
ins were,
x Josephu
oses, Apion,
r A high,and, I doubt,

* An entirely false i
many laws against uncleanness!
b. iii. ch. xi. sect. 12.

of M oses, and
cared

Mo

hese pretended awkward and impure institn
itus does not inform us.

he

of I
iry

See Josephus, Antiq.

lions were, Taci
si
n, b

nd, l doubt,a

An entirely false character, and contrar;

shows tbe contrary, as to the laws of
b. ii. sect. 22.

false commendation of the J e ws.

their

The proselytes of justice only, not the proselytes of
the gate.

gate.

b How does this agre

and kindness which Tacitus told us tbe Jews had

;ree with that unalterable fidelity

towards one another r1—unless he only means that they
prelerred the divine commands before their nearest
relations, which is the highest degree of Jewish and
Chiistian piety.

v This custom is at least as old among tbe Hebrews
as the days of Abraham and the cave of Machphela, long
before the Israelites went into Egypt. Gen. xxiii. 1—
10; and xxv. 6—10.DISSERTATION III.

647

The Jews have no notion of any more than
one Divine Being;*1 and that known only by
the mind. They esteem such to be profane
who frame images of gods oaf of perishable

matter, and in the shape of men; that this inference, as if it were a sea.k It is ot au

Being is supreme and eternal, immutable
and unperishable, is their doctrine. Accord-
ingly, they have no images in their cities,
much less in their temples: they never grant
this pigce of flattery to kings, or this kind of
honour to emperors.® But bemuse their
priests, when they play on tij» pipe and the
timbrels, wear ivy round their head, and a
golden vine has been found in their tem-
ple/ some have thought that they worshipped
our father Bacchus, the conqueror of the
East; whereas the ceremonies of the Jews do
not at all agree with those of Bacchus, for he
appointed rites that were of a1 jovial nature,
and tit for festivals, while the practices of the
Jews are absurd and sordid.

Chap. VI.] The limits of Judea easterly
bounded by Arabia; Egypt 'lies on the

Jordan carried into the sea: it passes through
one and a second lake undiminished; hut it
is stopped by the third.1

Tuis third lake is vastly great in cirourn-

taste; and is pernicious to the adjoining inha-
bitants by its strong smell. The wind raises
no waves there, nor will it maintain either
fishes or such birds as use the water. Th
reason is uncertain, but the fact is thus, tha
bodies cast into it are borne up as by sore-
what solid. Those who can, and those who
cannot swim, are equully borne up by
it.1 At a certain time of the yearm it casts
out bitumen; the manner of gathering it,
like other arts, has been taught by experience.
The liquor is of its own> nature, of a black
colour; and, if you pour vinegar upon it, it
clings together, and swims on the top. Those
whose business it is, take it in their hands,
and pull it into the upper parts of the ship,
after which it follows, without farther attrac-
tion, and fills the ship full, till you cut it off, nor

south; on the west are Phoenicia and the I can you cut it off either with a brass or an iron

[Great] Sea. They have a prospect of Syria
on their north quarter, as at some distance
from them.*

The bodies of the men are healthy, and
such as will bear great labours.

Theyliave not many showers of rain: their
soil is very fruitful; the produce of their
land is like ours, in great plenty.11

They have also, besides ours, two trees pecu-
liar to themselves, the balsam-tree and the
palm-tree. Their groves of palms are tall
and beautiful. The balsam-tree is not very
large. As soon as any branch is swelled,
the veins quake as for fear, if you brin£ an
iron knife to cut them. They are to be
opened with the broken piece of a stone, or
with the shell of a fish. The juice is useful
in physic.

Libanus is their principal mountain, and
is very high; and yet, what is very strange
to be related, it is al ways shadowed with trees,
and never free from snow. The same moun-
tain supplies the river Jordan with water,
and affords it its fountains also. Nor is this

d These are very valuable concessions which Tacitus
here makes as to the unspotted piety of the Jewish
nation, in the woiship ot one infinite invisible God, and
absolute rejection of all idolatry, and of all worship of
images,- nay. of the image of the emperor Caios himself,
or of allording it a place in their temple.

• All these concessions were to be learned from Jose-
phus, and almost only from him; out of whom, there-
fore, I conclude Tacitus took the Quest part of Iris cha-

racter of the Jews.

1 This particular fact, that there was a golden vine
ae front of the Jewish temple, was, in all probability,
taken by Tacitus out of Josephus; but as the Jewish
priests were never adorned with ivy, the signal of Bac-
hus,—how Tacitus came to imagine this I cannot tell.

I Si

priests a
chus,—h

8 See the chorogruphy of Judea in Jns-phus, Of the
War, b iii. ch. iii. whence most probably Tacitus fr.med
this short abridgment of it. It comes in both authors
aturally before Vespasian’s lirst campaign,
a The latter branch of this, Tacitus might Imve from

dgme

naturally before Vespasian’s lirst cai
a The latter branch of this, 'Tacit
Josephus (Of the War, b. lit. eh. iii. sect. 2, 3, 4); the
other is not in the present copies.

instrument; but it cannot bear the touch of
blood, or of a cloth wet with the menstrual
purgations of women, as the ancient authors
say; but those that are acquainted with the
place assure us that these waves of bitumen
are driven along, and by the hand drawn to
the shore, and that when they are dried by the
warm steams from the earth, and the force
of the sun, they are cut in pieces with axes
and wedges, as timber and stones are cut in
pieces.

Chap. VII.] Not far from this lake are
those plains, which are related to have been of
old fertile, and to have bad many cities0 full
of people, but to have been burnt up by a
stroke of lightning: it is also said that the
footsteps of that destruction still remain; and
that the earth itself appears as burnt earth,
and has lost its natural fertility; and that as
an argument thereof, all the plants that grow
of their own accord, or are planted by the
band, whether they arrive at the degree of an
herb, or of a flower, or at complete maturity,
become black and empty, and, as it were,
vanish into ashes. As for myself, as I
am willing to allow that these once famous

I	These accounts of Jordan, of the fountains derived
from mount Li nanus, and of tlie two lakes it runs through,
and its stoppage liy the th rd, are exactly agreeable to
Josephus, Of the War, I). iii. ch x. sect. 7, H.

II	No less thaD live hundred and eighty furlongs long,
and one hundred and filty broad, iu Josephus, UI th*
War, h. v. ch. viii. secL 4.

‘ i Strabo says, that a man could not sink into th*
water of this lake so deep as ihe n-ivrl.

m Josephs never says t .at this bitumen was cast Uf
atacertaiu time of the year only; and Strabu says it*
direct contrary,- but Piiny agrees witn laci us

D This is exactly according to Josephus, and must
have been taken .roin him in the place lore-cued; and
that, particularly, because it i. peculiar t.i him, so tar as
I know, iu aL antiquily. I he rest thought the cities
were iu the very same place where now the lake isi but
Josephus aud Tacitus say they were in its ueightxxu*
hood only; which is Mr. KelaUd's opintoa alas.848

DISSERTATION III.

cities were burnt by fire from heaven, so

would I suppose that the earth is infected
with the vapour of the lake, and the spirit
[or air] that is over it thereby corrupted,
and that by this means the fruits of the
earth, both corn and grapes, rot away, both
the soil and the air being equally unwhole-
some.

The river Belus does also run into the sea
of Judea; and the sands that are collected
about its mouth, when you mix nitre with
them, are melted into glass: this sort of
shore is but small, but its sand, fur the use
of those that carry it off, is inexhaustible.

Chap. VIII.] A great part of Judea is
composed of Scattered villages; it also bas
larger towns; Jerusalem is the capital city of
the whole nation. In that city there was a
temple of immense wealth; in the first parts
that are fortified is the city itself; next it the
royal palace. The temple is enclosed in its
most iuward recesses. A Jew can come no
farther than the gates; all but the priests are
excluded by their threshold. While the East
was under the dominion of the Assyrians,
the Medes, and the Persians, the Jews were
of all slaves the most despicable.0

After the dominion of the Macedonians
prevailed, king Antiochus tried to conquer
their superstition, and to introduce the cus-
toms of the Greeks; but he was disappointed |
of his design, which was to give this most
profligate nation a change for the better; and
that was by his war with the Parthians, for
at this time Arsaces bad fallen off [from the |
Macedonians], Then it was that the Jewsi
set kings over them, because the Macedonians I
were'become weak, the Parthians were not
yet very powerful, and the Romans were very
remote; which kings, when they had been
expelled by the mobility of the vulgar, and
had recovered their dominion by war, at-
tempted the same things that kings used to do,

I mean they introduced the destruction of
cities, the slaughter of brethren, of wives, and
parents, but still went on in their supersti-
tion: for they took upon them withal the
houourable dignity of the high-priesthood, as
a firm security to their power and authority.

Chap. IX.] The first of the Romans that
conquered the Jews was Cneius Pompeius,
who entered the temple by right of victory.
Thence the report was everywhere divulged,
that therein was no image of a god, but an
empty place, and mysteries, most secret
places that have nothing in them. The
walls of Jerusalem were then destroyed, but the
temple continued still. Soon afterward arose
a civil war among us; and when therein
these provinces were reduced under Marcus

l

■ A great slander against the Jews, without any just
^vudatiun. Josephus would have liiiunued him belter.

« Here begin Josephus s and Tacitus's true accounts
at' the JewB preliminary to the last war. See of Uie .War,
(Bin, scot. 7s.

Antonius, Pacorus, king of the Parthians,
got possession of Judea, but was himself slain
by Paulus Ventidius, and the Parthians were
driven beyond Euphrates; and for the Jews,
.Paius Sosius subdued them. Antonius
gave the kingdom to Herod; and when
Augustus conquered Antonius he still aug-
mented it.

After Herod’s death, one Simon, without
waiting for the disposition of Caesar, took
upon him the title of Kiny, who was brought
to punishment by [or under] Quinctilius Va-
rus, when he was president of Syria. After-
ward the nation wasrenuced, and the children
of Herod governed it in three partitions.

Under Tiberius the Jews had rest. After
some time, they were enjoined to place Caiu3
Cssar’s statue in the temple; but ratbei
than permit that they took up arms;*) which
sedition was put an end to by the death of
Caesar.

Claudius, after the kings were either dead
or reduced to smaller dominions, gave the
province of Judea to Roman knights, or to
freed-men, to be governed by them; among
whom was Antonius Felix, one that exercised
all kind of barbarity and extravagance, as
if he bad royal authority, but with the dis-
position of a slave. He bad married Dru-
siila, the grand-aaughter of Antonius: so
that Felix was the grand-daughter's husband,
and Claudius the grand-son of the same
Antonius.

ANNALS, book xu.

•

But he that was the brother of Pallas, whose
surname was Felix, did not act with the same
moderation [as did Pallas himself]. He had
been a good while ago set over Judea, and
thought he might be guilty of all sorts of
wickeduess with impunity while he relied on
so sure an authority.

The Jews had almost given a specimen of
sedition; and even after the death of Caius
was known, and they had not obeyed his
command, there remained a degree of fear
lest some future* prince should renew that
command [lor the setting up the prince’s
statue in their temple]; and in the mean time,
Felix, by the use of unseasonable remedies,
blew up the coals of sedition into a flame,
and was imitated by bis partner in the govern-
ment, Ventidius Cumanus, the country being
thus divided between them; that the nation
of the Galileans were under Cumanus, and
the Samaritans under Felix; which two na-
tions were of old at variance, but now, out of

4 They came to Petronius, the president of Syria, in
vast numbers; but without arms, and as humble sup-
plicants only. See Tacitus presently, where he aller-
wards sets this matter almost rigut, according to Jose-
phus, aud by way of correction; lor that account is in
his Annals, which were written after this which is in
his Histories.DISSERTATION HI.

849

contempt of tbeir governors, did less restrain
their hatred; they then began to plunder one
another, to send in parties of robbers to lie in
wait, and sometimes to tight battles, and
withal to bring spoils and prey to the procu-
rators [Cumanus and Felix]. Whereupon
these procurators began to rejoice; yet when
the mischief grew considerable, soldiers were
sent to quiet them, but the soldiers were
killed; and the province had been in a flame
of war, had not Quadratus, the president of
Syria, afforded his assistance. Nor was it long
in dispute whether the Jews, who had kijled
the soldiers in the mutiny, should be put to
death; it was agreed they should die,—only
Cumanus and Felix occasioned,a delay; for
Claudius, upon hearing the causes as to this
rebellion, had given [Quadratus] authority to
determine the case, even as to the procurators
themselves; but Quadratus showed Felix
among the judges, and took him into his seat
of judgment, on purpose that he might dis-
courage his accusers, Sjp Cumanus was con-
demned for those flagitious actions, of which
both he and Felix had been guilty, and peace
was restored to the province.7

HISTOR. book v. chap. x.

However, the Jews bad patience till Ges-
sius Florus was made procurator. Under him
it was that the war began. Then Cestius
Gallus, the president of Syria, attempted to
appeuse it, and tried several battles, but gene-
rally with ill success.

Upon his death,1 whether it came by fate,
or that he was weary of his life, is uncertain,
Vespasian had the good fortune, by his repu-
tation, and excellent officers, and a victorious
army, in the space of two summers, to make
himself master of all the open country and
of all the cities, Jerusalem excepted.

[Flavius Vespasianus, whom Nero had
chosen for his general, managed the Jewish
war with three legions. Histor. b. i. ch. x.]

The next year, which was employed in a
civil war [at home], so far as the Jews were
ootflcerned, passed over in peace. When Italy
was pacified, the care of foreign parts was
revived. The Jews were the only people that
stoochout; which increased the rage of [the
Romans], It was also thought most proper
that Titus should stay'with the army, to pre-
vent any accident or misfortune which the new
government might be liable to.

[Vespasian had put an end to the Jewish
war; the siege of Jerusalem was the only
enterprise remaining, which was a work hard
and difficult; but rather from the nature of

the mountain and the obstinacy of the Jewish
superstition, than because the besieged hnd
strength enough to undergo the distresses [of a
siege]. We have already informed [the reader]
that Vespasian had with him three legions,
well exercised in war. Histor. b. ii. ch. v.]

When Vespasian was a very young man,
it was promised him that he should arrive at
the very highest pitch of fame: but what did
iirst of all seem to confirm the omen, was his
triumphs, and consulship, and the glory of
His victories over the Jews. When he had
once obtained these, he oelieved it.was por-
tended that he should come to the empire.*

There is between Judea and Syria a moun-
tain and a god, both called by the same name of
Carmel, though our predecessors have informed
us that this god had no image, and no temple,
and indeed no more than an altar and solemn
worship. Vespasian was once offering a sacri-
fice there, at a time when hq had some secret
thought in his mind; the priest, whose name
was Basilides, when he, over and over, looked
at the entrails, said, “ Vespasian, whatever
thou art about, whether the building of thy
house or enlargement of thy lands, or augmen-
tation of thy slaves, thou art granted a mighty
seat, very large bounds, and a huge number of
men.” These doubtful answers were soon
spread abroad by fame, and at the time were
explained; nor was any thing so much in pub-
lic vogue, and very many discourses of that
nature were made before him, and the more,
because they foretold what he expected.

Mucianus and Vespasian went away, hav-
ing fully agreed on their designs; the former
to Antioch, the latter to Cesarea. Antioch
is the capital of Syria, and Cesarea th*e capi-
tal of Judea. The commencement of Ves-
pasian’s advancement to the empire was at
Alexandria, where Tiberius Alexander made
such haste, that he obliged the legions to take
the oath of fidelity to him on the kalends of
July, which was ever after celebrated as the
day of his inauguration, although11 the army
in Judea had taken that oath on the fifth of
the Nones of July, with that eagerness, that
they would not stay for his son Titus, who
was then on the road, returning out of Syria,
chap, lxxix. Vespasian delivered over the
strongest part of his forces to Titus, to enable
him to finish what remained df the Jewish
war. Histor. b. iv. ch. li.

During these months in which Vespasian

t Josephus takes notice in general of these many
omens of Vespasian’s advancement to the empire, and
distinctly adds his own remarkable prediction of it also.
War, b. iii. ch. viii. sect. 3—9.

great mistake about the Jewish
: of the War, book ii. chap. xii.

r Here seems to he a
•flairs in Tacitus. Sei
sect. 8.

■ Josephus says nothing of the death of Cestius,- so
Tiritus seems to have known nothing in particular
about it

Uf the

.. ' i'i.

ir. I

This although seems to imply that V'spasian was
proclaimed emperor in Judea before he was proclaimed
at Alexandria, as the whole history of Josephus implies,
and the place where now Vespasian was, which was no
other than Judea, requires also, thougH the inaugura-
tion-day might he celebrated alterwaTd from his lirst
proclamation at the great city Alexandria; only then the
Nones dr Ides in Tacitus and Suetonius mubt bo of

June, aDd not of July.

3 H650

DISSERTATION III.

oontinued at Alexandria, waiting for the usual
set time of the summer gales of wind, and
staid for settled fair weather at sea, many
miraculous events happened; by which the
good-will of Heaven, and a kind of inclination
of the Deity in his favour was declared.

A certain man of the vulgar sort at Alex-
andria, well known for the decay of his eyes,
kneeled down by him and groaned and beg-
ged of him the cure of his blindness, as by the
admonition of Serapis, the god which this su-
perstitious nation worships above others. He
also desired that the emperor would be pleased
to put some of his spittle upon the balls of
his eyes. Another infirm mah there, who
was lame of his hand, prayed Caesar, as by
the same god’s suggestion, to tread upon him
with his foot. Vespasian at first began to
laugh at them and to reject them; and when
they were instant with him, he sometimes
feared he should have the reputation of a vain
person, and sometimes, upon the solicitation
of the infirm, he flattered himself, and others
flattered him, with the hopes of succeeding.
At last he ordered the physicians to give their
opinion, whether this sort of blindness and
lameness were curable by the art of man or
not? The physicians answered uncertainly,
that the one h^d not the visual faculty utterly
destroyed, and that it might be restored, if
the obstacles were removed: that the other’s
limbs were disordered, but if a healing virtue
were made use of, they were capable of being
made whole. Perhaps, said they, the gods
are willing to assist, and that the emperor is
chosen by divine interposition. However,
they said at last, that if the cures succeeded,
Caesar would have the glory; if not, the poor
miserable objects would only be laughed at.
Whereupon Vespasian imagined that his good
fortune would be universal, and that nothing
on that account could be incredible; so he
looked cheerfully, and in the sight of the
multitude, who stood in great expectation, he
did what they desired him; upon which the
lame hand was recovered, and the blind man
saw immediately. Both these cures* are re-
lated to this day by those that were present,
and when speaking falsely will get no reward.

* The miraculous cures done by Vespasian are attested
to both by Suetonius in Vespasian (sect.7) and by Dio
(p. 217), and seem to me well attesied. Our Saviour

BOOK V. CHAP. I.

seems to have overruled the heathen oracle of Serapis
vine approbation to Vespasian’s ad-
ire of Rome, as he suggested the

to procure the di
vancement to the erupi;

like approbation to the advancement both of Vespasian
and Titus to. Josephus; which two were to be his
chosen instruments in bringing on that terrible de-
struction upon the Jewish nation, which he had
threatened to execute by these Koman armies. Nor
could aoy other Roman generals than Vespasian and
Titus, at that time, in human probability, have pre-
vails 1 over the Jews, and destroyed Jerusalem, as this "'b TtiestTi
whole history in Josephus implies. Josephus also jerusa|em
everywhere supposes Vespasian and Titus raised up to „h	'

everywhere suppos*
command against Judea and Jerusalem, and to govern
the Roman empire by Divine Providence, and not in
the ordinary way ; as also he always supposes this de-
traction a divine judiynient on the Jews for their sins.

At the beginning of the same year, Titus
Ciesar, who was pitched upon by his father
to finish the conquest of Judea, and, while
both he and his father were private persons,
was celebrated for his martial conduct, acted
now with greater vigour and hopes of repu-
tation, the kind inclinations both of*the
provinces and of the armies striving one with
another who should most encourage him. He
was also himself in a disposition to show that
he Was more than equal to his fortune; and
when be appeared in arms, he did all things
after such a ready and graceful way, treating
all after such an affable manner, aod with
such kind words, as invited the good-will
and good wishes of all. He appeared also in
bis actions and in his place in the troops; he
mixed with the common soldiers, yet without
any stain to bis honour as a general.7 He
was received in Judea by three legions, the
fifth, and the tenth, and the fifteenth, who
were Vespasian’s old, soldiers. Syria also
afforded him the twelfth, and Alexandria
soldiers out of the twenty-second and twenty-
third legions. Twenty cohorts of auxiliaries
accompanied, as also eight troops of horse.*
King Agrippa also was there, and king
Sohemus, and the auxiliaries of king Antio-
chus, and a strong body of Arabians, who, as
is usual in nations that are neighbours to one
another, went with their accustomed hatred
against the Jews, with many others out of the
city of Rome, as every one’s hopes led him, of
getting early into the general’s favour, before
others should prevent them.

He entered into the borders of the enemy’s
country with these forces, in exact order ol
war; and looking carefully about him, and
being ready for battle, he pitched his camp
not far from Jerusalem.

Chap. X.] When therefore he had pitched
his camp, as we said just now, before the
walls of Jerusalem, he pompously showed his
legions ready for an engagement.®

Chap. XI.] The Jews formed their camp
under the verv wallsb [of the city]; and ii
they succeeded, they resolved to venture far-
ther; but if they were beaten back, that was
their place of refuge. When a body of ca-
valry were sent against them,® and with them

7 This character of Titus agrees exactly with the
History of Josephus upon all occasions.

« These twenty cohorts and eight troops of horse, are
not directly enumerated by Josephus, of tbe War, b. v.
c,b. i. sect. 6.

* This word id Tacitus, pompously showed bis legions,
looks as if that pompous show which was some months
afterward, in Josephus, ran in his mind. Of tbe War,
b. v. ch. ix. sect i.

■ These first bickerings and battles near the walls of
up to1 ~•—’usalem, are at large in Josephus, ol the War, b. v.

« Josephus distinctly mentions these horsemen or ca-
valry, six hundred in number,
like to have been slain or take
b. v. ch ii sect. I. 2 :t

ten pi

>rig whom Titus hyd
risouer. of the War,Dissertation hi.

cohorts that were expedite and nimble, the
fight was doubtful; but soon afterwards the
enemies gave ground, and on the following
days there were frequent skirmishes before
the gates, till after many losses they were
driven into the city. The Romans then
betook themselves to the siege, for it did not
seem honourable to stay till the enemies
were reduced by famine.*1 The soldiers were
very eager to expose themselves to dangers;
part of them out of true valour, and many
out of a brutish fierceness, and out of a desire
of reward.

Titus had Rome, and the riches and plea-
sures of it, before his eyes; all which seemed
to be too long delayed, unless Jerusalem
could be soon destroyed.

The city stood on a high elevation,e and it
had great works and ramparts to secure it,
such indeed as were sufficient for its fortification,
had it been on plain ground; for there were
two bills, of a vast height, which were enclosed
by walls made crooked by art, or [naturally]
bending inwards, that they might flank the
besiegers, and cast darts on them sideways.
The extreme parts of the rock were craggy,
and the towers, when they had the advantage
of the ground, were sixty feet high; when
they were built on the plain ground they
were not built lower than one hundred and
twenty feet: they were of uncommon beauty,
and to those who looked at them at a great
distance, they seemed equal. Other walls
there were beneath the royal palace, besides
the tower of Antonia, with its top particu-
larly conspicuous. It was called so by Herod,
in honour of Marcus Antonius.

Chap. XII.] The temple was like a cita-
del, having walls of its owti, which had more
labour and pains bestowed on them than the
rest. The cloisters wherewith the temple
was enclosed were an excellent fortification.

They had a fountain of water that ran per-
petually, and the mountains were hollowed
under ground; they had moreover poolsf and
cisterns for the preservation of the rain-water.

They that built this city foresaw, that from
the difference of their conduct of life from
their neighbours, they should have frequent
wars; thence it came to pass that they had pro-
vision for a long siege. After Pompey’s con-
quest also, their fear and experience had taught
them generally what they should want.*

Moreover, the covetous temper that pre-

4 Such a deliberation and resolution, with this very
that it would be dishonourable to stay till the
starved out by famine, is in Josephus, of the

reason,
Jews were
Wa

r, b. v. ch. xii. sect. 1.

This description of the city Jerusalem, its two hillJ,
its three walls, and four towers, Sec. are in this place at
large in Josephus, of the War, b.v.ch. iv. See also Pom-
pey’s Siege, Antiq. b. xiv. ch. iv. sect. 2.

r Of these pools, see Josephus, of the War, b. v. ch. xi.
sect 4. The cisterns are not mentioned by him here,
tbi'Uglf they he mentioned by travellers. See Reland’s
Palestine, tom i. p 304.

g This is Tacitus’s or the Romans’ own hypothesis,
cn*apDorte.il by Josephus.

851

vailed under Claudius, gave the Jews an
opportunity of purchasing for money*1 leave to
fortify Jerusalem; bo they built walls in time
of peace, as if they were going to war, they
being augmented in number by those rude
multitudes of people that retired thither on
the ruin of the other cities; for every obsti-
nate fellow ran away thither, and there becam i.
more seditious than before.	P

There were three captains, and as many
armies. Simon had the remotest and largest
parts of the walls under him. John, who was
also called Bar Gioras (the son of Gioras), had
the middle parts of the city under him: and
Eleazar had fortified the temple itself. John
and Simon were superior in multitude and
strength of arms, Eleazar was superior by his
situation, but battles, factions, and burnings,
were common to them all; and a great quan-
tity of corn was consumed by fire. After a
while, John sent some, who, under the pre-
tence of offering sacrifice, might slay Eleazar
and his body of troops, which they did, and
got the temple under their power. So the
city was now parted into two factions, until,
upon the coming of the Romans, this war
abroad produced peace between these that
were at home.

Chap. XIII.] Such prodigies* bad hap-
pened, as this nation, which is superstitious
enough in its own way, would not agree to
expiate by the ceremonies of- the Roman reli-
gion, nor would they atone the gods by sacri-
fices and vows, as these used to do on the like
occasions. , Armies were seen to fight in the
sky, and their armour looked of a bright light
colour, and the temple shone with sudden
flashes of fire out of the clouds. The doors
of the temple were opened on a sudden, and
a voice greater than human was heard, that
the gods were retiring, and at the same time
there was a great motion perceived, as if they
were going out of it, which some esteemed to
be causes of terror. The greater part had a
firm belief that it was contained in the old
sacerdotal books, that at this very time the
east would prevail, and that some that came
out of Judea should obtain the empire of the
world, which obscure oracle foretold Vespa-
sian and Titus; but the generality of the
common people, as usual, indulged their own
inclinations, and when they had once inter-
preted all to forebode grandeur to themselves,
adversity itself could not persuade them

b This sale of leave for the Jews to build the walls of
Jerusalem for money is also Tacitus’s or the Romans’
own hypothesis, unsupported hy Josephus. Nor is
Josephus’s character of Claudius near so bad, as to other
things also, as it i9 in Tacitus and Suetonius. Dio says
b*e was far from covetousness in particular. The others
seem to have'misrepresented hi9 meek and quiet'temper
atid learning, but without ambition, and bis great kind-
ness to the Jews as the most contemptible folly. See
Antiq. b xix. ch. iv. sect. 4. He was indeed much ruled
at first by a very bad minister, Pallas; and at lastwa*
ruled and poisoned by a very bad wife. Agrippina.

i These prodigies and more are at large in Josephus,
of lb« War, b. vi. ch. V. sect 3.852

DISSERTATION III.

to change their minds, though it were from
falsehood to truth.k

We have been informed, that the number
of the besieged, of every age and of both sexes,
male and female, was six hundred thousand.1
There were weapons for all that could carry
them; and more than could be expected, for
their number were bold enough to do so.
The men and the women were equally obsti-r
nate; and when they supposed they were to
be carried away captive, they were more afraid
of life than of death.

Against this city and nation Titus Caesar
resolved to fight, by ramparts and ditches,
since the situation of the place did not admit
of taking it by storm or surprise. He parted
th6 dutyamong the legions; and there were
no farther engagements, until whatever had
been invented for the taking of cities by the
ancients, or by the ingenuity of the moderns,
was got ready.

ANNALS, book xv.

Nero, in order to stifle the rumour [as if
he had himself set Rome on fire], ascribed it to
those people who were hated for their wicked
practices, and called by the vulgar Christians;
these he punished exquisitely. The author of
this name was Christ, who, in the reign of Tl-
Derius, was brought to punishment by Pontius
Pilate, the procurator."1 For the present
this pernicious superstition was in part sup-
pressed; but it brake out again, not only over
Judea, whence this mischief first sprang, but
in the city of Rome also, whither do run from
every quarter and make a noise, all the fla-
grant and shameful enormities. At first,
therefore, those were seized who confessed;
afterward a vast multitude were detected by
them, and were convicted, not so much as
really guilty of setting the city on fire, but
as hating all mankind; nay, they made a
mock of them as they perished, and destroyed
them by putting them into the skins of wild
beasts, and setting dogs upon them to tear
them to pieces: some were nailed to crosses,
and others flamed to death; they were also
used in the night-time instead of torches for
illumination. Nero had offered his own gar-
dens for this spectacle. He also gave them
Circensian games, and dressed himself like
the driver of a chariot, sometimes appearing
among the common people, sometimes in the

k This interpretation, and the reflections upon it, are
in Josephus, of the War, b. vi. ch. v. sect. 4.

> The number 600,000 lor the besieged is nowhere in
Josephus, but is there for the poor buried at the public
charge, of the War, b. v. ch. xiii. sect 7, which might
be about the number of the besieged, under Cestius
Gall ns, though there were many more afterward at Ti-
tus’s siege, as Josephus implies, of the War, b. ri. ch. ix.
sect. 0.

“This passage seems to have been directly taken
from Josephus’s famous testimony concerning Christ
and the Christians, Antiq. b. xviii. ch. iii. sect. 0, of
which see Dissert 1, before.

circle itself; whence a commiseration arose,
though the punishments were levelled at
guilty persons, and such as deserved to be
made the most flagrant examples, as if these
people were destroyed,—not for the public
advantage, but to satisfy the barbarous
humour of one man.

Since I have set down all the vile
calumnies of Tacitus upon the Christians as
well as the Jews, it will be proper before I
come to my Observations, to set down two
heathen records in their favour, and those
hardly inferior in antiquity, and of much
greater authority than Tacitus; I mean Pliny’s
Epistle to Trajan when he was pro-consul of
Bithynia; with Trajan’s Answer or rescript
to Pliny, cited by Tertullian, Eusebius, and
Jerome. These are records of so great esteem
with Havercamp, the last editor of Josephus,
that be thinks they not only deserve to be
read, but almost to be learned by heart also.

PLINY’S EPISTLE TO TRAJAN.

ABOUT A.D. 112.

Sir,

It is my constant method to apply
myself to you for the resolution of all my
doubts; for who can better govern my dilatory
way of proceeding, or instruct my ignorance?
I have never been present at the examination
of the Christians [by others], on which ac-
count I am unacquainted with what uses to
.be inquired into, and what, and bow far
they used to be punished; nor are my doubts
small, whether there be not a distinction to
be made between the ages [of the accused]?
and whether tender youth ought to have the
same punishment with strong men? Whether
there be not room for pardon upon repent-
ance?" or whether it may not be an advan-
tage to one that had been a Christian, that
be has forsaken Christianity? Whether the
bare name,0 without any crimes besides, or
the crimes adhering to that name, be to be
punished? In the mean time, 1 have taken
this course about those who have been brought
before me as Christians. 1 asked them whe-
ther they were Christians or not ? If they
confessed that they were Christians, I asked
them again, and a third time, intermixing
threatenings with the questions. If they per-
severed in their confession, I ordered them
to be executed; p for I did not doubt but; let

n Till now, it seems, repentance was not commonly
allowed those that had been once Christians ; but,
though they recanted and returned to idolatry, yet were
they commonly put to death, This was persecution in
perfection!

° This was the ju9t and heavy complaint of the an-
cient Christians, that they commonly suffered for that
bare name, without the pretence of any crimes they
could prove against them. This was also persecution
in perfection.'

p Amazing doctrine.1 that a firm and fixed resolution
of keeping a good conscience should be thought wit hod
dispute to deserve death, and this by such comparatively
excellent heathens as Pliny and TrajanDISSERTATION III.

their confession be of any sort whatsoever,
this positiveness and indexible obstinacy
deserved to be punished. There have been
some of this mad sect whom I took notice of
in particular as Roman citizens, that they
might be sent to that city.q After some
time, as is usual in such examinations, the
crime spread itself, and many more cases
came before me. A libel was sent to me,
though without an author, containing many
names [of persons accused]. These denied
that they were Christians now, or ever had
been. They called upon the gods, and sup-
plicated to your image/ which I caused to be
brought to me for that purpose, with frankin-
cense and wine; they also cursed Christ;1 * * * 5 * * * * * none
of which things, it is said, can any of those
that are really Christians be compelled to do:
so I thought fit to let them go. Others of
them that were named in the libel, said they
were Christians, but presently denied it again;
that indeed they had been Christians, but had
ceased to be so, some three years, some many
more; and one there was that said he had
not been so these twenty years. All these
worshipped your image, and the images
of our gods; these also cursed Christ. How-
ever, they assured me that the main of
their fault, or of their mistake, was this: —
That. they were wont, on a stated day,
to meet together before it was light, and to
sing a hymn to Christ, as to a god, alter-
nately; and to oblige themselves by a sacra-
ment [or oath], not,to do any thing that was
ill; but that they would commit no theft, or
pilfering, or adultery; that they would not
break their promises, or deny what was
deposited with them, when it was required
back again; after which it was their custom
to depart, and to iiicet aga».» at a oo.*....uu
but innocent meal/ which they had Jett off
upon that edict which I published at your
command, and wherein I had forbidden any
such conventicles. These examinations made
me think it necessary to inquire by torments
what the truth was; which I did of two
servant-maids, who were called Deaconesses:
but still I discovered no more than that
they were addicted to a bad and to an extra-
vagant superstition. Hereupon I have put off
any further examinations, and have recourse
to you, for the affair seems to be well
worth consultation, especially on account of

1 This Was the case of St. Paul, who, being a citizen

of Rome, was allowed to “appeal unto Cesar j” and was

“ sent to Rome ” accordingly. Acts xxii. 26—29; xxv.

25; xxvi. 33; xxvii.

' Amazing stupidity! that the emperor’s image, even

while he w.<i.r alive, should be allowed capable of divine

worship, c(by such comparatively excellent heathens

as Pliny and Trajan.

■ Take here a parallel account out of the Martyrdom
of Pulycarp, sect. 9. Thi proconsul said, “Heproach

Christ.” Polycarp replied, “ highty and six years have
1 now served Christ, and he has never done me the
least wrong, how then can 1 blaspheme my King and
my Saviour?”

i This, most probably, most be some (east of Charity.

85-

the number11 of those that are in danger; for
there are many of every age, of every rank,
and of both sexes, who are now and hereafter
likely to be called to account, and to be in
danger; for this superstition is spread like a
contagion, not only into cities and towns, but
into country villages also, which yet there is
reason to hope may be stopped and corrected.
To be sure, the temples, which were almost
forsaken, begin already to be frequented; and
the holy solemnities, which were long inter-
mitted, begin to be revived. The sacrifices
begin to sell well everywhere, of which very
few purchasers had of late appeared; whereby
it is easy to suppose how great a multitude
of men may be amended, i^ place for repentance
be admitted.

TRAJAN’S EPISTLE TO PLINY.

My Pliny,

You have taken the method
which you Ought in examining the causes of
those that had been accused as Christians,
for indeed no certain and general form of
judging can be ordained in this case. These
people are not to be sought for; but if they
be accused and convicted, they are, to be
punished; but with this caution, that he who
denies himself to be a Christian, and makes
it plain that he is not so by supplicating to
our gods, although he had been so turmerly,
may be allowed pardon, upon his repentance.
As for libels sent without an author, they
ought to have no place in any accusation
whatsoever, for that would be a thing of very
ill example, and not agreeable to my reign.

OBSERVATIONS

UPON THE PASSAGES TAKEN OUT OF TACITUS.

I. We see here what a great regard the
best of the Roman historians of that age,
Tacitus, had to the history of Josephus, while
though he never names him, as he very rarely
names any of those Roman authors whence
he derives other parts of his history, yet does
it appear that he refers to his seven books of
the Jewish Wars several times in a very few
pages, and almost always depends on bis
accounts of the affairs of the Romans and Par-
thians, as well as of the Jews, during no fewer
than 240 years, to which those books extend.
\ II. Yet does it appear that when he now
and then followed other histor'an.® reports
concerning the Romans, the Partnians, or the

“ Some of late are very loth to believe that the Chris-
tians were numerous in the second century; but this is
such an evidence that they were very numerous, at least
in Bithyniu, even in the beginning of that century, as is
wholly undeniable.

dissertation III.

Jews, during that long interval, he was com-
monly mistaken in them, and had better have
kept close to Josephus than hearken to any of
his other authors or informers.

III.	It also appears highly probable that
Tacitus had seen the Antiquities of Josephus,
and knew that, the most part of the accounts
he produced of the origin of the Jewish na-
tion entirely contradicted those Antiquities.
He also could hardly avoid seeing that those
accounts contradicted one another also, and
were childish, absurd, and supported by no
good evidence whatsoever: as also, he could
hardly avoid seeing that Josephus’s accounts
in those Antiquities were authentic, substan-
tial, and thoroughly attested to by the ancient
records of that nation, and of the neighbour-
ing nations also, which indeed no one can
now avoid seeing, that carefully peruses and
considers them.

IV.	Tacitus, therefore, in concealing the
greatest part of the true ancient history of the
Jewish nation, which lay before him in Jose-
phus, and producing such fabulous, ill-ground-
ed, and partial histories, which he bad from
the heathens, acted a most unfair part; and
this procedure of his is here the more gross,
in regard he professes such great impartiality
(Hist. b. i. ch. i.), and is allowed indeed to
Lave observed that impartiality as to the
Roman affairs.

V.	Tacitus’s hatred and contempt of God’s
peculiar people, the Jews, and his attachment
to the grossest idolatry, superstition, and
astral fatality of the Romans, were therefore
so strong in him, as to overbear all restraints
of sober reason and equity in the case of those
Jews, though be be allowed so exactly to have
followed them on other occasions relating to
the Romans.

VI.	Since, therefore, Tacitus was so bitter
against the Jews, and since he knew that
Christ was a Jew himself, and that his apos-
tles, and first followers were Jews, and also
knew that the Christian religion was derived
into the Roman provinces from Judea,—it is
no wonder that his hatred and contempt of
the Jews extended itself to the Christians also,
whom the Romans usually confounded with
the Jews; as therefore his hard words of the
Jews appear to have been generally ground-
less, and hurt his own reputation instead of
theirs, so ought we to esteem his alike hard
words of the Christians to be blots upon his
own character, and not upon theirs.

VII.	Since therefore Tacitus, soon after
the publication of Josephus’s Antiquities,

and in contradiction to them, was determined
to produce such idle stories about the Je ws,
and since one of those idle stories is much
the same with that published in Josephus,
against Apion, from Manethoand Lysimachus,
and nowhere else met with so fully in all an-
tiquity, it is most probable that those Antiqui-
ties of Josephus were the very occasion of
Tacitus giving us these stories; as we know
from Josephus himself, against Apion, b. i.
sect. 1, that the same Antiquities were the
very occasion of Apion’s publication of his
equally scandalous stories about them, and
which Josephus so thoroughly confuted in
these two books, written against him; and if
Tacitus, as I suppose, had also read these two
books, bis procedure in publishing such stories
after be had seen so thorough a confutation
of them, was still more highly criminal. Nor
will Tacitus’s fault be much less, though we
suppose be neither saw the Antiquities, nor
the books against Apion: because it was very
easy for him, then at Rome, to have had more
authentic accounts, of the origin of the Jewish
nation, and of the nature of the Jewish and
Christian religions, from the Jews and
Christians themselves, who he owns were
very numerous there in his days; so that his
publication of such idle stories is still utterly
inexcusable.

VIII.	It is therefore very plain, after all,
that notwithstanding the encomiums of several
of our learned critics upon Tacitus, and bard
suspicions upon Josephus, all the (involun-
tary) mistakes of Josephus, in all his large
works put together, their quality as well as
quantity considered, do nqt amount to near so
great a sum as do these gross errors and mis-
representations of Tacitus about the Jews
amount to in a few pages; so little reason
have some of our later and lesser critics to
prefer the Greek and Roman historians and
writers to the Jewish, and particularly to
Josephus. Such later and lesser critics should
have learned more judgment and modesty
from their great father Joseph Scaliger, when,
as wehaveseen, after all hisdeeperinquirigs. he
solemnly pronounces (De pmend. Temp. Pro-
legom. p. 17), that “ Josephus was the most
diligent and the greatest lover of truth of all
writers;” and is not afraid to affirm, that
“ it is more safe to believe him not only as to
the affairs of the Jews, but also as to those that
are foreign to them, than all the Greek and
Latin writers; and this because his fidelity
and compass of learning are everywhere
conspicuous.”TABLE

OVfBB

JEWISH WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

Particularly of those mentioned in Josephus’s Wor&s.

-OF THE JEWISH MEASURES OF LENGTH.

		Inehea.	Fast,		In shea.
Cubit, the standard .....		21	1		9
Zereth or large span .....	.	10.5	0		UU
Small span	......		7	0		7
Palm or hand’s breadth	....		3.5	0		3*
Inch or thumb’s breadth .	.	.'	.		1.16 .	0		1.16
Digit or finger’s breadth	....	•	.875	0		.875
Orgyia or fathom .	.	.	.	.		84	7		0
Ezekiel’s Canneh or reed .	.	•	•	•	126	10		6
Arabian Cannah or pole .	.	•	•	• •	168	14		0
Schcenus, line or chain ....		1680	140		0
Sabbath-day’s journey .	....		42000	3500		0
Jewish mile ......		84000	7000		0
Stadium or furlong	.....		8400	700		0
Parasang	......	•	252000	21000		0
OF THE JEWISH MEASURES OF CAPACITY.					
		Cub. Inches	Pinta or Pounds,		
Bath or Epha		# ,	807.274	.		27.83	
Corus or Chomer	....'.		8072.74	•	278.3	
Seah or Saton ......	. #	269.091	.	.		9.266
Ditto, according to Josephus	.	.	828.28	.	28.3	
Hin			134.54	.	•		4.4633
Ditto, according to Josephus	.	414.12	.	14.3	
Omer or Assaron		# .	80.722 .	.		2.78
Cab		.	44.859	.		1.544
Log		# .	11.21 . , .			.39
Metretes or Syrian firkin ....	•	207	•		7.125
OF THE JEWISH WEIGHTS AND COINS.					
				£	£. d.
Stater, Siclus, or shekel of the sanctuary, the standard		• . • • •		0	2 6
Tynan coin, equal to the shekel •	• •	• • •	.	0	2 6
Bekah, half of the shekel ....				0	1 3
Drachma Attica, one-fourth	,	• • •		0	o
Drachma Alexandrina, or Darchon, or Adarchon, one-half ...			•	0	1 3
Gerah or Obolus, one-twentieth	.	• • •	•	0	0 I*
Maneh or Mna—100 shekels in weight—21,900 grains, Troy.					
Maneh, Mna or Mina, as a coin,—60 shekels		• • • •		7	10 0
Talent of silver,—3000 shekels					0 0
Drachma of gold, not more than .				0	1 1
Shekel of gold, not more than	•	• % •	•	0	4 4
Daric of gold					1	0 4
Talent of gold, not more than		• • •	.	648		0 0856

TABLE OF THE JEWISH MONTHS

IN JOS PHUS AND OTHERS, WITH THE SYRO-MACEDONIAN NAMES
JOSJPHUS GIVES THEM, AND THE NAMES OF THE JULIAN
OR ROMAN MONTHS CORRESPONDING
TO THEM.

Hebrew Name*.	Syro-Macedonian Names.	Roman Names.
1. Nisan	Xanthicus	March and April
2. Jyar	Artemisius	April and May
3. Si van	Daesius	May and June
4. Tamuz	Panemus	June and July
5. Ab	Lous	July and August
6. Elul	Gorpiaeus	August and September
7. Tisri	Hyperberetseus	September and October
8. Marchesvan	Dius	October and November
9. Casleu	Apellaeus	November and December
10. T ebeth	Audynaeus	December and January
11. Sbebat	Peritius	January and February
12. Adar	Dvstrua	February andMarch

Veadar, or the 9t*x>nd Adar, intercalated.INDEX.

N.B.—THE FIRST HUMBER IN ORDER IS THAT OR THE ROOK; THE SECOND;
OF THE CHAPTER; AND THE THIRD, QF THE SECTION, OR SECTIONS.

Aaron, Antiq. b. ii. ch. xiii. sect 1; b. xx. ch. x.; is
made high-priest, b. iii. ch. viii. sect 1; bis sons,
ib; his death, b. iv. ch. iv. sect 7,

Abassar, or Sanabassar, Antiq. b. xi. c. iv. sect 6.

Ahbarus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. i. sect.

21.

Abdastartus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. i.
sect. 18.

Abdemon. a Tyrian, Antiq. b. viii. c. v. 3; Against
A pion, b. i. sect. 17. 18.

Abdenago. or Abednego. Antiq. b. x. c. x. 1.

Abdon succeeds Elon as judge, Antiq. b. v. c. vii. 15.

Abel, Antiq. b. i. c. ii. 1; his sacrifice, ib.'

Abenarig, king of Charax Spasini, Antiq. b. xx. c. ii. 1-

Abia, or Abijah, the son of Rehoboam. Antiq. b. vii. i
x. 3 b. viii. c. x. 1; succeeds his father, sect 4; coi

his father, sect 4; con-
quers the ten tribes, h. viii. c. xi. 2, 3
Abia, king of the Arabians, Antiq. b. xx. c. iv. 1.

Achar, or Acban, is guilty of theft, Antiq. b. v. 10; is
punished, sect. 14.

Achitophel, or Ahitophel. Absalom’s favourite, Antiq.
b. vii. c. ix. 2; gives evil counsel, sect 5; hangs him-
self, sect 8.

Achonius, Antiq. b. xi. c. v. 4.

Acme, War, b. i. c. xxxii. 6; her letters to Antipater and
Herod, Antiq. b. xvii. c. v. 7; her death, c. vii.

Acmon, son of Arapli, or Jshbi, the son of Ob, of the race
of the giants, attacks David,-Antiq. b. vii. c. xii. 1; is
killed by Abishai, ib.

Acratheus, or tlatach, Antiq. b. xi. c. vi. 7.

Actium, battle at, Antiq. b. xv. c. v. 1; and c. vi. 1;
War, b. i. c. xix. 1; in the seventh year of Herod’s
reign, Antiq. b. xv. c. v. 2.

Ada, the wife of Lamech, Antiq. b. i. c. ii. 2.

Ada, the wile ot Lamech, Antiq. b. l. c. n. 2.

Adad, a king of Damascus, Antiq. b. vii. c. v. 2, &c.
Adam created, Antiq. b. i. c. L 2; his fall, ib.

Ader, or Uadad, an Idumean, Antiq. b. viii. c. vii. 6.

saves his life and flies to David, sect. 8; is high-priest, Adonias, or Adonijah, pretends to the crown, Antiq. b.
b. vi. c. xiv 6; and b. vii.c. v. 4; and c. ix. 2; and c.	vii. c. xiv. 4; takes sanctuary at the altar, sect. 6, 9;

xi.8; and c. xiv. 4; is deprived of the high-priesthood,	demands Abishag to wife, b. viii. c. i. 1, 2; is refused,

sect. 3.

Adonibezek, king of Jerusalem, Antiq. b. v. c. ii. 2; is
made a prisoner, and has his hands and feet cut 0&i
and dies at Jerusalem, ib.

Adoram. Antiq. b. vii. c.v. 4; and b. viii. c. ii. 9.
Adrammelech. Antiq. b. x. c. i. 5.

Adrasar, or Hadadezer, king of Sophene, or Zoba, An-
tiq. b^. viii. c. v. 1.; b. viii. c. vii. 6.
jEbutius, adecurion, Life, sect. 24
./Egypt named from a king, Against Apion, b. i. sect.

Abia, king ot the Arabians, Antiq. b. xx. C. iv. 1.

Abiatliar, the son of Ahimelech, Antiq. b, vi. c. xiv. 6;
saves his life and flies fo David, sect. 8; is high-priest,
b. vi. c, xiv 6; and b. vii.c. v. 4; and c. ix. 2; and c
xi.8; and c. xiv. 4; is deprived of the high-priesthood
b. viii. c. i. 3.

Abibalus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. I, sect
17.

Abigail, Antiq. b. vi. c. xiii. 7; married to David, sect

9.

AkM IIU; IUC OU U ill A Ul w 11 ^ A	U • 111,	Till, A

Ahijah, or Abia. the son of Kehohnam, Antiq. b. vii. c.
x. 3; and b viii. c. x. 1; succeeds his father, sect 4;
conquers the ten tribes, b. vii. c. xi.2, 3.
Abilamaradochus. or Evil Merodach, Antiq. b. x. c. xi.
Abimael, Antiq. b. i c. vi. 4.

Abimelech tyrannizes over the Shechemites, Antiq. b. v.
c.vii. 1; is expelled, sect.3; be destroys them all, sect
4; is killed by a piece of a mill-stone, sect. 5.
Abinadab, Antiq. b. vi. c. i. 4; b-,viii. c. ii. 3.

Abiram, Antiq. b. iv. c. ii. 2.

Abishag, a virgin, David’s nurse, Antiq. b. vii. c, xiv. 3.
Abishai, Antiq. b vi. c. xiii. 9.

Abner, Antiq. b. vii. c. i. 4; son of Ner, c. xiii. sect 1;
Saul’s kinsman, h. vi. c. iv. 3; general of his army, b.

gene

vii. c. i. 3,- reconciles the Israelites to David, b.
i. 4; is killed, sect. 5.

my, l
vii. <

Abram, or Abraham, the son of Terah, Antiq. b. i. c. vi.
; leaves Chaldea, and goes to Canaan, c. vii. Beet.

as, sect. 2; advises his sons to plant

A; leaves Chaldea, and
1; lives at Damai
colonie

scus, sect. 2; advises his sons to plai
, c. xv.; instructs the Egyptians in the mathi
matical sciences, c. viii. sect. 2; divides the count!
between himself and Lot, sect. 3; God promises him a

n, c.
xvii.

x. sect. 3; he beats the Assyrians, c. x.; dies,

Absalom, Antiq. b. vii. c. iii. 3,- dies to Gesbur, c. viii.
.3; is recalled by a strata;
e
t.

on r
dies. ib.

by a stratagem of Joab, sect. 4 5;
, b. vii. c. ix.; pursues after him,
i; ms army is put to flight, sect. 2; hangs
a tree by his hair, ib.; is stabbed by J oab, and

sect.

rebels against David
c. x. sect. 1; his an

dies. ib.

Acencheres, king of Egypt, Against Apion, b. i. sect 15.
Aoencbret, queen of Egypt, ib.

15.

/Egyptian kings called Pharaohs for 1300 years, till the
reign of Solomon, Antiq. b. viii. c. vi. 2.

./Egyptians, famous before all other nations for wisdom,
Antiq. b. viii. c. ii. 5; learned mathematics of Abra-
ham, Antiq. b. i. c. viii. 2; their sacred soribes or
priests, b. ii. c. ix. 2; they held it unlawful to feed
cattle, b. ii. c. vii. 5.

/Egyptians’ false prophet put to flight by Felix, Antiq.
b. xx. c. viii. 6; War, b. ii. c. xiii. 5.

/Elius Gal I us, Antiq. b. xv. c. ik. 3.

/Emilius Regulus. Antiq. b. xix. c. i. 3.

iEneas, surnamed Aretas, succeeds Obodas in Arabia,
Antiq. b. xvi. c. ix. 4

/Esopus, a servant, Antiq. b. xv. c. iii. 2.

/Ethiopian commodities were slaves and monkeys, An-
tiq. b. viii. c. vi. 5, ice.; and c. vii. 2.

/Ethiopians bordering on the Arabians, Antiq. b. lx. c.

Agag, king of the Amalekites, Antiq. b. vi. e. vii. 2; is
killed, sect. 5.

Agar, or Hagar, and Ishmael, are sent away by Abra-
ham, Antiq. b. i. c. xiii. 3.

Aegeus, or Haggai the prophet, Antiq. b. xi. c. iv. 5,
7; he prophecies at tne rebuilding of the temple, ill.

Agones, or games every fifth year, in honour of Ceesar,
instituted by Herod, Antiq. b. xv. c. viii. 1; War, b.
i. c. xxi. 8; at the finishing Cesarea, Antiq. b. xvi o.858

INDEX.

Agripp&’s (Marcus the Roman) bounty towards the Jews,
Antiq, xii. iii. 2; is splendidly entertained by Herod,

xvi.	ii. 1; makes equal returns to him at Synope,
sect. 2; hib expedition to the Bosphorus, ib.; his
Bpeech to the Jews at Jerusalem, War, ii. xvi. 3, 4; he
confirms their privileges, Antiq. xvi. ii. 5; his letter to
the Ephesians, in favour of the Jews, c. vi. sect. 4;
and to those of Cyrene, sect. 5.

Agrippa the Great, or Elder, Herod’s grandson, Antiq.

xvii.	ii. 2; and xviii. v 4; War, i. xxviii. 1; his va-
rious adventures, Antiq. xviii. 5, 4, &c.; is manacled
and imprisoned, c. vi sect. 6; his future liberty and
happiness foretolds sect. 7; is released and made lord
of two tetrarchies, with the title of king, sect. 10;
gives Caius a sumptuous entertainment at Rome, c.

xviii.	sect. 7; is sent by the senate to Claudius, xix.

iv.	1. 2; his advice to Claudius, ib. &c.; is sent back
to the kingdom, c. iv. sect, 1; Claudius bestows on
him almost all the dominions of bis grandfather, c.

v.	sect 1; his eulogium, c. vii. sect. 3; bis bounty
towards those of Berytus, sect 5; he treats several
kings splendidly, c. viii, sect. 1; entertains Cesarea
with shows, and appears himself upon the stage in a
magnificent dress, and is applauded as a god. sect. 2:
dies soon after an unnatural death, ib.; his death and

children. War, ii. xi. 5, 6.

Agrippa. bis son by Cypros. War, ii. xi. 6; did not im-
mediately succeed in his father’s kingdom, Antiq. xix.
ix. 2; Claudius gave him that of his uncle Herod (of

Chalcis], xx. v. 2; War, ii. xii. 1; to which he added
the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, c. vii. sect I;
be is hurt by a sling-stone at the siege of Gamala, iv.

o Josephus, Life, sect. 61; his famous
eech to the Jews, to dissuade them from a war with

i. 3; his letters ti
speech to the Jews, 1
the Romans, War, ii. xvi. 4, 5.

Agrippa, son of Felix and Drusilla, Antiq. xx. vii. 2.

Agrippa Ponteus slain, War, vii. iv. 3.

Ahab,J;ing of Israel, Antiq. vii. xiii. 1; is reproved by
Elijah, sect. 8; fights with ltenhadad, and beats him,
c. xiv. sect. I, &c.; pardons him, sect. 4; is afterwards
killed himself by the Syrians, c. xv. sect 5; his sons,
ix. 6, 6.

Ahaziah, his son, Antiq. viii. xv. 6; and ix. ii. 2; rp
sect. 3.

Ahaziah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. vi. 3.

Ahaz, king ol Judah, Antiq. ix. xii. 2.

Ahijah, the prophet, Antiq. viii. vii. 7; his prophecy, X.
iv. 4.

Ahikam, Antiq. x. ix. 1.

Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok, Antiq. vii. ix. 2: c. x. sect.
4. 5; high-priest, x. viii. 6.

Ahimelech. or Achimelech, the priest, or high-priest, slain
by the order of Saul, Antiq. vi. xiii. 4, &c.

Ahitnb, Antiq. viii. i. 3.

Ahitophel, or Achitophel, Antiq. vii. ix.; gives evil
counsel, sect. 5; hangs himself, sect. 8.

Ai besieged, Antiq. v. i. 12; taken, sect. 15.

Aizel, or Uzal, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Alans, War, vii. vii. 4.	^

Albinus, procurator of Judea, Antiq, xx. ix. 1.	*

Alcimus, or Jacimus, the wicked high-priest, Antiq. xiii.
ix. 7; calumniates Judas before Demetrius, c. x. sect.
1; dies, seot. 6.

Alcyon, a physician, Antiq. xix. L 20.

Alexander, Lysimachus, the alabarch, Antiq. xviii. vi.
3; and xix. v. 1; and xx. v. 2.

Alexander, the son of Alexander by Glaphyra, War, i.
xxviii. 1.

Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, Antiq.
xiii. ii. 1; surnamed Balas, ib. in note,- king of Sy-
ria. sect. 2; his letter(to'Jonathan, ib.; engages in a
battle with Demetrius, sect. 4; demands Ptolemy
Philometer’s daughter in marriage, c. iv. sect. 1; is
killed in Arabia, and his head sent to Ptolemy, sect.

8.

Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod’s sons, put in prison,
Antiq. xvi. x. 5; strangled by their father’s order, c.

xi.	sect. 6; War, i. xxvii. 6.

Alexander, the son of Aristobulus. Antiq. xiv. iv. 5;
War. i. viii. 7; troubles Syria, Antiq. xiv. iv. 2; makes
war upon the Romans, War i. viii. 5; is conquered by
Gabinus, ib.; killed by Pompey’s order, Antiq. xiv.
vii. 4; War. i. ix. 2.

Alexander Janneus succeeds his brother Arfstobuhis,
War, i. iv. 1; a sedition raised against him. Antiq.
xiii. xiv. 2. &c.; his expedition against Ptolemais. c.

xii.	sect 2; he is called Thracidas, for his barbarous
cruelty, c. xiv. sect. 2; dies of a quartan ague, after
three years’ sickness, c. xv. sect 5| War, i.'iv. 8; his

sons, Hyrcanus
War '

and Aristobulns, Antiq. xiii xvi;

ar, i. v. 1.

Alexander the Great, succeeds his father Philip, Antiq.
xi. xiii. 10; conquers Darius, sect. 3; pursues his vic-
tories through Asia, ib. &c.; sends a letter to the high-
priest at Jerusalem, ib.; goes himself to Jerusalem,

grai

gives way to his army, Antiq. ii. xvi. 6; his arms and
armour kept in the temple of Diana, at Elymais, xii.
ix. 1; his empire divided after his death, c. i.
Alexander, the son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq.
xviii. v. 4.

Alexander (Tiberius) succeeds Caspius Fadus as procu-
rator of Judea, Antiq. xx. v. 2; War, ii. xi. 6; is made
icurator of Egypt, ii. xv. 1; c. xviii. sect 7; is made
er of the i

proc

chief commander of the Roman army under Vespasian,
iv. x. 6; and vi. iv. 3.

Alexander Zebina, king of Syria, is conquered by An-
tiochus Grypus, and dies, Antiq. xiii. ix. 3.

Alexandra, Alexander Janneus’s widow, holds the admi-
nistration, after bis death, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 1; falls sick
and dies. sect. 5, 6; her eulogium, ib.

Alexandra, daughter of Hyrcanus wife of Alexander, the
son of Aristobulus, Hyrcanus’s brother, and mother
of another Aristobulns and Mariamne, Ant

atiq. xv. ii. 5;

writes a letter to Cleopatra, ih.; sends the pictures of
her son and daughter to Antonius, by the advice of
Dellius, sect. 6; is feignedly reconciled to Herod, sect.

, 4; acqu

and the death of her son. sect. 5; is put into prison,
sect. 9; her indecent behaviour towards her daughter
Mariamne, c. vii. sect. 4; is killed by Herod’s order,
sect. 8.

Alexandra, daughter of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq.
xviii. v. 4; is married to Timius Cyprius, ib.

Alexandria’s causeway to the island Pharos, seven fur-
longs long, Antiq. xii. ii. 12; a great part of that City
assigned to tile Jews, xiv. vii. 2; the’ Jews declared
its citizens on a brazen pillar by Julius Cmsar, c. x.
sect. 1, 2,

Alexas. t>alome’s husband, Antiq. xvii. i. 1; War, i.
xxviii. 6.

Alexas Seicias, Alexas’s son, Antiq. xviii. v. 4.

Alisphragmuthosis. or Halisphraginuthosis, king of
Egypt. Against Apion, i. sect. 14.

Aliturus. a Jew, Life, sect. 3.

Alliance between Ptolemy and Antiochus, Antiq. kii. iv,

Altar of incense, Antiq. iii. vi. 8; of burnt-ofTering made
of unhewn stone, War, v. v. 6; Against Apion, i. sect.
22.

Amadetha, or Hammadetha, Antiq. xi. vi. 5, 12.

Amalekites attack the Israelites, Antiq. iii. ii. 1; are
conquered and plundered, sect. 4, 5.

Anian, or Haman, the enemy uf the Jews, Antiq. xi, vi.
15; his edict against the Jews, sect. 6; he orders a
gallows to he erected for Mordecai, sect. 10; is obliged
to honour Mordecai, ib.; his malicious design is laid
before the king, sect. 11, his edict countermanded,
sect. 12; he is himself hanged on the gallows, sect. 13.

Amarinus, or Omri, king of the Israelites, Antiq. viii.
xii. 5.

Amasa, general of the army, Antiq. vi. x. 1; and xi. 1;
the son of Jether, c. xv. sect. 1; killed by Juab, ib. c.
xi. sect. 7.

Amasias, or Amaziah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. viii. 4;
c. ix. sect. 1; makes war on Jehoash, king of Israel,
sect. 3; is beaten, ib.; and murdered in a conspiracy,
ib.

Amasias, or Maaseiah, king Abaz’s son, slain in battle.
Antiq. ix. xii. 1.

Amasias, or Maaseiah, governor of the city, Antiq. x. 17.

Amathius, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Ambassadors 6ent with presents to Hezekiah, Antiq. x.
ii. 2; ambassadors of. the Jews slain by the Arabs, xv,
v. 2; this a violation of the law of imi..ns, sect. >, c.
vii. sect. 9; ambassadors had a rig1 t lu sit anion.: ihu
Roman senators in the theatre, xiv. v. (>.

Ambassage sent by Jonathan to the Lacedemonians, An-
tiq. xiii. v. 8; sent by the Jews'to Home, xii. x. 6.

Ambition and avarice causes of many mischiefs, Antiq
vii. i. 5.

Ambivius, (Marcus) procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii.
ii. 2.INDEX.

859

AroCnopbis, king of Egypt, Against Apion. i/sect 16,

3i.	’

Amcsses, qneen of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 15.
Aininadab, Antiq. vi. i. 4; ami xi. iv. 1.

Amiuonius, Antiq. xiii. iv. 6; killed, ib.

Amnon, David’s son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3; falls in love with
his sister Tamar, c. viii. sect. 1; is slain by Absalom’s

ord

Atuoi

the

and Gad, and
i. 3.

ler, sect. 2.

rites given to the tribes of Reuben
? half tribe of Manasseh, Antiq. iv. vi

Amphitheatre built at Jerusalem, and another in the ad-
joining plain, by Herod the Great, Antiq. xv. viii. 1;
another at Jericho, xvii. viii. 2.

Amrara, Moses’s father, Antiq. ii. ix. 3.

Amram, Antiq. xx. i. L	t

Antraphel, Antiq. i. ix.

Amntal, or Hamutal, Antiq. x. v. 2.

Anacbarias, or Rabsaris, a general of Senacherib, Antiq.
x. it 1.

Ananclus made high-priest, Antjq. xv. ii. 4; deprived of
it, c. iii. sect. 1; restored to it, sect. 3.

Ananias, son of Nebedius, made high-priest, Antiq. xx.

v.	9; War, ii. xii. 6; c. xvii. sect. 2; bis son Ananus,
c. xii. sect. 6j both sent in letters to Rome, Antiq. xx.

vi.	2; slain, together with bis brother Ezekias, War,
ii. xvii. 9.

Ananias (different from the former), Antiq. xi. iv. 6; son
ol'Onias, xiii. x. 4; c. xii. sect. 2.

Ananias, the son of Masambalus, bigh-priest, War, v.
xiii. 1.

Ananus senior, made high-prieBt, Antiq. xx. ix. 1; his
eulogium, War, iv. iii. 7.

Ananus junior, the son of Ananus, made high-priest, An-
tiq. xx. ix. I; Life, sect.38, War, iv. iii. 9; his speech
to the people, sect. 10; accused of the murder of James
the Bishop. Antiq. xx ix. 1; deprived of the high-
priesthood. ib.; his death, War, iv. v. 2.

Ananus [or Annas], son of Seth, made high-priest, An-

tiq. xvtii. ii. I; deposed,

Ananus, son of Bamadus, one of Simon’s life-guards,
dies to Ti

rnor of the temple, A
jf Jonathan, War, ii. xix. 5.

ius, i

War. v. xiii. 1; dies to Titus, vi. iv. 2.

Ananus, governor of the temple, Antiq. xx. vi. 2.

*’» *
sect. 2.
s

e

Ananus, son of Jonathan, War, ii. xix. 5.

Anchus, or Achish, king of Gath, Antiq. vi. xiv. 7.
Andreas, captain nf Pniladelphus’s lile-guard, Antiq.xii.

ii.	2, 3, 4; Against Apion, ii. sect 4.

Andromachus expelled the court of Herod, Antiq. xvi.

viii. 3.

Andronicus, son of Mesalamus, Antiq. xiii. iii.4.

Aner, Abraham’s confederate, Antiq. i. v. 2.
Ayya.°o:rJhct, or forcible pressure taken off the Jews by
Demetrius, Antiq. xiii. ii. 3.

Angels of God become familiar with women, Antiq. i.

iii.	1.

Anelius, Antiq. xviii. ix. 1, 4, 5; killed by the Babylo-
nians. sect. 7.

Anna, or Hannah, the wife of Elcanah, Antiq. v. x. 2.
Annibas, put to death by Fadus, for a mutiny, Antiq. xx.
i. 1.

Annins (Lucius) takes Gerasa, War, iv. ix. 1.

Annius Minncianus, Antiq. xix. i. 3.

Aflnius Rufus, procurator of J udea, Antiq. xviii. ii. 2.
Anoch, or Enoch, Antiq. i. ii. 2.

Anteius killed. Antiq. xix. i. 15.

Antiochus, king of Commagene, Antiq. xviii. ii. 6; and
xix. v. 1; c. viii. sect 1; War, v. xi. 3; and vii. vii.
1; a part of Cilicia, together with Commagene, granted
him by Claudius, Antiq. xix. v. I.
ntiachus Cyzicenus, Antiq. xiii. x. 1; assists the Sa-

Antiqcb
arit;

P'

xiii. xiii. 4.

mantans, but is put to dight, sect. 2; War, i. ii. 2; is
taken prisoner, and put to death by Seleucus, Antiq.

tochus Dionysius, fourth son ot Antiochus tiryp
ing of Syria, makes an expedition against the Je
Antiq. xiii. xv. I; War. i. iv. 7.

. L - *■-- Great, Antiq. xii. i" "	’“ ~~

favour of the Jews, ib. icc.; bis wars with Piolera

iii. 3; his letters in

ws upon his return, ib.; his answers to the Sa-
ms, c. v. sect. 5; his impiety, xiii. viii. 2; he
,nd leaves the administration to Philip, xii. ix.

i; impeaches Hyrcanus and Antipater, c
4; War, i. x. 1; is conquered by Herod
Antiq. xiv. xii. I; invades Judea, hy the help of th<
Partitions, c. xiii. sect. 3; is re-established in the

the help of the

* ...„. xiii. sect. 3; is re-established in the
government, sect 10; War, 1. xiii. 9; cuts off Hyr-
cantts’9 ears, and causes the death of Phasaelus, ib.;
surrenders himself to Sosius, Antiq. xiv. xvi. 2;
Wur, i. xviii. 2; is sent ih fetters to Marcus Anto-
nius, ib.; was the first king whose head was cut off' by
the Romans, Antiq. xv.’ i. 2; reigned before Herod,
xvii. v. 2.

AntignmiS', son of Hyrcanus I., and brother of king Aris-
tohulus, made commander at the siege of Samaria,
Antiq. xiii. x. 2; is beloved by his brother, c. xi. sect
1; is watched by the qneen and her favourites, and by
their caltt .nnies slain, sect. 2; War, i. iii. 2, 3, 4.

Antioch is the chief citv in Syria, and the third city in
the Roman empire, War, iii ii. 4; the Jews made cifi-
xens thereof by Seleucus Nicator, Antiq- xii. iii. 1; it
is burnt down, War, viii. iii. 4.

otioebus rebels against Demetrius, Antiq. xiii. iv. 7;
taeirenvy against the Jews, xii. iii. 1.

Antiq. Xltl. XV. I; vv

Antiochus' the Great, Antiq.
favour of the Jews, ib. icc.; bis wars with Ptolemy
Philopater and Physcon, ib.; marries his daughtel
Cleopatra to Ptolemy, c. iv. sect. 1.

Antiochus Epiphanes makes an expedition into Egypt,
Antiq. xii. v. 2; takes Jerusalem, and plunders the
temple, sect. 3, icc.; War, i. i. 1, icc.; and vi. x.;
goes into Persia, Antiq. xiii. vii. 2; designs to destroy
the Jews upon his return, ib.; his answers to the Sa-
marita;
dies, ai
1,2.

Antiochus Eupator, his son, invades Judea, Antiq. xii.

ix.	4; fights with Judas, ib.; War, i. i. 5; makes
peace with the Jews. Antiq. xii. ix. 7; breaks it, ib.;
is killed by Demetrius, c. x. sect. I.

Antiochus Grypus, son of Demetrius Soter, Antiq. xiii.

x.	1his death, c. xiii. sect 4.

Antiochus Philometer, Antiq. xiii. xii. 2.

Antiochus Pius, son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, makes wal
with Seleucus, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4;*isslain in battle, ib,

Antiochus Eusebius, or Pius, the brother of Demetrius
besieges Jerusalem, Antiq. xiii. viii. 2; raises the siege
sect. 4; makes an expedition against the Parthians, is
defeated and killed, ib.

Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, and son of Alexan.
der, is commonly called The God, Antiq. xii. iii. 2; is
crowned in his youth, xiii. v. 3; enters into alliance
with Jonathan the high-priest, sect.4; U slain by Try-
phon, his tutor, c. vii. sect l; War, L ii. 1.

Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, slain in battle, Antiq.
xiii. xiii. 4.

Antiochus Soter, brother of Demetrius, father of Grypus,
Antiq. xiii. x. 1; makes war with Trypho, c. vii. sect.
2.

Antipas, Herod’s son by Malthace, a Samaritan. Antiq.
xvii. i. 5; War, i. xxviii. 4; is tetrarch of Galilee, c.
viii. sect. 1; c. xi. sect. 4; and i. xxxiii. 7; goes to
Rome to get to be a king. Antiq. xvii. ix. 4; War, ii.
ii. 3; what was left him by Herod, Antiq. xvii. viii. 1;
what was given him by C®9ar, c. xi. sect. 4; onca

what was given him by C®9ar, c. xi. i
declared king by Herod, War. i. xxxii. 7.
Antipas, one of the royal lineage, is put ii

put in prison and

slain, War, iv. iii. 4,5.
pater, the
cites trou

to Aretas. by Scaurus. c. v. sect 1; bis wife Cyprus,
the Arabian, and his children, c. vii. sect. 3; his val-

Antipater, the Idumean, Herod’s father, called Antipas,
excites troubles, Antiq. xiv. i. 3; is sent ambassador
c. v. sect 1; his wife Cypi

the Arabian, ana his cliuaren. c. vii. sect, d; nisvai.
our, c. viii. sect. 1; he advises Hyrcanus to put him-
self under the protection of Aretas, War, i. vi. 2;
makes his son Phasaelus governor of Jerusalem, and
Herod of Galilee, Anliq. xiv. ix. 2; War, i. x. 4;
endeavours to deserve Caesar’s favour, c. viii. sect. 1;
and i. ix. 3; is honoured by Ciesar, and made citizen
of Rome, Antiq. xiv. viii. 3; War, i. ix. 5; his de-
fence against Antigonus, Antiq. xiv. viii. 4; War, L

x.	2; is made governor of Judea, Antiq. xiv. viii. 5;
War, i. x. 3; is greatly esteemed among the Jews,
Antiq. xiv. ix. 2; is poisoned, c xi. sect, 4; War, L

xi.	4.

Antipater, son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, grandson of
Herod the Great, Antiq. xviii. v. 4.

Antipater, son of Salome, impeaches Archelans before
Caesar, Antiq. xvii ix. 5.

ntipater, son of Herod, Antiq. xiv. xii. 1; is. sent to
Rome to Caesar, xvi. iii. 3; War, !, xxix. 2; c. xxxL
sect. 2; while lie is there, he, by letters, sets his fa-
ther against his brethren, Antiq. xvi. iv. 1; War. i.
xxiii. 1; c. xxiv. sect. 1; his suhtilty, Antiq. xvi. vii.
2; is recalled by Herod, c. iii. sect. 3; and xvii. v. 1;
he jeigns jointly with bis father, c. i. sect. 1; is hated
by everybody alter the slaughter of his brethren, ib.;
altvmpts his father’s life, ib.; is concerned for him-
self ib.; War, i. xxxi. 3: appears before Varus’s
tribunal. Anliq. xvii. v. 3, War, i. xxxii 1; his plea
for himself, ib.; is put in irons, Antiq. xvii. v. 7;
War, i. xxxii. 5; is put(to death, Antiq. xvii. vii..-
War, i. xxxiii. 7.860

INDEX.

Antipater, a Samaritan, Antiq. xvii. iv. 2; War, 1 xxx.
Anttpater, Herod's sister’s son, Antiq. xvii. i. 3.

Antipatris, taken by Vespasian, War, iv. vii. 1.
Antiphilus, Antiq. xvii. iv. 2; War, i.

’6 son
alight

Antonia, Claudius’s motbe

i I us, Antiq. xvii. iv. 2; War, i. xxx. 5; his letter
to Antipater, H rod’s son, Antiq. xvii. v. 7.

Antonia, Claudius’s daughter by Retina, War, ii. xii. 8.

nia, Claudius’s mother, and Drusus’s wile, lends
ney to Agrippa the elder, Antiq. xviii. vi. 4; her
ogium, sect. 6.

eulogium,

Antonia, the tow»r, called Baris before, War, i. iii. 3; is
taken by Titus, vi. i. 7, ficc.

Antony, a captain, W ar, iii. ii. 1, ficc.

Antony, a centurion, c. vii. sect. 35.

Antony (Mark), bis valour, Antiq. xiv. v. 3; War, i. viii.
4; bis and Lolahella’s decree in favour of the Jews,
Antiq. xiv. x. 9, &c.; he marches into Asia after Cas-
sius’s defeat, c. xii. sect 2; his letter to Hyrcanus, sect
3; to the Tyrians, sect. 4; he falls in love with Cleo-
patra, c. xiii. sect. 4; makes Phasaelus and Herod te-
trarchs, ib.; orders their accusers to be put to death,
sect. 5; confers signal favours on Herod, c. xiv. sect

5; sojourns at Athens, c. :
bis '-nvijry, Antiq. xv. ii. 6.

ourns at Athens, c. xv. sect 3; War, i. xvi. 4;

r,?ry, Antiq. x

Antonms (Lucius), iViark Antony’s son, sends a letter to
the Sardians, in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x. 17.

Antomus Primus, War, iv. xi. 2.

Anubis. a god, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4.

Apaclinas. king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 14.

Apame, Darius’s concubine, Antiq. xi. iii. 5.

Apion, ambassador for the Alexandrians to Caius, Antiq.
xviii. viii. 1.	.

Apollo’s temple at Gaza, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3.

Apollo’s temple in the palace at Rome, War, i. ii. 6.

Apnllodotus, captain of the Gazeans, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3:
killed, ib.

Apollonius, son of Alexander, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2.

Apollonius Daus. governor of Coelesyria, Antiq. xiii. iv.
3: challenges Jonathan to an engagement, and is de-
feated, ib.

Apollonius, governor of Samaria, Antiq. xii. v. 5; c. vii.
sect.

Aponius. Antiq. xix. iv. 5.

Apophis, king ol Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 14.

Apsalom. War, ii. xvii. 9.

Apsan, or Ibzan, judge after Jephtba, Antiq. v. vii. 13,
14.

Aquila. the murderer of Cains. Antiq, xix. i. 14.

Arabians circumcise their children when thirteen years
old. Antiq. i. xii. 2; -ten towns taken from them by
Alexander, king of the Jews, xiv. i. 4; Ethiopians are
their neighbours, ix. v. 3.

Arabia borders on Judea, Antiq xiv. i. 4; Petra the
king’s residence, ib.; Zabdiel their lord, c. iv. sect. 8;
Arabians are defeated, jfv. v. 5; their women are great
poisoners, xvii. iv. I.

Aarani, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Arn. or Haran. the father ofl.ot, Antiq. l. vi. 5.

conrs to Hyrcanus, War* Lvi 2; impeaches Sylleus,
jointly with Antipater, before Cesar, Antiq. xvii. iii.

Aretas, king of Coelesyria, makes an expedition into Ju-
dea, Antiq. xiii. xv. 3.

Aretas, of Petra, Antiq. xvii. x. 9: and xviii. v. 1.

Arioch, captain of Nebuchadnezzar’s life-guards, AnLq.
x. x. 3.

Arion. treasurer of Alexandria. Antiq. xii. iv. 7. ficc.

Aristeus, or Aristeus, one of Ptolemy Philadelphus’s
life-guards, Antiq. xii. ii. 4; Against Apion, ii. sec^Z,

Aristohulus. son of Hyrcanus I., Antiq. xiii. x. 2; the
assumed the title of Kiuy of the

first high-priest who
Jews. c. xi. sect. 1; called Phillelen, or lover of the
Greeks, sect. 3. V

Aristohulus, son of Alexander Janneus, an enterprising
and bold man, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 1; complains of the
Pharisees, sect. 2; reproaches his mother Alexandra,
sect 3; endeavours to take possession of the kingdom
during his mother’s life, sect. 5; fights with his elder
brother Hyrcanus for the crown, xiv. 1, 2; brings him
to an accommodation, ib.; War. i. vi. I; sends a gol-
den vine to Pompev, Antiq. xiv. iii. 1: is. with his
children, brought captive to Aoiue, by Pompey, c. iv
sect. 5; escapes out of prison, but is retaken and sent
back again to Rome by Gabinus, c. vi. sect. I; War, i.
vii. 7; c. viii. sect, ti; his firmness in adversity, Antiq.
xiv. vi. sect. 1; is poisoned by the partizans of Pom-
pey, c. vii. sect. 4; his children, ib.

Aristohulus, son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xv. x. 1 <

marries Bernice, Salome’s daughter, xvi. i. 2; is put
' on, c. x. sect 5; is accused by his father in an
assembly at Berytus, and condemned, c.xi. sect. 2; is

in priso

Arasca, or Nisrnch. a temple, Antiq x. i. 5.

Arases. or Itesin, king of the Syrians, Antiq. ix. xii. 1.
Aranna. nr Orona. the Jebusite, Antiq. viii. xiii. 4; hi;
>hing-floor, ib.; the place where Isaac was to have
sacrificed, and where the temple was afterwards

na. nr Orona. the Jebusite, Antiq. viii. xiii. 4; his
thrashing-floor, ib.; the place where Isaac was to ha’
been
built, ib.

Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, comes to Herod. Antiq.
xvi. viii. C; c. x. sect. 7; War, i. xxv. 1. ficc.; goes
with him to Antioch, ib.; reconciles Herod to his son
Alexander, and to his brother Pheroras, ib.; War, i.
xxv. 3. 4. N

Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xvii. i. 3; c.
iv. sect. 3; War, i. xxvii. 4; c. xxxi. sect. 1; is made
ethnaicli, Antiq. xvii. xi. 4; War, ii. vii. 3; marries
Glaphyra, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 1 ; War. ii. vii. 4; is pro-
claimed king after Herod’s death, Antiq. xvii. viii. 2;

ech to the people, Antiq.

ing after Herod’s
War. i.' xxxiii. 9; bis speect
xvii. viii. 4; War, ii. i. 1; he endeavours to appease
the people, Antiq. xvii. ix. 1, ficc.; goes to Rome, sect.
3; War, ii. ii. 1; is accused there by the deputies of
the people, Antiq. xvii. xi. 2; War, ii. vi I, ficc.; is
banished to Vienna in Gaul, c. vii. sect. 3; his dreams
and Glaphyra’s, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 3, 4; War, ii. vii.
3,4.	♦

Archelaus, son of Chelcis, Antiq. xix. ix. 1.

Archelaus, son of Magadatus, War, vi. iv. 2.

USy SOu ui iTja^auaiuay i

Aremmantus, Antiq. x. viii. 2.

etas, king of the Arabians, Antiq.
lliv. i. 4; and xvi. x. 9; War. i. vi. 2; c. xxix. scut.

Areta

xiii. xiii. 3; and

3; makes an expedition against Aristohulus. Antiq.
Xiv. ii. 1; succeeds O bod as, xvi. ix. 4; affords sac-

assembly at Berytus, and condemned, c.xi. sect. 2; is
strangled, sect. 6; War, i. xxvii. 6; his children, An-
tiq. xvii. I, 2; War. i. xxviii. 1.

Aristohulus, son of Herod, kiDg of Cbalcis, Antiq. xx.
viii. 4; War, vii. vii. 4.

Aristohulus, son of Joseph and Mariamne, Antiq. xviii.
v. 4.

Aristohulus, son of Aristohulus. and brother to the fa-
mous Mariamne, a beautiful youth, is made high-
priest by Herod, Antiq. xv. iii. 1,3; is drowned by
the secret order of the same Herod, ib.; War, i. xxii.

Aristohulus, son of Aristohulus and Bernice, and grand-
son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xviii. v. 4.

Aristocracy the best form of .government, Antiq. iv. viii.
17.

Aristocracy instituted in Judea by Gabinus, War, i. viii.
3.

Arithmetic and astronomy cam* from Chaldea to Egypt,
and thence into Greece, Antiq. i. viii. 2. .

Arius, king of the Lacedemonians, sends a letter to Onias
the high-priest, Antiq. xii. iv. 10; c. v. sect. 8.

Ark of God. its description, Antiq. iii. vi. 3; taken by the
Philistines, vi. i. 1; restored to the Israelites, sect. 2,
ficc.; carried to Jerusalem, and lodged in the house of
Ohed-edom, after it had been with Aminadab, Antiq.
vii. iv. 2.	,

Ark of Noah, where it rested, Antiq. i. iii. 6; mentioned by
all barbarian historians, ib.,- its remains long preserved,
xx. ii. 3.

Armais, king of Fgynt, Against Apion, i. sect.. 13..

Armenia conquered by Antonins, Antiq. xv. iv. 3; Cotys,
king of the Lesser Armenia. Antiq xix. viii. L

sect 13.
vii. 2.

Armesses, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i.

Armory of David in the temple, Antiq ix. 1
Aropheus, or Armariah, Antiq. viii. i. 3.

Arphaxed. Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Aruntius (Euaristus), Antiq. xix. i. 18.

Aruntius (Paulus), Antiq. xix. i. 14.

Arsaces, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xiii. v. 11; e. viii.
sect. 4.

Artabanus, king of Media, Antiq, xviii. ii. 4.

Artabanns, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xviii. iv. 4, A;
c. ix. sect. 3, 4; he flies to Izates, xx. iii. I; is kindly
received by him, and restored to his kingdom, sect 1,
2; dies, sect. 3.

1; bis

Artabazes, or Artavasdes, son of Tigranes, is given as a
resent to Cleopatra by Antonius, War, i. xviii. 5.

;s, king of the Persians. Antiq. xi. vi.

-ainstthe Je’
king of ,

:unningl’
ntiq. i. v
eus, Antiq i.

Asa, -king of JTerii

present to tieopatn
Artaxerxes. king of

edict against the Jews, sect. 6; contradicted, sect 12.
Artaxias, king of Armenia, Antiq. xv. v. 3.

Artorius cunningly saves his own life, War, vi. Iii. 2.

Arucas, Antiq. i. vi. 2.
Arudeus, Antiq i. vi. 2.

eriisafem, Antiq. viii xii. 1; makes no
alliance with the king of Damascus, s«ct 4.Jtafttel'killeft by Abner, Antiq. viL L 3.

Asamoneus, Antiq. xiL tL 1.

Asamoneans, the end of their reign, Antiq. xiv. xvi. 4.
Ascalonites, punished for their stubbornness, Antiq. xii.

iv.	5.

Asermoth, or HaBerraaveth, Antiq. i. vL 14.

Awrymus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L sect.

A.hdoti, or Azotos, taken by Jonathan, Antiq. xiii. iv.
its inhabitants plagued on apcount of the ark of God,
▼i. L 1.

tsbkenaz, Antiq. L vL 1.

Ashpenaz, an eunuch, Antiq. x. x. 2.
Ashur, Antiq. i. vi.

Asia, its conrr

ri. 4.

sia, its convention at Ancyra, Antiq. xvi. ri. 2, Vale-.
this proconsul of Asia, xis. i. 20; fire hundred towns'
of Asia, War, ii. xvi. 4.

sineus and Aniieus, two brethren, Antiq. xviiL ix. 1,

INDEX.	30]

Jews, xiii. i. 2, 3; he rages against them, and Is slain.
War, L l 2,-3.	’

Badezorus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L sect.

Badus, or Bath, a Jewish measure, Antiq. riii.il. 9.
Bagoas, an eunnch, Antiq. xrii. ii. 4.

Bagoses, on enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xi. viL 1.

Balak, king of Moab, Antiq. iv. ri. 2, Ac.

Baladan, king of Babylon, Antiq. x. ii. 2.

Balaam, the prophet, Antiq. iv. vi. 2, See.; his ass speaks,
ib.

Balatorus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L sect

Baleazarus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L soct

Balas, or Barea, king of Sodom, Antiq. L ix. 1.

Balm, or Bnlsam, near Jericho, Antiq. xiv. iv. 1; and
xv. iv. 2; War, f
Baltasar [Belshaz

sect. 15.

issemblies forbidden to all at Home, but to the Jews
only, by Julius Csesar, Antiq. xiv. x. 3.

Ass's head falsely reported by Apion as an object of wor-
ship among the Jews, Against Apion, ii. sect. 7.

Assis, king of Egypt Against Apion, L sect. 14.

Assyrian empire overthrown, Antiq. X. ii. 2.

Astarte’a temple, Antiq. vi. xiv. 3; Against Apion, L
sect IS.

Astartus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L sect 18.

Astronomy; for its improvement the first men lived near
a thousand years, Antiq. i. iii. 2; came outorChaldea
into Egypt, and thence into Greece, L vii. 2.

Asylum, or right of sanctuary, belonging to some towns
in Judea, Antiq. iv. vii. 4.

Athenians -decree honours to Hyrcanus, Antiq. xiv. viii.

6.

Athenio, Antiq. xii. iv. 3.

Athenio, a general of Cleopatra, War, L xix. 2; his per-
fidiousness, Antiq. xv. v. 1.

owns himself king of Judea.

Athronges, a shepherd, crowns himself king of Judea,
Antiq. xvii. x. 7; War, ii. iv. 3; is conquered with his
brethren, ib.

itratinus, Herod’s advocate, Antiq. xiv. xt- ‘
lUgustus’ arrival in Syria, Antiq. xv. x. 3
Herod, xvi. xi. 1; holds a council about
Judea, xvii. ix. 5; bis edict and letter in favour of the

his letter to
the affair* of

Judea, xvii. ix.

Jews, xvi. vi. 1, ficc.; is angry with Herod, c.

3; is reconciled to him by the means of Nil
Damascus, c. x. sect. 8; divides Herod’s dominions,
War, ii. vi. 3; bis death, Antiq. xviiL iii- 2; War, ii.
ix. 1.

Axioramus, high-priest, Antiq. x. vii. 6.

Azariah, the prophet, Antiq. viii. xii. 2.

Azarias, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6.

Azarias, one of David’s companions, Antiq. x. x. 1.
Azarias, a commander under Judas, is defeated by Gor-
gias at Jamnia, Antiq. xii. viii. 6.

Azau, or Hazo, Antiq. l. vi. 5.

Azizus, king ofEmesa, Antiq. xx. vii. 1; is circumcised,
and marries Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa junior, ib.;
-dies, c. viii. seek 4.

Azotus, or Ashdod, its inhabitants plagued on account of
the Ark of God, Antiq. vi. L 1; taken by J onathan, xiii.
iv. 4.

Azricam, Antiq. ix. xii. 1.

Baal, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, vi. sect 21.

Baal, god of the Tyrians, Antiq. ix. vi. 6..

Baalis, king of the Ammonites, Antiq. x. ix. 2,3.

Baanah, the son of Rimmon, Antiq. viii. ii. I.

Baaras, a place and a plant there growing, War, vii. vi.
3.

Baasha, king of Israel, Antiq. viii. xii. 3; kills Nadab his
predecessor, c. xi. sect 4; dies, c. xii. sect. A

Baba’s children preserved by Costobarus, Antiq. xv. vii.
10; afterwards killed by Herod, ib.

Babylon, derived from Babel (confusion of languages),
Antiq, L lv.3; taken by Cyrus under the reign of Bal-
tazar, x. xi. 4; the great number of Jews who lived
there, xv. it 2;.and xviii. ix. 1. Nebuchadnezzar’s
building at Babylon, x. xi. 1; its wall was not built by
Semiramis; but by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the
testimony of Berosus, Against Apion, i. sect. 19,20; its
walls curiously built by Nabonnedus, of brick and bi-
tumen, according to the same Berosus, ib.,- its pensile
gardens erected by Nebuchadnezzar, in imitation of the
mountains of Media, ib.; Antiq. x.xL 1.

Pacchides, Antiq. xii. x. 2; c. xi. seok 1; he attacks the

iar J

xv. iv.2; War, i. vl. 6.
iltasar [Belshazzar, or Naboandel, or Nabonadius],
king of Babylon, Antiq. x. xi. 2; his terrible vision,
and its interpretation, ib.; his death, ib.

Balthasar [Belteshazzar], Daniel’s name, Antiq. x. x.

Banacates, Antiq. viii. ii. 4.

Banus, an hermit, Josephus’s master, Life, sect 2.
Barachias, Antiq. ix. Xii. 2.

Barak, excited by Deborah, encounters Si sera, Antiq. v.

v.	2, Ac.

Barbarians, their riches formerly consisted in cattle, An-
tiq. ii. xi. 2.

Bardanes, king of the Parthian* Antiq. xx. liL 3; he is
slain, ib.

Baris, a tower built at Ecbatana, by Daniel, Antiq. x.
XL 7.

Barnabazua, Antiq. xi. vi. 4.

Barsas, king of Gomorrah, Antiq. i. ix. 1.

Baruch, well skilled in the Hebrew tongue, and left with
Jeremiah the prophet iu J udea at the Bahylonian Cap-
tivity, Antiq. x. ix. I, 2.

Barzaphernes, governor in Partbia, War, i. xiii. 1.
Barzillai, Antiq. viL ix. 8.

Basan, or Baasha, king of Israel, Antiq. viiL xiL 3; slays
Nadab his predecessor, c. xi. sect 4.

Basima, or Basmalh, Solomon’s daughter, Antiq. viii. iL
3.	^

Baskets carried upon the head, Antiq. iL v. 3.

Bassus (Venditius), See Venditiu9.

Bassus (Cecilius, murderer of Sextus Ceesar), Antiq. xiv.
xi. 1; War. i. x. 10.

Bassus (Lucillius), is sent with an army into Judea; he
besieges and takes Macherus, War, vii. viL 1, 6.

Baths, hot batbsat Callirrboe beyond Jordan, Antiq. xviL

vi.	5.

Bathsheba, Antiq. viL viL 1, 2, 4.

Bath, or Badus, a Jewish measure, Antiq. Vii. iL 0.
Bathyllus, War, L xxxi. L

Bathyllus, Antipater’s freed man, Antiq. xvii. iv. 3-
Battering-ram, its description, War, iii. viii. 19.

Battle at Tarricbee, upon the Lake of Gennesareth, War,
iii. x. I.

Beeltethmus, Antiq. xL ii. 2.

Bela, or Zoar, the king of it, Antiq. i. ix. 1.

Belshazzar (or Baltasar, or Naboandel, or Nabonadius),
king of Babylon, Antiq. x. xi. 2; his terrible vision,
and its interpretation, ib.; his death, ib.

xi. 1; his

Ben&iah, a priest by birtb, a man of valour, Antiq. viL
xii. 4; son.of Jehoiada, c. V. sect. 4; made commander
of some,troops of Solomon, viiL L 4; son of Achillus,
c. ii. sect 3.	.

Beneficence, its commendation and, reward, Antiq. vi.

Benliadad (or the son of Hadad), king of Syria, besieges
Samaria the first time, Antiq. viiL xiv. 1, 4cc. the
second time, ix. iv. 3; falls sick, and is smothered, by
HaZael, sect. 6.

Benjamites are attacked for their enormous crimes at
Gibea, and at last terribly defeated and cut off, AAtiq.
v. ii. 8—11: their tribe restored, sect 12.

Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, dies, Antiq. xviii. vL L
Bernice, Arcbelau * and Mariamnevs daoghtei^ Antiq.
xx. viL U-m

INDEX.

Bcrniee, the widow of Herod, marrios Polemon, Antiq.

' air. vii. 3; leaves him, ib.

Bernice, Salome’s daughter, AristObnlus’s wife, Antiq

' xvi. i. 2.

Bernice, Agrippa senior’s daughter, and junior’s sister,
in danger of her life, War, ii. xv. 2.

Bernicianus, Herod of Chalcis’s son by Bernice, his bro-
ther Agrippa’s daughter, War, ii. xi. 6.

Berytus, where the cause between Herod and his sons
was debated in a council or court, Antiq. xvi, xi. 2,
dec.; Homans living at Berytus, xvi. x. 8.

Bethuel, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Bezaleel and Aholiah, sacred architects, Antiq. iii. vi.

Bigthan, Antiq. xi. vi. 4.

Birth-day of Ptolemy’s son kept by the Syrians, Antiq.
xii. iv. 7; presents made thereupon, sect. 9.

Bobelo, Antiq. xi. iv. 9.

Bocchnrus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. 33.

Book of the law found, Antiq. x. iv 2.

Books composed by Solomon, Antiq. viii. ii. .5; twenty-
two most sacred books among the Jews, Agaiust Apion,

Booz, of Elimelech’s family, Antiq. v. x. 2; his kindness
towards Ituth, ib.; he marries her, sect. 4.

Brazen vessels more valuable than gold, Antiq. xi. v.

2.

Bride, bow she was to part from one that refused to
marry her, accordiug to the law of Moses, Antiq. v.

Britons, Wnr, vi. vi. 2.

Britannicus, son of Claudius by Messulina, War, ii. xii.

8.

Brocchus, a tribune, Antiq. xix. iii. 4.

Brother, a title which Alexander Balas gave to Jonathan
the high-priest, Antiq. xiii. ii. 2; the same title was
also given him by Demetrius Soter, c. iv. 9.
uckle, or button (a golden one), sent to Jonathan by

Buckle,

Alexander, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii. iv. 4; and by
Demetrius, c. v. 4.

Bnkki, son of Ahishua, high-priest, Antiq. viii. i. 3,
Barthus, Nero’s Greek secretary, Antiq. xx. viii. 9L
Buz, N'ahor’s son, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Cecilius Bassus, the murderer of Sextus Cssar, Antic.

i. I; War, i. x. 10.

Cesinna, War, iv. xi.

xiv. xi. I;

lesinna, War, iv. xi. 3; sent to Vespasian, ib.

Isesar (Julius), makes warin Egypt, Antiq. xiv. viii. 1|
his decrees in favonr of the Jews, c. x. sect. 2, ficc.; is
murdered by Brutus and Caseins, c. xi. sect. 1.

Ctoarea built by Herod, Antiq. xv. ix. 6; it was 600 fnT-

usta, Antiq. xvi. v. 1.

sennius Petns, president of Syria, War, vii. vii. 1.
sonia, wife of Caius, killed by Lupus, Antiq. xix. ii.

longs from Jerusalem, xiii. xi. 2; War, i. iii. A.

Cesarean games instituted by Herod, Antiq xv. viii. 1;
War, i. xxi. 8; begun at the finishing of Caesarea Au-
gusta, Antiq. xvi. v. 1.

Cesennius Pei

Cesonia, wife

4.

Cain murders his brother Abel, Antiq. i. ii. 1; his punish-
ment, ib.; he peoples the land of Nod. sect. 2.

Caius, the son of Germanicus, is made Emperor, Antiq.
xviii. vi. 9; War, ii. ix. 5, 0; puts Tiberias, the grand-
son of Tiberias the emperor, to death, Antiq. xviii. vi,
9; his cruelty, c. vii.; his behaviour in the government,
e. vii. sect. 2; lie orders his statue to be erected in the
temple at Jerusalem, c. viii. sect, 2; gratifies Agrippa,
and forbids its erection, sect. 8; his letter to Petronius.
ib.; he rages against the Jews, xix. i. 1; calls himself
the brother of Jupiter, ib.; a conspiracy formed against
- •	! se in :

". x. o; his character, Antiq. xix. u. o.

Caleb, one that searched the i„nd of Canaan, Antiq. iii.
xiv. 4; and v. ii. 3.

Calf (golden) near Uapbane, or Dan. War, i. ii.

Calletw, Antiq. xvii. L

CaUimander, Antiq. xiii. X. 2, 3.

Callinicus, son of AntiocbuB, king of Commagena, War,
vii. vii. 2.

Cgtlistus, a freed-man of Cuius, Antiq. xiv. i. 10.

Onmbyses succeeds Cyrus, Antiq. xi. ii. 2; dies after a
reign of six years, sfcct 2.

Camp of the Jew*, Antiq. iii xii. 5; of the Assyrians,
War, y. vii. 3; c. xii. sect. 2.

Camuel, or Kemuel, Nabor’s son, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Canaan, land of) its description and division, Antiq. v. L

Jl. 221 Cgnaanites distress the tribe of Dan, c. liil sect.

rfed eon Wary to titccoeimand of (Sod? o. vii.

sect. 5; war denounced against them by the tribes of
Judea and Simeon, sect 1.

Candlestick in the tabernacle, Antiq. iii. vi. 7.

Cantheras removed from the high-priesthood,-Antiq. XX-

Capeilus, son of Antyllus, Life, sect. 13.

Capito, a centurion, or captain of an hundred soldiers,.
War, vii. v. 6.

Capitol, the end of the triuipphaDt shows, ’
Captives of the Jews, how many killed, ar
kept alive. War, vi. ix.*2, 3; captives c

how many
ried in the

triumph, c. v. sect. 3.

Captivities of the ten, and of the two tribes, Antiq, tu
ix. 7.

Ii aie spared

Careas (Kareah), Antiq. x. ix. 2.

Carus, Herod’s Catamite, Antiq. xvii. ii. 4.

Cassander governs Macedonia, after Alexander's death*
Antiq. xii. i. I.

Cassius LoDginus, president of Syria, Antiq. xiv. xi. 2;
and xv. xi. 4; and xx. i. 1favours Antipater and He-
rod, xiv. xl. 2, &c.; repels the Parthians, and then
retire- to Judea, c. vii. sect. 3; W:ar, i. viii. 9; is de-
feated at Philippi, Antiq. xiv. xii. 2.

Castles, or citadels, two at Jerusalem, one in the city,
and the other by the temple, Antiq. xii. i. 3; and xv.
vii. 8; c. viii. sect. 5.

Castor, the Jew, his cunning trick, War, v. vii. 4.

Castration of man or beast forbidden by the law of Moses,
Antiq. iv. viii. 40; young men of royal blood castrated
by Nebuchadnezzar’s order, and among others Daniel
the prophet, x. x. 1.

Catullus, governor of Lybia Pentapolitana, War, vii. xi.
1.; his calumny against the Jews, sect. 2; his death*
and the divine vengeance on him, sect. 3, 4.

Celadus, Aptiq. xvii. xii. 2; War, ii. vii. 2.

Celendcris, War, i. xxxi. 3.

Celcr, a tribune, Antiq. xx. vi. 2; he is put to death*
sect. 3.

Celtic legion, Antiq. xix. i. 15.

Cendebeus, commander of Antiochns’s troops, Antiq.
xiii vii. 3; War, i. ii. 2.

Cerealis (Petelins), sent against the Samaritans, War,
ri. vii. 32; marches towards Hebron, iv. ix. 9; is or-
dered to attack the temple, vi. ii. 5; called to a couit-

sect. 7, Ac.

Chereas (Cassius), is stirred up against Cains, Antiq.
xix. i. 3. 4; draws othtrs into the conspiracy, sent 5;
gives' Caius the first blow, sect. 14; is beheaded, c. xjv.
sect. 5.

Chagiras, son of Nabateus, War, v. xi. 5.

Chalaman, king of the Syrians, Antiq. vii. vi. 3-

Chalool, Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

Cham, or Ham, the son of Noah, Antiq. i. iv. 1; bio
posterity, e. vi. sect. 2.

Chanaan, or Canaan, the son of Ham, Antiq. 1. vi. 2f
his posterity, ih.

Charan, nr 11 at an, Antiq. L vi. 5.

Chares, War. iv. i. 4; dies, sect. 9.

Chatura, or Keturah, Abraham’s last wife, Antiq. i. xi.

Chebrnn, king of Egypt, Against Apion, I, sect. 15.

Chehron, or Hebron, older than Memphis (Tanis), War*
:v. ix. 7; taken by the Israelites, Antiq. v. ii. 3.

Chedorlaomer, Antiq. i. iv.

Chelbes, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect 2L

Chelcias, Antiq. xiii. x. 4; c. xiii. sect. 1.

Chellin, or Chilio, Antiq. v. ix. 1.

Cherubim, their shape not known, Antiq. viii. iii. X

Chesed, Nahor’s son, Antiq, i. vi. 5.

Chetim, or Kittim, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Children not always like their parents, Antiq. vi. iii. 9L

Christ and Christians. Antiq. xviii. iii. 3.

Chusarthes. or Chusan, the king of Assyria, oppresses

lence
ix. 7;

the Israelites, Antiq. v. iii 2-
Chnri, or Hnshai, Antiq. vii. ix. 2.

Chutheans (people ot Cotba), who they were and wh
they came, Antiq. ix. xiv. 3; go to Samaria, x. it
1 hinder the rebuilding of the temple, xi ii 1.
Cinnamus, Antiq. xx. iii. 2.

Circumcision is received in Palestine by the Jews,
Against Apion, i. sect 22; its institution, Antiq. i x.
The Arabians circumcise their children after tlie thir-
teenth year of their age, c. xii. sect 3; the Syrisne
in Palestine received circumcision from the Egyptians,
according to Herodotus, viii. x. 3, not to be forcedINDEX,

St> 3

Upon any body, In the opinion of Josephus, Life, sect.
2#; the Idnmeans forced to be circumcised, or leave
their country, by John Hyrcanas, xiii. ix. 1; the Itu-
ed to be circamcised by Aristobulus, c. xi.

sect. 3.

Classicus, War, vii. iv. 2.

laudius Caesar, Antiq. xix. ii. 1; e. iii. sect 1; he is
dragged out of a comer to the imperial dignity, ib. ;

fav.

. 1; be is favoured by the
liberality to Agrippa, c. v.
of the Jews, sect. 3: his 1,

in lavnur or tne Jews, i
Antiq. xx. i. 2; he dies,
his wile aud children, ib

army, Antiq. xix.
sect 1; his edict
3; his letter to the Jews,
c. viii. sect. 1; War, ii. xii. 8;

Clement, Antiq. xix. 1. 6.

Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus, married to Ptolemy,
Antiq. xii. iv. 1.

Cleopatra, wifeof Philometer, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1,2; Against
Apion, ii. sect 5; she takes up arms against Ptolemy
Lathyrus, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 1; makes an alliance with

'leopatra,
ried to A

us, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 1; makes an
ider, sect. 2; takes Ptolemais, ib.
i, wife of Demetrius II., Antiq. xiii. viL 1; mar-

ried to Antiochus aoter, sect 2.

Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, meets Antony in Cilicia, Ai
tiq. xiv. xiii. 1; her cruelty and avarice, xv. iv. 1
War, i. xviii. 4; kills her sister Arsinoe, Antiq. xv. i
1; obtains from Antony a part of Arabia and Jude

i; omains irom Antony a part of Arabia and Judea,
ib. ( tempts Herod to lie with her, seek 2; Herod con-
ts her towards Egypt, ib.

alra (Selene) besieged by Tigranes, Antiq. xiii.

1U. ( tempts tieroa to lie wit
ducts her towards Egypt, ib.

Cleopatra (Selene) be" —J
xvi. 4; War. i. v. 3.

Cleopatra of Jerusalem, the wife of Herod, Antiq. xviL

i.	3; War, i. xxviii. 4.

Cleopatra, wife of Florus, Antiq. xx. xi. 1.

Clitus, author of a rebellion at Tiberias, Life, sect. 34;
cuts off his left band by the order of Josephus, ib.; War,

ii.	xxi. 10.

Clevius, Antiq. xix. i. 13.

Coligna (Cneus), War, vii. iii. 4.

Colonies within and without Italy, Antiq. xix. v. 3.
Columns, or pillars in the land of Siriad( Antiq. i. it. 3;
of the Corinthian order in Solomon's palace, viii. v. S,-
in Herod’s temple, War, v. v. 2.

Commandments written upon two tables, Antiq. iii. v.
4; written by the band of t.'od, sect. 8; not to have
their very words published, sect. 4.

Conquests easier gotten than maintained, Antiq. viii. iv.
4.

Conscience of good actions is safer to he relied on, than
on the concealment of evil ones, Antiq. ii. iv. 4.
Conspiracy against Herod, Antiq. xv. xiii. 3, Sec.
Convention of Asia at Ancyra. Antiq. xvi. vi. 2; conven-

Cnstoms, or taxes of Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, and SilDM>
ria, 8000 talents, Antiq. xii. iv. 4.

Cypros, king A grip pa’s wife, War, ii. xi. 6.

CypTos, Antipater senior’s wife, by whom he "had four
children, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3; War, i. viii. 9.

Cypr os, Antipater’s daughterly Cypros, Antiq. xviii. v.
4; married to Alexas Selcias. ib.

Cypros, Herod’s daughter, married to Antipater, Salome’s
son, Antiq. xviii. v. 5.

Cypros, daughter of Phasaelus and Salampsio, married
to Agrippa senior, Antiq. xviii. v. 4; c. vi. sect. 2, 3.

Cyrenius, or Quirmius, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 5; and xviii. L
1; War, vii. viii. 1.

Cyrcaeansderived from the Lacedemonians,War, ii. xvi.4,

Cyrus, king of Persia, Antiq. x. xi. 2, Sec.; purposes to
rebuild the Jewish temple, xi. i. 1, &c.; releases the
Jews from their captivity by an edict, seek 2, 3; hia
death, c. ii. sect. 1.

Cyrus, the son of Xerxes, called by the Greeks Artaxer-
xea, made king, Antiq. xi. vi. 1, &c.; his letter re-
scinding the edict of Hamao, seek 12.

Demons, War, vi. vi. 3.

Dagon, the god of Ashdod, Antiq. vi. 1; bis temple burnt,
xiii. iv. 4.

Damascene colonies transported into Higher Media, An-
tiq. ix. xii. 3.

Damascus taken by Tiglathpileser, Antiq. ix. xii. 3;
taken by the Romans, xiv. ii. 3.

Dan built by the Danites, Antiq. v. iii. 1.

Danaus, or Hermeus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, L
seek 20.

Daniel the prophetj Antiq. x. x. ],&c.; is castrated with
his companions, ib.; their austerity of life, sect. 2;
Daniel foretells the times of future events, ib.; tells
Nebuchadnezzar his dream, and interprets it to him,
sect. 3, 4; is honoured for it, sect 5; his companions
are cast into a fiery furnace, ib.; Daniel explains the
hand-writing upon the wall, c. xi. sect. 2; is carried
into Media by Darius, Beet. 4; is made one of the pre-
sidents of the kingdom, ib.; a conspiracy against him,
sect. 5, £; is thrown into the lion’s den, sect. 6; builds
a tower at Ecbatana, sect. 7; the manner and certainty
of his prophecies, ib.; his vision of the ram and the
1.e-goat, ib.; his prophecy of the destruction of the
Jews hy the Romans, ib.; of the profanation of the

tion at Jerusalem, Life, sect. 13.

Coponius, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. i. 1; c. ii.

Beck 2; War, ii. viii. 1.

Coracinus, a fish, War, iii. x. 8.

Corban, or se6ret treasure, War, ii. ix. 4.

Cores, or Korah, raises a sedition against Moses. Antiq.

iv. ii. 2; perishes with his faction, c. iii. sect. 3.
Gorinthus, one of Herod’s life-guards, Antiq. xvii. iii. 2;

an Arabian by birth, War, i. xxix. 3.

Cornelius, Faustus, son of Sylla, Antiq.

Cornelius,
i. vii. 5.

Sylla, Antiq. xiv. iv. 4; War,

Cornelius, the brother of Longus, War, vi. iii. 2.

Corus, a Jewish measure of 10 Attic medumni, Antiq.
iii. xv. 3.

CoBtobarus, an Idumean, Salome’s husband, Antiq. xv.
viii. 9.

Costobarus, a ringleader of the robbers, Antiq. xx. ix.

4.

Cotylas, or Zeno, Antiq. xiii. viii. 1; War, i. ii. 4.

Co '	~

Co'

Cozbi, a Midianitish woman, Antiq.

Coze, or Kose, an idol of the Idi

iumeans before they

otys, king of lesser Armenia, Antiq. xix. v iii. 1.
dw, the red cow for purification, Antiq. iv. iv. G.
ozbi, a Midianitish woman, Antiq. iv. vi. 10.

” imeans b

eds Gabi:
ilunders
r, i. viii. I

in an expedition against the Paribians, ib.
i of the world, Antiq. 1. ii. i.

oze, or Kose, an icoi oi tne
turned Jews, Antiq. xv. vii. 9.

Crassus, governor of the east, succeeds Gabinua, Antiq.
xiv. vi. 4; arrives in Judea and plunders the temple
of its treasurers, c. vii. sect. 1; War, i. viii. 8; perishes
in an expedition against the Paribians, ib.

Creation of the world, Antiq. 1. ii. i.

Crimes are encouraged by indulgence to those that com-
mit them, Antiq. vi. vii. 4.

Crown, or mitre of the hieh-priest, Antiq. 111. vii. 7.

Cumanua, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. v. 2; War, it.
xii. 1.

Curses denounced from mount Ebal. Antiq. Iv. viii. 44;
and v. i. 19.

Cnspius Fadua, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xv. xl. 4;
and xix. Iv. 2; xx. i. dec.; War, li. xl. &

VISll

of the destruction of the
jews ny me nomans, id.; of the profanation il'_
temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, xii. vii. 6.

Danaa, Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

Darius, (he son of Astyges, called by another name among
the Greeks, Antiq. x.xi. 2, 4.

Darius, the son of Hystaspes, made king, Antiq. xi. iii.
1; makes a splendid entertainment, seek 2; proposes
questions to be resolved, ib.; his letters in favour of
Zerobabel, for rebuilding the temple, sect. 8; has Cy-
rus’s records searched about that temple, ADtiq. xi. iv.
6; gives orders for its rebuilding,lb.; his edict against
the Samaritans, sect. 9.

Dathan, Antiq. iv. ii. 1.

David’s genealogy, Antiq. v. ix. 4; is anointed by Sa-
muel, vi. viii. 1; plays upon the harp before Saul, seek
2; fights Goliah, vi. ix. 10; c. xi. sect. 4; bis and Jo-
nathan’s friendship, c. xi. seek 1, 6, See.; is reconciled
to Saul by Jonathan, seek 2; is in danger of being
killed by Saul, sect. 3; his flight, vi. xii. 1; c. xiii.
sect. 10; he spares Saul’s life twice, c. xiii. seek 4, 9;
promises to assist the king of Gath, c. xiv. sect. 1;
pursues after the Amalekites, and puts them to flight,
sect. 6; makes a funeral oration for Saul and Jonathan,
vii. i. 1; is made king of Judah, seek 2; and of the
Israelites, vii. ii. 2; takes Jerusalem, c. iii. seek 1;
casts IheJebusites out of it, seek 2; marries several
wives, and begets eleven children, sect. 3; conquers
the Philistines, c. 4, sect. 1; has the ark carried to
Jerusalem, sect. 2; is reproached by Micbal, sect. 3;
purposes to build the temple, seek 4; his victories, c.
v. sect. 1; his liberality to Mepbibosbeth, sect. 5; he
' "s in love with Batbsheba, c. vii. sect. 1; catf-
ish to be' slain, ib.; marries Batbsheba, vii. vii,
eproved for all by Nathan the prophet, o. vii. se
3; his son by Batbsheba dies, sect. 4; he mourns
m’B death, c. x. seek 5; orders the people to
red, c. xiii. sect. 1; chooses the pestilence

Batbsheba, c. vii. sect. 1; causes
be' slain, ib.; marries Batbsheba, vii. vii, 1;
>11 by Nathan the prophet, o. vii. seek
ithsheba dies, sect. 4; he mourns for
Absalom’s death, c. x. seek 5; orders the people to be
numbered, c. xiii. sect. 1; chooses the pestilence ra-
ther than famine or the sword, sect. 2; makes great
preparations for the building of the temple, o. xiv sect.
1 ,* exhorts Solomon to build it, sect. 2, 9; divides the
priests into twenty-four courses, sect. 7; he dies, c. xv.
sect. 2; is buried with great pom p, seek 3; the trea-
sures hidden in his monument, ib. xiii. viii. 4; and
xvi. vii. 1; War, 1. ii. &INDEX,

864

Day unusually lengthened, Antiq. Y. L 17.

Debora, Antiq. v. v. 3.

Deceased, what care was taken of them by the Jews,
Against Apion, ii. sect 26.

Decrees of the Romans, &c., in favour of the Jews,
Antiq. xiv. viii. 6; c. x. sect 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10,
12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 21, 25,
23.

Dedan, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Dellius the wicked, Antiq. xiv. xv. 1; and xv. ii. 6;

War, i. xv. 3.

Deluge, Antiq. i. iii. 3, &c.

Demeliius, alabarch at Alexandria, Antiq. xx. vii. 3.

Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, joins with Jonathan
and Ptolemy his father-in-law, and conquers Alexan-
der, Antiq. xiii. iv. 7, 8; called Nieator, sect. 9; his
letter in favour of the .lews, ib.; is hated by Antiochus,
c. v. seot. 3; breaks friendship with Jonathan, ib.; is
conquered by Antiochus, and flies into Cilicia, sect. 4;
is made prisoner by Arsaces, and released, sect. 11;
Trypho rebels against him, c. vii. sect I; is hated hy
the army, c. ix. sect. 3; is defeated, and flies in vain to
Cleopatra his wile, ib.; goes thence to Tyre, is made
prisoner and dies, ib.

Demetrius Eurerus, fourth son of Antiochus Grypus, is
made king of Syria, Damascena, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4;
his assistance desired by the Jews, sect. 5; he makes
war upon Alexander, and conquers him, c. xiv. sect
1, War, i. iv. 4, 5; he makes war with his brother
Philip, is carried prisoner into Parthia, and dies there,
Antiq. xiii. xiv. 3.

Demetrius of Gadara, Pompey’s freed man, obtains the
rebuilding ot that city, Antiq. xiv*4.

Demetrius Phalereus, keeper of the Alexandrian librai

us,

Antiq. xii. ik_ 1; A
king
the seventy-two
2.

Demetrius Sot

eper <

i. 1; Against Apion, ii. sect. 4; his peti
tion to king Pbiladelphus, Antiq. xii. ii. 3; he place
two interpreters near the sea-side, sect

:er, son of Seleucus, made king of Syria,
Antiq. xii. x. 1; puts king Antiochus to death, ib.;
sends Bacchides and Nicanor against the Jews, sect,
2,4; his character, xiii. ii. 1; his letter to Jonathan,

s character,
sect. 3; is killed in
4.

the war against Alexander, sect

Demoteless, Antiq. xiii. v. 8.

Diana’s temple at Clymais in Persia, Antiq. xii. ix. 1;
Diana’s temple in Egypt, xiii iii. I.

Dido, queen of the Tyrians, Against Apion, t sect
18.

Diklath, Antiq. i. vi. 4.	.

Dinah, Jacob’s daughter, Antiq. i. xxi. 1.

Dioclerus, Antiq. viii. ii. 3.

Diodorus, son of Jason, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2.

Diodorus, or Trypho, Antiq. xiii. v. 1.

Dionysius, tyrant of Tripoli, Antiq. xiv. iii. 2.

Diophantus, a forger of letters, Antiq. xvi. x. 4

Divorce, what are the causes of it, Antiq. iv. viii. 28;
whether it he lawful for a wife to send a bill of divorce
to her husband, Antiq. xv. viii, 10.

Doeg the Syrian, Antiq. vi. xii. 4.

Dogs, it is not natural for them to devour the bones with
the flesh, Antiq. xi. iv. 9.

Dolabella’s letter to the Ephesians in favour of the Jews,
Antiq. xiv. x. 12.

Dolesus, War, iv. vii. 2.

Doinitian kind to Josephus, Life, sect75.

Domitian, the son of Vespasian, is made regent in bis
father’s absence, War, iv. xi. 4; is kind to Josephus,
Life, sect. 75;' hi. expedition against the Germans,
War, vii. iv. 2.

Domitius Sabinus, War, v. viij. 1.

Doris, Herod’s first wife, Antiq. xiv. xii. 1; is mother
of Antipater, ib.xvii. i. 3; War,i. xxviii. 4; is expelled
the court, i. xxx. 4.

Dorians erect Cesar’s statue in a Jewish synagogue,
Antiq. xix. vi. 3; Petronius’s edict against them, ib.

Dorotheus, Antiq. xii. ii. 11.

Dortus, Antiq. xx. vi. 2.

Dosithens, a Jew, his perfidiousness, Antiq. xv. vi. 3.

Dositbeus, a general of the Jews, Against Apion, ii. sect.

5.

Dove sent out of the Ark, Antiq. i. iii. 5.

Draco’s laws, Against Apion, i. sect. 4.

Crusilla, daughter of Agrippa senior, by Cypros, Antiq.
xviii. v. 4; married to Azizus, king of Emesa, xx. vii.
I; afterwards to Felix, procurator of Judea, sect. 2.

llrusus her brother, Antiq. xviii. v. 4.

Dnisus, brother of Tiberius, Antiq. xviii. vi. 8.

Duration ot the Jewish law, Against Apion. ii. sect. 31.

Eagle, golden eagle palled down from the front of the
temple, Antiq. xvii. vi.3; bolding a dragon in his claws
in the 6eal of Lacedemonians, xii. iv. 10.

Earthquake, wherein the followers of Dathan and Abt-
ram were swallowed up, Antiq. iv. iii. 1.

Earthquake, a very great one in Judea, Antiq. xv. v. 2.

Eating the sinew upon the bip, why refused hy the Jews,
Antiq. i. xx. 2.

Ebal, Antiq. i. Vi. 4.

Ehan, David’s son. Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

Ebutius, a decurlon, War, iii. vii. 3;
i. 5.

vii. 3; slain in battle, iv

Eclipse of the moon, Antiq. xvii. vi. 4.
Ecnibalus, king of Tyre, Ag
Eglon, king of Moab. i

e. Against Apion, i. sect 21.
oppresses the Israelites, Antiq. v.

iv. 1; Is made a judge, i
Elab succeeds Baasba in the kingdom of Israel, Antiq.

viii. xii. 4.

Elam, Antiq. i. vi, 4

Elcanah, or Elkanah, Antiq. ix. xii. 1.

F.lcanah, or Elkanah, Samuel’s father, Antiq. v. X. 2.
F.lcias, the high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6.

Eleazar’s house, Antiq. vii. xv. 7.

Eleazar’s commendation, War, v. vi. 1.

Eleazar, the son of Aaron, Antiq. iii. viii. 1.

Eleazar, the son of Ananias, high-priest, Antiq. xviii. ii.
2; War, ii. xvii. 2.

Eleazar, the son ofDineus, Antiq. xx. vi. 1; c. viii. sect.

5; War, ii. xii. 4.
ir, the

Eleazar, the son of Dodo, Antiq. vii. xii. 4.

Eleazar cast out a demon, Antiq. viii. ii. 4

Eleazar, brother of Joazar, made high-priest, Antiq. xvii.
xiii. 1; deprived, ib.

Eleazar. brother of Judas Maccabeus, called Auran, An-
tiq. xii. vi. 1; c. ix. seek 4; is crushed to death by OO
elephant, ib.; War, i. i. 5.

Eleazar, a ring-leader of the robbers, Antiq. xx. i. lj
War, vii. viii. 1; is taken prisoner and seDt to Rome,
Antiq. xx. viii. 5; War, ii. xiii. 2.

Eleazar, of Masada’s speech to his garrison, War, vii.
viii. 6,

Eleazar, the son of Moses, Antiq. ii. xiii. 1.

Eleazar, the bigb-priest in the days of Joshua, Antiq.
iv iv. 7; he dies, v. i. 29.

Eleazar, the high-priest in the days of Phifadelphus,
Antiq. Pref. sect. 3; and xii. ii. 4; and xwii. xiii. 1;
his letter to Philadelphus, xii. ii. 7; he dies, c. iv.
sect. 1.

Eleazar, treasurer of the temple, Antiq. xiv. vii. 1.

Eleazar, the son of Sameas’s valour, War, iii. vii. 21.

Eleazar, the son of Simon,-War, ii. xx. 3; and iv. iv. 1;
and v. i. 2; c. iii. sect. 1; and vi. iv.J.

F.leazar, the companion of Simon, dies, War, iv. ix.
5.

Eleazar, commander of the temple, Antiq. xx. ix. 3;
War, ii. xvii. 2.

Eleazar taken prisoner by Rufus, War, vii. vi. 4

Eleutheri, horsemen so called, War, i. xiii. 3.

Elhanan, Antiq. vii. xii. 2.

Eli, the high-priest, Antiq. viii. i. 3; is judge in Israel
alter Samson, Antiq. v. ix. 1; his profligate Bons, c. x.
sect 1.

Eliakim, Antiq. x. i. 2.

Eliashib, the high-priest, Antiq. xi.v. 4, &c.; dies, c. vii.
sect. 1.

Elien, David’s son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

Elijah the prophet, Antiq. viii. xiii 2, &c.; his miracles
wrought lor the widow of Serepta, ib.; he presents
himself to Abab, sect 4; foretells rain, ib.; the false
prophets are killed by his order, sect 6; calls for tire
from heaven, ix. ii. 1; is taken up, sect. 2; his letter
to king Jehoram, c. v. sect 2.

Elimelich, Antiq. v. ix. 1.

Elioneus, the son of Cantharus, is made high-priest, An-
tiq. xix. viii. 1.

Elipbale, or Eliphelet, David’s son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

acc.; ms aeatn and eulognun, c. vm. sei
of the barren fountain, War, iv. viii. 3.

Elkanah, or Elcanah, Antiq. ix. xii. I,

Elkanah. or Elcanah, Samuel’s father, Antiq. v. x. 2.
Elmodad, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Elon succeeds Ibson as judge, Antiq. v. vii. 14.

Elpis, Herod’s wife, Antiq. xvii. L 3; Wax, i. xxviii.
4.

Elthemus, general of the Arabians, War, i. xix. 6.
Eluleus, king of the Tyrians, Antiq i. xiv. 2.INDEX.

805

Emnos, David's son, Antiq. vii. iiu
Ennaphen, David’s son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

Enemies, when conquered, may be lawfully killed, Antiq.

ix.	iv. 3.

Enoch, Antiq. i. ii. 2; c. iii. sect. 2.

Enoch and Elijah translated, Antiq. ix. il. 2.

Enos, the son of Seth, Antiq. i. iii. 2.

Ensigns of the Romans, with Ccesar’s image, Antiq.xviiu
iii. 2; sacrifices offered to them, War, vi. vi. 1.
Epaphroditus, his character, Antiq. Pref. sect. 2; a great
friend of Josephus, Life, sect. 75.

Ephesians, their decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv.

x.	25.

F.phod, Antiq. iii. vii. 3.

Epicrates, Antiq. xiii. x. 2, 3.

Epicureans, their error concerning providence confuted,
Antiq. x. xi. 7.

Epiphanes, the son of Antiocbus, king of Commagena,
Antiq. xix. ix. 1.

Epistle of Jonathan the high-priest to the Lacedemonians,
Antiq. xiii. v. 8; of Philadelphus for freeing the cap-
tive Jews, Antiq. xii. ii. 3: to Eleazar the high-priest,
sect. 4; of Solomon, and Hiram king of the Tynans,
viii. ii. 6, 7; of Xerxes to Esdras, xi. v. 1; of Arta-
to the

ernors near

sdras, xi. v.

! governors near Judea, c. vi. sect. 12; of
Antiochus the Great, to I’tolemy Epiphanes, xii. iii.
3; of the Samaritans to Antiochus Theus, c. v. sect.
5; of A lexander Dalas to Jonathan, xiii. ii. 2; of Onias
to Ptolemy and Cleopatra, c. iii. sect. 1; of Demetrius
to Jonathan and the Jews, c. iv. sect.9; of Julius Cm-,
sar to the Homan magistrates, xiv. x. 2, &c.; of Mark

sar to the Homan magistrates,
Antony to the Tyrians, c. xii. sect. 4.
phet, Anti

iq. ix. xiii. 3; and x. i. 3, 4; c.

years h
lb.; his
vii. x. 3.

Esau, or Edom, Antiq. ii. i. 1; his birth, i. xviii. 1.
Escol, Antiq. i. x. i.

Esdras. Antiq. xi. v. 1, &o.; his grief for the foreign mar-

: his gri

mges, sect. 3; he reads the law of Moses to the peo-
le, i
len,

■hen its shin

es, set

pie, sect. 5; he dies, ib.

. 5; he dies, i

higfl-priest’s breast-plate, Antiq. iii. viii. 5;
when its shining ceased, sect. 9.

Essens honoured by Herod, Antiq. xv. x. 5; are against
swearing. War, ii. viii. 6: Iheir mannets. rites, and
doctrines described, Antiq. xiii. v. 9; and xviii. i. 5;
War. ii. viii.2, Ac.; they abstain from anointing them-
selves with oil, sect 3; their diligence in reading their
sacred books, sect. 6; Simon the Essen an interpreter
ol dreams, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 3.

Esther, Antiq. xi. vi. 2; is married to the king, ib.; is
concerned for the Jews, sect. 7, &c.; invites the king
and Human to an entertainment, sect 9.

Ethan, Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

Ethbaal, or Ithobalus, king of Tyre, Antiq. viii. xiii. 1, 2;
Against Apion, i. sect. 18, 21.

Ethi, or Ittai the Gittite, Antiq. vii. ix. 2.

Ethnarch (Simon), Antiq. xiii. vi. 6; contracts thence
dated, ib.

Ethnarch (Archelaus), Antiq. xvii. xi. 4; War, ii. vi. 3.

Euartus Cous, Antiq. xvi. x. 2; War, i. xxvi. 5.

Enaristis Arruntius, Antiq. xix. i. It).

Eve created, Antiq. i. i. 2; her fall, se ^

lUBq /llllltj. AlAi Is iUi

tiq. i. i. 2; her fall, sect. 4;

Evi, king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv. vii. 1.
Evil-Merodach, Antiq. x. xi. 2; Against Apion, i. sect
SO.

Euodns, freed-man of Tiberias, Antiq. xviii. vi. 8.
Kupolemiis's son John, Antiq. xii. x 6.

Eorycles slanders Ihe sons of Herod, Antiq. xii. X. C;
War. i. xxvi. I, fitc.; he returns to his own country,
sect. 4.

Eutychus, Agrippa’s freed-man and charioteer, Antiq.
xviii. yi. 5.

Eutychus. Cains Caesar’s coachman, Antiq. xix. iv. 4.
Exempt from military service, who, Antiq. iv. viii. 41.
Exorcisms, or forms of casting out demons, composed by

Exorcisms,

Solomon. Antiq. viii ii. 5.

tiq. ’

Exekias. a ringleader for the robbers, Antiq. xiv. ix. 2.
ntiq. x. v. 1 ;

■iq. J

Ezekiel the prophet, Antiq. x. v. 1; c. viii. sect. 2; is
carried captive into Babylon, c. vi.sect. 3; his prophecy
concerning the destruction of the Jews. c. vii. sect. 2;
-bis prophecy reconciled to that of Jeremiah, ib

Fahatus. Cnisar’s servant, Antiq. xvii. iii. 2; Herod’s
steward. War, i. xxix. 3

Febius, governor of Damascus, Antiq. xiv. xi. 7; War,
i. xii. 1.

Fahinus, a centurion, Antiq. xiv. jv. 4; War, i. xii. 1.
Factions, three in Jerusalem, Antiq. v. i. 4.

Fadus (Cuspius), procura
and xix. ix. 2; and xx.

Famine in Judea in the II

:m, Antiq. v. i. 4.

.tor of Judea, Antiq. xv. xL 4|

tiq. xv. ix. 1
3; and xx. ii. 6;
Jerusalem, Wai

1. &c.; War, ii. xi. 6.

of Herod’s reig

lea in the 13th year of Herod’s reign, An-
t another in the reign of Claudius, iii. xv.
ii. 6; c. v. sect. 2; a dismal famine in

Jerusalem, War, v. x. 2; c. xii. sect. 3; vi. 3; for
Saul’s cruelty to the Gibeonites, Antiq. viii. xii. 1; at
Samaria, xiii. x. 2; famine and pestilence, two of the
greatest evils, x. vii. 4.

Fannius the consul’s decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq.
xiv. x. 15.

Fannius, a Roman prmtor, Antiq. xiii. ix. 10.

Fast, observed at Jerusalem, Antiq. xiv. xvi.; on the
day on which Pompey took Jerusalem, ib. c. iv. sect.

4.

Fate unavoidable, Antiq. viii. xv. 6; War, v. xiii. 7; and
vi. i. 8; c. ii. sect. 1; c. iv. sect. 8; and c. v. sect 4.

Feast of unleavened bread. See passover. Guests placed
at feasts according to their condition, Antiq. xii. iv. 9;
funeral feasts among the Jews, War. Ii. !. ..

Felicity too great, the cause of many evils, Antiq. viii. x.
7.

Felix, Antiq. xiv. xi. 7; War, i. xii. 1; brother of Pallas,
and procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. vii. 1; c viii. sect.

5.	War, ii. xii. 8; c. xiii. sect. 7; he punishes the mu-
tineers, Antiq. xx. viii. 7; is accused at Rome, sect. 9.

Festivals of the Hebrews, Antiq. iii. x. 1, See.; three
great ones, ib, xviii. iv. 3; at those festivals Roman
guards were posted at the temple. War, ii. xii. 1; im-
munity granted them at those festivals by Demetrius
Soter, Antiq. xiii. ii. 3; celebrated by the Jews in shin-
ing garments, c. xi. sect. 1; and on them did no man-
ner of work, iii. x. 6; celebrated by the Gentiles in

idleness and pleasure, i. xxi. 1; no mourning among
the Jews at such times, xi. ▼. 5; nor did they then
travel far, xiii. viii. 4; Egyptian women appeared at

—i. --------:-----jT> g; w00(j carrje(j on a festi-

, War, ii. xvii. (j; festival at de-

xiii. viii. 4; Egyptian women appeared at
such times in public, ii. iv. 3; wood carried on a festi-
val day for the altar, War, ii. xvii. (j; festival at de-
dication of the temple by Judas Maccabeus, Antiq. xii.
vii. 7.

Festus (Porcius), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. viii. 9;
he dies, c. ix. sect. 1.

Flaccus (Norbanus), proconsul, Antiq. xvi. vi.; president
of Syria, xviii. vi. 2.

Flesh of horses, mules, dcc^ forbidden to be brought
within the walls of Jerusalem, Antiq. xii. iii. 4.

Flies (the god of), Le. Beelzebub, the god of Ekron, An-
tiq. ix. ii. 1.

Florus

orus (Gessius), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. i. 6;
and xi. xix. 2; and xx. ix. 5; is the cause of the Jew-
ish war, c. xi. sect. 1; Life, sect. 6; War, ii. xiv. 3, 6;
c. xv. sect. 1, &c.; he is derided by the people, ii. xiv.
6; he plunders the city, sect.9; he calumniates the

Jews before Cestin
Fonteius A grip pa, ’ 11
3.

Ihe city, sect.9; he call
itius, War. ii. xvi. 1.
killed by the Scythians,

War, vii. iv.

Fountain near Jericho, War, iv. viii. 3; is cured by Eli-
sha, ib.; its wonderful virtue, ib.

Friends never free from envy, Antiq. vi iv -3

Frigius (Titus), War. vi. iv. 3.

Fronto, War, vi. iv. 3.

Fulvia, a lady defrauded of her money by a Jew, Antiq.
xviii. iii. 5.

Furtus, a centurion, Antiq. xiv. iv. 4; War, i. vii. 4.

Gaal protects the Shecbemites against Abimelecb, An
tiq. v. vii. 3.

Gaam, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Oahris, or Gabares, Antiq viii. ii. 3.

Gabinus, Antiq. xiv. iii. 2, c. iv. sect 1; War, i. vi. 6;
is made president of Syria, Antiq. xiv. v. 2; War, L
viii. 2.

vii. 3; the Gada-

Gad, the prophet, Antiq. vii. xiii. 2, &c.

Gadarn, taken by Vespasian. War, iv. vi
rens made'prisoners, aud killed, iii. vii. 1.

Gaddis (John), Antiq. xiii. i. 2.

Galadens, their queen Eandice, Antiq. xiii. xiii. -4.
Galba. Antiq. xviii. (i, 9; succeeds Nero, War, iv. ix.2;

is murdered in a conspiracy, ib.

Galilee, cumes all under the Roman dominion, War, iv.

i.	1; c. ii. sect. 5

Galli, eunuchs so called, Antiq. iv. viii. 40,

Gallicamis, War, iii. viii. 1.

Gallns (,Eliiis), Antiq. xv. ix. 3.

Gallns (Ceslius). president of Syria, Life, sect 4; War,

ii.	xiv. 3.

Gallus, a centurion. War, iv. i. 5.

3 I806

INDEX.

Gallos (Ruhrius), War, vii. Iv. 3.

Gnmala besieged, War, It. i. 1, dec.

Games of the circus, Antiq. xiz. i. 4; Olympic games
restored by Herod, xvi. v. 3; Caesarean games insti-
tilted by Herod, xv. viii. 1; and xvi. v. 1; War, i. xxi.
t); ordained by Titus on the birth-days of his father and
hrotlier, vii. iii. 1.

Gerrizzim, its temple demolished, Antiq. xili. ix. 1.

Gauls, War, ii. xvi. 4; possess at home the source of hap-
piness, ib.; became Herod’s life-guards, i. xx. 3.

Gaza taken and demolished, Antiq. Xiii. xiii. 3.

Gazeans, grievously punished by Jonathan, Antiq. xiii.
v. 5.

Gamellus (Tiberius), Autiq. xviii. vi. 8.

Gamellus,Herod’s friend,ex- "*3	-

viii. 3.

nd, expelled his court, Antiq. xvi.

Gentile gods, not to be derided, in the opinion of Jose-
phus, Antiq. iv. viii. 10; Against Apion, ii. sect. 34.
Geometry, invented by the long-lived patriarchs, Antiq.

Gera, the father of Ehud, Antiq. v. iv. 2.

Gerastratus, Ling of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect

21.

Germanicus’s house, Antiq. xix. i. 15; the father of
_• « sent into the east, c. iL sect 5;

Germans described, War, ii. xvi. 4; are enslaved by the
Romans, vi. vi. 2; they mutiny, vii. iv. 2; a German’s

xviii. vi. 7;

Cains, xviii. vi. 8; is sent
is poisoned by Piso, ib.
lermans described, War, ii. :

Romans, vi. vi. 2; they mutiny, vii. iv. 2;
predictions concerning Agrippa, Antiq.
German guard, xix. i. 1.

itiq,

Giants, Antiq. v.
mains in Hebro

i. 4.

v. ii. 3;

Gessius Floras, procurator of Judea,
itiq. i. v
ntiq. v.
i Hebroi
i inlmbi
i, by a w
16; tin

they are

See Floras above.

s, proi

Gether, Antiq. i. vi.

Anti
in 1
ts ii

;s, by a wile, make a covenant with Joshua, A
i. 16; their fraud detected and punished, ib.;
e satisfied for the attempt of Saul to slay the;

and vii. xii. 1, &c.; their re-
q. iii. xiv. 2; and v. ii.

Gibeah. its inhabitants guilty of a rape, Antiq. v. ii. 8.
Gibeonites, by a wile, make a covenant with Joshua, Ad-
tiq. v. i. 16; their fraud detected and punished, ib.;

on, Antiq.
itants guil

vii. xii. 1.
Gibeon’s stratai
Glaphyra,

tratagem, Antiq. v. vi. 5; he dies, sect. 7.
daughter of Archelaus, king of C
ed to Alexander the son of Herod, j

.....	.	Jappadocia,

is married to Alexander the son of Herod, Antiq. xvi.

1.	2; c. vii. sect 2; her enmity with Salome, c. 1, sect.

2,	dec. i War, i. xxiv. 2, dec.,- her pride, ib.; her lamen-
tation when her husband was put in chains, Antiq.
xvi. x. 7; she is sent back a widow to her father, xvii.

she is alter

er, xvii
f Libya

k a widow

i. 11 sue is afterwards married to Jnba, king oi Libya,
and afterwards to Archelaus, ethnarch of Judea, c.
Ide;

xiii. sect. 4; her dream, and death, ib.

God (the true God), his presence in the tabernacle, Antiq.
iii. viii. 5; his wisdom, and that he cannot be bribed,
c. xi. sect. 3; his mercy only obtained by religion, v. i.
28; his foreknowledge, and that his decrees cannot be
avoided, iv. iii. 2; his will is irresistible, ii. ix. 2; with-
out his will nothing can happen, c. vi.sect 5; his pro-
vidence asserted against the Epicureans, x. xi. 7; that

erous
serve
nish the

I against the Epicureans,
nothing is concealed from him, ii. iii. I; it is dang;
to disobey him, vi. vii. 2; whether it is easier to i
God or man, viii. x. 3; he uses beasts to punish the
wicked, x. xi. 6; judged to be only the god of the hills
by the Syrians, viii. xiv. 3; is not to be imposed on by
the wicked, iv. viii. 38; delights not in sacrifices, but
in good men, vi. vii. 4; is called on in time of danger,
by even bad men, xvii. v. 6; foretells futurities, that
men may provide against them, ii. v. 6; affords assis-
tance only when the case is desperate, c. xv. sect. 5;
delights in those that promote his worship, xvi. ii. 4;
discovers his ineffable name to Moses, ii. xii. 4; is by
nature merciful to the poor, iv. viii. 26; is omnipresent,
ii. iii. 1; and vi. xi. 8; his bounty the cause of all men’s
happiness, iv. viii. 2.

Gods (false gods) of Laban stolen,
of Cutha in Persia, brought to Si
the conquered Amalekites, worshippi
ix. sect. 2; of the heathen not to be cursed or blas-
phemed, in the opinion of Josephus, iv. viii.10; Against
Apion, ii. sect. 24; Beelzebub, the god of flies at Ek-
ron, Antiq. ix. ii. 1.

Goliath of Gath, a giant, Antiq. vi. ix. 1, &c.; challenges
the Jews to a single combat, ib.; is slain by David,
sect. 5.

Gomer, and Gomerites, Antiq. vi. i.

Gorgias, governor of Jamnia, is put to flight, Antiq xii.
vii. 4; has better success afterwards, c. viii. sect 6.

Gorion, the son of Josephus, and Simeon the son of Ga-
maliel, exhort the people to attack the mutineers, An-
tiq. iv. iii. 9; is put to death, c. vi. sect. 1.

Grains, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. vi. 5; puts
SimoD, Herod’s old slave to death, xvii. x. 6; meets

Varus coming to Jerusalem, War, ii. r. 2,- one Grata
discovers Claudius, and brings him out to be emperor.
Antiq. xix. iii. 1.

Greeks call old nations by names of their own, Antiq
i. v. and put the Hebrew names into their own form,
c. vi.

Guards placed about the temple by the Romans, Antiq.
xx. v. 3.

Hadad, king of Syria, Antiq. vii. v. 2, &c.

Hadad, or Hadar, an Edomite, becomes Solomon’s ene<
my, Antiq. viii. vii. 6.

Hadadezer, or Hadarezer, kiDg of Sopbane, or Zobah,
Antiq. viii. vii. 6.

Hagar, and Ishmael, are sent away by Abraham, Antiq.
i. xiii. 3.

Haggai, a prophet after the captivity, Antiq. xi. iv. 5, 7;
he and Zechariah encourage the Jews to rebuild their
temple, ib.

Haggith. David’s wife, Antiq. vii. xiv. 4.

Halicarnasseans’ decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq.
xiv. x. 23.

Haman, an enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xi. vi. 5; his edict
against the Jews in the name of Artaxerxes, sect. 6;
he orders a gibbet to be erected for Mordecai, sect. 10;
is obliged to honour Mordecai, ib.; the edict is
dieted, sect. 12; he is hanged on his own gibbi

contra
gibbet, sect.

Hannah, the wife of Elkanab, Antiq. v. x. 2.

Haran, the father of Lot, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Haran, or Charran, a city of Mesopatamia, Antiq. i. vi.

Harlots (common ones), excluded from marriage, Antiq.
iv. viii. 2.}.

Hatach, or Acratheus, Antiq. xi. vi. 7.

Hnvilah, the son of Cusb, Antiq. i. vi. 2; bis country
Havilah, sect. 4.

Hazael, king of Syria, Antiq. viii. xiii. 7; and ix. iv. 6;
he plunders Judea, c. viii. sect. 4; he dies, sect. 7.

Hazermaveth, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Hazo, or Azau, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Heber, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Hebrews, twice carried captives beyond Euphrates, An-
tiq. x. ix. 7; thought by some to have come originally
from Egypt, aud not from Chaldea, iL vii. 4; not put
to servile labour, in the days of Solomon, viiL vi. 3;
of those Hebrews that came to offer their sacrifices
from beyond Euphrates, iii. xiv. 3; they have peculiar
rules about meats and drinks, iv. vi. 8; they fight the
Canaanites against Moses’ order, c. i. sect. 1; ten tribes
lived beyond Euphrates, and out of the bounds of the

1 Euphrates, ana out oi the noun
Roman empire, xi. v. 2; their language and charactet
) the
forms

have but one
loh thrice in i

empire, xi. v. 2; their language a;
came near to the Syriac, xii. ii. 1; their nouns ha

the don
sedition

line synac, xu. u. i; ineir nouns have
formation and termination, i. vi. 2; they
: temple and altar, iv. viii. 5; met at Shi-
rice in a year, v. ii. 12; only the two tribes under
minion of the Romans, xi. v. 2; an unexampled
>n among them, iv. ii. 1; their wise men in the
days of Solomon, viii. ii. A.

Hecatontomacbi, Antiq. xiii. xii. 5.

Helcias the Great, Antiq. xviii. viii. 4.

Helcias, treasurer of the temple, Antiq. xx. viii. 11.

Helena, queen of Adiabene, embraces the Jewish religion.
Antiq. xx. ii. 1; goes to Jerusalem, sect 6; is buried
there, c. iv. sect. 3.

Hephizbah, Antiq. x. iii. 1.

Hercules’ temple, Against Apion, L sect. 18.

Herennius Capito, governor of Jamnia, Antiq. xviii. vi.
3.

Hermeus, or Danaus, king of Egypt Against Apion, L
sect. 26.

Herod, the son of Antipater, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3; War, i.
viii. 9; began to rule in Galilee in the 15th and (25th]
year of his age, Antiq. xiv. ix. 2; puts Ezechias and
other robbers to death, ib.; War, i. x. 5; being accused
'for it, he takes his trial, Antiq. xiv. ix. 3; makes his
escape, sect. 4; goes to Sextus Ceesar. and is by him
made governor of Coelosyria, sect. 5: is in favour with
Cassius and the Romans, c. xi. sect. 2, 1; made a go-
vernor of Syria by him, sect 4; War, i. xi. 4; puts
Malichus lo death, sect. 6; beats Antigonus out of
Judea, Antiq. xiv.xii. 1; bribes Mark Antony, sect. 2;
is impeached by the Jews, but is notwithstanding

sect.

1; get
2; esi

ding

made a tetrach by Antony, c. xiii. sect. 1; gets the
better of the Jews that oppose him, sect. 2; escapes
the snares of the Parlhians, sect. 6, 7; the accidents
of his flight, sect. 6; War, i. xiii.7; goes to Egypt, and
thence to Rhodes, and ibcnce to Rome, Antiq. xiv.
xiv. 2, 3- War, i. xiv. 2, 3; made king by the Roman

the ac
to Egv

cape

identTftiDEX.

senate. at the -desire of Antony, Antic,, xiv. xiv. 4;
M ar, ii. xiv. 4; sails back to Judea, and fights against
Antigonus, Antiq. xiv. xv. I: takes Joppa and be-
sieges Jerusalem, sect. 1, 2; War, i. xv. 4; takes Sep-
•phoris, Antiq. xiv. xv. 4; conquers his enemies, and the
robbers of Judea, sect. 4, 5; joins his troops with An-
tony’s ut the siege of Samnsata, and is received there
with great honour, sect. 8,9; is providentially delivered
from great dangers, sect. 11, 13; defeats Pappus, sect,
12; besieges Jerusalem, takes it, makes Antigouus pri-
soner, and sends him in chains to Antony. xiV. xvi. 1.
4; War, i. xvii. 9. Ac.; promotes his friends, and de-
stroys those of Antigonus, Antiq. xv. i.; marries the
tamoiis Mariamne, tne daughter of Alexandra, c. ii.
sect 5; War, i. xvii. 8; complains of Alexandra, bis
tnuther-in-law, Antiq. xv. ii 7; causes his wife’s bro-
ther, Aristobulus, to be cunningly drowned at Jeticho,
c. iii, sect. 3; is summoned by Antony to take his trial
for it, sect 5; brings Antony over to his interest by
bribes, sect. 8; puts Joseph to death, sect. 9; is soli-
cited to adultery by Cleopatra, c. iv. sect. 2; makes
war against the Arabians by Antony’s order, c. v. sect
I; War. i. xix. 1, Ac,; his speech to the army in dis-
tress, after he bad been beaten, Antiq. xv. 3; War, i.
xix. 7; be beats the Arabians in battle, Antiq. xv. v.
4; War, i. xix. 6; he puts Hyrcanus to death, Antiq.
xv. vi. 2; Herod’s commentaries, sect. 3; orders Ma-
riamne to be put to death, if he himself come to an ill
■end. sect. 5; his presence of mind before Augustus
Ciesar, sect 6; he is confirmed in his kingdom hy Ce-
sar, sect. 7; War, i. xx. 2, Ac.; he entertains Cajsar
magnificently, ib,; he receives more favours from Cre-
sar, and has his dominions enlarged, Anliq. xv. xi. 3;
\Var, i. xx. 3; he puts Mariamne his wile to death.
Antiq. xv. vii. 4, 5; War. i. xxii. .5; he is very uneasy
at her death, Antiq. xv. vil. 7; War, i, xxii. A; he is
afllic'ed with a kind of madness by divine vengeance,
Antiq. xvii. vi. 5; War. i. xxxiii. 5; departs from the
manners and customs of the Jews, Anliq. xv. viii. 1;
builds theatres and exhibits shows to the people, ib.; a
-conspiracy against him, sect 3. Ac.; builds a temple
at Samaria, sect. 5; a palace at Jerusalem, c. ix. sect
3; and a citadel six furlongs from Jerusalem, sect 4;
relieves the people in a great famine, sect. 2; marries

relieves the people in a great famine, sect. 2; marries
Simon’s daughter, sect 3; his policy, sect 5; he builds
Cesarea, sect 6; he sends his sons to Home. c. x. sect
1; builds a temple to Caesar, sect. 3; eases the people
of a third part of their taxes, sect. 4; forbids the people
to meet together privately, ib ; keeps his spies and be-
comes one himself, ib.; honours the Essens, sect. 3;
rebuilds the temple at Jerusalem, c. xi. sect I; War, i.
xxi. 1; makes a new law concerning thieves, Antiq.
xvi. i. 1, Ac. ; goes to Cmsar, brings home his sons, and
marries them, sect 2; entertains Marcu9 Agrippa, c.
sect. 1; is in great favour with Agrippa. c.. ii. sect
eases his subjects of the fourth part of their taxes,
:t. 6; the quarrels in his family, c. iii. sect 1; he

family, c. in. sect i;
sition to the sons of Mari-

sect. 5; tbe quarrels

favours Antipater in opposition to the sons ot iviari-
amne, sect 3; goes to Aquileia, and imueaches his
sons, at Rome, before Ciesar. c. iv. sect 1; is recon-
ciled to them, sect 4; War, i. xxiii. 3; celebrates games
in honour of Ciesar, Antiq. xvi. v. I; builds towns and
castles, sect2; builds Apollo’s temple, am

. and renews I lie

Olympic games, sect 3; War, i. xxi. 12; his temper
described. Antiq. xvi. v. 4; he opens David’s sepul-
chre, c. vii. sect. 1; lie suspects his kindred, sect. 3; he
is accused by Sylleus before Caesar, c ix. sect. 3; his
cruelly to his sons, c. xi. sect I; he accuses them in
a council at DerytOs. sect. 2; inquires, of Nicolaus of
Damascus, what they think of him and his sons at
ite. sect. 3; he orders them both to be strangled,

cliildrt

■ Mariamne’s children, xvii. i. 2; War, i.
Kxvitl.'C; alters those contracts, sect 6; sends Anti-
pater to Cmsar, Antiq. xvii. iii. 2; War. i. xxix. 2; is
made to believe that his brother Pheroras was poisoned.

i. xxx. 1; finds the poison was

Roi

t. 0; provides lor tin
and children, sect. 3; xviii. v. 4; he contracts mar-
riages for Mariamne’s r.hildri
xxviii.6; alters thoi
pater to C
made to bt

Antiq xvii, iv. 1; War, i,
for himself, Antiq xvii. iv. 2; War. i. xxx. 2: tries
Atitipaler. and puts him in chains, Antiq xvii. v. 7:
his hillerness in his old age. c. vi. sect, I; h* makes
tiis will, ib. ; his terrible sickness, sect 5; War, i
xxxiii. 1. 5: his harharoos order for murdering thr
principal of the Jews, Anliq xvii. vi. 5; he attempts
10 murder himself, sect. 7; he alters his will. c. viii.
aecl. 1; his character, ih.; his death and burial, seel.
1, 3; War i. xxxiii. 8, 9. his will opened and read.
Ant q. xvii viii. 2; not to take place till confirmed by
Cesar, c. xi. sect 4.

807

Herod, the son of Herod, made tetrnch, Antiq. xviii. 1L 1;
c. vii. sect. 1; War, ii. ix. 1he builds towns in honoar
of Ciesar, ib.; sends a letter to Ciesar, Antiq. xviii. iv,
5; makes war upon Arelas, k ing of Arabia, c. V. sect. 1,
Ac.; is banished, ib.; War; ii. ix. 6.	j

Herod, half brother to the tetrach. Antiq. xviii. v. I.
Herod, son of Aristobulus, by Salome, sect. 4.

Herod, son of Aristobulus, by Berenice, Salome’s daugh-
ter, Antiq. xvii. i. 2; War, i. xxviii. ].

Herod, Herod’s son by Mariamne, Simon’s daughter,
Antiq. xvii. i. 2; c. iii. sect 2; and xviii. v. 1; War, i.
xxviii. 4; c. xxix. sect 2; he is blotted out of Herod’s
will, War. i. xxx. 7.

Herod, Herod’s son by Cleopatra of Jerusalem, Antiq.
xvii. i. 3; War, i. xxviii. 4.

Herod, Agrippa senior’s brother, king of Chokris, Antiq.

xix.	v. 1; he marries Mariamne, daughter of Josephus
by Olympias, king Herod’s daughter, xviii. v. 4; he
has the power over the temple given him by Claudius,

xx.	i. 3; bis death and children, c. v. sect. 2; War, it
xi. 6.

Herod, son Of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq. xviii. ▼.
4.

Herod, Polemo'sbrother, kingof Cbalcis, Antiq. xix. viii.

1.

Herodias. daughter of Aristobulus, by Berenice, Salome’s
daughter. Antiq. xviii. v. 1; War, i. xxviii. 1; Agrippa
senior’s sister, aod wife of Herod the tetrarch. and en-
es Agrippa the royal dignity, Antiq. xviii. viii. 1;
ar, ii. ix. t>; follows her husband in his banishment,
niio. xviii. vii. 2; married^^werod, son of Herod
Great, by IMariamne, Simon’s daughter, c. V. sect
-. vi. sect'. 2; afterward married to Herod, the for-

vies

Wai

A

the
2; c.
mer

vi. Beet. 2; afterward marred to neroa, me
husband’s brother, while her former husband -

alive, c. v. sect 4.

Hezekiah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. xiii. 2; his religious
speech to the people, ib.; his lustration of the temple,
and solemn celebration of the passover, sect. 2. 3; Its
makes war upon the Philistines, sect. 3; defends him-
self from Sennacherib, x. i. 1; recovers from sickness,
c. ii. sect. I; dies, c. iii. sect. I.

Hin. an Hebrew measure, Antiq. iii. viii. 5. _

Hitkia.li. the high-priest, Antiq. x. v. 1: c. viii. sect. 6.

Hiram, king of Tyre, David’s friend, Antiq. vii. iii. 2.

Hiram, king of Tyre, sends ambassadors to Solomon,
Antiq. vii. ii. fi.

Hiram, king of Tyre, Against Apion, i. sect. 17, 18,21.

Historians, their duty, Antiq. i. 1.

Hophni. son of Eli, Antiq. v. x. 1; he Is slain in battle,
c. xi. sect. 2.

House of the forest of laibanon, Antiq. viii. vi. 5.

Hoshea, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. xiik 1; be is made a
prisoner, c. xiv. sect. I.

Hultlah, the prophetess, Antiq. x. iv. 2.

Human sacrifice, Antiq. ix. iii. 2.	,	.. .

Hur, a prince of the Midianites, Antiq. VU. 1| an
bead of tbe Epliraimiies, Antiq. viii. ii; 3.

Hnsliai, Antiq. vii. ix. 2, 6, 7; c. X. sect. 4, 5.

Huz. Anliq. i. vi. 3.

Hymns, composed by David in various sorts of metre,
Antiq. vii. xii. 3.	....

Hyrcanus, son of Joseph Tobias, Antiq. xii. tv. 6; hie
arifiil invention, ib.; he is sent to Ptolemy, and kindly
received by him, sect. 7, 9; his actions and death, sect.
10.

Hyrcanus (John), son of Simon the Maccabee, escapes
being slain. Antiq. xiii. vii. 4; attacks Ptolemy, c. viii.
sect 4; War, i. ii. 3; is made high-priest, Antiq. xiii.
viii. 1; Mar, i. ii. 3; is besieged by Antiochus, Antiq.
xiii. viii. 2; buys a peace with 300 talents taken out
of David’s sepulchre, sect. 3, 4, 5; marches into Syria
and recovers the towns that bad been taken away, and
renews the alliance witli the Homans. Antiq. xiii. ix.
1, 2; besieges Samaria, takes it and demolishes it, c.
x. sect. 2, 3; his intercourse with God, ib.; bis dream
concerning his S0119, c. xii. sect. 1; he was ethnarch,
high-priest, and prophet. War, i. ii. 8; bis death and
etilogium. Antiq. xiii. X. 7, 8.

Hyrcanus II. sun of Alexander Janneus. made high-priest,
Anliq. xiii. xvi. 1, 2; War, i. v. I; agrees to leave the
government to his brother, Antiq. xiv. i. 2; hie
live genius, and why he fled to Aretas, jb.; lie ill
tries to bribe Scaiirus to he for him, c. ii. sect. 3;

iii. i

civil

inac

vain

pleads against his brother helore Punipey, c. i:i. sect. 2;
recovers the high-priesthood, c. iv. sect. 4; is confirmed
therein hy Ciesar, c. viii. sect. 5; War, i x. 3; is ha-
non red by ibf* Romans and Athenians, Antic]* xiVa viii*
3; and In Julios Ciesar,x. ii.; is taken prisoner, and
has his ears cut ofl by Antigonus, c. xiii. seek 10; w868

INDEX,

released by the Parthians, and returns to Herod, xv. fi.
S; be is perfidiously treated, and put to death by him,
ib.; the varinns adventures of his life, sect 4*
Hystaspes, father of Darius, Antiq. xi. iii. J.

Jabal, Antiq. k i. 31.

Jabesh, father of Shallum, Antiq. ix. xi. 1.

Jabesh Gilead demolished, Antiq. v. ri. llv.

Jabin, king of Canaan, enslaves the Israelites, Antiq. v.
ii. 11.

Jacimus, or Arcimus, the wicked higli-priest, Antiq. xii.
ix. 7.

Jacob born, Antiq. i. xviii. 1; contracts with Laban for
Rachel, c. xix. sect. 7 ; he wrestles v
xx. sect. 2; hfs sons, sect. 8;

Tately departs from Laban, sec.. .. r__________,, ____

they went down into Egypt, ii. vii. 4; he weeps upon
ending away his son Benjamin into Egypt, c. vi. sect.
,• he meets with h's brother l.sao, i. xx. 3:

19 Willi LAIUUII

______	,	with an angel, c.

. 2; hfs sons, sect. 8; c. xx. sect. 3; he pri-
eparls from Laban, sect. 9; his posterity, wh
nt down into Egypt, ii. vii. 4; he weeps up,
away his son Benjamin into
5; he meets with h's brother Ksau, i. „.

Jacob, son of Sossas, War, iv, iv. 2; and v. vi. 1; and vi.

viii.	2.

Jacob, an Idumean, betrays his country, War, Jv. ix. 6.
Jadns, or Jaddua. son of John, high-priest, Anlrq. xi. vii.
2; he meets Alexander in his pontifical garments, c.

viii.	sect. 5; he dies, sect 7.

Jadon, the prophet, Antiq. viii. viii. 5;. is killed by a lion,
c. ix. sect. 3.

Jael, wife of Heber the Kenite, kills Sisera, Antiq-. v. v.

4.

Jehaziel, the prophet A Mb iT, i 2.

Jamblicus, the Syt ■mm**?' ;tlq. xiv. viii. I; War, i.

ix.	3.

James, the brother sus uhrist, stoned, Antiq. xx.
ix. 1.

Janias, king of Egypt, Against Apfon, 1. sect. 14.

Japhet, Antiq. i. iv. 1; what countries his sons possessed,
c. vi. sect. 1.

Jarden, a woodland, surrounded by Bassus, War, vii.vi.

5.

Jared, Antiq. i. i. 2; c. iii. sect. £

Jason, or Jesus, Antiq. xii. v. 1.

Jason, son of Eleazar, Antiq. xii. x. 6.

Javan, Antiq. i. vi. I.

Ihhar, or Jeban, son of David, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

Ibis, an animal in Egypt that destroys serpents, Antiq.
ii. x. 2.

Ibzan, a judge of Israel, after Jephthah, Antiq. v. vii.
13, 14.

Ide, a freed woman, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4; is hanged, ib.
Idumeans, Antiq. xii. viii. I; War. iv. iv. 1,4, 5,6,7;
and vii. viii. 1; refuse to give the Israelites passage,
Antiq.iv. iv. 5; turn Jews. xiii. ix. 1; are but half
Jews, xiv. xv. 2; Coze their former idol, xv. vii. 9;
celebrate the Jewish festivals, xvii. x. 2.

Jeban, or lbhar, David’s son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.'
Jebosthus, or Ishboshelh, Saul’s son, is made king, An-
tiq. vii. i.3; he is treacherously murdered, c. ii. sect.

Jecoliah, Antiq. ix. x. 3.

Jedidiah, king Josiab’s mother. Antiq. x. iv. 4
Jehiel, one of the posterity of Moses, Autiq. vii. xiv. 10;
1L

Jehoahaz, king of Judah, Antiq. x. v. 2; he dies In
Egypt, ib.

Jchoaz, son of Jehu, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. viii. I.
Jelroash, son of Ahaziah, saved, Antiq. ix. vii. I; is
made king, sect. 2; murdered, c. viii. sect. 4.
Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah, king of Judah, Antiq. x. v. 3.
Jehoiado, Antiq. vii. ii 2.

Jehoiada, the high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6.

Jehoiakiro, king of Judah, Antiq. x. v. 2; e. vi.; he re-
bels against the Babylonians, vi. sect. 2; he is slain
by Nebuchadnezzar, and cast out of the gate of Jeru-
salem, Beet. 3.

Jehonadah, an old friend of Jeho, Antiq. ix. vi. 5.
Jehoram, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. iv. I. Ac.

Jehoram, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. ii. 2; bis expedition
against the Moabites, c. iii. sect. I; his distemper and
death, c. v. sect. 2, 3; c. vi. seel. I.

Jehosapbat, the son of Aliitub, Antiq. vii. v. 4.
Jehosaphat, a pious king of Judah, Antiq. viii. xv. 1; and
ix. i. I; pardoned for making an alliance with Ahab,
ib.; his fleet broken to pieces, c. i. seat. 4; bis death,
c. iii. seet. 2.

Jehoshebah, sister of Ahaziah, king of Jndab, Antiq. ix.
vii. 1.

Jehn, son of Nimshi. Antiq. viii. xiii. 7« is made king of
Israel, ix. vi. 1, Ac.; his actions, sect. 3. Ac ; he puts
Baal’s priests to death, sect. 6; be dies e viii. sect 1.

Jehu the prophet; the son of Harmaf, Antiq. viri xiT. 3L

Jenae, David’s sou, Antiq: vii. iii. 3.

Jephtha puts the Ammonites to flight, Antiq, v. vii. 9;
10; sacrifices his daughter (according to the opinion 06
Josephus), ib.; makes a great slaughter among the
Ephraimites, sect. 11.

Jeremiah, the prophet, Antiq. x. v. 1; his lamentation
upon the death of Josiah, ib.; his prophecy against
Jerusalem, e. vi. sect. 2; c. vii. sect. 2, 34 6; his scribo
Baruch, c. vi. sect. 2; he is accused and discharged-
ib.; his prophecy read in the temple, and his roll burnt;
ib.; his prophecy of the Jews’release from captivity,
c. vii. sect. 3; he is put in prison, and thrown into the
dungeon, sect. 3. 5; is left with Baruch in Judea, alter
Zedekiah’s captivity, Antiq. x. ix. I.

its rebuilder cursed, sect

xv. 3.
;ains

z,eaeKian’s captivity, Antiq. x. ix. I-

Jericho taken, Antiq. v. i. 5; its rebuild
8; it is plundered by the Romans, xiv.

Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, conspires against Solomon,
Antiq. viii. vii. 7; he is made king of the ten tribes, c.
viii. sect. 3, Ac.; erects golden calves, sect. 4his band!
withered, sect. 5,- his expedition against Abijali, c. xi.
sect. 2; he dies, sect. 4.

Jeroboam II. the son of Joash king of Israel, Antiq. ix.

x.	1; be makes war against the Syrians, ib.; lie (lies;
sect 3.

Jetusalem taken by David, Antiq. vii. iii. 1, Ac.; whence
that name was derived, sect. 2; besieged and taken by
the Babylonians, x. xii. 4, Ac.c. viii. sect. 2; be-
sieged and taken by Pompey, xiv. iv. 2, Ac.; by Herod,
and Sosius, c. xvi. seet. 2, 4; by Ptolemy, the son of
Lagns, xii. 1; how many times taken. War, vi. x. 6;
made tributary to the Romans, Antiq. xiv. iv. 4; level-
led with the ground, War, vii. i. 1; declared holy, in-
violable, and free, by Demetrius, king of Syria, Antiq.
xiii. il. 3; two citadels therein, xv. vii. 8; who first
built it. War, vi. x; situated in the middle of Judea,
Hi. iii. 5; set on fire by the Romans, vi. viii. 5; a fast
kept there yearly, Antiq. xiv. xvi. 4; as also when it
was taken by Pompey, and by Herod, and Sosius, c. iv.
sect. 5; c. iv. sect. 3; c. xvi. sect. 4; a Jebusite king
of Jerusalem, with four others, make war on the Gi-
beonites, v. i. 27; they are put to flight by Joshua, ib.;
Jerusalem described. War, v. iv.; Against Apion, i-
sect. 22.

Jerushah, Jotham’s mother, Antiq. ix. xi. 2.

Jessai, the son of Achimaaz, Antiq. vir. xii. 2.

Jesse, the son of (Jhed, and lather of David, Antiq. vu.
viii. I.

Jean* Christ, a testimony to him, Antiq. xviii-. iii.

Jesus the son of Phahet deprived of the high-priesthood;
Antiq. vi. v. 3.

Jesus, son of A nanus, his ominous clamour, and death,
War,vi. v. 3.

Jesus, or Jason, Antiq. xii. ▼. 1.

Jesus, the sou of Sapphias, governor of Tiberias, Life-,
sect. 12, 27; War, ii. xx. 4.

Jesus, brother of Onias, deprived of the high-priesthood
by Antiochus Epiphanes, Antiq. xv. iii. I.

Jesus, son of Gamaliel, made high-priest, Antiq. xx. ix.
4.

Jesus, the eldest priest after Ananus, War, iv. iv. 3; c.
v. sect. 2; his speech to the Idumeans, c. iv. sect. 3.

Jesus, son of Damneus, made high-priest, Antiq. xx. ix.

Jesus, son of Gamala, Life, sect. 38, 41.

Jesus, or Joshua, the son of Nun, Antiq. iii. xiv. 4;*be-
comes the successor of Moses, iv. vii. 2; commands the
Israelites against the Amalekites, iii, ii. 3; prophecies
in the lifetime of Moses, iv. viii. 46; leads the Israel-
ites to the river Jordan, v. i. 1; consults about th»
partition or the land, sect. 20, Ac.; his speech to the
two tribes and half, sect. 25; his death, sent. 29.
Jesus, bod of Saphat, ringleader of the robbers, Life,
ect. 22; War, iii. ix. 7.
of The

, vi. viii. 3.

Jesus, son of Thebuthus, a priest. War, i
Jesus, son of Jozedek. Antiq. xi. iii. 10L
Jethro the Midianite, Antiq. v. ii. 3.

Jews governed of old by an aristocracy, Antiq. xiv. v.'4>;
War, i. viii. 5; Jewish priests carelnl to marry accord-
ing to their law. Against Apion, i. sent. 7; at Alexan-
dria had equal privileges with the Greeks, ft or, ii,
xviii. 7; are in great danger at Antioch, vii. iii. 3; at
Echatana, near Galilee, Life, sect. II; are cut off at
Cesarea, War, ii. xviii. 1; at Scythopolis, sect. 3; are
in factions on account of the high-priesthood, Antiq,
xii. v. 1; are killed on the Suhbalh-day, r. vi. sect. 2;
Jews beyond Euphrates, xv. iii. 1; at Alexandria ir»
Egypt, and Cyprus, xiii. x.4; go to war under Alex-
ander the Great, viii. 5; are carried into Egypt bgTNnr.x.

869

Ptolemy Lagi, xii. i. 1; are banished Rome, J
l>; utsiie to be a Roman provirtce. Xvii. xi. 2; are
favoured by Seleucus Nicator, xii. iii. Iby Vespasian
and Titus, sect. 1, 2; by Marcns Agrippa. sect. 2; by
Anciochus, the Great, ib.are shot up in the Hippo-
drome, but afterwards released, xvii. viii. 2; pray for
the welfare of the Spartans, xiii. v. 8; Antiochus, a
Vw, accuses his own father at Antioch, War, vii. iii.
3; Jows have privileges granted them by the kings of
Asia, Antiu. xv. vi. 1; Egyptians and Tyrians chiefly

| Jonathan, son of Saul, beats a garrison of the Philistines
Antiq, vt. vi. 2i reconciles Saul to David, c. xi. sect

u:___ r_____ _: . L n ■ i , m ■ 1 ■ ...

Asia,

bated

the Jews, Against Apion, L sect

13; Bemeti
xlii.il. 3; Je

are derive
xii. iv. 10;

remits them part of their tribute, Antiq. xlii.il.3; Jews
at Alexandria are allowed an etbnarcb, or alabarch,
xiv. vii. 2; are allowed to gather their sacred collec-
tions at Rome, c. x. sect. 8; enjoy their liberty under
the Romans, only are to pay their taxes, xviii. ii. 2;
ived from tbe same origin with the Spartans,
10; have their own laws UDder Alexander tbe
Great, xi. viii. 5; are prohibited to meddle with foreign
women, xii. iv. 6; are very tenacious of tbeir own laws,
Against ApioD, i. sect. 22; their ambassadors' place
\t Rome in the theatre, Antiq. xiv. x. 6; are numerous
at Alexandria, c.vii. sect. 2; at Babylon, xv. il. 2; tbe
form of their government, xi. iv. 8; their quarrel with
the Syrians at Cesarea about their privileges, xx. viii.
9; their marriages, Against Apion, ii. sect. 24; they
had a synagogue at Antioch, War, vii. iii. 3; their pri-
vileges under tbe Romans, Antiq. xvi. ii. 4; they send
linst Archelaus, xvii. xi. 1;
ews send an embassy to Csesar,xvi. vi. 1;

xviii. ix. 9; War, i. xviii. 3,

tomans, Antiq. xvi. ii. 4; theyse
sar, against Archelaus, xvii. xi.

;nd an embassy to Csesar, xvi. vi.
eat slaughter of Jews, xviii. ix. 9; War, i. x
; and vii. viii. 6; their calamities in Mesopi
Babylonia, Antiq. xviii. ix. 1: beginning of the
rish war, xx. xi. 1; antiquity of the Jewish rites,
xv. ii. 4; towns in Syria, Phoenicia, aud Idumea, be-
longing to the Jews, xiii. xv. 4.

-zabcl, Ahab’s wife, Antiq. viii. xiii. 4; is torn to
pieces by dogs, ix. vi. 4.

•zaniah, Antiq.

an embassy to Cae:
the Asiatic J
a great
Ac.
tnd

Jewish w

Jezaniah, Antiq. x. ix. 2.
Jidlaph, Antiq. l. vi. 5.
1m

sages, or brazen oxea, were not lawful to be made by
Solomon, in the opinion of Josephus, Antiq. viii. vii.
5; images of animals are against the Jewish law, xv.

5; images
viii; c. ix.

eag:

viii; c. ix. sect. 3; War, i. xxxiii. 2; to set them up,
or consecrate them, was forbidden tbe Jews, Antiq.
iii. vi. 2; and xvi. vi. 2.

Impostors throughout Judea, Antiq. xx. viii. 5.

Incense only to be offered by the posterity of Aaron, An-
tiq. ix. x.*4.

Inf,,.it- murdered in Egypt, Antiq. ii. ix. 2. _

»	nak	* "	—"

»1 o

citadel of Jerusalem, c. iii. sect. 1; conspires with
4, &i

Innocence makes men courageous^ An\iq. xii. vi:. 1.
Joab, general of David’s army, Antiq. vii. i. 3; takes the
iii. —‘ ’	----- -

Adonijah, c. xiv. sect. 4, Ac.

Joathan, or Jotham, high-priest, Antiq. viii. (. 3; and x.
viii. 6.

Joazor, son of Boetbus, high-priest, Antiq. xvii. vi. 4;
and xviii. i. 1; c. iii. sect. 1; is deprived by Atchenos,
xvii. xiii. 1; and xviii. 2,1.

Johanan, the son of Kareab, Antiq. x. ix. 2; be pursues
after Ishmael, sect. 5.

John Hyrcanns. See Hyrcanus.

John the Baptist, put to death by Herod, Antiq. xvifi. v.

2.

John, the son of Dorcas, War, iv. iii. 5.

John, called Gaddis, Jonathan’s brother, is killed, Antiq.
xiii. 1. 2.

John, son of Levi, rebuilds Gischala, Life, sect. 10; War,
ii. xx. 6; and vii. viii. 1; an enemyto Josephus, Life,
3, flee.; sect. 25: War, ii. ! ’
ominion, iv. iii. 13; c. vii.

John, son of Sosas. War, iv. iv. 2.

John the Ei
John, son <

ders bis brother in the temple, sect.

John, captain of the Idumeans, killed, War, v. vi. 6.
John, son of Eliasib, Antiq. xi. v. 4.

John, or Johannan, son of Kareab, Antiq. x. xi. 2; pur-
sues after Ishmael, sect. 6,

Joktan. Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Jonadab, Ammon’s kinsman, Antiq. vii. viii. 1; son of
Samens, sect, iii; he kills a giant, c. xii. sect. 2.
Jonas, the prophet, Antiq. ix x. 1. Ac.

Jonathan.

ii. xx. 6; and vii. vm. 1; an enemy to Josephus, Lile
sect 13, flee.; sect. 25; War, ii. xxi. 1; aimsatabso
lute dominion, iv. iii. 13; c. vii. sect 1.
ion of Sosas, War, iv. iv. 2.
le Essen, War, ii. xx. 4; and iii. ii. 1.
ion of Judas, higb-priest, Antiq. xi. vii. 1;
bis brother in the temple, sect 2.

mathan. son'of Ananus, Antiq. xix. vi. 4; refuses the
high-prirsthnnd, ib.; his actions War. ii. xii. 5, Ac.;
he is murdered by the Sicari', c. xiii. sect. 3.
Jonathan, called Apphu-, H>c Maccnbee. Antiq. xii. vi. I;
h* inal-es a league with Antinchus F.upatur, War. i. ii.
1; is surprised by Tryplin, and killed, ib.

»■	* a* via	IVVUllbllC9 u<EU ■ tU ISttVIUp lit

his conference with David, sect. 27; is alai
by the Philistines, Antiq. vi. xiv. 7.

2; his
tie by

Jonathan, a Sadducee. provokes Hyrcanus against the
Pharisees, Antiq. xiii. x. 6.

Jonathan,, a Jew, challenges the Romans to a single com-
bat, War, vi. ii. 1; he is killed by Prisons, ib.

Jonathan, the son of Ahiathcr, Antiq. vii. ix. 2.

Jonathan, ringleader of tbe Sicarii, War, vii. xi. 1.

Jonathan, the bigh-priest, murdered by the order of Fe-
lix, Antiq. xx. viii. 6.

Jonathan the Maccabee, made commander of the Jews
after Judas, Antiq. xiii. i. 1; with bis brother Simon
defeats tbe Nabateans, sect. 4; makes peace with Bac-
chides, sect. 6; restores the divine worship, c. ii. sect.
I, Ac.; defeats Demetrius's captains, sect. 7; renews
the league with tbe Romans and Spartans, c. v. sect.
8; bis letter to tbe Spartans, ib.; be is killed by Try-
pho, c. vi. sect. &

Joppa, taken by tbe Romans, War, ii. xviii. 10; demo-
lished, iii. ix. 2.

Joram, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6.

Jordan, the Israelites pass over it, Antiq. i. 3.

Jozedek, high-priest at the captivity, Antiq. x. viii. 6.

Joseph, son of Zaflchariaa, Antiq. xii. viii. 6.

Joseph, son’of Antipater, Antiq. xiv. vii. 2; War, i. viii.
9.

Joseph Cabi, son of Simon the high-priest, Antiq. xx.
viii. 11; he is deprived, c. ix. sect. 1.

Joseph, son of Gamus, is made high-priest, Antiq. xx.

3; he is deprived, c. v. sect. 2.

Joseph, called Caiaphas, is made bigh-priest, Antiq.
xviii. ii. 2; c. iv. sect. &

ii. i

Joseph, the son of a female physician, stirs up a sedition
at Gamala, Life, sect. 37.

Joseph, son of Daleus, War, vl v. 1.

Joseph, the son of Ellemus, ofG iates for Matthias the
high-priest, Antiq. xvii. vi. 4.

Joseph, a relation of Archelaus, War, ii. ▼. 2.

Joseph, a treasurer, Antiq. xv. vi. 5.

Joseph, son of Gorion, War, ii. xx. 3.

Joseph, Herod’s uncle, Antiq. xv. iii. 5; he marries Sa-
lome, Herod’s sister, War, i. xx. 4; he discovers his
injunction to kill Mariamne, and is put to death, An-
tiq. xv. iii 5; War, i. xxii. 4.

Joseph, Herod’s brother, Antiq. xiv. xv. 4; and xviii. v.
4; he is sent into Idumea, xiv. xv. 4; War, i
bis death, Antiq. xiv. xv. 10; War, i. xvii. 1,

Joseph, son of Joseph, Herod’s brother, Antiq.

Joseph, son of Tobias, reproaches his uncle Onias,
tiq. xii. iv. 2; goes on an embassy to Ptolemy, ib.;
becomes his tax-gatherer, sect. 4; goes to 8yria to
gather the taxes, sect. 5; his wealth and children, sect.
6; begets Hyrcanus on his brother’s daughter, ib.;
dies, sect 10.

Joseph, son of Jacob, bis dreams, Antiq. ii. ii. 1, Ac.he
is sold to the Ishmaelites, c. iii. sect 3; his chastity, c.

'	---- ‘	1	’ ^ut iu prison, c. v. sect 1; he is re-

1.	xvi. 1;

2.

xviii. T.

An-
ib.;

iv. sect 4; lie is put iu prison, c. v. sect 1; he
leased, sect 4; he discovers his brethren, c. vt sect
2; he tries them, c. v. sect. 7; he discovers himseli to
them, sect. 10; his death, c. viii. sect. 1.

Josephus, son of Mattathius, made governor of Galilee,
War, ii. xx. 4; his danger at Taricheje, c.xxi. sect. 3;
he reduces Tiberias by a stratagem, sect. 8, 9; is in
great danger again, v. xiii. 3; his mother laments him
as dead, ib.; his speech to the Taricheans, Lite, sect
29; his stratagems, sect. 30,32, 44,45,61,58, 63; War,
iii. vii. 13; he escapes a great danger, sect. 29,
goes toTiberias. sect.33; his wonderful dream, s
he goes to Taricheoe, sect. 64, 59; his lather
chains, v. xiii. I •. his love to his country, vi. vii. 2; he
is betrayed hy a woman, iii. vii. I; he surrenders him-
self to Nicanor, sect. 4; his

, sect. 42;

i; lie

Dor, sect. 4; tils speech to his companions,
sect. 5, he is in danger of his life, sect. 6; he advises
the casting of lols. sect.7; he is carried to Vespasian,
sect. 8; liis speech to Vespasian, sect. 9; he is honoured
by Vespasian and Titus, ib.; Life, sect. 75; l>y Dorai-
tian and Momitia, sect. 75; he is set at liberly, M ar. iv.
x. 7; his speeches to ihe Jews, advising them to sur-
render. v. ix. 2; and vi ii 1; he is accused of a con
spiracy. vii.

i speeches to Ihe Jews, advising them
. ix. 2; and vi ii 1; lie is accused of
vii. xi 1; Titus cives him lands i.-, Judea.
Life, sect 75; he had in all three wives, sect. 75; his
children, seel. 75; lie was greally skilled it. Hebrew
and Greek learning, a ntiq. xx. xi. 2. of the sect of the

Pharisees. Life, srcl. 2; he g' es to Rome, sect. 3; ha
is made governor of Gal lee. sect. 7: trees the Sepphor-
ites Ironi (ear, sect. 8: stays in Galilee, sect. W; his870

INDEX.

moderation, sect. 15; his design in writing the Anti-
quities, Antiq. xiv. i. 1; his diligence in writing his-
tory, ib. ; he promises other works, Antiq. Pref. sect.
4; and xx. xi.; and a book of Jewish customs and
their reasons, iv. viii. 4; when be finished the Anti-
quities, xx. xi. 2; when he was born, Life, sect. 1;
his conduct to Galilee, sect. 8, &c.; be appeals to Ves-
others, for the truth of bis history,

pasian, Titns, and others,

Against Apion, i. sect. 9.

Joshua, the son of Nun. See Jesus.!

Joshua, son of Sie, high-priest, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 1.
Josiah, king of Judah, his piety, Antiq. x. iv. X; his
c. v. sect 1.
otapata
3-36.

x. iv. X; his death,

c. v. sect 1.

kotapata besieged, taken and demolished, War, iii. vii.

Jotham, son of Gideon, his parable to the Shechemites,
tiq. ix
, xvii.

on, Harder man gold, or silver,
blunted hy slaughter, xiii. xii. 5.

am,

Antiq. v. vii. 2.

Jotham, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. xi. 2; his death, c. xii.
ct. 1,

Ireneus the pleader, Antiq. xvii. ix. 4.
Iron, harder than gold, or silvi

or brass, Antiq. x. x-4;

Isaac, Antiq. i. x. 5.

Isaiah. See Esaiah.

Islibosheth, son of Saul, is made king, Antiq. vii. i. 3; he
is murdered by treachery, c. ii. sect 1.

Ishmael, Antiq. i. x. 4.

Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, murders Gedaliab, the son of
Ahikam, Antiq. x. ix. 3, 4.

Isis, her temple polluted and demolished, Antiq. xviii.
iii. 4.

Israel. See Jacob.

Israelites, numbered, Antiq. iii. xii. 4; and vii. xiii. 1;
their religious zeal slackened, v. ii. 7; they are carried
captive into (Media, and Persia, Antiq. ix. xiv. 1.

Istob, or Ishtob, king, Antiq. vii. vi. 1.

Isus, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6.

Ithamar, son of Aaron, Antiq. iii. viii. 1; his family, vii.
xiv. 7; it loses the high-priesthood, Antiq. viii. i. 3.

Ithulialus, or F.thbaal, king of Tyre, Antiq. viii. xiii. 1,

ag o

2; Against Apion, i. sect. 8, 21.

Juba, king of Lybia, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 4.
Juhal, Antiq. i. ii. 2.

mltlq. 1. u.

Jubilee, Antiq. iii. xii. 3.
Jucundus, one of Herod’s life.

ards, raises a calumny

is, one ot Herod’s lile-guards,
against Alexander, Antiq. xvi. x. 3.

Jucundus (®milius), War, ii. xix. 7.

Jucundus. captain of horse, War, ii. xiv. 5.

Judadas, or Dedan, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Judea, it begins at Corese, Antiq. xiv. iii. 4; a great
eaithquake in Judea, xv. v. 2; its fertility. Against
Apion, i. sect. 22; contains 3,000,000 of acres of good
land, ib.; its description, War, iii. iii.; length, breadth,
and limits, sect. 5; but lately known to the Greeks,
Against Apion. i. sect. 12; when first so called, Antiq.
ix. v. 7; abounding with pasture, xv. v. 1; War, iii.
iii. 2; taken from Archelaus, and annexed to Syria,'
Antiq. xviii. i. 1; parted by Gabinins into five jurisdic-
tions, xiv. v. 4; entirely subdued and pacified by Titus,
War, vii. x. 1; male tributary to the- Romans, Antiq.
xiv. iv. 5.

Judas, the Essen, a prophet, Antiq. xiii. xi. 2; War, i.
iii. 4.

Judas, a Galilean or Gaulonite, the author of a fourth
sect among the Jews, Antiq. xviii. i. 1, 2, 6; aud xx.
v. 2; \t ar, ii. viii. 1.

Judas, son of Jairus, is slain, War, vii. vi. 5.

Judas, son of Aminadah, Antiq. xi. iv. 2.

Judas the Maccabee, Antiq. xii. vi. 1; succeeds Matthias
his father, sect. 4; War, i. 1, 3; his speech to his men
before a battle, Antiq xii. vii. 3; he is victor, sect. 4;
he comes to Jerusalem, and restores” the temple wor-
ship, sect 6, &c.; takes vengeance on the Idumeans

/ and others, xii. viii. 1; besieges the citadel at Jerusa-
lem, c. ix. sect. 3; is made high-priest, c. x, sect. 6;
makes an alliance with the Romans, ib.; fights Bac-
chides, c. xi. sect. 1; is killed in the battle, sect. 2.

Judas, son of Chapseus, Antiq. xiii. v. 7.

,’udas. son of Sariphus, or Sepphoreus, Antiq. xviii. x.
6; War, i. xxxiii. 2.

Judas, son of l-Tasih, high-priest, Antiq. xi. vii. 1.

Judas, son of Kzechias, ringleader of the robbers, Antiq.
xvii. x. 4; War,

Jud :es of the Helir

Judas, son ol Kzechias, ringl
xvii. x. 4; War, ii. iv. 1.
id :e.< of the Hebrews, single governors, Antiq. ix. iv. 8.

Judges at Jerusalem, the Sanhedrim, ■ ntiq. xi. i. I.

Judges of the council in Syria and Phoenicia. Antiq. xi.
ii, I; seven inferior judges in every city, hut an appeal
from them to the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, Antiq.
iv. viii. M.

Juclus, high-priest, Antiq. x. vlil. 5.

Julia, or Livia, Augustus Caesars wife, Antiq. xvLt. 1
and xvii. LI.

. viii. 4.

War, rL L A
, with his and other
decrees in favour of the Jews. See Decrees.

Julius Lupus, Antiq. xix. ii. 4.

Julias, commander of a Roman legion, Antiq. xv. iii: 7.

Jupiter Hellenius’ temple upou Mount Gerizzim, Antiq.
xiL v. 5.

Jupiter the conqueror’s temple, Antiq. xiv. iv. 3.

Jupiter Olympius’ temple, Against Apion, L sect 17;
his statue, Antiq. xix. i. 1.

Justus, son of Josephus, Life, 75.

Justus of Tiberias, the historian, Life, sect 65; when
they published bis history, ib.; he is condemned by
Vespasian, but saved by king Agrippa, Life, sect. 74.

Justus, son of Pistus, stirs up sedition, Life, sect 9; his
character, ib.

lzates, son of Queen Helena, embraces the Jewish reli-
gion, Antiq. xx. ii. 1, 4; is circumcised, sect. 5; con-
quers his enemies, c. iv. sect. 1, 2; succeeds IMonoha-
zus, c. ii. sect. 3; he dies, c. iv. sect. 3; his children
and brethren are besieged in Jerusalem, War, vL vi. 4.

Kareah, Antiq. x. ix. 1.

Kemuel, son of Nahor, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Keturah, Abraham’s last wife, Antiq. i. xv. 1.

King, his principal qualifications, Antiq. vii. xv.2; three
duties of a good king, piety towards God, justice to-
wards his subjects, and care of the public welfare, ix.

xi.	2; need not give an account of his actions in the
opinion of Antony, xv. iii. 8; should be eminently
good, vi. xiv. 4.

King Solomon’s palace, Antiq. vii! v. 1.

Kings of David’s race, how many, Antiq. x. vi

Kingdom, a reward of virtue, Autiq. vi. viii. 1.

Kitim, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Korah, raises a sedition, Antiq.lv. ii.2; perishes with
his followers, c. iii. sect. 3.

Laban, son of Bethuel, Antiq. i. vL 5; his fraud, c. xix.
sect 7.

Labour, nothing gotten wilhout it, Antiq. iii. ii. 4.

Laborosoarchod, or Labosordacus, Antiq. x. xi. 2;
Against Apion, i. sect. 20.

Lacedemonians derived from Abraham, as well as the
Jews, Antiq. xii. iv. 10; and xiii. v. 8.

Lamech, Antiq. i. ii. 2.

Language (abusive) not to be punished with death, An-
tiq. xiii. x. 6.

Languages confounded, Antiq. i. iv. 3.

Laodicc, queen of the Gileadites, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4.

Laodiceans, their letter to Caius Rubilius, in favour of
the Jews, ADtiq. xiv. x. 20.

LastheDes, a Cretian, Antiq. xiii. iv. 3, 9.

Laws given the Israelites by Moses upon Mount Siuai,
Antiq. iii. &c.; and iv. viii. 2, &c ; to be read on the
feast of tabernacles, iv. viii. 12; to be learned hy chil-
dren before all things, ib.; to be written in the mind
and memory, ib.; forbid the punishment of children
for their parents’ crimes, ix. ix. 1; for a rebellious son
to be stoned, xvi. xi. 2; martial laws, Against Apion,
ii. sect. 29; the tables of the law, or ten commandments,
Antiq. iii. v. 4; law of Moses translated into Greek
under Ptolemy Philadelphus, Antiq. Pref sect. 3; and

xii.	ii. 2, &c.; law made by Herod to sell thieves to
foreigners, xvi. i. 1; law carried in triumph at Home,
War, vii. v. 5.

Laws among the Persians left to tlie interpretation of
seven pr------	—: ~ ’

Lentnlus’

13.

Lepidus, killed by Gains, Antiq. xix. i. 6.

Lepidus (Larcius), War, vi. iv. 3.

Leprous persons obtain places of honour among several
nations, Antiq. iii. xi. 4; are to live ont of cities, by
the Samaritan and Jewish laws, ix. iv. 5; they resolve
in a famine to go over to the enemy, ib.

Letters of the Alphabet, whether brought into Greece by
Cadmus and the Phoenicians, Against Anion, i sect
2.

letters of Solomon, and Hiram and the Tyrians. Antiq.
viii. ii. 6,7; of Xerxes king of the Persians to F.zr.i^
xi. v. I; of Artaxerxes to the covernors near Jodi-.', c.
vi. sect. 12; of Antiuchus the Great to Ptolemy i'.pi-
phanes, xii. iii. '■ ; of the Samaritans to Aniim-Mis
Theos. c v. sect. 5; of Alexander llalas to Jonathan

persons, Antiq. xi. vi. 1.

is’ decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x.INDEX.

, c. iii.
.2; of
. sect. 9; of

Julius Caesar to the Homan magistrates, xiv. x. 2, ficc.;
■•Jtd to the Sidonians, ib.; of Mark Antony to the Ty-
rians, c. xii. sect 4, 6.

Levitts. exempted frmn .military functions, Antiq. iii.
xii. 4.

tevite’9 Concubine abused by the in habitants of Qibeah,
Anliq. v. xi. 8.

Levitical tribe consecrated by Moses, Antiq. iii. xi. 1;
their allowance, iv. iv. 3, &c, j bow many cities be-
longed to them, ib.

f.iberius Maximus, governor of Judea, War, xi. vi. 6.
Liberty granted the Jews by Demetrius, Antiq. xiii. ii.
3.

Libyos, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Longinus, a tribune. War, ii. xix. 7.

Longinus’ bravery, War, v. vii. 3.

I-oiigusa violent Roman, kills himself War, vl. iii. 2.
Loti Antiq. i. vi. 5; c. ix.

Lot’s wife, Antiq. i. xi. 4.

Lucilius liassus takes Macheros, War, vii. vi. 1—6.
Lucullus, Antiq. xiii. xv. 4.

Lupus, governor of Alexandria, War, vii. x. 2.

Lupus, Julius, a conspirator, is put to death, Antiq. xix.
ii. 4. 5.

i.ycurgus. Against Apion, ii. sect 31.

L\dda burnt, War, ii. xix. 1,

Lysuntas, son ofTtolemy, is put to d
1; it ar, i. xiii. I.

Lysias, commander of Autiochus* army, Antiq..xii. vii.
2, &c.

Lysimachus obtains the government of the Hellespont,
alter the death of Alexander, Antiq. xii. i.

Maarah, Rehoboam’s wife, Antiq. viii. x. 1.

Maacabali, son of Nahor, by his concubine Reuma, An-
tiq. i. vi. 5.

Measeiali, son of Ahaz, slain in battle, Antiq. ix. xii. 1.
Maaseiah. governor of the city, Antiq. x. iv. L
Maccabees, their history, Antiq. xii. vi. I, See.

■Mac edonians, governed by a Roman proconsul, War, ii.
xvi. 4.

Madiera a, Antiq. xiv. xv. 7, 10; War, L xvi. 6, 7; c.
Kvii. sect. I, &C.

Macherus surrenders to Bassus, in order to set Eleazar
at liberty, War, vii. vi. 4.

Machines, or engines of tbe Romans, War, v. vi. 2; for
casting stones, of how great force, War, iii. vii. 23.

M .cliir, Antiq. vii. v. 5.

iMarcellus, Antiq. xviii. iv. 2.
Marcus, or Murcu*

871

i put to death, Antiq. ,xv. iv.

MadaLor Medea, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Madianilea, or Midianites, bring Israel into subjection,
Antiq. v. vi. 1; Moses makes war upon them and beats
them, iv. vii. 1; their women seduce the Israelites, c.

vii. sect, fi.

Magician, War, ii. xiii. A

Magog, Antiq. i. vi. L

Mahalaleel, Antiq. i. id 2.

Mahlnn, son of Elimelech, Antiq. v. ix. 1.

Malaleel, Antiq. i. iii. 4.

Malcliishua, son of Saul, Antiq. vi. xiv. 7.

Malclius. or Malichus. king of the Arabians, Antiq. xiii.
v. 1; xiv. xiv. 1, 6cc.; War, i. xiv. I.

Malichus. a Jewish commander, Antiq. xiv. v. 2; War,
viii. 3; c. xi sect. 2, Ac.; he poisons Antipater, An-
tiq. xiv. xi. 4; lie is a great dissembler, sect. 4,5; be is
killed by a device of llerod. sect. 6.

Maltliace, Archelaus’ mother, dies, Antiq. xvii. x. 1; she
was a Santa ri tail, and Herod’s wife, War, L xxviii. 4.

Klambres, or Mamre, Antiq. L x. 2.

Manaem, or Manabeni, Antiq. ix. xi. 1.

Mnnahem, an Essen. Antiq,.xv. x. 5.
itiahetn, son of Judas tlie Galilean, L

•an, Life, sect. 5; War,

n. xvn. ci, occ.	....	.

Manasses. king of Judah, Antiq. x. iii. 4, Ac.; he is
ried into captivity, sect. 2; lie is sent back to his k

JUatiahem, son u
ii. xvii. 8, Ac.

car-
liis king-

Muoasses. hrother of Jadus, marries the daughter of San-
ballet. Antiq. xi. vii. 2, Ac.: he is made high-priest'
among the Samaritans, xii. iv, 1.

Manlius (Lucius), son of Lucius, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2.

Manna rained 4roin heaven, Antiq. iii. i. ti; the signifi-
cation of tbe woid, ih.; n sort of manna fell in Arabia
in the days of Josephus, ih.

Mannvus, son of 1 gizam.% War, v. xiii. 7-

Manoach, Antiq. v. viii. 2.

Manslaughter, suspected, bow purged among tbe Jews,
Anuq. iv viii 16.	,

i9, or .Horens, president ofSy rfa, afterSextuaC®.

sar, Antiq. xiv. xi. 1, Ac.; War, i. x. 10, Acc.....

Maria, a noble woman, eats ber own child,'4Var,.vl.lii

Mariamne, Agrippa senior’s daughterbyiCypats,.Antiq.

Mariamne, or Miriam, Moses’ sister.dies, Antiq. iv, iv^lt,
Mariamne, is married to Herod, War. i. xiu 3 .she grow;*
angry with Herod, Antiq. xv. viii. L .Ac.; Vtar, ,L
xxii 2; her temper, Antiq. xv..she|s put U
death, sect. 4,5: her eulogium,secL,G; ier sons strata
gled, War, i. xxvii. 6.

Mariamne, daughter of Josephus and Olympias, Antiq.

Mariamne, daughter of Simon jhe liigti-priest,.War, I.

Mariamne, daughter of Agrippa senior, married to Ar-
chelaus, Antiq. xx. vii 1; divorced. Har. ii. vii.,4;
afterwards married to Demetrius, Antiq. xx. vii. 3.
Marion, tyrant of the Tyrians, Antiq, xiv. xii. I.	'

Marriage of free men with slaves unlawful among the
Jews, Antiq. iv. viii 23.

Marriage contracts, altered by Herod at Antipater’s de-
sire, Antiq xvii. i. 2.	........

Marsus. president of Syria, Antiq. xix. vi.4; c. vlLfoct.

2; and c. viii sect. L	’ J -

Marsia-, freedman of Agrippa, Antiq.^xviji. vi. 3, 7, I0t
Mnrulliis. master of the horse, Antiq. xviii vi. 10.
Margenus, king of the Tyrians, Against, Apion, i. seek
18.

Mattathias. great grandson of Asamoneqs. the, fa thereof
tlie Maccabees, Antiq. xii. vi. I; refuses.to oiler sacri-
fice to an idol. sect. 2; persuades the Jews to fight on
the Sabbath day. ib.; exhorts bis sons to defend the

law, sect. 31 he dies. seel. 4.	........

Mattathias. son of Absalom, Antiq. xiii. v. 7.

Matthias made high-priest, Antiq.,xix. vi 4.

Matthias C'uitus, one of Josephus,** anpestors.Life.sect

M ottliias. son of M

- al

Ma

argalothns or Margalus, Antiq. xvii
vi. 2; War, i. xxxiii 2; he and his [farmersare burn*
■. Antiq. xvii. vi. 4.

as, son of Theophihis, mode high-priest, Antiq
xvii iv. 2; and xx. ix. 7; he is deprived, xvii. vi. 4.

sect

Matthias. Josephus’s father, Life, sect 1.

Matthias, son uf Boethius, calls in Simon to his assis-
tance, and is afterwards put todeath by him, War, v

Mathusala, Antiq. i. iii. 4.

Maximus (l.ibcrius) governor.of Judea, War, vii. vi. 6.
IMaximus (Tivbellins), Antiq. xix. ii. 3.

Meal, the purest used in the Jewish oblations.Antiq., iii.

Megassafus, War, v. xi. 5.

Meirus, son of Belgas, War, vi. v. 1.

Mela, an ambassador of Archelaus.,

Melchisedeo, entertains Abram, Antiq. i. x. 2.
Memo can, ODe of the seven princes of “
vi. 1.

Antiq. xvi. x.6.
tiq. i. x. 2.

I*ersia,Antiq.xl.

Meoedemus. the philosopher, Antiq. xii. ii.' 12.
Menelaus, or Oivias, Antiq. xii. vi. I.

Menes, or Mineus, built Memphis. Antiq. viii. vi. 2.
Men’s lives had been itappy, if Adam had not sinned, An-
liq. i. i. 4.

Mephihosheth, son of Jonathan, is highly favoured by
David, Anti'q. vii. v. 5; c. xi. sect. 3.

Mephramuthosis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect
15.

Mephres. king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 15.
Meratoth, son of Joulham. Antiq. viii, i. 3.

Merbalus. king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect 21
Mesa, or Mash, Anliq. i. vi. 4.

Mesha. king of Moah, Anliq. ix. iii. 1.

Meshech, or Mosoch, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Meshech. one of the three holy children, Antiq. x. x. 1.
Messalus, Antiq xiv. xiv. 4.

Mes9alina, wile of Claudius, Antiq. xx. viii. 1; War, 1L
xii. fl.

Meslreei, or Mitzraim, Egyptians. Antiq. i. vi. 2.
Metilius, a Roman commander. War. il. xvii. 10.

Mica'h tbe prophet, quoted in'Jeremiah. Antiq. x. vi. 2.
Micalah, the prophet, Anliq. viii. xiv. 5; be is put ia
prison, ib.

Mice -poil the country of Ashdod, Antiq. vi. L 1; five
golden mice, sect. 2.

Mica, son of Mephihosheth, Antiq. viii. v.

Mica, son ol Mephiuosnetn, Antiq. viii. v.

Michal, Saul’s daughter, married to David, Antiq. vt it
3; she saves David’s life, e. xi. sect 4.INDEX.

872

Mldianites. See Madianiter.

Milcah, -wife ofNahor, Antiq. L vi. 5.

Milk with the firstlings of the flock, offered by Abel,
Antiq. i. li. 1.

Mlnucianus (Aimlusl, Antiq. xix. 1. 3, 8, &c.

Minucianns (Marcus), Antiq. zix. iy. 3.

Miracles, a foundation of credibility, Antiq. x. li. 1.

Misael, one of the three holy children, Antiq. x. x. 1.

Mithridates, Antiq. xi. i. 3.

Mithridates, king of Pergamus, Antiq. xiy. viii. 1; brings
aucconrs to Caesar in Egypt, ib.; War, i. ix.3.

Mithridates Sinax, king of Parthia, Antiq; xiii. xif. 3,

Mithridates, king of Pontua, dies, Antiq. xiy. iii. 4.

Mithridates, a Parthian, marrrerkiug Arta ban us’daugh-
ter, Antiq. xriii. ix. 6; he is taken prisoner by- Anileas,
ib.; and set at liberty, ib.; his expedition against the
Jews, sect 7; he routs Anileus, ib.

Mitzraim, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Modiua, iEquiculns, Life, sect. 11, 24,36.

Monobazus, king of Adiabene, Antiq. xx. ii. I; War, ii.
xix. 2; bis death, Antiq. xx. ii. 3;

Moon eclipsed, Antiq. xyii. yi. 4.

Moses, his character, Antiq. Pref. sect. 4: his birth fore-
told, ii. ix. 2, 3; how born, and saved alive, sect. 4 ;
' y called Mouses, or Moses, sect, •>,- Against Apion,
ect 31; adopted by Thermuthis. Antiq. ii. ix. 7;

‘	'	"	les the

wb
I. sei

jy I hermuthis.
ceed her father, ib.; trai
crown under his feet, it
Egyptian army, and beat
Ac.; be marries Tharbis, the kin

"brought up to succeed her latber, ib.; trampl

inder his feet, ib.; he is made general of (he
sc

’harbis, the king of
ter, sect. 2; he flies out of Egypt, c.
n---------—ghters against the :

ms feet, ib.; he is made gene:
iy, and beats the Ethiopians, c. x. sect. 1,
ies Tharbis, the king of Ethic

opia’s dbugh-
xi. sect. 1; he as-

sists Raguel’s daughters against the shepherds, sect. 2;
sees the burning bush at Sinai, c. xii. sect. 1is ap-
pointed to be the deliverer of the Israelites, seer. 3; he
does miracles, and’hears the most sacred name of God,
sect. 3, 4; he returns to Egypt, c. xiii, sect. I; he works
miracles before Pharaoh, sect. 2, Acc.; lie leads the Is-
raelites out of Egypt, c. xv. sect. 1-; how many were

i field, sect, 0; be dies, c

Nabuzardan, or Nebuzurdan, plunders and burns the
temple, Antiq. x. viii. 5; his other memorable actions,,
c. ix. sect. 1;

Nacebus, captain of the Arabians, Antiq. xvL ix. 2; c.
x sect. 8.

Nachor, orNahor, Antiq. i. vi. 3.

'Nadab, son-of Aaron, Antiq. iii. viii. 1,7.

Nadab, king of Israel, after Jeroboam, Antiq. viii. xi. 4,

Nahum the prophet, Antiq. ix. xi. 3; bis prophecy con-
cerning Nineveh, ib.

Naomi, Elinielech’s wife, Antiq. v. ix. 1.

Nathan, David’s son-, Antiq. vii. iff. 3.

Nathan, the prophet, Antiq. vii. iv. 4; c. vii. sect. 3; a
xiv. sect. 4.

Nations dispersed, Antiq. i.v. 1; called by new names-
by the Greeks-, ih.

Naearites, Antiq. iv. iv. 4; and xix. vi.l.

Neapolitans, Life, sect. 21; War, ii. xvi. 2;

Necliao, or Necho, king of Egypt, Antiq. X. vi. 1; be is
conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, ib.

Nehemiali, Antiq. xi. v. 6; his love to his coontry, ib. f.

their numbers, ib.; how old he was at that time, sect.
2; his prayer to God, c. xvi. sect. 1; he leads the Is-
raelites through the Red Sea, sect. 2'; he makes the
bitter water sweet, iir. r
quails and' manna, sect,
out of the rock, c. L sec
c. iii. sect. 4; he brings

sea,

bitter water sweet, iir. r. 2'; he procnTes the Israelites
t. 5,
let. 7
s to I

covenant, c. v. sect 8; he stays forty days uuon Mount
Sinai, ib.; his

rer sweet, iir. r. 2'; be proi
d'manna, sect. 5, 6; c. xiii.; he bri
. sect. 7; he beats the Ai
ings to the people the tables of
.8; he stays fort:

ngs water
the Amalekites,
the

aw......... long sta;

uneasiness	„

priesthood on Aaron, c. viii. sect. L; offers sacrifices at
the tabernacle, sect. 6, 10; receives laws- and com.

e tabernacle, sect. 10; consecrates tb God

ay causes great doubts and
among the people, sect. 7;_he conlets the
viii.

mauds at the tabernacle, sect. 10; consecrates tb God
the tribe of Levi, c. xi. sect 1, Ac.; numbers the peo-
ple, c. xii. sect. 4; gives orders for their marching, ib.
Ac.; sends spies to search the land of Canaan,c. xiv.
sect. I, Ac.; quells the faction of Corah,iv..ii; 3„ Ac,;
his justice, c. iii. sect. 1; bis prayer to God. sect. 2; he
cleanses the people, c. iv. sect, ti; he destroys sihon
and Og, c. v. sect 3; he defeats the kings of M
c. vii. sect 1; be appoints Joshua to he liis sore

. 2; his prei

his song in hexameter verse, sect. 44; a recapitulation

s by

: them, sect 45; lie blesses Joshua,
hosts him to lead the Israelites courageously fnfo the

hi9 song
of his la

ter verse,

aws, c. vii.; he binds ihe Israelites by an oath
to observe them, sect 45; he blesses Joshua, and ex-

idian,

i appoints Joshua to be his successor,
edictions before liis death, c. viii. sect. 2;

1; ai	' ■

-aelit
s Jo:

rageousiy i

land of Canaan, sect. 47; he is surrounded with a cloud
and disappears, sect. 18: his death greatly lamented
by the people for thirty days, sect 40; he is scandal-
ized, as afflicted with the leprosy, iii. xi. 4; liis great
authority, c. xv. sect. 3; his books laid up in the tem-
• pie, X. iv. 2; what they contain. Against Apion, i. sect.
6; called by Manetho, Osarsiph, priest of Osiris of
Heliopolis, sect 2(5; allowed by the Egyptians to he
divine man, sect. 51; the ages in which he lived, i
sect 15; his virtue and

Naamah, daugfiter of Lantech, Antfq. f. 1L 2.

Naash, or Nabash, king of- the Ammonites, Antiq; vffi.
vi. 1; his war against the Israelites, vi. ▼. 1.

Nabal, a foolish man, Antiq. vi. xiii. 6.

Nuboandeius, or Nabonadlus, or Baltasar, king of Ba-
bylon, Antiq. x. xi. 2; Against Apion. i. sect. 20.

Nabolassar, or Nabopollassar, king of Babylon, Against
Apion, i. sect. 19.

Nabotn, Antiq. viii. xiii. 8l

Nebuchodonosor, or Nebuchadnezxar, king of Babylon,
Against Apion, i, sect. 19; he conquers a great part of
Syria, Antiq. x. vi. 1he lays a tax upon the Jews, ib.;
he takes and sacks Jerusalem, c. vi. sect 3; and c. viii.
sect. 1, Ac.; his famous dream or vision, c. 10, sect 3,
Ac,; his golden image; sect. A; be lives among the"
beasts of the field, sect. 6; he dies, c. xi. sect. 1.

com

he exhorts the people to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem^
sect 7; his death and eulogiutn, sect. 8.

Nehushta, mother of Jeboiachrn, Antiq. x. vi. 3,

Nephan, or Elhanan, Antiq. vii. xii. 2.

Nergal-sliarezer, Antiq. x. viii. 2.

Neriah, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. &

Neriglissor, king of Babylon, Against
Nero made emji
a roost
cTeath, War, i
Galile:

lived, ii.
actions, sect. 15, lti; his
xv. 7.

sect 15; his virtue and great actions, se
posterity honoured by David, Antiq. vii,

Mosoch, or Mesech, Antiq. i, vi, T.

Mucianus, president of Syria, Antiq. xii. iii. 1; War, iv.

i. 5; c. ix. sect, 2; r. x, sect. 6, 7; and c. xi. sect 1.
Mule, the king’s mule, Antiq. vii. xiv. 5.

Muudus (Decius), ravishes Paulina, the

ninus, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4.
urcus. See Mar
usic&l instrirmen’

Cymbalum. described, Antiq. vii. xii. 3.

wife of Satur-

CUB.

ts of

ents of the Jews, the Cynara Naola,and

Mysian war. War, vii. iv. 3.
Mytgonus, king of Ty:

re. Against Apion, i. sect. 21.

tfaamah, an Ammonites!* the mo the! of Rehoboam, An-
tin. viii. viii L

Apion, i. sect. 20.

ie emperor, Antiq. xx. viii. 2; War, ii. xii. B'»
: cruel tyrant, Antiq, xx. vhi. 2; his violent
War, iy. fx. 2.

Netir, a Galilean, War, iii. vii. 21.

Nicanor, Antiq. xii. ii. 11; c. v. sect. 5; War, iii. viii. 2;
Ac.,- sent by Demetrius, against Judas, Antiq. xii. X,
4; defeated and killed, sect. 5.

Nicanor, a friend of Titus, wounded with an arrow, War,

v.	vi. 2.

Nicaso, married to Manasses. Antiq. xi. vii. 2.

Nrealise. orNitocris, queen of Egypt, Antiq. viii. vi. 2.

Niceteria,or festival for the victory over Nicanor, Antiq;
xii. x. 5.

;Nico (the conqueror), the name of the principal Romais
battering-ram. War, v. vii. 2.

Nicolaus of Damascus, the Jews’ advocate, Antiq. xiv.
iii. 2; and xvi. ii. 2; he is sent to Herod by Augustus,
c. ix. sect. 4; his speech before Augustus rn favour of
Archelaus. xvii. ix. 6; c. xi. sect. 3; War. ii. ii. 6; he-
exaggerates Antipater’s crimes, xvii. v. 4; War, k
xxxii. 4; his brother Ptolemy, ii. ii. 3.

Niger of Perea. War, ii. xix. 2; c. xx. sect. 4; and iii.
ii. 1; and iv. vi. 5; his wonderful escape, iii. ii. 3.

Niglissar, Antiq. x. xi. 2,

Nimrod, or Nebrodes, Antiq. i. iv. 2, Ac.

Nisroeh, or Araske, a temple at Nineveh, Antiq. X. i. 5.

Noe, or Noah, Antiq i. iii. 1; he is saved in the ark,
sect. 2; invocates God after the deluge, sect. 7; Godi
answers his prayer, sect. 8; laws given to him, ih.; he
is overtaken with wine. c. vi. sect. 3; liis genealogy,
c. iii. sect. 2; his death, sect. 9.

Nonius, of Heliopolis, 180 furlongs from Memphis, War,
vii. x. 8,

Norbanus Flaccus’s letter to the Sardinians, in behalf ol
the Jews, Antiq. xvi. vi. 6-

Norhanus (another person) slain, Antiq. xix. i. 15.

Numenius, son of Antioclius. Antiq. xiii. v. 8.

Oaths prevail with Saul above natural affection, Antiq.

vi.	vi. 4.

Obadiah, a protector of the true prophets, Antiq. viik.
xiilV, Ac.

Obedience to be learned before men undertake govern-
ment, Antiq. iv. viii. 2.

Obodas, king of the Arabians, Antiq. xUL xiii. 6.INDEX.	873

Octavio, daughter of Claudius, War, IL xii. 8.

Odeas, high-priest, Antiq. X. viii. 3.

Oded the prophet, Antiq. ix. xii. 2.

Og. king of Bashan, Antiq. iv. v. 3; his iron bed, ib.

Oil used in the Jewish oblations, Antiq. iil. ix. 4; oil
consumed by the seditious, .War, ii. xiii. 6; oil pre-
pa! ed by foreigners not used by the Jews, Antiq. xii.

iii.	I: War, ii. xxi. 3.

Olympias, Herod’s daughter by Malthace, a Samaritan,
Antiq. xvii. L 3; she is married to Joseph, the son of
Herod’s brother, War, i. xxviii, 1.

Olympics Jupiter's image, Antiq. xix. i. 1, 2.

Olympus sent to Rome, Antiq. xvi. x. 7, 9; War, L
xxvii. 1.

Omri, king of Israel, Antiq. viii. xii. 5.

On, the son ofPeletb, Antiq. iv. ii. 1.

Onias, son of Jaddus, succeeds in the bigb-priesthood,
Antiq. xi. viii. 7.

Onias, the son of Simon, made high-priest, Antiq. xii.

iv.	1; causes great troubles, sect 11.

Onias, brother of Jesus, or Jason, made high-priest, An-
tiq. xii. iv. I.

Onias and Dositheus, two Jewish captains, saved Egypt
from ruin. Against Apion, ii. sect. 6.

Onias, son of Onias, flies into Egypt, and there desires
to build a Jewish temple, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1, 3; War, i.
i. 1; and vii. x. 3; his letter to Ptolemy and Cleopa-
tra, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1; their answer, sect 2; he builds
the temple, Onian, sect 3; that temple is shut np. War,

vii.	x. 4.

Onias, a just man, procures rain in a famine by his
prayers, Antiq. xiv. ii. 1; he is stoned to death, ib.
Ophelins, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 5; War, i. xiii. 6.

Ophir, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Opobalsamura, Antiq. viii. vi. 6; and xiv. iv. 1.

Oracles of the prophets, concerning the destruction of
Jerusalem, War, iv. vi. 3; c. x. sect. 7; and vi. ii. 1;
concerning a great prince to arise in J udea, c. v. sect

4.

Oreb, a king of Madian, Antiq. v. vi. &

Orodes, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4.

Oronna, or Aruanah, the Jebusite, Antiq. vii. m.
thrashing floor, c. xiii. sect. 4; where Isaac was
offered, and the temple was afterwards built, ib.
Orpah, Antiq. v. ix. 1.

Orus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect 15.

Osarsipb (for Moses), a priest at Heliopolis, Against
Apion, i. sect. 28, 31.

Otho made emperor. War, iv. ix. 2| he kills himself, sect

9,

Oxen, brazen, the Jews forbidden to make them, Antiq.

viii.	vii. 5.

Pacorus. king of Media, Antiq. xx. iii. 4; redeems
wife and concubines from the Alans, War, vii.'vii.
Pacorus, the kinr	------—*------------•

Antiq. vii. iii. 3; his
s to be

ing of Parthia’s son, gets possession of
Syria,'Antiq. xiv. xiii. 3; lays a plot to catch Hvrca-
nus and Phasaelus, sect. 5; marches against the Jews,
War, i. xiii. 1; he is admitted into Jerusalem, sect 3;
is slain in battle, Antiq. xiv. xv. 7.

Petits (Ccsennius), president of Syria, War, vii. vii. 1;

his expedition into Commagena, ib.

Pageants, or Pegmata, at Titus’ triumph, War, vii. v. 5.
Palace at Rome, Antiq. xix. iii. 2.

xiv.	tv. 1.

Pannychis, the concubine of Archelaus, War. i. xxv. 6.

Papinius, Antiq. xix. i. vi. 4.

Pappns is sent into Samaria, by Antigonus, Antiq. xiv.

xv.	12; War, i. xvii. 5.

Paradise described, Antiq. i. i. 3: a pensile paradise, or
garden at Babylon, Against Apion, i. sect. 19.

Parents’ good deeds are advantageous to their children,
Antiq. viii. ix. 2; how to be honoured by the law of
Moses, Against Apion, sect. 27.

Parthians possess themselves of Syria, and endeavour to
settle Antigonus in Judea, War. i. xiii. I, Ac,; their
expedition into Judea, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 3; they be-
sieged Jerusalem, ib.; they take the city and temple,
sect. 4; their perfidiousness, sect. 4, 6; War, i. xiii. 3,
dec.

Pa»sover, a Jewish festival, Antiq. ii. xiv. 6; and iii. x.
1; and xir.’ii. I; and xiv. ix. 3; the manner of its
celebration, Wur. vi. ix. 3; called the feast of unlea-
vened biead, A tiq. xiv. ii. 1; and xvii. ix. 3; War, v.
iii. 1; on the fourteenth day of Nisan, Antiq. xi. 4, H;

* War, v. iii. 1: very numerous sacrifice* *’ * offered,

and vast numbers come up to it, Antiq. xvii. ix. 3»
War, ii. i. 2; from the ninth boor to the eleventh, and
not lesa than ten to one paschal lamb, vi. ix. 3| num-
ber of paachal lambs in the days of Cestins, 250,500L
ibe

Paulina ravished by Mundus, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4.

Paulinus, a tribune, War, iii. viii. 1.

Paulinus succeeds Lupus as governor of Alexandria, War,
Jr*" **	**e Plundera and abuts up the temple Onion,

Pansanms^son of Cerastes, murders Philip king of Mace-

Peace and good laws the greatest blessings, Antiq. vii.

E“c*> a* a goddess, has a temple at Rome, War, vii. v.

Pedanius, War, i. xxvii. 2; and vi. ii. 8.

Pekah slays Pekahiah, and succeeds him, Antiq. ix. xi.
1; he defeats the king of Judah, c. xii. sect. 1; he is
slain by Hosbea, c. xiii. sect. 1.

Pekaiah, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. xi. 1.

Peleg, Antiq. i._vi. 4.

Penmnab, Antiq. v. x. 2.

Pentecost, a Jewish festival, Antiq. iii. x. 6; and xvii.
x. 2; whence it had that came, War, ii. iii. 1; vast
numbers came to it, ib.; the priests then attended the
temple in the night, vi. v. 3; the Jews did not then
take journeys, Antiq. xiii. viii. 4.

Perea entirely subdued by the Romans, War, iv. vii. 3,

Pergamen’s decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x.

Perjury supposed by some not dangerous, if done by
necessity, Antiq. v. ii. 12; dreaded by Joshua and the
elders, c. i. sect 16; dreaded also by the people, c. ii.
sect. xii.

Persi;

lians, their i
eir king is

their king is watcl
law forbade strangers

principal families, Antiq. xi. iii. 1;
bed during bis sleep, sect. 4; theii
_ers to see their king’s wives, c. vi.
sect. 1; seven men were the interpreters of their laws,
ib.; their royal. robes. Beet. 9.

Pestilence. See Plague.

Pestilius Cerealis, the proconsul, reduces the Germans,
War, vii. iv. 2.

Petina^the wife of Claudius, Antiq. xx. viii. 1; War, ii

Petronins, governor of Egypt, Antiq. xv. ix. 2; he sup-
plies Herod with corn in time of famine, ib.

PetroniuS'(Publius) is made president of Syria, Ant;q.
xviii. vii. 2; is sent with an army to Jerusalem by
Caius, to set up his statues in the temple, c. ix. sect. 2,
&c.; War, ii. x. 1; his endeavours to prevent it, and
to save the Jews, with his and their wonderful deli-
verance, ib.; his edict against the Dorites, Antiq. xix.
vi. 3.

Phaedra, Herod’s wife, Antiq. xvii. 1. 3.

Phalian, Antipater’s brother, Antiq. xiv. ii. 3; War, i.

Phaian, David’s son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

Phalti, son of Laish, Antiq. vi. xiii. 8; and vii. i. 4.

Pbanniuj, son of Samuel, made high-priest, War, iv. iii.

0.

Pharaoh, denoted king in the Egyptian tongue, Antiq. vi-

Pharisees, a sect among the Jews, Antiq. xiii. x. 5; and
xviii. i. 2; War, i. v. 2; they envy Hyrcanus, Antiq.
xiii. x. 5; were opposite to the Sadducees in their
principles, sect 6; their great authority, xvii. ii. 4;
especially in the reign of queen Alexandra, xiii. xvi.
2; War, i. v. 2; which lasted nine years, sect. 4; they
refuse the oaths of allegiance to Caesar and Herod,

Antiq. xvii. ii. 4; they are lined for it, ib.; their
written traditions, xiii. v. 9; c. x. sect. 6; their m
ration in inflicting punishments, the common people
side with them, ib.; they are most skilful in tb» know-

tin-

mode-

side with them, ib.; they are m
ledge of the law, Life, sect, 38.

Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, Antiq. xiv. iii. 4.

Phasaelus, son of Antipater, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3; and xvii.
i. 3; War, i. viii. 8; his death, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 10; and
xv. ii. 1; War, i. xiii. 10.

Phasaelns, son of Herod, Antiq. xvii. i. 3.

Pheldas, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Pheles, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect. 18.

Pheroras, Antipater’s son by Cypros, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3;
ir, i. viii. 9; hntes Salome’s children, Antiq. xvi. vii.
War, i. xxiv. 5; makes Alexander jealous of his874

INDEX.

ship with Antipater, XTii. il. 4; ii hated by Herod, c.
iii. sect 1; ia ordered to retire to his tetrarchy, sect
3.

(Microns’ wife pays tlie fine laid upon the Pharisees, An-
tiq. xvii. ii, 4; she associates with the other court la-
dies, ibv; War, i. xxix. it Pheroras’ freed-men. charge
her with getting poison, Anliq. XTii, iv. 1; she throws
herself down stairs, sect,.2; War, i, xxx. A; her con-
fession, Antiq. xvii. iv, 2.

Phideas, the high-priest,- Antiq. x. viii. 6,

Philadelphus (Ptolemy), his skill and industry about
mechanic arts, Antiq xiii. ii, 7; he proposes problems
to the seventy-two interpreters, sect. II; be procures
the seventy-two interpreters to translate the law, c. iu
sect 1—II.

Philip, Herod’s sqn by Cleopatra, Antiq. Xvii..i. .3; c. ii..
sect. 9; c. iv. sect. 3; War, i. xxviii. 4;c.,xxxii. sect.
i: brother of Arcbelatis, ii. vi. 3; what-Herod .left him
bv his will, Antiq. xvii. viii. 1 s what Cmsargave him,
c. xi. sect. 4; telrareh of Gaulanilis, and Traehonitis,
and Paneas, r. viii. sect 1; c. ix.sect.l; he dies,
xviii. iv. 6; his eulogium, ib.

Philip, a Galilean. War, iii. vii. 21.

Philip, son of Jacimus, Antiq. xvii. ii. 3; Life, sect 11,
:iii; War, ii. xvii. 4; c. XX. sect. I.

Philip made regent of Syria during the minority pf £u-
pitor, Antiq. xii. ix. 2.

Philip, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii. iii. 4; c. xiv..sect. 3.

Philip, king of iMacedon, is slain. Antiq. xi. viii. 1.

Philipion, son of Ptolemy, marries Alexandra, the daugh-
ter of Aristobulus. Antiq. xiv. vii. 4; be is killed by

her, ib.; War,

Philistines, their chief towns Gaza. Accaron,
Askelon, Gath, and Azotus, or Ashdod, Anti

Ekrou,
iq. vi. i. 2;

contained In the books of their
sect. 4.

mtiq.

his father, ib.; War, i. ix. 2.
lilislines,

Askelon,
c, xiii. seci. iu.

Philo, chief deputy of the Jews, to Caius,.Antiq. xviii,
viii- 1.

Philosophy of the Jews, i
law, Against Apion, ii.

Philoslephaniis, Antiq. xiii. xii. 5.

Phineas, son of Clnsothus, War, iv. iv. A

Phineas, son of Eleazar. slays Zimri and Coshi, Antiq.

iv.	vi. 12; leads the Israelites against the Midianites,
c. vii. sect. I; his speech to the Jews beyond Jordan,

v.	i. 26; he is made high-priest, sect 29; the high-
priesthood returns to his family, Antiq. viii. i. 3.

Phineas, son of Eli, Antiq. v. x. 1; he officiates as high
priest, c. xi. sect. 2; he is slain, ib.

Phraates, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xv. ii. 2; bis
death, xviii. ii. 4.

Pliraatnces, the son of Phraates, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4.

Phut, or Pul. king of Assyria, Antiq. ix. xi. 1.
rimrim, or Purim, a Jewish festival, Antiq.
ut the planter of Lihya, Antiq. i. yi. 2.

'udea, occasions tu-

. xi. vi. 13.

val, Antiq,

Phut the planter of Lihya, Antiq. i. vi. 9-

Pilate (Pontius), the procurator of Jud

mults among the Jews, Antiq. xviii. iii. 1; causes a
great slaughter of them, sect. 1; War, it. ix. 4; and of
the Samaritans, Antiq. xviii.. iv. 1; he . is accused for
it. and sent to Home, sect. 2.

Pildash, Antiq. i. vi. A.

Pillars erected by the children of Seth in the land of
Seriad, Antiq. i. ii. 3;. pillars of the Corinthian order
in Solomon's palace, viii. v. 2; in Herod’s temple,
War, v. v. 2.

Piso, governor- of Rome, Anfiq. xviii vi. 5.

Puhnlaiis, Antiq. xiv. vi. 1; c. vii. sect. 3; War, i. viii.
3.6,9.

Placidiis’s skirmishes with Josephus, Life. sect. 43,74;
his other actions. War, iii. vi. 1; c. vii, sect 3, 34; and
iv i. 3; c vii. sect. 4.

Plague, or pestilence, rages among the Israelites, Antiq.
xii. xi. 3; it ceases upon Havid’s repentance, c. xiii.
sect. 4; another pestilence in Judea, xv. vii. 7.

Plato. Against Apion, ii. sect 31; lie excludes the poets
from Ids commonwealth, sect 36.

Pnlemn. king of Cilicia, Antiq. xx. vii. 5.

I’demo, king of Pontns, Antiq. xix. viii. 1.

Polity of the Jews after the captivity, Antiq. xi. iv. R.

Pullio. a Pharisee, Anliq. xv. i. 1.

Pollio, a Homan, Antiq. xv. X. 1.

Pnmpedius. Antiq. xix. if A.

Pornpey th** Great, goes through Syria to Damascus, An-
tiq. xiv. iii. 1; War, i. vi. 4; and to Jerusalem, Antiq.
xiv. iv. I; War. i. vii. I; the city delivered up to him,
Antiq. xiv. iv. 2; lie takes the temple hy force, and kills
abundance of the .lews, c. iv. sect. 2, 3, 4: War, i. vii.
4, flee ; the Jews send him a gulden vine. Antiq. xiv.
iii. 1; he goes into the hnly of Indies, c. iv. sect. 4;
War, i. vii. meddles with nothing in the temple, ib.;

he hears the cause between Hyrcanus and Aristobutdl*
Antiq. xiv. iii. 2; determines it in favour of Hyrcanu(»
and makes war upon Aristobulus, sect 3, dec.; be flics
into Epirus, c. viii. sect. 4.

Pontius Pilate. See Pilate.

Poplas, War, ii. ii. 1.

Popea, Nero’s wife, Antiq. XX. vii. 11; e. ?l., sect 1;
Life, sect. 3; areligious lady,and favourer of the Jews,
Antiq. xx. viii. 11.

Porcius Festus. See Feetns.

Present things, queen Alexandra’s care, more than fu-
ture,. Antjq. xiii. xvi. 6.

Presents sent to Joseph in Egypt, Antiq. ii. vi. 5.

Priests, if maimed, are excluded from the; altar and tem-
ple, Antiq. iii. xii. .2; Against .-Apion, i.;sect. $1; are
not-to marry several sorts of women, Antiq. iii. xii. 2;
Against Apion, i. sect. 7; washed their hands and feet
before they went to minister, iii. 6, 2; succ-ed one
another according to.their courses, Against Apion, ii.
sect. 8; their allowances, Antiq. iii. ix; and iv. iv. 3;
their courses in number twenty-four,vii. xiv 7; Against
-Apion, ii. sect. 7; are very numerous, ib.; two families
from Aaron’s two sons, Antiq. v. vi. A; their offices
and employments, Against Apion, ii. sect. 7, 21,22, 23;
their sacred garments, Antiq. iii. vii. 1, flee.; War, r.
v. 7; priests and Leviles exempted from taxes by
Xerxes, Antiq. xi. v. 1; have places of the greatest

erxes, Anliq. xl v. l; nave pia
trust committed to them, Against Apion, ii, sect. 18;
none but priests of the posterity of Aarun, might burn
inceDse at the temple, Antiq. ix.,x.4; not to drink
wine in their sacred garments, iii. xii.2; priesthood a
mark of nobility among the Jews, Life, sect 1.

Priests among the Egyptians, only kept.their lands in
the days of Joseph, ADtiq. ii. vii..l.

Priesthood, high, translated from one family to another,
Antiq. v. xi. 5; of Onias, at Heliopolis, xii. ix. 7; and
xiii. x. 4; and xx. x. 1; vacant at Jerusalem for four
years, xiii. ii. 3; during life, excepting under Antio-
chus F.piphanes, Aristobulus and Herod, xv. iii. 1;
taken from Jesus, and given to Simon by Herod, c. ix.
sect. A; settled upon the family of Aaron, originally,
xx. i. 1.

Priest, high, not to be the son of a captive woman,Antiq.
xiii. x. 5; high-priests went into the temple.to officiate
on Sabbath-days, new moons, and festivals. War. xii.
vii. 3; were to marry a virgin, and not to touch a dead
body, Antiq. iii. xii. 2; the high-priest desired by Saul
to prophecy for him. vi. vi. 4; high-priests, with the
prophets and sanhedrim, were to determine difficult

pauses, iv. viii. 14; several high-priests at the same time
in latter ages, Wnr, iv. iii. 7; and v. xiii. 1; and vi. ii.
2; to succeed by birth. Against Apion, ii. sret. 23;
elected by lot among the seditious, Antiq. iv. iii. 8;
they abolish the .regular succession, sect. 6; Herod,
king of Chalcis, made the high-priest till bis death,
xx. i. 3; a series of the high-priests from Aaron to the
destruction, of the temple by Titus, xx. x.; another
nple to the

series from the building oi the temple to the captivity,
x. viii 6; high-priest’s robes kept by the Romans, xx.

, xv. xi. 4; and xviii. iv.
ornaments described, iiL

x. ’

i. 1; where they were laid up,
i. 1high-priest’s <

3; and xx.

vii. 4; War, v. v. 7.
rimogeniture, its privileges Bold by Esap, Antiq. ii. L

Pri

1.

, Prir

: Priscus (Tyranins). War, ii. xix. 4.

Priscus shoots Jonathan dead with a dart, War, vi. ii. 10.
Privileges granted the Jews by Alexander the Great,

mus (Antonius), War, iv. ix. 2; he marches against
fitellius. c. xi. sect. 2.
scus (Tyranins). War, i
sous shoots Jon
Ptivileges grantee
Against Apion, i
Problems, or ridd

, ii. sect 4.
Idles

es, proposed by Sampson at his wed-
ding, Antiq. v viii. 6.

Proculus (Vitellius), Antiq. xix. vi. 3.

Prophecies concerning the destruction of Jerusalem,
War, iv. vi. 3: and vi. v. 4.

Prophecy of Isaiah accomplished, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1.
Prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel reconciled, Antiq,

v. 1.
Prophecies

cies could not agree to the events, if the world
governed hy char.ee, Antiq. x. xi. 2.

Prophets, excepting Daniel, chiefly foretold calamities,
Antiq. x. xi. 7; how greatly to be esteemed, viii. xv.
6.

Prophets (false ones), suborned hy the Jewish tyrants,
War. vi. v. 2.

Proseuchm, or houses of prayer among the Jews, Life,
serf. A4. .

Prns^’rltion of the body, a most heinous crime, Antiq.,INDEX.

875

Providence asserted against the-Epicureans, 'Antiq. z.

zt. 7.

Prudence requires us to prevent tbe growing power ot
an enemy, Antiq. Hi. it 1.

PseudaleZander, Antiq. xvii. xii. 1, &c.; War, ii. vii.l,

Ac.	’

Ptolemy, the administrator of Herod’s kingdom, Antiq.
xvi. vii. 2, dec.; c. viii. sect.5; c. x. seck5; Life, sect.

Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, poisoned by her, An-
brother of Nicolaus of Damascus, 'Antiq.

tiq. xt. iv. 1.
Ptolemy, the
xvii, ix. 3

Ptolemy Epiphanes, Antiq, Xii. Hi. 3; be dies, c. iv. sect.

11.

Ptolemy, Ettergetes, Philopator, or Eupator, Antiq. xiL
lit. 3; c. iv. sect. 1; Against Apion, ii. sect. 5.

Ptolemy, the son of Jamblicos, Antiq. xiv. viii. 1; War,

iyrns, Antiq. xiii. x. 2; War, i. iv. 2; he is
of his kingdom, Ad tiq. xiii.xii. 1, &c.; he
alliance with Alexander, and breaks it, c.

i. ix. 3.

Ptolemy Lathyrus, Antiq. xiii
driven out

makes an alliance with Alexander, and breaks it, c.
xii. sect 4; his hold soldiers called Hecatontomachi,
sect 6; he defeats Alexander’s army, ib.; bis barbar-
ous cruelty, sect. 6.

after

takes

Ptolemy,-son of Lagus, called Sotor, obtains Egypt,
the death of Alexander the Great, Antiq. xii. 1; taxes
Jerusalem, and carries many Jews into Egypt, ib.

Ptolemy Philadelphia, the second king of Egypt of that
race, Antiq. i. Pref. sect. 3; Antiq. xii. ii. 1; Against
Apion, ii. sect. 4; he procures a translation of the law
of Moses, hy the advice of Demetrius Phalerus, Antiq.
xii. ii. I, Ac.; sets a vast number of Jews free, sect. 3;
sends a letter to Eleazar the high-priest, seek 4; his
liberal oblations and presents, sect. 7, 14.

Ptolemy Philometer, Antiq. xii. iv. 11; c. v. sect. 2; xiii.
iii. 1: Against Apion, ii. sect. 5; he and his queen

iii. 1; Against Apion, ii. sect. 3; he and his qu<
eopatra permit Onias to build the temple Onii
I tiq. xiii. iii. 1, &c.; he makes an expedition i
ria, c. iv. sect. 5; discovers Alexander and Ammo-

Syria, c. iv. sect. 5; discovers Alexander and Ammo-
nias’ plot against him, seek 6; takes his daughter from
Alexander, and gives her to Demetrius, sect. 7; he
might have put two crowns upon his head, that of
Asia, and that of Egypt, ib.; he is wounded, and dies
of his wounds, sect. 8.

Ptolemy, son of Menneus, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 3; and xiv.
iii. 2; c. xii. sect. 1; War, i iv. 8; c. xiii. seek 1;
prince of Chalcis, Antiq. xiv. vii. 4; he marries Alex-
andra, ib.

lolemy, the murderer or anuon, the Maccabee, Antiq.
xiii. vii. 4; he murders John Hyrcanus’s mother and
viii. sect. 1; War, i. ii. 4.

brothel

Ptolei

the murderer of Simon, the Maccabee, Anti
lers John
ir, c. viii. sect. 1; War,

:olemy Pliyscon, Antiq. xii. iv. 11; and xiii. ix.;
Against Apion, ii. sect. 5.

Ptolemy, War, i. i. 1.

Pudens engages in a duel with Jonathan, and is killed,
War, vi. ii. 10.

Punishment of the wicked, a joyful sight to good men,
Antiq. ix. vi. 6.

Purple robes worn by the Chaldean kings, Antiq. x. xi.
2; by the Persian kings, xi. iii. 2; c. vi. sect. 10; Jo-
seph is clothed in purple by Pharaoh, ii. v. 7.
Pygmalion, king of Tyre. Against Apion, i. seek 18.
Pythian, or Apollo’s temple, built by Herod, Antiq. xvi.
v.3.

Quadratus (Ummidius), president of Syria, Antiq. xx.
vi 2.

Quails are
the ca

are numerous in the Arabian gulf, and fall upon

_____amp of Israel. Antiq. iii. i. 5. 13.

Queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, comes to king Solomon
Antiq. viii. vi. 5; she returns to her own country, sect.

6.

Quintillins Varus, president of Syria. See Varus.
Quirinius, or Cyrenius, sent by Ceesar to tax Syria, An-
tiq. xvii.

Rabsaccs fThemasius). Antiq. xi. iii. 5.

RAchel, Laban’s daughter, Antiq. i. xix. 7; she steals
away, and conceals her father’s idols, sect,

Ragan, or Reu, son of I’haleg, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Ragmus, or Raamah, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Raguel, Moses’ father-in-law, Antiq. iii. iii. 1; his advice
to Moses for the government of the Israelites, c. iv.
Rahab, an Inn-keeper at Jericho, Antiq. v. i. 2,7; her
life saved, seek 7.

Rainbow, Antiq. i iii. 8.

Ramesses, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 15.
Replaces, or Rahshaketli, captain of the Assyrian army.

sect. 9, 11.

Antiq. x. i. 1; his ppeech- to the -people tff Jerusalem
sect. 2.

Rathotls, king of Egypt, Against Apion, 1. se^t.16.

Rathymns, or Rheum, Antiq. xi. il. 1.

Rationale, or breast-plate of judgment of tbe high-prig ih
Antiq. ill. v.'7; c, viii. sect. 9.

Raven sent out of the ark, Antiq. i. iii. 5.

Reha, king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv. vii. 1.

Rebeka, daughter of Bethuel, Antiq. L vi. 5; demanded
for a wife to Isaac, c. xvi. seek 1, ficc.; she bears
twins, c. xviii. seek 1; imposes upon her husband
seek 6,

Recem, or Rekem, king of tbe Midianites, Antiq. iv. viii

Records of the Tyrians, Against Apioq, i. seek 17.

RegnHis (Emilius), Antiq. xix. i. 3.

Rehoboam succeeds Solomon, Antiq. viii. viii. 1; he gives
the people a rough answer, seek 2; ten tribes revolt
fromhim, seek 3; he builds and fortiAes several towns,
c. x. sect. I; he has eighteen wives, and thirty concu-
bines, ib.; he dies, sect 4.

Remaliah, Antiq. ix. xi. 1.

Repentance cannot revoke past crimes, Antiq, ii. iv. 4.

Reu, or Kagau, the son of Phaleg, or Peleg, Antiq. i. vi.
5» 7.

Revenues of Crolesyria, Phmnicia, J [idea, and Samaria,
amounted to 9060 talents, Antiq. xii. iv. 4.

D —	_	I.:___4 £?_t	•	■? i

Rezen, king of Syria, Antiq. ix. xii. 1.
Rezon, Solomon’s enemy, Antiq. viii. vii. 6.

Rhodes, relieved hv Herod, Antiq. xiv. xiv. S.

gf

tiq. vii. xv. 3.

Riches, great riches laid up in

tiq. xiv. :
David’s

monument, An-

Riddles, or problems between Solomon and Hirai^ An-
tiq. viii. v. 3; a riddle i

3; a :
wedding, v. viii. 6.
Ripliath, Antiq. i. vi.’
Rod of Aaron, Antiq.

proposed hy Samson

Wf A n*
at bis.

, Antiq. iv. iv. 2.

Roman army described. War, iii. v.

Roman senate’s decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiii.
ix. 2; and xiv. viii. 5.

Roxana, Herod’s daughter by Phaidra, Antiq. xvii. i. 3|
War, i. xxviii. 4.

Rubrius Gallus, Antiq. vii. iv. 3.

Rue of a prodigious magnitude, War, vii. vi. 3.

Rufus, Antiq. xvii. x. 3; War, ii. iii. 4; c. v. sect. 2.

Rufus (an Egyptian), takes Eleazer piisoner, War, vii,
vl. 4.

Rufus (Terentius, or Turnus), takes Simon the son of
Gioras, War, vii. ii.; he is left with an army at Jeru-
salem, after it was taken, ib.

Rumah, or Reumah, Nahor’s concubine, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Ruth gleans iii Uoaz’s field, Antiq. v. ix. 2; is married

tiq. l

by Buaz, and becomes the mother of Obcd, the father
seel

of Jesse, seek 4.

Sabactas, or Subtecha, Antiq. i. vi. 2.
Sahas, or Seba, Antiq. i. vi. 2.
Sabathes, or Sabrah, Antiq. i vi. 2.
Sabbath-day kept very strictly by
viii. ix.; Sabbath a
the Egyptian word Sabo, Agi

ept very strictly by the Essens. War, ii.
bbatli according to Apion, so called Iroin
n word Sabo, Against Apion. ii. sect. 2;
Sabbath-day so superstitiously observed by the Jews
that they came to great mischiefs thereby^ Antiq. xii.
vi. 2; War, i. vii. 3; and ii. xvi. 4; they are advised
by Matthias to defend themselves on the Sabbath-day,
Antiq. xii. vi. 2; and by Jonathan, xiii. i. 3; allowed
to repel, but not to attack an enemy on that day, xiv.
vi. 2; and xviii. ix. 2; War. ii. xvi. 4; Antiorhusa
Jew, forces the Jews to break the Sabbath-day at An-
tioch. vii. iii. 3: Sahhalh-day spent in reading tile law,
Antiq. xvi. ii."4; ushered in, and ended with the sound
of a trumpet, " ar, iv. ix. 12; Jews, on the Sabbath-
day, dined at the sixth hour, Life, sect. 54; the sedi-
tious kill the Roman,s on the ■'uhhathday, War, ii.
xvii. 10; unlawful to travel far on the Sabbath-day,
Antiq. xiii. viii. 4; pretended to be unlawful either to
make war or peace on the ’-abb itli-day. War, iv. ii.r
3; not allowed by some even in case of necessity, to
take arms either on the Sabbath-day, or the evening
before, Life, sect. 32.

Sabbatic river, War, vii. v. 1.

Sahbrus. Antiq. xiii. iii. 4.

Sahbioii; discovers Alexander’s designs to Herod, Antiq.
xv. iii. 2.

Sahec, or Shobach, captain of the Syrians, Antiq, viL vi.

Sabinus, Csesar’s steward in Judea, Antiq. xvii. ix. 3]
War. ii. iii. 2; he accuses Archelaus, Antiq. xvii. ix.
4; falls heavy upon the Jews, c. x. seek I.INDEX.

876

Sabinus, one of the murderer* of Calu*, Antiq. xlz. It.
3; be kills himself, sect 6.

Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, takes the capitol,War,
ir. xi. 4; is killed by Vitellius, ib.

Sabious, by birth a Syrian, a man of great valour, War,
vi. i. 6.

Sabinus (Domitian), one of the tribunes, War, iii. vii. 34.

Sabtah, or Sabathes, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Sabtecba, or Sabactas, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Sacrifice of Abel was milk, aDd tbe firstlings of the dock,
Antiq. i. ii. I; sacrifices were either private or public,
iii. ix. 1; either all, or part only bnrnt, ib.; how the
former were ottered. ib.; how the latter, sect 2; how
sin-offerings were offered, sect 3; those of swine forbid-
den, xii. v. 4j of those that were for recovering health,
iii. ix. 4; Titus desires John not to leave off the Jewish
sacrifices, War, vi. ii. 1; daily sacrifice, Antiq, xi. iv.
1; War, i. i. 1; and vi. ii. 1; sacrifices every day for
Caesar’s prosperity, ii. x. 4; Against Apion, ii. sect. 5;
omission thereof the beginning of the Jewish wa:

omission thereof the beginning of the Jewish war, War,
ii. xvii.2; offerings of foreigners usually received by the
Jews, sect 3; the same prohibited by the seditious,

' sts.

ews,
set. 5

,S; what parts of sacrifice were due to the priests,
Antiq. iv. iv. 4; none but Jews to overlook the sacri-
fices in the temple, XX. viii. II; sacrifices not to be
tasted till the oblation is over, xii. iv. 8; not to be
bought by the hire of an harlot, iv. viii. 9; meat-offer-
ings joined to bloody sacrifices, iii.^ix. 4; not to be
abused to luxury. Against Apion, ii. sect. 25; ought to
be entire and without blemish, Antiq. iii. xii. 2; of
what were burnt-offerings, c. viii. sect 10; animals
not offered till the eighth day after their birth, c. ix.
sect, 4; wine and oil reserved for sacrifices consumed
by4jfce seditious, War, v. xiii. 6.

Sndduc, a Pharisee, stirs up a sedition, Antiq. xviii. i. 1.

Sadducees deny fate, Antiq. xiii. v. 9; are contrary to the
Pharisees, c. x. sect. 6; observe only the precepts of the
written law. ib.; their opinions, Antiq. xviii. i. 3;

w. id.; ineir opinions, Antiq.
, ii. viii. 14; have the rich men of their

side, Antiq.

War, i
xiii. x 6.

Badoc, or Zadok, high-priest, Antiq. vii. ii. 2; c. v. sect.
4; c. X. sect. 4; c. xi. sect 8; c. xiv. sect 4; and viii.
i. 3; and x. viii. 6.

Sadrach, or Shadrach, Antiq. xi. iv. 9.

Sages, or wise men among the Israelites, Antiq. viii. it
5.

Salnmpsio, daughter of Herod, married to Phasael, An-
tiq. xviii. v. 4.

Salathiel, Zrrohabel’s father, Antiq. xi. iii. 10.

Salatis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, t sect. 14.

Suleph, Antiq. i. vi. 4.

Salmana, or Zalmana, captain of the Midianites, Antiq.
v. vi. 5.

Salmanassar, or Shnlmanezzer. king of Assyria, Antiq.
ix. xiv. I; invades Syria and Phtznicia, ib.; carries
the ten tribes away into Media and Persia, ib.

Salome, Antipater’s daughter, Herod’s sister, Antiq. xiv.
vii. 3; War, i. viii. 9; charges her husband Joseph
with adultery, Antiq. xv. iii. 9; and xvi. vii. 3; sends
a bill of divorce to her second husband Costobarus, xv.
vii. 10; envies Herod’s sons and their wives, xvi. i. 2;
c. iii. sect. I. fee.; she clears herself, ib.; Herod forces
her to be married to Alexas, xvii. i. 1; she discovers

|ICr 1(1 UC uianicu iu (liesan, a < I

to Herod the conspiracy of Antip:
ii. sect. 4; War, i. xxix. 1; what

l; S

pater and Pheroras, c.
I. 4; War, i. xxix. 1; what Herod left her by his
will, Antiq. xvii. viii. 1; what Caesar gave her, c. xi.
sect. f>.

Salome, Herod’s daughter by F.lpis. Antiq. xvii. i. 3.

Salome, grand-daughter of Herod tbe Great and daugh-
ter of Herod Philip, by Herodias, Antiq. xviii. v. 4; she
is married to Philip the tetiach, and afterwards to Aris-
tobulus, the grandson of Herod, and brother of Agrippa
senior, ib.

Salt sown upon the ruins of a demolished town, Antiq.
v. vii. 4.

Salt-tax, and crow n-tax, remitted to the Jews by Deme-
trius, Antiq. xhi. ii. 3.

Samacha, Abennerig's daughter. Antiq. xx. ii. 1.

Samaralla, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 5; War, i. xiii. 5.

Samaria built, Antiq. viii. xii. 5; whence its name was
derived. ib.; it is b. sieged by the Syrians and wonder-
fully relieved, ix. iv. 5; a mother there eats her own
son in a famine, sect. 4; is besieged again by Hyrcanus,
suffers famine, is taken and levelled with the ground,
Antiq xiii. X. 2, 3; War, h ii. 7.

Samaritans, a colony from Cntha in Persia, Antiq. ix.
xiv. 3; and X. ix. 7; pretended .to be the posterity of
Joseph, xi viii. »i: they sometimes uooy, and some-
times peofoss themselves Jews, ix. xiv. 3; and xi. viii.

xiv. 3; and X.

c. v. sect, a; tneir temple upon Mount Uenzzim, xL
viii. 7; they pollute the temple of Jerusalem, xviii. il.
2; they are enemies to the Jews, xL iv. 9j and xx. vi. 1;
they dispute with the Jews in Egypt about their temple,
xiii. iii. 4; they give Antiochus the title of a god, xii.

Sam_
Sam pi
Sam soi

Sambabas, A ntiq. xi. iv. 9.

Sameas, Pollio’s disciple, Antiq. xiv. ix. 3; and xv. i. 1;
c. x. sect. 4; his speech against Herod, xiv. ix. 4; ho
is honoured by Herod, ib.
gar, or Semegar, Antiq. x. viii. 2.
psigeramus, king of Emesa, Antiq. xviii. v. 4.

.u,son’s birth, Antiq. v. viii 4; he marries a woman
of the Philistines, sect. 5; kills a lion, ib.; proposes a
riddle at his wedding, sect. 6; burns the Philistine’s
corn, sect. 7; he is delivered up to the Philistines, sect.
8; he slays them with the jaw-bone of an ass, ib.; he
carries the gate of Gaza away upon his shoulders, sect.
10; he falls in love with Delilah, sect. 11; be is be-
trayed by her, sect. 11; he is bound, and his eyes put
out, ib.; he pulls an bouse down upon the Philistines,
and slays three thousand of them, sect 12.

Samuel is bom and consecrated to God, Antiq. v. x. 3;
God calls to him, sect. 4; he conquers the Philistines,
vi. ii. 2; his sons prove very bad judges, c. iii. sect. 2;
be is offended at the people’s demanding a king, sect.

king, sec

peopli

3; he tells the people the manners of a king,sect. 5;
c. iv. sect. 4;
dom, c. vi. se
sect 2; he di

and foretells Saul’s death, c. xiv. sect. 2.

c, iv. sect. 4; threatens Saul with the loss of his king-
dom, c. vi. sect. 2; anoints David to be king, c. viii.
ct 2; he dies, c. xiii. sect 5; is raised out of Hades,
id foretells Saul’s death, c. xiv. sect. 2.	>

Sanctum sanctorum, or holy of holies, Antiq. iii. vi. 4.
Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, Life, sect. 12; none oould bo
put to death but by the sanhedrim, Antiq. xiv. ix. 3.
Saphan, or Shaphan, the scribe, Antiq. x. iv. 1.
Sappinius, Antiq. xvi. viii. 5.	^

in love with Her, ib.; her death, c. xiv. sect. 1.
Sardians, their decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv.

Sareas, or Seraiah. high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 5, 6.
Sarepta, or Zarephath, its widow, Antiq. viii. xiii. 2.
Sarmatians invade Mysia, War, vii. iv. 3.

xvi. X. 8;
v. sect

sarmatians Invade Mysia, War, vii. iv. 3.

Saturnius (Sentius), president of Syria, Antiq. xi
c.xi.sect.3; xvii. i. 1; c. iii. sect 2; and c.

2; War, i. xxvii. 2.

Sathrabuzans, Antiq. xi. i. 3; c. iv. sect. 4. 7.

Saul, son of Kish, Antiq. vi. iv. 1; seeks his father’s
asses, and comes to Samuel, ib.; dines with Samuel,
and seventy others, ib.; Samuel anoints him for king,
ib.; he is actually made king, sect. 5; he promises io
assist the Gileadites, c. v. sect. 2; is inaugurated again,
sect. 4; conquers the Philistines, c. vi. sect. 3; his
wars and lamily, sect. 5; he makes war on the Ama-
lekites, c vii. sect. 1; spates Agag against God’s com-
mand, sect. 2; for which Samuel foretells him the loss
of his kingdom, sect. 4; his cruel order lor murdering
Ahimelech and the priests, c. xii. sect. 6, ir.; being
forsaken of God, he consults with a Decromantic wo-
man. c. xiv. sect. 2; his death, sect. 7.

Saul, a ringleader of the rohbeis, Antiq. xx. ix. 4.

Scarus, president of Syria, War, i. vi. 3, &e.; c. vii. sect.
7; and c. viii. sect. I; he returns into Syria, Antiq.
xiv. ii. 3; he raises the siege of Jerusalem, ib.: his ex-
pedition into Arahia. c. v. sect. 1.

Scopas, general of Ptolemy's army, defeated by Antio-
chus the Great. Antiq. xii. iii 1.

Sea. The seventy interpreters wash their hands in the
sea before they begin their translation, Antiq. xii. iL
12.

Sea divided for the Israelites, Antiq. ii. xvi. 1.

Seba, Antiq i. vi. 2.

Sehas, the sou ol Illus, Antiq. vii. xii. 4
Sects of the Jews, Antiq. xiii. v. 9; and xviii. 1, 2, ice ;

xv. 4.

•CIS ni me Jews, Antiq. ini. v. 9; and xvm. 1, 2
Life, sect. 2; War. ii. viii. 2. ficc.

Sedecias, or Zedekiah, a false prophet, Antiq. viii.
Sedecias, or Zedekiah. king nf Judea, Antiq. x.

icc.; revolts from the Babylonians. !

Jeremiah’s advice, sect, fj; is (tarried captive to Baby-

ing nr .ludea, Antiq. x. vii. J,
Babylonians, sect. 3; calls fc
ice, sect. 0;

Ion, c. viii. sect. 2; his death, sect. 7.

Sedition among the priests, Antiq. xx. viii. 8; sedition
of Cnr.ih and his followers, iv. ii. 1, &c.; of the Israel-
ites, Aniiq. iii. xiv. 3; is quelled by Joshua, sect. 4;
sedition at Cesarea between the Jews and Syrians, xx.
viii. 7.INDEX,

877

Se|anud'l9ut to death, Antiq. xviii. vi. ft.

Bisan, the scribe; Antiq. vfl. iv. 4.

Selene, qneen of Syria, otherwise called Cleopatra, An-
tiq. xiu. xvi. 4.

ieleucus possesses Syria after the death of Alexander the
Great, Antiq. xii. i.; he is oalled Nicator (the con-

queror),

q. xii. u; ne is eaiiea mcaior (me con-
iii. sect. 1; his bounty towards the Jews,

Selencus Soter, or Philopater, son of Antiochus the Great,
Antiq. xii. ir. 10.

Seleucus, son of Antiochos Grypus, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4;
his death, ib.

Sella, or Zillah, Lantech's wife, Antiq. i. ii. 2.

Sellum, or Shalliun, Antiq. xi. ix. I.

Sem, or Shem, Antiq. i. iv. 1; bis posterity, c. vi. sect. 4.

Semegar, or Samgar. Antiq. x. viii. 2.

Semei, or Shemei, the son of Gera, Antiq. viL ix. 4; c.
xi. sect. 2; and c. xv. sect 1; he is put to death by
Solomon, viii. i. 5.

Semelius, Antiq. xi. ii. 2.

Sempronius (Caius), son of Caius, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2.

Stnebar. or Shemebar, Antiq. i. ix. 1.

Sennacherib makes war on Hezekiah, Antiq. x. i. 1; his
death, sect. 5

Senate of Rome’s decree concerning the Jews, Antiq. xii.
x. 6; they renew their league with the Jews, xir. viii.
5; another decree of theirs concerning the Jews, c. x.
sect. 19.

Sepphoris burnt, Antiq. xvii. x. 9j taken by Josephus,
Life, sect. 67.

Seraiah, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 5, 6.

Serebffius, Antiq. xi. iii. 10.

Seron, general of the army of Coelesyria, Antiq. xii. vii.

Serpent deprived both of speech and feet, Antiq. i. i. 4.

Scrug, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Servilius (Publius), his letter to the Milesians in favour
of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x. 21.

Sesae. See Shishak.

Seth, son of Adam, Antiq. i. ii. 3; his posterity’s pillars
in the land of Siriad, ib.

Sethon, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 26.

Sethosis, or Sesostris, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i.
sect 15.

Seventh day. See Sabbath.

Seventy-two interpreteis sent by Eleazar, the high-priest,
with the books of the law, Antiq. xii. ii. 10; their arri-
val at Alexandria, ib.; they bring with them the law
written upon parchment in golden letters, ib.; they
wash in the sea before they fall to their work, sect. 12;

4;
xi.

wash in the sea belore they fail to their work, seci,
they finish the translation in seventy-two days, ib.
Sextus Ciesur, president of Syria, Antiq. xiv. ix.!
War, i. x. 7, Ac.; he is slain by Cecilius Bassus, c.
sect. 1.

Shadrach, Antiq. x. x. 1.

Shall urn, Antiq. ix. ix. 1.

Shalmaneser. See Salmanasser.

Shamegar, son of Anath, succeeds Ehud as judge, Antiq.

v.	iv. 3.

Sharezer, Antiq. x. I. 5.

Sheba, Antiq. i. vi. 2.

Shechem, the place of Joshna’s habitation, Antiq. v. i.
19. 28.

Shechemites meet Alexander the Great, Antiq. xi. viii.
6; their kindred with Raguel, Moses’ father-in-law, vi.

vii.	3.

Shekel, a coin equal to foiir Attic drachmee, Antiq. iii.

viii.	2.

Shem, Antiq. i. iv. 1; his posterity,_e._vi. sect 4.
Sheineher, king of Zeboim, Antiq. i. ix. 1.

Shield covered the left eye in war, Antiq. vi. v. 1.

Shield, a token of league between the Jews and Romans,
Antiq. xiv. viii. 5.

Shimei, son of Gera, Antiq. vii. ix. 4; o. xi. sect. 2; o.

xvii..sect. 1; put to death by Solomon, viii. i. 5.

Ships sent to Pontus and Thrace under Abaziab, son of
Ahab, Antiq. xi. i. 4.

Shishak, or Sesao, king of Egypt, Antiq. vii. v. 3; and
viii. vii. 8; o. x. seot. 3.

Sihas, or Zibah. Antiq. vii. v. 5; c. ix. sect. 3; Saul’s
xi. sect. 3.

ittite, Antiq. vi. xii. 2.

Sicnrii, or banditti, flee to Alexandria, War, vii. x. 1;

cannot be forced to own Ctesar for their lord, ib.
Sichnn, or Sihon, king of the Amorites, conquered, An-
tiq. iv, v. 1, Ac,

Sidnn, Antiq. i vi. 2.

Si-'nsappearingbefore the destruction of Jerusalem.Wnr.

vi,	v, &

freed man, c. x
S bhechai, the H

Silanns, president of Syria, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4.

Silas, governor of Tiberias, Life, sect 17,53.

Silas, tyrant of Lysias, Antiq. xiv. iii. 2.

Silas, an attendant on king Agrippa senior, in his adver-
sities, Antiq. xviii. vi. 7; and xix. vii. 1; he becomes
troublesome to the king, ib.; he is killed, c. viii. sect
3■

Silus, a Dabylonian, War, ii. xix. 2; and iii. ii.4.

Silo, a Roman captain, Antiq. xiv. xx. 1—5.

Silo, or Shiloh, a town where the tabernacle was fixed,
Antiq. v. i. 19, 20.

Silva (Flavius), governor of Judea, War, vii. viii. 1; he
besieges Masada, sect. 2, 6.

Silver of little value in the days of Solomon, Antiq. viii.

Simeon, son of Gamaliel, War, iv. iii. 9.

Simon, son of Uoethus, made high-priest, Antiq. xv. ix.3j
his daughter married to Herod, ib.; he is deprived, xvii.
iv. 2.

Simon, son of Camithi, made high-priest, Antiq. xviii

Simon, son of Boethus, surnamed Cantheras, made high
priest, Antiq. xix. vi. 2; he is deprived, sect. 4.

Simon, son of Cathlas, War, iv. iv. 2.

Simon the Just, Eleazar’s brother, high-priest, Antiq. xii.
ii. 4; c. iv. sect I.

Simon, son of Onias the high-priest, dies, Antiq. xii. iv.

10.

Simon, the Essen, a prophet, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 3.

Simon, son of Gioras, War, ii. xix. 2; and iv. ix. 3; fights
with the Zealots, iv. ix. 5; conquers Idumea, sect. 7|
is made prisoner, and reserved for the triumph, War,
vii; 2; is put to death at the triumph, c. v. sect. 6.

Simon, brother of Judas and Jonathan, the Maccabees,
beats the enemy in Galilee, Antiq. xii. viii. 2; is made
captain of the Jews, c. x. sect. 6; he makes a speech
to them, xiii. vi. 3; is made their prince, sect. 3, 4; is
made high-priest, sect. 6; War, i. ii.2; is killed by
Ptolemy his son-in-law, sect. 3.

Simon, son of Arinus, War, v. vi. 1.

Simon, son of Dositheus, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2.

Bimon, captain of the Idumeans at Jerusalem, War, Iv.
iv. 4.

Simon, a lifeguard-man to Josephus, Life, sect 28.

Simon, of Jerusalem, Antiq. xix. vii. 4.

Simon, a magician, Antiq. xx. vii. 2.

Simon, a Pharisee, Life, sect. 38.

S mon Psellus, Josephus’s grandfather, Life, sect 1.

Simon, a servant of Herod, assumes the crown, Antiq.
xvii. x. 6.

Simon, son of Saul, War, ii. xviii. 4.

Simon peisuades the people to exclude Agrippa from the
temple, Antiq xix. vii. 4.

Simonides Agrippa. Josephus’s son, Life, sect 76.
har, the Ammonite, Antiq. vii. ix. 8

Stphar, the Ammonite, Antiq. vu. ix. 8

Sisera, oppresses the Israelites, Antiq. v. v. 1| is killed
by Jael, sect. 4.

Sisines, Antiq. xi. i. 3; governor of Syria and Phoenicia,
c. iv. sect. 4, 7.

Slaughter, the greatest that ever was in one battle, An-
tiq. viii. xi. 3.

Sodomites and their associates conquered by the Assy-
rians, Antiq. i. ix.

Sodomites so wicked that they are burnt with fire from
heaven, Antiq. i. xi.

Sohemus, tetrarcb, Antiq. xvii. iii. 2; Life, sect 11.

Sohemus, king of Emesa, succeeds his brother Azizus,
Antiq. xx. viii. 4; War, vii. vii. 1.

Sohemus of Iturea, Antiq. xv. vi. 6/ betrays Herod’s
secret order for killing Mariamne, c. vii. sect. 1; is put
to death by Herod, sect. 4.

Solomon, son of David, Antiq. vii. iii. 3; promised to

, David, c. iv. sect. 4; born, c. vii. sect 4; anointed
and proclaimed king, c. xiv. sect 5; anointed and pro-
claimed a second time, sect 11; marries Pharaoh’s
daughter, Antiq. viii. ii. 1; determines the case of two
harlots, sect. 2; his power, grandeur, and wisdom,
sect. 3, &c.; the books he wrote, sect. 5; his letter to
Hiram, king of Tyre, sect. 6; he builds the temple^
sect. 9; and c. iii.,- his addresses to God and the peo-
ple after it was built, c. iv. sect. 2, See.; he offers abun-
dance of sacrifices, sect. 4; he builds himself a royal
palace, c. v. sect. I, &o.; solves the problems, proposed
by the king of Tyre, sect. 3; Dius says Solomon could
not solve them all, ib.; he fortifies Jerusalem, and
builds several towns, c. vi. sect. I; lays a tax on the
remaining Canaanitrs, sect. 3; tits out a fleet, sect. 4a
his treat riches, r. vii. sect. 2; his immoderate love of
wuiueii, sect. 5; his death, sect. 0,878

INDEX.

Solyrnre, or Salem, the old name of Jerusalem, Antiq.

vii.	iii. 2.

Sophonlus, or Zephnnlah, the second priest, .Antiq. x.

viii.	6.

Soslbiue, of Tarentum, Antiq. xii. ii. 2.

Sosius, a Roman captain in Judea, Antiq. xiv. xv.6; c.
xvi. sect. 1; joins with Herod against Antigonns, ib. ;
War, i. xvii. 2; he takes Antigonus prisoner, and car-
ries him to Anthony, Antiq. xiv. xvi. 4; War, i. xviii.
2,3.

Souls of heroes, slain in war, supposed to be placed
among the stars, War, vi. i. A
Speech of Herod to his army, Antiq. xv. v. 3; to the
people, c. xi. sect. 1; speech of Moses to Corah and
the people, iv. ii. 4, he.; to the people before his death,
c. viii. sect. I.

Spies sent by Moses, to view the land of Canaan, Antiq.
iii. xiv. 1. &c.; by Joshua to Jericho, v. i. 1; they bring
back a faithful account, sect. 2.

Spoils of barbarians reposited in Herod’s temple, Antiq.
xv. xu 3.

Spoils in war to be equally divided between those that
fight and those that guard the baggage, Antiq. vi. xiv.
6.

Stars supposed to have their virtue from the sun and
moon, Antiq. ii. ii. 3.

Stechus, Antiq. xviii. vi. 7.

StepbanuB, Csesar’s servant, Antiq. xx. v. 4; War, ii. xii.

9.

Sterility of the country is one of the punishments for the
king’s doing ill, Antiq. vii. iv. 4.

Stratton tyrannizes over Bersea, Antiq. xiil. xiv. 3.
Subjects follow the manners of their princes, Antiq. viii.

x. 9.

Sumober, or Shemeber, king of Zeboim, Antiq. i. ix. 1.
Supplicants in Syria, used to come with a halter about
their heads, Antiq. viii. xiv. 4.

Sur, or Zur, a king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv. vii. 1.
Sylla, a captain of king Agrippa’s life-guards, Life, sect
7L

Sylleus, an Arabian, first minister to king Obodus, An-
tiq. xvi. vii. 6; War, i. xxiv. 6; c. xxvii. sect 1; he
goes to Rome, xvi. ix. 2; accuses Herod before Augus-
tus, sect. 3; demands Salome in marriage, c. vii. sect.

m Jew, ib.; is

ccused
■ xvi.

tus, sect. 3; demands

6; is refused because he would Dot turn Jew,
charged with several murders, xvii. iii. 2; is acc
before Augustus hy Nicolaus of Damascus, Antiq.
x. 8; received sentence of death, sect 9.

Bynedrion, or Sanhedrim. See Sanhedrim.

Syrian commodities, ADtiq. ii. iii. 3.

Syrians’ hatred to the Jews, War, i. iv. 3; a Syrian king
of Mesopotamia, Antiq. vii. vi. 1.

Tabernacle built, Antiq. Iii. vi. 1; its description, sect
2; its purification, c. viii. sect. 3.

Tabernacles (Feast of), a great festival of the Jews, An-
tiq. viii. iv. 1; and xv. iii. 3; celebrated in war by the
leave of king Antiochus, xiii. viii. 2i celebrated for
fourteen days upon the dedication of Folomon’s temple,
viii. iv. 5; Jews then carry boughs with fruit, whereby
Alexander the high-priest was pelted, xiii. xiii.5; Jews
then fixed tabernacles in the temple, War, vi. v. 3; it
is celebrated after the Babylonian captivity, Antiq. xi.
iv. 1; c. v. sect. 5.

Table (of shew bread), golden, made by Ptolemy, Antiq.
xii. ii. 7, ficc.; with his cups, and vials, sect 9.

Table, Delphic, Antiq. iii: vi. 7.

Table in the court of the priests, Antiq. iii. vL 7.

Tnchas, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

Tangahas, Antiq. xi. iv. 9.

Tartan, a captain of the Assyrians, Antiq. x. i. 1,

Tears, natural signs of great joy or sorrow, Antiq. xii.
ii. 10.

Teba, Antiq. L vl. 5.

Temple built upon Mount Gerizzim, Antiq. x. viii. 7;
ind xiii. iii. 4i like to that at Jerusalem, xi. viii. 1.
mple built by Herod near Paneas, in honour of Augus-
i. xxi. 3.

Temple built by Hei
tus, Antiq. xv. x. 3; Wai

tus, Antiq. xv. x. 3; War, l. i... «.
Temple of the golden calf, War. iv. i. 1.
Temples in Egypt, many and dill
emples of the <
tiq. iv. viii. 2.

Temples in Egypt, many and different, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1.
Temples of the Canaanites were to be demolished, An-

Temples of foreign nations not to be plundered, nor their

donations taken away, Antiq. iv. viii. 10.

.nd Astarte, at Tyi

Temple of Hercules ai
3

'yre, Antiq. viii. v.

Temple of Demus and the GracAs at Athens, Antiq. xiv.
viiL 6.

Temple of Belns, at Babylon, Antiq. x. ix. 1.

Temple built by Herod at Samaria, Aritlq. xv. viii. 5.

Temple (Herod’s) at Jerusalem described, Antiq. xv. ix
3, 5.

Temple Onias in Egypt, built like that at Jerusalem
Antiq. xii. x. 7; and xiii- ill 1,3; c. x. sect. 4; one

XX. X.

temple ot Diana at Elemais, Antiq. xii. ix. 1; of Dagon
at Ashdod or Azotus, xiii. iv. 4; of Apollo at Gaza, c.
xiii. sect. 3.

Temple of Jerusalem rebuilt by Zorobabel, Antiq, xi. i.;
c. iv. sect 3, &c.; xx. x.; the Jews hindered in build-
ing it, xi. 2j they go on hy order of Darius, c. iv. sect
1, Ac.; it is finished in seven years, sect 7; sixty cu-
bits lower than Solomon’s temple, xv. xi. 1; it is plun-
dered by Antiochus Epiphanes, xii. v. 4; taken by
Pompey, and its most holy place seen by him, but
without detriment thereto, xiv. iv. 4; War, i. vii, G;
new built by Herod, Antiq. xv. xi. 3; burnt by Titus,
War, vi. iv. 5, he.; Titus goes into the most holy place,
sect. 7.

Temple of Solomon described, Antiq. viii. iii. 2, he.; de-
dicated by Solomon, sect 4; foreigners could go but to
a certain partition wall in Herod’s temple, xv, xi. 5;
women excluded the two inner courts, ib.; open to Sa-
xi. iv. 3; Da

maritans and other nations for
vid’s

ans and other nations lor prayer, xi. iv. 3; Da-
armory in the temple, ix. vii. 2; tax out of the
temple treasure remitted by Demetrius, xiii. ii. 3; Da-
niel’s prophecy of Antiochus’ profanation of the temple
fulfilled, xii. vii. 6.

fulhlled, xu. vii. 6.

Tephetus of Garsis, War, v. xi. 5.
Terah, Abraham’s father, Antiq. i. vi. 5.

mu lean, auianaiu s lauici, nuut|< ■. Vf. U.

Terebinth, or turpentine tree, near Hebron, supposed as
old as the world, War, iv. ix. 7.	*

Terentius, or Turous llufus, War, vii. ii.

Teresli. Antiq. xi. vi. 4.

Teridates, or Tiridates, king of Armenia, Antiq. xx. iii.
3; War, vii. vii. 7.

Tero. an old soldier, Antiq. xvi. ix. 4, &c.; War, i.xxvii.
4, &c.; charged with treason by Trypho, Herod’s bar-
ber, sect. 5.

Tethmosis, or Thumosis, king of Egypt, Against Apion,

1.	14, 15, 26.

Tetrarchies, Antiq. xiii. iv. 9.

Thamar, David’s daughter, Antiq. vii. iii. 3.

Tbamar, Absalom’s daughter, married to Rehoboam, An-
tiq. vii. x. 3.

Thaumastus, Antiq. xviii. vi. 6.

Theatres erected at Jerusalem by Herod, Antiq. xv. viii.

1; War, i. xxi. 8; at Cesarea, Antiq. xv. ix. 6.

Theft, how punished by the law of Moses, Antiq. iv. viii,
27, Ac.

Themasius, Antiq. xiii. iii. 4.

Theodorus, son of «--;uo, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3; War, i. iv.

2.

Theodosius, Antiq. xiii. iii. 4.

Tbeophilus, son of Ananus deprived of the high-priest-
hood. Antiq. xix. vi. 2.

Theophilus, brother of Jonathan, mad. high-priest. An-
tiq. xviii. v. 3.

Thermus, a Roman ambassador, Against Apion, ii. sect.

Thermusa, Phraataces’s concubine, and then wife, An-
tiq. xviii. ii. 4.

Theudas, an impostor, Antiq. xx. v. 1.

Theudion, brother of Doris, Antipater’s mother, Antiq.

xvii.	iv. 2.

Thobel, or Tubal Cain, Antiq. i. ii. 1.

Tholomy, son of Sohemus, Antiq. xiv. viii. 1.

Thumosis, or Tethmosis, king of Egypt, Against Apion,

1.	sect. 14, 15, 26.

Thrygammes, or Togarmah, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Tiberius Alexander, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. v.

2.

Tiberius Alexander, governor of Alexandria, War, it.

xviii.	7; and v. i. 6; he brings Egypt over to Vespa,
sian, iv. x. 6.

Tiberius the emperor, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4; War, ii. ix. 2,
5; his dilatory proceedings, Antiq. xviii. vi. 5; his
skill in astrology, sect. 9; his prognostic of a successor
ib.; his death, ib.

Tibrii, Antiq. viii. xii.5.

Tidal, Antiq. i. ix.

Tiglathpileser, king of Assyria, Antiq. ix. xl. 1.
Tigranes, king of Armenia, Antiq. xiii xvi. 4; and xv

iv.	3; and xviii. v. 4; War, i. v. 3; c. xxviii. sect. 1.
Tigranes, son of Alexander and Glaphyra, Antiq. xvlU,

v.	4.

Timaus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. soct, 14.
Timidius, Antiq, xix. i, 5,INDEX i

8T9

Titnius, a Cypriot, Antiq, xviii. t. 4. t .

Timotheas, Antiq. xii. viii. V 3; I* U ltat lo fifeSt by
J udas, sect. 4.

Tiros, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Tiridates, king of Annenia, Antiq. XX. iii. 3.

Tithes and first-fruits, given to the Lfevites, Antiq. iv. iv.
3; their tithes or tenth parts given to the priests, sect.
4; this law restored by HeZekiah, ix. xiii. 3.
itins, president of Syria, Antiq. xvi. viii. 6.
itus Ceesar, son of Vespasian, sent to Alexandria,War,
iii. i. 3j he brings a great number of troops to Vespa-
sian, n. iv. sect. 2; his piety towards his father, c. vii.
sect 22; he and Vespasian take Jolapata, sect 31; his
mildness to Josephus,c. viii. sect 8,9; he is sent against
se, c. x. sect. 1; his valour in this expedition,
his speech to the soldiers, sect 4; he takesTa-

Ti

Titu

Tarichei
sect. 3;

ispeech l

riche®, sect 5; he is sent to Home, with king Agri
to compliment Galba, iv. ix. 2; the order of his a
v. ii. 1; he arrives at Jerusalem, and is exposed to |

n.V.

osed to great

danger, sect. 1, 2; his great valour, sect 2, 5; his great
concern to save Jerusalem, c. ix. sect 2; and the tem-
ple, vi. ii. 4; c.iv. sect 3; his speech to his soldiers,
c. i. sect 5; he receives acclamations from the army,
c. vi. sect. 1; his speeches to the Jewish tyrants. Beet
2; be ascribes the conquest of the city to God, c. ix.
sect. 1; he thanks the army and distributes rewards,

vii.	ii. 3; celebrates his father’s and brother’s birth-
days, c. iii. Sect 1; is greatly moved at the sight of the
ruins of Jerusalem, c. v. sect 2; he makes great shows,
c. v. sect. I; comes to Antioch, sect. 2; and to Rome,
sect 3; what persons he carried with him for the
triumph, ib.; his approbation of Josephus’s history,
Life, sect 65; his generosity to Josephus, sect 75b

Tobias’s sons expelled Jerusalem, War, i, i. 2.

Togarmah, Antiq. i. vi. 1.

Toparchies (three) or prefectures, added to Judea, Antiq.
xiii. iv. 9.

Tower of Bahel, and the Sibyl’s testimony concerning it,
Antiq. i. iv.

Trachonites rebel, Antiq. xvi. ix.l.

Traditions of the Pharisees, unwritten, Antiq. viii. x. 6.

Trajan, captain of the tenth legion, War, iii. vii. 31.

Translation of the law, made by seventy-two elders, An-
tiq. xii. ii. 12; Against Apion, ii. sect. 4.

Treasure (secret) kept in the temple by some of the
priests, Antiq. xi. v. 2.

Tribes of Israel, and their portions of land determined by
lot, Antiq. v. i. 22.

Tribute paid out of Judea to Antiochus Pius, Antiq. xiii.

viii.	3; great men farm such tributes, xii. iv. 3; poll-
money paid the kings of Syria by the Jews, xiii. ii. 3;

thousand drachmae paid out of the t<

ten

ib.; three hundred
trius	-

mse paid out of the temple, to them,
talents paid by Jonathan to Deme-
riiis for tribute, c. Iv. sect 9; Jews freed from paying
iucIi tribute by Simon the Maccabee, c. vi. sect. 6; high-
priests used to pay twenty talents tribute to the kings
' of Egypt out of their own revenues, xii. iv. 1; poll-
money and crown-tax, &c.. forgiven the principal
orders of the Jews by Antiochus the Great, c. iii. sect 5.

Triumphal gate at Rome, War, vii. v. 4.

Triumphal pomp described. War, vii. v. 4, 5, Ike.

Trophies give offence to the Jews, Antiq. xv. viii. 1.

Trumpet, its invention and form. Antiq. iii. xii. 6.

Truth and justice complained to be gone out of the world,
Amiq. xvi. xi. 4.

Truth and accuracy to he observed by an historian, Antiq.
xiv. i. 1; observed accordingly by Josephus, Life, sect.
65.

Trypho, the tyrant, brings young Antiochus back to Syria,
Antiq. xiii. v. 3; his perfidious behaviour to the same
Antiochus, c. vi. sect. 1; he draws Jonathan into a
■, sect. 1,2; he makes an irruption into
4; imposes upon Simon, ib.; kills Jonathu

snare,

sect.

Judea,
nathan, sect.

imposes upon Mmon, in.; Kitts jonatnan, sect,
uses Antiochus, whose guardian he was, to he
killed, c. vii. sect. 1; he is made king by the army, ib.,-
lie is killed at Apamia, sect. 2.

Trvplio, king Herod’s barber, Antiq. xvi. ix. 6, &c.;
War, i. xxvii. 5.

Trypho, king Ptolemy’s darliag, Antiq. xii. iv. 9.
Tuhal-Cain. Antiq. i. ii. 2.

Tyrannius Prisons. War. ii. xix. 4.

Tyrannus, deposition against Alexander, Antiq. xvi. x.

3; War, i. xxvL 3.

Tyre, when built. Antiq. viii. iii. 1.

Tyre, oppressed by Marion, Antiq. xiv. xii. 1.

Tyre, besieged seven months by Alexander the Great,
Antiq. xi. viii. 4.

Tyre, Is,a name of a castle built by Hyrcanus, Antiq. xii.

Tyrians, thfclf god Baal, Antiq. i*. their ancient
records, Against Apion, L sect. 17; they beat the Assy-
rians at sea, Antiq. ix. xiv. 2; their temple of Jupiter
Olympius, viii. v. 3; Against Apion, L sect M; of
Hercules, ib.; of Astarte, ib.	•

Valerian, a decurion, War, iii. ix. 7.

Valerius Gratus, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. iiL S.

Valerius Asiaticus, Antiq. xix. i. 14, 20.

Vuro, president of Syria, Antiq. xv. x. I. •

Varus (Quintillus), president of Syria, Antiq. xvii. v. 2,
6; c. ix. sect. 3; Life, sect. 11; War, i. xxxi. 5; and
ii. iii. 1; he comes to snccour Sabinus, Antiq. xvii. x.
9; War, ii. v. 1; he punishes the mutineers, Antiq.
xvii. x. 1, 9. 10.

Vashti, wife of king Artaxerxes, Antiq. xL vi. 1.

Vatinius, Antiq. xix. i. 13.

Veils of the tabernacle, Antiq. iii. vii. 7.

Ventidius Bassus, bribed by Antigonus, Antiq. xiv. xiv.
6; c. xv. sect. 1; sent to repel the Parthians, War, i.
xv. 9; be kills Pacorus in battle, and defeats the Par-
thians, Antiq. xiv. xv. 7.

Veranius, Antiq. xix. iii. 4.

Vespasian and Titus’s generosity towards the Jews, An-
tiq. xii. iiL 2; his wars in Judea, War, book iii. and iv.

tiq.

at large,
r doe:

• ••ti*.a icuci9 a^aiuai ivciu, WJAI, iv, villa J*

ine (golden) in Herod’s temple, Antiq. XV. xiii,
other sent to Rome, xiv. iii 1.

Vinicius (Marcus), Antiq. xix. i. 14.

Virtue its own reward, Antiq. iv. viii. 2.

Virtui
VI te

ues (royal), Antiq. vii. xv. 2.

Ilius, president of Syria, Antiq. xv. xi. 4; War, vii.
iv. 2; he is highly treated by the Jews, Antiq. xviii.
iii. 3; c. v. sect. 3; his expedition against Aretas, ib.;
is ordered by Tiberius to enter into an alliance with

Artabanus, c. iv. sect. 4.
Vitellius is made emperor
is slain, c. xi. sect. 4.
Vitellius Proculu:

after Otho, War, iv. ix. 9; ho

is, Antiq. xix. vi. 3.
ratus, president of S

Ummidius Quad ratus, president of Syria, Antiq. xx. vL

2.

Unexpected events the most shocking^ Antiq. ▼. ix. 3.

Unleavened bread. See Passover.

Voice heard in the temple, War, vl. v. 3.

Vologesses, king of Parthia, Antiq. xx. iv. 2; War, vii.
v. 2; c. vii. sect. 3; he declares war against Izates,
Antiq. xx. iv. 2.

Volumnius, procurator of Syria, Antiq. xvi. ix. 1; c. xi.
sect. 3; War, i. xxvii. 1, 2.

Vonones, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4.

Vow of Jephtha to sacrifice his daughter, neither lawful
nor acceptable to God, Antiq. v. viL 10.

Ures, Antiq. viii. ii. 3.

Uriah slain, Antiq. vii. vii. 1.

Urias, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. &

Uz, Antiq. i. vi. 4, 5.

Uzzah, smitten by God, for tonching the ark, Antiq. vii.
iv. 2.

Uzziah, or Azariah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. xi. 3; his
acts and encomium, c. ix. sect. 3; he burns incense in
the temple, sect. 4; be is smitten with the leprosy for
usurping the priest’s office, ib.

War not begun with foreign nations till ambassadors are
sent. Antiq. iv. viii. 41; and v. ii. 9.

War (laws of) among the Jews, Antiq. iv. viii. 41, lcc.»
Against Apion, ii. sect. 30.

War (Jewish), whence begun, War, ii. xiii.; c. xiv. sect.
4; c. xv. sect 5; c. xvii. sect. 1, Ac.

Water of Bethlehem, offered to God by David, Antiq. vii.
xii. 4.

Water (sea). See Sea.

Witch, or necromantic woman of Endor, comforts Saul,
Antiq. vi. xiv. 3; her eulogium, sect. 4.

Women’s power, Antiq. xi iii. 5; their cunning in pre-
venting accusations, ii. v. 5; their dress forbidden men,
iv. viii. 43; foreign women not to be meddled with by-
Jews, xii. iv. 6; when divorced, cannot marry another
without their former husband’s consent, xv. vii, ]0;
Persian women, or wives, not to be seen by strangers,
x. vL 1; not allowed to be witnesses, iv. viii. 15.

Xanthicus, the Syro-Macedonian name of the Jewish
month Nisan, Antiq. i. iii. 3; and so elsewhere.

Xerxes succeeds Darius, Antiq. xL v. 1; his letter to
Ezra, ib.INDEX,

880

Xylophoria, a Jewish festival, when they carried wood to
the temple for the sacrifices, War, iL xvii. 6.

Year, two beginnings of Jewish years, A
Year (Great}, a period of six hundred
Antiq, i, iii. 9.

Antiq. i. i. 3.
common years.

Zabdiel, a prince of the Arabians, Antiq. xiii. iv. 8.
Zabidus, an Idumean, Against Apion, ii. sect. 10.

“ ariah ' '	'	*-*s- 1-----“ J

ean, . _

Zachariah, king of Israel, Antiq.' ix. x. 3; his death, c.

xi.	sect 1.

Zachariah, son of Jehoiada, a prophet, is stoned, Antiq.
ix. xiii. 3.

Zachariah the prophet, Antiq. xi. ix. 5, 7.

Zacharias, son of Baruch, Wat, iv. y. 4; he is murdered
in the temple, ib.

Zacharias, son of Phalek, War,iv. iy. 1.

Zachariah, son of Ahaz, is slain by Maaseiah, Antiq. ix.

xii.	1.

Zadoo, or Sadoc, bigh-priest, Antiq. yii. ii.; c. y. sect.
4; c. x. sect. 4; c. xi. sectJfl; c. xiv. sect 4; and viii.
i. 3; and x. yiii. 6.

Zalmunna, a captain of the Midianites, Antiq. y. vi. 5.
Zamaris, a Babylonian Jew, Antiq. xyii. ii. 3.
Zarepbeth, or Sarepta, the widow’s habitation, Antiq.

Zarepbeth,
vi\i. xiii. 2.

Zealots, War, iy. iii. 9, 13, 14; c. iy. sect 5, dec.; c. y.
sect. 1, 5; and yii. yiii. 1.

Zeb, or Zeeb, captain of the Midianites, Antiq, y. vi. &

Zebndah, mother of Jeholakim, Antiq. x. y. %

Zedekiah, a false prophet, Antiq. yiii. xy. 4.

Zedekiah, king of Judah, Antiq. x. yii. 4, &c.; he revolt
from the Babylonians, sect. 2; calls for Jeremiah’s ad
yice, sect 6; he is carried captive to Babylon, c. viiL

sect 2; his death, sect 7.

Zebina (Alexander), king of Syria, is conquered by An
tioebus Grypus, and dies, Antiq. xiii. ix. 3.

Zebul, Antiq. v. vii. 4.

Zeno, styled Cotylas, tyrant of Philadelphia, Antiq. xiii.
yii. 1.

Zonodoras, Antiq. xv. x. 1, See.; War, i. xx. iy.; bis
death, Antiq. xv. x. 3.
erah, an Ethiopian king

ing, Antiq. yiii. xii. 1; defeated by

Zerah, an Cthiopi
Asa, sect. 1, 2.

Zeruiab, Antiq. yi. xiii. 9.

Zuxis, Antiq. xii. iii. 4.

, Saul’s fr

K

Zimri, prince of the Simeonites, Antiq. iy. yi. 10; his
ill ag

Ziba, Saul’s freed-man, Antiq. yii. y. 2.
Zillah, Lamech’s wife, Antiq. i. ii. 2.

‘----'	onit

speech against Moses, sect. 11.
Zimri kills Elah, Antiq. yiii. xii. 4, 5;
Zipporah, Moses’ wife, Antiq. iii. ;i. 1

’lie, Antiq. in.:
Antiq. xiii. xiv

his death, ib.

Xiizus, an Arabian, Antiq. xm. x
Zoba (king of), Antiq. vii. yi. 1.

Zoilus, a tyrant, Antiq. xiii. xii. 2.
Zorobabel, Antiq. xi. i. 3; c. iii. sect 1, (k.
Zur, king of the Midianites, Antiq. iy. yii 1,

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“ Mother! thy gentle hand hath mighty power,
For thou alone may'st train, and guide, and mould
Plants that shall blossom, with an odor sweet,

Or, like the cursed fig-tree, wither, and become
Vile cumberers of the ground.”

Brief Extracts from Notices of tin Press.

*	* * A tale which deserves to rank with “The Wide,WideWorld.”
It is written with graphic power, and full of interest.—Hartford Repub.

*	* * Her writings are equal to the best. She is a second Fanny
Fern—Palmyra Democrat.

*	* * It is recommended by its excellent moral tone and its whole-
some practical inculcations.—iV. Y. Tribune.

*	* * Full of grace and charm, its style and vivacity make it a most
amusing work. For the intellectual and thinking, it has a deeper lesson,
and while it thrills the heart, bids parents beware of that weakness which
prepares in infancy the misery of man. “ Lewie ” is one of the most pop-
ular books now before the public, and needs no puffing, as it is selling by
thousands.—N. Y. Day Book.

*	* * The moral of the book is inestimable. The writer cannot
fail to be good, as Bhe so faithfully portrays the evils which owe their ori-
gin to the criminal neglect of proper parental discipline.—Hunt’* Mer-
chants' Magazine.

*	* * * The plot is full of dramatic interest, yet entirely free from
extravagance; the incidents grow out of the main plot easily and natural-
ly, while the sentiment is healthy and unaffected. Commend us to more
writers like Cousin Cicely—books which we can see in the hands of our
young people without uneasiness, Books which interest by picturing life
as it is, instead of giving us galvanized society.—National Democrat.

*	* * A touching and impressive story unaffected in style and ef-
fective in plot.—N. Y. Evangelist.

*	* * The story of the Governess, contained in this volume, is one
of rare interest.—Highland Eagle.

*	* * The story is a charming one—the most affecting we ever

read__Jersey Shore Republican.

*	* * “Cousin Cicely” is just the person to portray family scenes.
* * * This story will be profitable reading.—Daily Capital City Fact
Columbus, Ohio.

*	* * The contents of the work a^e of the first order, and unexcep-
tionable.—Hartford Daily Times.'*	* * Let every youth pcruBe it. and we promise them they Will
find their hearts and lives improved by it.—Advocate, Batavia.

Truth is the basis of the work before us. In it the accomplished au-
thoress has done an honor to her sex, and we doubt not secured blessings
upon many households by the publication of this finished and elegant lit-
tle volume. Her former labors have endeared her to children. The
present one should secure for her the affection and gratitude of parent*.—
Geneva Courier.

*	* * It is lively without triviality, and replete with interest from
the first to the last.—New York Day Book.

*	* •* Believing this work adapted to lead .mothers to rightly train
the little shoots springing up around the parent tree, and to restrain their
wandering inclinations, we commend it to their perusal.—Student.

Cousin Cicely is gifted with rare powers. It is of home incidents she
writes, and in a manner highly attractive. *	* * Traces with graphic

force the loved and petted child. The volume is full of instruction to
parents, and should have a place in every family library —Providence
Daily Post.

*	* * Cousin Cicely is well known, and a work from her pen will
meet with ready welcome.—Providence } ,riily Times.

*	* * Her works are of decided merit, and should be possessed by
all.—Rochester Daily American.

*	* * She has got the hearts of pairnts and children tnrough the
Silver Lake Stories and Lewie.—Rdchester Daily Democrat.

*	*	* The moral of the story is good, tnd the plot is so touching,

that we cannot wonder at the book’s success — -Ar. Y. Commercial Adv.

*	* * Agnes, the sister of spoiled Lewie, i* treated with uumotherly
injustice; grows up a character of uncommon oveliness; and, though
“only a Governess,” marries splendidly.—N. Y Church Journal,

*	*	* Downright interesting story. It if rrowded with domestic

pictures, true to nature. *	*	* The short 'vjrl melancholy career of

poor Lewie, shows the importance of properly manning children.— \Vos~
tern Literary Messenger.

*	* * The description of an American home H tme to the life. Ma-
ny of the incidents are truly affecting. *	*	* Passages of remarkable

beauty of expression and sentiment. We give the flowing as a speci-
men of the thought and style which characterizes the woi.'i . “It is strange
how much a human heart may sulfer and beat oil and regain tranquility,
and even cheerfulness at last. It is a most merciful pro\ Von of Provi-
dence, that our griefs do not always fall as heavily as they do at first, else
how could the burden of this life of change and sorrow be borne. But
the loved ones are not fo-gotton when the tear is dried, and the smile re-
turns to the cheek ; they ire remembered, but with less of sadness and
gloom in the remembrance; and at length, if we can think o." them as
fiappy, it is onlv a pleasure to recall them to mind.”—Patriot, Jnt'kson
Michigan.Four Thousand in Thirty Days!

TWO ERAS~OF FRANCE
(DIE, TOW® SWIMffiS TOMB IHESf©EY J
BY WBBM Be

One volume 12mo., (uniform with Lewie and Pearl FishingJ
368 pages.

*## In the Stories of the Revolution, the author has detailed
the mournful history of the “ Dauphin,” and presented a summa-
ry of the evidence so far discovered, in regard to that most inter-
esting historical question—the identity of the Rev. Fleazer Wil-
liams with Louis XVII.

Muslin, Gilt, $1, Gilt Edges, $1,25, Full Gilt Edges & Sides, $1.75.

ALDEN. BEARDSLEY & Co., Auburn, N. Y„ ; „ ... .

WANZER, BEARDSLEY & Co., Rochester, N. Y., \ publishers

NOTICES OF THE PRESS.

*	# * yye have read this volume with a good degree of satisfaction
and inlerest. * * * The soul-stirring events of the incarceration of the
Dauphin, Prince Louis XVII. his probable escape through the aid of the
friends of the reigning King, and the evidence pro and con, relating to
the claims of Hev. Eleazer Williams, now a missionary in this country,
to be the identical person—the rightful heir to the throne of France, in
place of the present incumbent.—Ontario Messenger.

*	* * A most interesting volume. We need but mention the fact
that the author has selected for his stories two of the most important
periods in the annals of France. To the general reader, as well as to
the scholar, this portion of French history is confessedly remarkable for
its intense interest.—Syracuse Journal.

*	» * The author treats of the Williams Dauphin question, and has
stated the arguments, and pronounced it “ at least highly probable” that
Mr. W is the Dauphin. This volume will be found a very attractive one
to young; readers, and should have a place in all the libraries for young
men.—Evening Mirror, New- York.

*	* * These stories traverse one of the most deeply interesting pe-
riods of French History. * # A fine steel engraving of the reverend
gentleman prefaces the volume.— The Medina Whig.

*	* * Thrilling events. The revolution of 1789 stands distinguished
for deep and world-wide interest. * * The fate of the helpless infant
Dauphin has excited the deepest emotions of the civilized world. What-
ever relates to these events is read with interest. * * * It is, there-
fore, with peculiar pleasure that we have perused the late issue. Full
of startling incident, and withal bearing the stamp of truth on all its
pages, it cannot fail to entertain and instruct him who sits down to its
perusal.—Lima Visitor.*	* * Of remarkable and intense interest to the general reade and
the scholar. * * * Its contents are worthy of examination.—Palmyra
Glee Book.

*	* * The facts which are given to prove the identity of Mr. Wil-
Hams with the Dauphin, are of an exceedingly interesting character, and
deserve a careful examination. The extraordinary resemblance which
the Indian Missionary bears to the portraits of Louis XVI. and Louis
XV11I. is not the least remarkable part of the matter. We commend
this readable book to the attention of our friends, as one well worthy ol
notice.—Fred. Douglass’ Paper, Rochester,

* * * Two of the most interesting periods in all the riistory of that
nation. * * * Some of the more striking points in the history of those
events.—Rochester Daily Advertiser.

*	* * The sketches are written in pleasant style, and are authen-
tic. * * * It can be read with pleasure and profit by all persons
who would have a correct statement of two most important events.—
Rochester Daily American.

*	* The fate of the Hugenots of France—and the mysterious his-
tory of the Dauphin or son of Louis XIV., constitute the points of attrac-
tion in this book —The Wesleyan, Syracuse, N. Y,

*	* * These are portions of history of remarkable interest. * *

*	Every new book upon the subject is eagerly snatched up by the
public, especially by a lively and graphic pen, like the one which drew
these sketches. The work is replete with interest, and will repay a pe-
rusal. * * * The author’s object has been to re-produce these great
eras with vividness and freshness, rather than to express any novel views
respecting them. He has certainly produced vivid pictures, and con-
densed a variety of historic information that ought to be in every read-
er’s possession. The idea is a capital one, which ought to be more fully
carried out. The reader may be assured of a very impressive and reada-
ble book.—N. Y. Tribune.

*	* * The volume will be found a very attractive one to young
readers and should have a place in all the libraries for young men.—N.
Y. Mirror.

*	* * This is a book of great interest and excellence. It contains
two stories ; but each one is full of stirring events; each developcs an
era in the history of France.—Boston Traveller.

This work is of great interest and of usefulness to the general reader,
the student and statistician. It is a sketch of Biographies, thrilling in-
cidents and recitals, replete with Historical Fact and valuable informa-
tion, divested of the prolixity which necessarily appertains to standard
Historic works. * * * We commend the book as a digest of Histo-
ry.—27ie American Citizen.