Questions

This is a list of all the questions and their associated study carrel identifiers. One can learn a lot of the "aboutness" of a text simply by reading the questions.

identifier	question
740	Is the sovereignty in the several States, or in the American people in the aggregate?
740	Who ever heard of the United State of New York, of Massachusetts, or of Virginia?
740	Who ever heard the term federal or union applied to the aggregation of individuals into one community?
740	Why authorize him to use military force to arrest the civil process of the State?
740	Why, then, confer on the President the extensive and unlimited powers provided in this bill?
740	Why, then, do they not leave this controversy to that tribunal?
740	a union of States, as distinct from that of individuals?
10065	Have you a copy of the French Constitution?
10065	Am I unduly pessimistic?
10065	Americans have never lacked interest in English history; for however broad the stream of our national life, how could we ignore its chief source?
10065	And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend or do we imagine that we no longer need His assistance?
10065	And if a sparrow can not fall to the ground without His notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid?
10065	But suppose the development of labour- saving machinery should reach a stage where all human labour was eliminated, what would be the effect on man?
10065	But what can man- made law do in this warfare against the blind forces of Nature?
10065	But what of its future and how long will the Constitution wholly resist the washing of time and circumstance?
10065	But when in the history of American business was there such a volume of broken faith as in the drastic deflation of 1920?
10065	Conceding that lawlessness is not a novel phenomenon, is not the present time characterized by an exceptional revolt against the authority of law?
10065	From such an assembly can a perfect production be expected?
10065	If, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterwards defend our work?
10065	Is it not possible that modern democracy is in danger of strangulation by its present- day methods and ideals?
10065	Is it surprising that so portentous a change should have fevered his brain and disturbed his mental equilibrium?
10065	Is it well that while we range with Science, glorying in the Time, City children soak and blacken soul and sense in city slime?"
10065	Is there in this day and generation a spirit of lawlessness greater or different than that that has always characterized human society?
10065	May not the current thought of our time be compared with the mighty Mississippi in the period of a spring freshet?
10065	Our constant inquiry is,"Is it so nominated"in that compact?
10065	Our fathers could not talk over the telephone for three thousand miles, but have we surpassed them in thoughts of enduring value?
10065	The destinies of the English- speaking world are bound up with her fortunes and migrations and its conquests are justified by her works"?
10065	What was the vision to which the Wise Man referred?
10065	When did a nobler"vision"inspire men in the political annals of mankind?
10065	When was a great secret better kept?
10065	Who can question that this is pre- eminently the age of the sham and the counterfeit?
36145	And devastate our homes, and shoot us down by the hundreds of thousands, if we resist?
36145	And why are these men so ready to lend money for murdering their fellow men?
36145	And why did these men abolish slavery?
36145	And why?
36145	How can we know which are_ their_ houses, that we may burn or demolish them?
36145	How many of those who now support the Constitution, will ever do this?
36145	How many will ever dare openly proclaim their right to govern?
36145	How shall we defend ourselves and our property against them?
36145	How shall we find these men?
36145	How shall we know them from others?
36145	If so, where are their signatures?
36145	Or what government, except one resting upon the sword, like the one we now have, was ever capable of maintaining slavery?
36145	Restrain us of our liberty?
36145	Subject us to their arbitrary dominion?
36145	The Constitution itself, then, being of no authority, on what authority does our government practically rest?
36145	The only question is, what power did I put into his hands?
36145	Until they have tried the experiment for themselves, how can they have the face to impose the Constitution upon, or even to recommend it to, others?
36145	Was it an absolute and irresponsible one?
36145	Were Mr. A, Mr. B, and Mr. C members of it?
36145	What is the motive to the secret ballot?
36145	What is this but absolute, irresponsible power?
36145	Where is your evidence that you, either individually or collectively, ever appointed me your attorney?
36145	Where the evidence of their membership?
36145	Where the open, authentic proof?
36145	Where the record?
36145	Which their persons, that we may kill them, and rid the world and ourselves of such tyrants and monsters?
36145	Which_ their_ property, that we may destroy it?
36145	Who are the men,_ the responsible men_, who rob us of our property?
36145	Who, but such usurpers, robbers, and murderers as they, ever established slavery?
36145	Who, of our neighbors, are members of this secret band of robbers and murderers?
36145	Who, then, created these debts, in the name of"the United States"?
36145	[ b] Suppose it be"the best government on earth,"does that prove its own goodness, or only the badness of all other governments?
36145	[ f] Of what appreciable value is it to any man, as an individual, that he is allowed a voice in choosing these public masters?
36145	and neither have, nor ever had, any corporate existence?
36145	but that he had refused or neglected to do so?
36145	never made any corporate or individual contract?
36145	or a limited and responsible one?
36145	or take the legitimate responsibility of their acts?
36145	or that I have now broken any faith I ever pledged to you?
36145	that he had had the opportunity to sign it, if he would?
36145	that he ought to have signed it?
36145	that this other man had promised to sign it?
36145	that you ever required me to swear to you, that, as your attorney, I would support the Constitution?
10805	FOR which of you intending to build a tower sitteth not down first and counteth the cost?
10805	Again, is not every town in Connecticut now represented in the legislature, and of course each individual equally with every other?
10805	Are not our mild laws executed in mercy, and is not justice awarded with impartiality to individuals?
10805	Are they not filled with men of incorruptible integrity?
10805	But is the mechanic, the farmer, the merchant profited?
10805	But what is the meaning of the maxim?
10805	But, my countrymen, before you join in this project, pause and enquire, who are these men who thus assert their claim to rule over you?
10805	Can a Court be a shield against the proud oppressor when a daring leader can crush them with his nod?
10805	Can any man doubt either the truth of this remark or the sincerity with which it is uttered?
10805	Can you look at the seat of justice and say"iniquity is there?"
10805	Dare any man say that the judges of our high Courts are not upright, intelligent and learned?
10805	Delegates-- Delegates do they stile themselves?
10805	Do the characters of these men elevate your hopes?
10805	Do we see in a single individual an assemblage of talents united with virtue sufficient to qualify him for the seat of justice?
10805	Does it intend that every person who is taxed, can of right claim the privilege of giving his suffrage?
10805	Has there not been a constant succession of able and wise men in that branch of the administration of Connecticut?
10805	How do we judge as to the propriety of any course of life except by observation, experience or history?
10805	In return for these losses what good is to acrue to the people?
10805	In the representative of Hartford, for example, a representative of the freemen of Hartford, or of the town of Hartford?
10805	In this view of the subject we will briefly ask, in the third place, is it proper to make the proposed changes-- to adopt these projects?
10805	In which of them are the great interests of Society better secured?
10805	Is it not clear that this whole proceeding originates in a pure unmixed affection for the people and a sacred regard to truth?
10805	Is it then unreasonable to enquire what good is to be obtained?
10805	Is not a wise and faithful execution of the laws the chief object of every good Government?
10805	Is not the transgressor punished, and are not the wrongs of the injured redressed?
10805	Is society enriched, or the public good promoted?
10805	Is such a measure wise?
10805	Is there nothing calculated to excite indignation?
10805	Is there nothing unaccountable in such conduct?
10805	Let it again be asked what good will result to Connecticut by a new Constitution, by the prevalence of revolutionary principles?
10805	Mr. Edwards ordered them to meet for that purpose, and shall they not obey their master?
10805	My fellow citizens, shall any considerable portion of the people of Connecticut subject themselves to the reproach which rested on an ancient people?
10805	Shall the impudent, banish them from your affections and usurp their places in your hearts?
10805	Shall they be heard and regarded when they demand of you to displace your faithful and approved rulers, and commit to them your all?
10805	Shall we look in vain thro''the ranks of that party for one to lift up his voice against this daring and dangerous innovation?
10805	Such is the constant termination of such revolutions, and shall we claim to be an exception?
10805	The people of France have had six Constitutions within fifteen years, and where are those Constitutions?
10805	They will ask, with surprize, why the people of Connecticut should complain?
10805	We ask, which of them is more prosperous than Connecticut?
10805	What can a nation or state expect from such men?
10805	What could now be expected from these men but that they become immediately the creatures of a party-- the tools of a faction?
10805	What is the language of those who advocate universal suffrage?
10805	What is the result?
10805	What then is the true meaning of the maxim, that representation and taxation are inseparable?
10805	What then may now be expected?
10805	What, my fellow citizens, is the attempt now making?
10805	Where among them, can be found the polished scholar-- the able civilian, the enlightened judge?
10805	Where has innocence received a more ample protection?
10805	Where is the state which can justly boast of greater prosperity?
10805	Who are these men who place themselves in the corners of the streets and cry"Oh, that we were made judges in the land?"
10805	Who are these rulers?
10805	Who commissioned these gentlemen for this important labor of providing them with a Constitution?
10805	Who does not recollect to have read of the perfectability human nature-- of the enlightened age of regenerated France?
10805	Who then can justly complain?
10805	Will you hazard these evils without a fair and reasonable expectation of some solid benefits?
10805	Without this who is safe for a moment?
10805	You know many of them in private life-- do they there abound in good works?
4351	What would you recommend me to READ?
4351	Will you speak to So- and- So, and ask him to vote for my man?
4351	And what was that working?
4351	And when the taxes do not yield as they were expected to yield, who is responsible?
4351	Are they not a race contemptuous of others?
4351	Are they not a race with no special education or culture as to the modern world, and too often despising such culture?
4351	Are they not above all nations divided from the rest of the world, insular both in situation and in mind, both for good and for evil?
4351	Are they not out of the current of common European causes and affairs?
4351	As to the caprice of Parliament in the choice of a Premier, who is the best person to check it?
4351	But can such a head be found?
4351	But can we expect such a king, or, for that is the material point, can we expect a lineal series of such kings?
4351	But is the House of Lords such a chamber?
4351	But is the House of Lords that critic?
4351	But just as the merchant asks his debtor,"Could you not take a bill at four months?"
4351	But the question comes back, Will there be such a monarch just then?
4351	But what did the electors of Westminster know of Mr. Mill?
4351	But will it be so exercised?
4351	But would it not have been a miracle if the English people, directing their own policy, and being what they are, had directed a good policy?
4351	By guiding their opinion and decision, or by following it?
4351	Can it be said that the characteristic qualities of a constitutional monarch are more within its reach?
4351	Can it be said that the royal form does more?
4351	Do you know that your Conservative Government has brought in a Bill far more Radical than any former Bill, and that it is very likely to be passed?"
4351	Do you make money or do you not make it?
4351	Does it do this work?
4351	How can it be a Radical Reform Bill?
4351	I happened at the time to visit a purely agricultural and Conservative county, and I asked the local Tories,"Do you understand this Reform Bill?
4351	I propose to begin this paper by asking, not why the House of Commons governs well?
4351	I shall be asked, How often is that, and what is the test by which you know it?
4351	If we prefer real weight to unreal prestige, why may we not have it?"
4351	In the royal form of Cabinet government the sovereign then has sometimes a substantial selection; in the unroyal, who would choose?
4351	Is it to be some panel of philosophers, some fancied posterity, or some other outside authority?
4351	Is this a time for cheese- paring objection?
4351	It is noted for many things, why is it not noted for that?
4351	Now, is this objection good or bad?
4351	Or, again,"Does it not appear to you, Sir, that the reason of this formality is extinct?
4351	Speaking generally, is it wise so to change all our rulers?
4351	The grave question now is, How far will this peculiar old system continue and how far will it be altered?
4351	The issue put before these electors was, Which of two rich people will you choose?
4351	The issue was put to the French people; they were asked,"Will you be governed by Louis Napoleon, or will you be governed by an assembly?"
4351	The king could say:"Have you referred to the transactions which happened during such and such an administration, I think about fourteen years ago?
4351	The members against the expenditure rarely come down of themselves; why should they become unpopular without reason?
4351	The question is, how is that object to be attained?
4351	The question we have to answer is,"The House of Lords being such, what is the use of the Lords?"
4351	They think, if they do not say,"Why are we pinned up here?
4351	We should then say at once,"How is it possible a man from New Zealand can understand England?
4351	What are the counterweights which overpower these merits?
4351	What chance has an hereditary monarch such as nature forces him to be, such as history shows he is, against men so educated and so born?
4351	What could be more absurd than what happened in 1858?
4351	What fraction of his mind could be imagined by any percentage of their minds?
4351	What is 50,000 pounds in comparison with this great national interest?"
4351	What is meant by"well"?
4351	What is the Minister to do?
4351	What is the chance of having him just then?
4351	What were the chances against a person of Lincoln''s antecedents, elected as he was, proving to be what he was?
4351	What will be the use of the monarch whom the accidents of inheritance, such as we know them to be, must upon an average bring us just then?
4351	When you put before the mass of mankind the question,"Will you be governed by a king, or will you be governed by a constitution?"
4351	Who could expect such a people to comprehend the new and strange events of foreign places?
4351	Who is to judge?
4351	Whom, then, can you punish-- whom can you abolish-- when your taxes run short?
4351	Why are we not in the Commons where we could have so much more power?
4351	Why do we not fear that she would do this, or any approach to it?
4351	Why is this nominal rank given us, at the price of substantial influence?
4351	Why should he work?
4351	Why should not the rest of our administration be as good if we did but apply the same method to it?
4351	Why, according to popular belief is it rather characterised by the very contrary?
4351	Will it be more effectual under the royal sort of Ministerial Government, or will it be less effectual?
4351	Will that moderation be aided or impaired by the addition of a sovereign?
4351	but the fundamental-- almost unasked question-- how the House of Commons comes to be able to govern at all?
4351	how can we heartily obey one who is but a foreigner with the accident of an identical language?"
4351	how can we trust one who lives by the fluctuating favour of a distant authority?
4351	how is it possible, that a man longing to get back to the antipodes can care for England?
4351	in the Bill to regulate Cotton Factories?"
4351	so the new Minister says to the permanent under- secretary,"Could you not suggest a middle course?
4351	the inquiry comes out thus--"Will you be governed in a way you understand, or will you be governed in a way you do not understand?"
41095	12. with the amendment to it proposed& entered on the 15 instant, as called for by Col. Mason be now taken up?
41095	Above all shall that man be above it, who can commit the most extensive injustice?
41095	And would any one pretend that such a right tended to blend& confound powers that ought to be separately exercised?
41095	Are all laws whatever to be brought up?
41095	Are not the States y^e Agents?
41095	Are not they to ratify its proceedings?
41095	Are they men?
41095	Are they property?
41095	Are they to be excluded?
41095	Besides in what mode& proportion are they to vote in the Council of Revision?
41095	Besides who is to impeach?
41095	Can it be supposed that this vast Country including the Western territory will 150 years hence remain one nation?
41095	Can no better establish^t be devised?
41095	Can one man be trusted better than all the others if they all agree?
41095	Can there be a more fruitful source of dispute, or a kind of dispute more difficult to be settled?
41095	Did they not appoint this Convention?
41095	Does no other kind of property but land evidence a common interest in the proprietor?
41095	For What then are all the sacrifices to be made?
41095	From such an assembly can a perfect production be expected?
41095	Gen^l Pinkney asked whether no troops were ever to be raised untill an attack should be made on us?
41095	How shall the freehold be defined?
41095	How was a Convention to be formed?
41095	How was redress to be obtained in case duties should be laid beyond the purpose expressed?
41095	If he is to be the Guardian of the people let him be appointed by the people?
41095	If the new Constitution then violates the faith pledged to any description of people will not the makers of it, will not the States, be the violaters?
41095	Is he to have a military force for the purpose, or to have the command of the Militia, the only existing force that can be applied to that use?
41095	Is it meant to require a greater proportion of votes?
41095	Is it to be presumed that the people will ever agree to such a system?
41095	Is no road nor bridge to be established without the Sanction of the General Legislature?
41095	Is the smallest as well as the largest debtor to be excluded?
41095	Is this reasonable?
41095	Is this the case?"
41095	M^r King asked what was the precise meaning of_ direct_ taxation?
41095	M^r Madison, will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making them a_ tender_?
41095	Of whom was it to consist?
41095	On 2^d part shall the Electors be chosen by the State Legislatures?
41095	On the question Shall he be ineligible a 2^d time?
41095	On the question Shall the Executive continue for 7 years?
41095	On the question for 6 years?
41095	On the question shall the vice President be ex officio President of the Senate?
41095	On y^e Question, Shall the Executive be removable on impeachments& c.?
41095	Ought not every man who pays a tax, to vote for the representative who is to levy& dispose of his money?
41095	Shall Vermont be reduced by force in favor of the States claiming it?
41095	Shall all the States then be bound to defend each;& shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which will render defence more difficult?
41095	Shall any man be above Justice?
41095	The question as moved by M^r Elseworth being divided, on the 1^{st} part shall y^e Nat^l Executive be appointed by Electors?
41095	To whom have Cong^s applied on subsequent occasions for further powers?
41095	Upon what principle is it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation?
41095	Was he to promote the establishment of a plan which he verily believed would end in Tyranny?
41095	Was the Executive to hold his place during good behaviour?
41095	Was this a proper model for us?
41095	Was this qualification restrained to freeholders?
41095	What are the great objects of the Gen^l System?
41095	What danger could there be in giving a controuling power to the Nat^l Legislature?
41095	What effect will this have?
41095	What is the extent of the term"disability"and who is to be the judge of it?
41095	What is the language of Reason on this subject?
41095	What is to be the remedy?
41095	What led to the appointment of this Convention?
41095	What might have been the consequence of such a regulation at the commencement, or even in the Course of the late contest for our liberties?
41095	What obligation then can the small States be under to concur ag^{st} their judgments in reinstating the section?
41095	What was the objection to this?
41095	What was the practice before this in cases where the Chief Magistrate rendered himself obnoxious?
41095	Wherein then lay the dangerous tendency of the innovations to establish an aristocracy in the Senate?
41095	Whither then must we resort?
41095	Who are to form the New Constitution by which the condition of that class of citizens is to be made worse than the other class?
41095	Who will be the best Judges whether these appointments be well made?
41095	Who would rely on a fair decision from three individuals if two had an interest in the case opposed to the rights of the third?
41095	Why is the provision restrained to Treason& bribery only?
41095	Why should they be restrained from checking the extravagance of the other House?
41095	Why then is no other property included?
41095	Why then prohibit bills of credit?
41095	Why?
41095	Will not the new Constitution be their Act?
41095	Will such men be the secure& faithful guardians of liberty?
41095	Will the former be so in case of a universal& equal suffrage?
41095	Will the latter be so in case of a suffrage confined to the holders of property?
41095	Will they not be the members of it?
41095	With these difficulties in his mind, what course he asked was he to pursue?
41095	Would this be the case, if the Executive should be impeachable?
41095	by what rule decide?
41095	what the force of its acts?
18637	[ 1] Another leveled a similar criticism at the entire amendment;What is meant by the terms excessive bail?
18637	''If he decides against the treaty, to whom is a nation to appeal?''
18637	*** But are we all, on that account, at the mercy of the legislative majorities?
18637	*** Commerce among the States must, of necessity, be commerce[ within?]
18637	*** The inquiry is,"wrote Justice Washington,"what are the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?
18637	And why may not the products of the field be brought within the principle?
18637	But can the Court stop at this point?
18637	But how was this done?
18637	But is its scope the same?
18637	Can it be doubted that Congress has power to repeal at any time the protection which present legislation affords organized labor?
18637	Can we establish a constitutional doctrine which forbids the elected representatives of the people to make this choice?
18637	Can we hold that the First Amendment deprives Congress of what it deemed necessary for the Government''s protection?
18637	Does the Fourteenth Amendment Incorporate the Bill of Rights?
18637	Effect of the Oath Does the oath add anything to the President''s powers?
18637	He says:"Can we then say that the judgment Congress exercised was denied it by the Constitution?
18637	How as to the converse situation?
18637	How does''released time''operate in Champaign?
18637	How is this practice to be squared with the express words of the Constitution?
18637	How is this vast proliferation of cases, and attendant expansion of the Court''s constitutional jurisdiction, to be explained?
18637	IS ANY IMMUNITY LEFT THE STATES?
18637	If a committee departs so far from its domain[ as?]
18637	If hitherto, why not henceforth?
18637	Is everybody out of step but this Court?
18637	Is it impaired by the acts under which the defendant holds?
18637	Is that such a violation of contracts as is prohibited by the Constitution of the United States?
18637	Is this contract protected by the Constitution of the United States?
18637	MYERS CASE VERSUS HUMPHREY CASE How does this issue stand today?
18637	May not the House of Representatives impeach the President for such refusal?
18637	Second, assuming an affirmative answer to the above question, is Congress under constitutional obligation to supply such implementation?
18637	Should, on the other hand, the adolescent mind be put at the mercy of the uninhibited reading tastes of an elderly federal judge?
18637	THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF A CIVILIAN OFFICER Is the Commander in Chiefship a military or civilian office in the contemplation of the Constitution?
18637	To the question:"What is the law which governs an army invading an enemy''s country?"
18637	Was the same principle expected to apply to the power over foreign and interstate commerce?
18637	What could be more irrational?
18637	What is it that is to be regulated?
18637	What is the liberty which that clause underwrites?
18637	What is understood by excessive fines?
18637	What powers are implied from this duty?
18637	What, then, are the outstanding differences between such conditional prohibitions of commerce and that with which this rà © sumà © deals?
18637	When does this happen?
18637	Whence, however, comes this law?
18637	Who are to be the judges?
18637	Would[ not?]
18637	[ 1587] How is it as to judicial decisions?
18637	[ 164] WHEN IS A TREATY SELF- EXECUTING?
18637	[ 1650] The Right to Reserve: When Limited.--Is the right which is reserved by a State to"amend"or"alter"a charter without restriction?
18637	[ 218] A little later he raises the question,"But how are competing interests to be assessed?"
18637	[ 341] A FORMAL OR A FORMATIVE POWER?
18637	[ 44] OATH OF OFFICE What is the time relationship between a President''s assumption of office and his taking the oath?
18637	in"9 Stat., 428, 432- 433"and removed question mark in"Grand Depository of the Democratic Principle"?
18637	or could he be fined or taxed for doing so?
18637	the strange spectacle be offered to the public world of an attempt by this court to arrest proceedings in that court?
40861	Shall the clause allowing each State one vote in the 2^d branch, stand as part of the Report,?
40861	Suppose the first branch granted money, may not the second branch, from state views, counteract the first? 40861 Will the representatives of a state forget state interests?
40861	2. was it probable that the States would adopt& ratify a scheme, which they had never authorized us to propose?
40861	A House of Nobles was essential to such a Gov^t could these be created by a breath, or by a stroke of the pen?
40861	A discretion must be left on one side or the other?
40861	Again What use may be made of such a privilege in case of great emergency?
40861	And have we now forgotten that powerful friend?
40861	And if a sparrow can not fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid?
40861	And is it not a clear principle that in a free Gov^t those who are to be the objects of a Gov^t ought to influence the operations of it?
40861	Are gentlemen in earnest when they suppose that this exclusion will prevent the first characters from coming forward?
40861	Are not the Citizens of Pen^a equal to those of N. Jersey?
40861	Are not the large States evidently seeking to aggrandize themselves at the expense of the small?
40861	Are the distinction of Patrician& Plebeian known among us?
40861	Are the large States less attached to their existence more likely to commit suicide, than the small?
40861	Are the people of the three large States more aristocratic than those of the small ones?
40861	Are they admitted as Citizens?
40861	Are they efficient States?
40861	Are they in the hands of the few who may be called rich; in the possession of less than a hundred citizens?
40861	Are we not struck at seeing the luxury and venality which has already crept in among us?
40861	Are we to suspend the business until the deputies arrive?
40861	Ask any man if he confides in Cong^s if he confides in the State of Pen^a if he will lend his money or enter into contract?
40861	Besides shall the best, the most able, the most virtuous citizens not be permitted to hold offices?
40861	Besides, How can it be thought that the proposed negative can be exercised?
40861	But are there any exceptions of this sort to the Articles of Confederation?
40861	But does it follow that an equality of votes is necessary for the purpose?
40861	But is this a Republican Gov^t, it will be asked?
40861	But reverse the case, and leave the whole at the mercy of each part, and will not the general interest be continually sacrificed to local interests?
40861	But whatever might have been y^e cause, was not in effect the vote of one State doubled, and the influence of another increased by it?
40861	But why so?
40861	But will it be more so in one plan than the other?
40861	But will such a plan be adopted out of doors?
40861	By the vote already taken, will not the temper of the state legislatures transfuse itself into the Senate?
40861	Can the military habits& manners of Sparta be resembled to our habits& manners?
40861	Can we forget for whom we are forming a Government?
40861	Can you always rely on the patriotism of the members?
40861	Could the national resources, if exerted to the utmost enforce a national decree ag^{st} Mass^{ts} abetted perhaps by several of her neighbours?
40861	Did any such common interest exist?
40861	Do gentlemen mean to pave the way to hereditary Monarchy?
40861	Do the people at large complain of Cong^s?
40861	Do they flatter themselves that the people will ever consent to such an innovation?
40861	Do we create a free government?"
40861	Does the scheme of N. Jersey produce this effect?
40861	Does this doctrine result from the nature of compacts?
40861	From the Monied interest?
40861	From the landed interest?
40861	Give the large States an influence in proportion to their magnitude, and what will be the consequence?
40861	Has Holland or Switzerland ever complained of the equality of the states which compose their respective confederacies?
40861	Has a man in Virg^a a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves?
40861	Has it less dignity?
40861	Has it not been the real or supposed interest of the major number?
40861	Has not Mass^{ts}, notwithstanding, the most powerful member of the Union, already raised a body of troops?
40861	Have not the boroughs however held fast their constitutional rights?
40861	Have they not been dictated by interest, by ambition?
40861	He asks M^r S. whether the State at this time dare impose& collect a tax on y^e people?
40861	His question was how is the power of the 1^{st} branch increased or that of the 2^d diminished by giving the proposed privilege to the former?
40861	How can these be filled?
40861	How could this be taken from them by a_ legislative_ ratification only?
40861	How is the danger in all cases of interested coalitions to oppress the minority to be guarded ag^{st}?
40861	How is this danger to be guarded ag^{st} on the republican principles?
40861	How strongly will it feel its importance and self- sufficiency?
40861	If a proportional representation be right, why do we not vote so here?
40861	If as wealth, then why is no other wealth but slaves included?
40861	If danger be apprehended from the Executive what a left- handed way is this of obviating it?
40861	If such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote?
40861	If the Representatives of the people would be bound by the ties he had mentioned, what need was there of a Senate?
40861	In return he would ask will the people adopt the other plan?
40861	In the present deranged State of our finances can so expensive a System be seriously thought of?
40861	Is a real& fair majority, the natural hot- bed of aristocracy?
40861	Is it a novel thing that the few should have a check on the many?
40861	Is it because the laws are to operate immediately on their persons& properties?
40861	Is it because the representatives are chosen by the people themselves?
40861	Is it because, the larger have more at stake than the smaller?
40861	Is it conceivable that there will be leisure for such a task?
40861	Is it for_ men_, or for the imaginary beings called_ States_?
40861	Is it from an internal reform of their Gov^{ts}?
40861	Is it not the case in the British Constitution the wisdom of which so many gentlemen have united in applauding?
40861	Is it to spring from commerce?
40861	Is she not now augmenting them, without having even deigned to apprise Cong^s of Her intention?
40861	Is the National Legislature too to sit continually in order to revise the laws of the States?
40861	Is the Representation there less unequal?
40861	Is the old confederation dissolved, because some of the states wish a new confederation?"
40861	Is then the object of the Convention likely to be accomplished in this way?
40861	Is there no danger of a Legislative despotism?
40861	Is there no difference of interests, no rivalship of commerce, of manufactures?
40861	M^r Wilson, the question is shall the members of the 2^d branch be chosen by the Legislatures of the States?
40861	May not a Legislature filled by the State Legislatures operate on the people who chuse the State Legislatures?
40861	Might it not, on the other side be asked how the former was to be secured ag^{st} the latter?
40861	Might not such a mode of election be devised among ourselves as will defend the community ag^{st} these effects in any dangerous degree?
40861	On Question shall the words stand as part of the Report?
40861	Ought this merit to be made a disqualification?
40861	Shall all the laws of the States be sent up to the Gen^l Legislature before they shall be permitted to operate?
40861	Shall we effect the cure by establishing an equality of votes as is proposed?
40861	Shall we leave the States alone unprovided with the means for this purpose?
40861	Should the Executive Magistrate be taken from one of the large States would not the other two be thereby thrown into the scale with the other States?
40861	States at present groan?
40861	Take mankind as they are, and what are they governed by?
40861	The Swiss cantons have scarce any union at all, and have been more than once at war with one another.--How then are all these evils to be avoided?
40861	The first three or four years we might go on well enough; but what would be the case afterwards?
40861	The great question is what provision shall we make for the happiness of our Country?
40861	The true question was in what mode the best choice w^d be made?
40861	There being 5 ays, 4 noes,& 1 div^d, a question was asked whether a majority had voted in the Affirmative?
40861	They may even be under some foreign influence; are they in such case to participate in the negative on the will of the other States?
40861	To what standard will you resort?
40861	Under these ideas can it be expected that the people can approve the Virginia plan?
40861	Was a Combination to be apprehended from the mere circumstance of equality of size?
40861	Was not this remark as applicable to one branch of the Representation as to the other?
40861	Was such a remedy eligible?
40861	Were the large States formidable_ singly_ to their smaller neighbours?
40861	What Results?
40861	What danger is there that the whole will unnecessarily sacrifice a part?
40861	What has been the consequence?
40861	What has been the source of those unjust laws complained of among ourselves?
40861	What inducements can be offered that will suffice?
40861	What is the condition of the lesser states in the German Confederacy?
40861	What is the government now forming, over states or persons?
40861	What is the state of things in the lax system of the Dutch Confederacy?
40861	What is the true principle of Representation?
40861	What is this object?
40861	What is to be the check in the Senate?
40861	What motives are to restrain them?
40861	What must be the consequence?
40861	What of a Revisionary power?
40861	What qualities are necessary to constitute a check in this case?
40861	What reason can be assigned why the same rule of representation s^d not prevail in the 2^d branch as in the 1^{st}.?
40861	What remedy then?
40861	What then is to be done?
40861	What too is to become of our treaties-- what of our foreign debts, what of our domestic?
40861	What were the consequences?, first, enmity on our part, then actual separation.
40861	When the Tribunitial power had levelled the boundary between the_ patricians_&_ plebeians_, what followed?
40861	Whence does this proceed?
40861	Whence then is the national revenue to be drawn?
40861	Whence then the danger of aristocracy from their influence?
40861	Whence then the danger of monarchy?
40861	Where are the sources from whence it is to flow?
40861	Where do the people look at present for relief from the evils of which they complain?
40861	Where is the difference, in which branch it begins, if both must concur, in the end?
40861	Who then are to hold them?
40861	Why are Counties of the Same States represented in proportion to their numbers?
40861	Why s^d a Nat^l Gov^t be unpopular?
40861	Why was America so justly apprehensive of Parliamentary injustice?
40861	Why was it determined that the Judges should not hold their places by such a tenure?
40861	Why?
40861	Why?
40861	Why?
40861	Will a Citizen of_ Deleware_ be degraded by becoming a Citizen of the_ United States_?
40861	Will any one say this would ever be agreed to?
40861	Will it be the British Gov^t?
40861	Will it prevent encroachments on the federal authority?
40861	Will it prevent the violations of the law of nations& of Treaties which if not prevented must involve us in the calamities of foreign wars?
40861	Will it prevent trespasses of the States on each other?
40861	Will it secure a good internal legislation& administration to the particular States?
40861	Will it secure the internal tranquillity of the States themselves?
40861	Will not our Constituents say?
40861	Will not the same motives operate in America as elsewhere?
40861	Will our Executive be able to apply such a remedy?
40861	Will our honest Constituents be satisfied with metaphysical distinctions?
40861	Will she be represented in proportion to this amount?
40861	Will the members of the General Legislature be competent Judges?
40861	Will the militia march from one State to another, in order to collect the arrears of taxes from the delinquent members of the Republic?
40861	Will they maintain an army for this purpose?
40861	Will they, ought they to be satisfied with being told, that the one- third compose the greater number of States?
40861	Would 30 or 40, million of people submit their fortunes into the hands of a few thousands?
40861	Would American rights& interests have been safe under an authority thus constituted?
40861	Would she not be at the mercy of Pennsylvania?
40861	Would such a scheme be practicable?
40861	[ A][ A] Quere,?
40861	and which so far exceeded what they regarded as sufficient?
40861	are they admitted as property?
40861	does it afford any substantial remedy whatever?
40861	does it arise from any particular stipulation in the articles of Confederation?
40861	does it require 150 of the former to balance 50 of the latter?
40861	or do we imagine that we no longer need his assistance?
40861	then why are they not admitted on an equality with White Citizens?
40861	then why is not other property admitted into the computation?
40861	was it practicable?
40861	will each Citizen enjoy under it less liberty or protection?
40861	will it not be most safely lodged on the side of the Nat^l Gov^t?
1404	After all, may not another ground be taken on which this article of the Constitution will admit of a still more ready defense? 1404 Why,"say they,"should we adopt an imperfect thing?
1404	( 1) Are we even in a condition to remonstrate with dignity?
1404	And how could it have happened otherwise?
1404	And how far does this combination characterize the plan which has been reported by the convention?
1404	And it is asked by what authority this bold and radical innovation was undertaken?
1404	And what are the different classes of legislators but advocates and parties to the causes which they determine?
1404	And what is there in all this that can not as well be performed by the national legislature as by a State legislature?
1404	And who is there that will either take the trouble or incur the odium, of a strict scrutiny into the secret springs of the transaction?
1404	And will he not, from his own interest in that species of property, be sufficiently prone to resist every attempt to prejudice or encumber it?
1404	Are fleets and armies and revenues necessary to this purpose?
1404	Are not popular assemblies frequently subject to the impulses of rage, resentment, jealousy, avarice, and of other irregular and violent propensities?
1404	Are not the former administered by MEN as well as the latter?
1404	Are suppositions of this sort the sober admonitions of discerning patriots to a discerning people?
1404	Are the State governments to be stigmatized as tyrannies, because they possess this power?
1404	Are there engagements to the performance of which we are held by every tie respectable among men?
1404	Are there not aversions, predilections, rivalships, and desires of unjust acquisitions, that affect nations as well as kings?
1404	Are they agreed, are any two of them agreed, in their objections to the remedy proposed, or in the proper one to be substituted?
1404	Are they not the genuine and the characteristic means by which republican government provides for the liberty and happiness of the people?
1404	Are they not the identical means on which every State government in the Union relies for the attainment of these important ends?
1404	Are they only to be met with in the towns or cities?
1404	Are we afraid of foreign gold?
1404	Are we entitled by nature and compact to a free participation in the navigation of the Mississippi?
1404	Are we in a condition to resent or to repel the aggression?
1404	Are"the wealthy and the well- born,"as they are called, confined to particular spots in the several States?
1404	But SUSPICION may ask, Why then was it introduced?
1404	But a right implies a remedy; and where else could the remedy be deposited, than where it is deposited by the Constitution?
1404	But are they not all that government will admit, and that human prudence can devise?
1404	But could an appeal be made to lie from the State courts to the subordinate federal judicatories?
1404	But does it follow because there is a power to lay them that they will actually be laid?
1404	But even in that case, may he have no object beyond his present station, to which he may sacrifice his independence?
1404	But have they considered whether a better form could have been substituted?
1404	But is it a just idea?
1404	But is not the fact an alarming proof of the danger resulting from a government which does not possess regular powers commensurate to its objects?
1404	But it may be again asked, Who is to judge of the NECESSITY and PROPRIETY of the laws to be passed for executing the powers of the Union?
1404	But might not his nomination be overruled?
1404	But ought not a more direct and explicit provision to have been made in favor of the State courts?
1404	But the question again recurs, upon what pretense could he be put in possession of a force of that magnitude in time of peace?
1404	But upon what principle is the discrimination of the places of election to be made, in order to answer the purpose of the meditated preference?
1404	But was it necessary to give an INDEFINITE POWER of raising TROOPS, as well as providing fleets; and of maintaining both in PEACE, as well as in WAR?
1404	But what inference can be drawn from this, or what would they amount to, if they were not to be supreme?
1404	But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature?
1404	But what is to be the object of this capricious partiality in the national councils?
1404	But what would be the contest in the case we are supposing?
1404	But where are the means to be found by the President, or the Senate, or both?
1404	But whether made by one side or the other, would each side enjoy equal advantages on the trial?
1404	But why is the experiment of an extended republic to be rejected, merely because it may comprise what is new?
1404	But why, it is asked, might not the same purpose have been accomplished by the instrumentality of the State courts?
1404	But will not this also be possessed in sufficient degree by a very few intelligent men, diffusively elected within the State?
1404	But would not her navigation be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of being her own carrier in that trade?
1404	By way of answer to this, it has been triumphantly asked, Why not in the first instance omit that ambiguous power, and rely upon the latter resource?
1404	By what means is this object attainable?
1404	Can it be said that the limits of the United States exceed this distance?
1404	Can not the like knowledge be obtained in the national legislature from the representatives of each State?
1404	Could the Supreme Court have been relied upon as answering this description?
1404	Do the monitors deny the reality of her danger?
1404	Do these fundamental principles require, particularly, that no tax should be levied without the intermediate agency of the States?
1404	Do they begin by exciting the detestation of the very instruments of their intended usurpations?
1404	Do they deny the necessity of some speedy and powerful remedy?
1404	Do they require that the members of the government should derive their appointment from the legislatures, not from the people of the States?
1404	Do they require that the powers of the government should act on the States, and not immediately on individuals?
1404	Do they require that, in the establishment of the Constitution, the States should be regarded as distinct and independent sovereigns?
1404	Do we owe debts to foreigners and to our own citizens contracted in a time of imminent peril for the preservation of our political existence?
1404	Does the American impose on the Congress appropriations for two years?
1404	Does the British Constitution restrain the parliamentary discretion to one year?
1404	For what inducement could the Senate have to concur in a preference in which itself would not be included?
1404	For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do?
1404	From what quarter can the danger proceed?
1404	Had not Congress repeatedly recommended this measure as not inconsistent with the fundamental principles of the Confederation?
1404	Had not every State but one; had not New York herself, so far complied with the plan of Congress as to recognize the PRINCIPLE of the innovation?
1404	Has commerce hitherto done anything more than change the objects of war?
1404	Has it been found that bodies of men act with more rectitude or greater disinterestedness than individuals?
1404	Has not the spirit of commerce, in many instances, administered new incentives to the appetite, both for the one and for the other?
1404	Have republics in practice been less addicted to war than monarchies?
1404	Have they, by some miraculous instinct or foresight, set apart in each of them a common place of residence?
1404	Have we not had unequivocal experience of its effects in the course of the revolution which we have just accomplished?
1404	Here another question occurs: What relation would subsist between the national and State courts in these instances of concurrent jurisdiction?
1404	How can it ever possess either energy or stability, dignity or credit, confidence at home or respectability abroad?
1404	How can it undertake or execute any liberal or enlarged plans of public good?
1404	How can its administration be any thing else than a succession of expedients temporizing, impotent, disgraceful?
1404	How can perfection spring from such materials?
1404	How can the trade between the different States be duly regulated, without some knowledge of their relative situations in these and other respects?
1404	How could recoveries be enforced?
1404	How could the Senate confer a benefit upon the President by the manner of employing their right of negative upon his nominations?
1404	How could they better gratify this, than by raising a creature of their own to the chief magistracy of the Union?
1404	How far can they be combined with those other ingredients which constitute safety in the republican sense?
1404	How shall we prevent a conflict between charity and conviction?
1404	How will it be able to avoid a frequent sacrifice of its engagements to immediate necessity?
1404	How would it be possible to agree upon a rule of apportionment satisfactory to all?
1404	How, and when, and in what proportion shall aids of men and money be afforded?
1404	How, in fact, could a majority in the House of Representatives impeach themselves?
1404	I ask, What are these principles?
1404	If any question is depending in a State legislature respecting one of the counties, which demands a knowledge of local details, how is it acquired?
1404	If it should break forth into a storm, who can insure us that in its progress a part of its fury would not be spent upon us?
1404	If one was attacked, would the others fly to its succor, and spend their blood and money in its defense?
1404	If the latter, in what relation will they stand to the national tribunals?
1404	If there should be an army to be made use of as the engine of despotism, what need of the militia?
1404	If this be the design of it, who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?
1404	If this be their true interest, have they in fact pursued it?
1404	If, on the contrary, we ought to exceed this point, where can we stop, short of an indefinite power of providing for emergencies as they may arise?
1404	In relation to what objects?
1404	In what does our security consist against usurpation from that quarter?
1404	In what manner is this influence to be exerted?
1404	Is a bill of rights essential to liberty?
1404	Is a law proposed concerning private debts?
1404	Is a violent and unnatural decrease in the value of land a symptom of national distress?
1404	Is an indefinite power to raise money dangerous in the hands of the federal government?
1404	Is an indefinite power to raise troops dangerous?
1404	Is another object of a bill of rights to define certain immunities and modes of proceeding, which are relative to personal and private concerns?
1404	Is commerce of importance to national wealth?
1404	Is it a fair comparison?
1404	Is it here that suspicion rests her charge?
1404	Is it improper and unsafe to intermix the different powers of government in the same body of men?
1404	Is it not designed as a method of NATIONAL INQUEST into the conduct of public men?
1404	Is it not( we may ask these projectors in politics) the true interest of all nations to cultivate the same benevolent and philosophic spirit?
1404	Is it particularly dangerous to give the keys of the treasury, and the command of the army, into the same hands?
1404	Is it possible that foreign nations can either respect or confide in such a government?
1404	Is it possible that the people of America will longer consent to trust their honor, their happiness, their safety, on so precarious a foundation?
1404	Is it probable that such a combination would exist at all?
1404	Is it supported by REASON?
1404	Is it to be presumed that any other State, at the same or any other given period, will be exempt from them?
1404	Is it to be presumed, that at any future septennial epoch the same State will be free from parties?
1404	Is it true that force and right are necessarily on the same side in republican governments?
1404	Is not a want of co- operation the infallible consequence of such a system?
1404	Is not the love of wealth as domineering and enterprising a passion as that of power or glory?
1404	Is not the power of the governor, in this article, on a calculation of political consequences, greater than that of the President?
1404	Is not this the true light in which it ought to be regarded?
1404	Is private credit the friend and patron of industry?
1404	Is public credit an indispensable resource in time of public danger?
1404	Is respectability in the eyes of foreign powers a safeguard against foreign encroachments?
1404	Is the CONSEQUENCE from this doctrine admissible?
1404	Is the administration of justice between the citizens of the same State the proper department of the local governments?
1404	Is the aggregate power of the general government greater than ought to have been vested in it?
1404	Is the danger apprehended from the other branches of the federal government?
1404	Is the doctrine warranted by FACTS?
1404	Is the importation of slaves permitted by the new Constitution for twenty years?
1404	Is the power of declaring war necessary?
1404	Is the power of raising armies and equipping fleets necessary?
1404	Is this the way in which usurpers stride to dominion over a numerous and enlightened nation?
1404	Is this to be exclusive, or are those courts to possess a concurrent jurisdiction?
1404	It has been asked, what is meant by"cases arising under the Constitution,"in contradiction from those"arising under the laws of the United States"?
1404	It may be asked, Why, then, could not a time have been fixed in the Constitution?
1404	It may be asked, perhaps, what has so long kept this disjointed machine from falling entirely to pieces?
1404	Law is defined to be a rule of action; but how can that be a rule, which is little known, and less fixed?
1404	May he have no connections, no friends, for whom he may sacrifice it?
1404	Must it of necessity be admitted that this power is infringed, so long as a part of the old articles remain?
1404	Or are they the inflammatory ravings of incendiaries or distempered enthusiasts?
1404	Or shall we say they may be continued as long as the danger which occasioned their being raised continues?
1404	Or to what purpose would it be established, in reference to one branch of the legislature, if it could not be extended to the other?
1404	Or why is it suggested that three or four confederacies would be better than one?
1404	Or, if such a trial of firmness between the two branches were hazarded, would not the one be as likely first to yield as the other?
1404	Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions on foreign manufactures?
1404	Shall it be a week, a month, a year?
1404	Shall the Union be constituted the guardian of the common safety?
1404	Should the people of America divide themselves into three or four nations, would not the same thing happen?
1404	The remaining inquiry is: Does it also combine the requisites to safety, in a republican sense-- a due dependence on the people, a due responsibility?
1404	The same house will possess the sole right of instituting impeachments: is not this a complete counterbalance to that of determining them?
1404	The true question to be decided then is, whether the smallness of the number, as a temporary regulation, be dangerous to the public liberty?
1404	They must therefore depend on the information of intelligent men, in whom they confide; and how must these men obtain their information?
1404	This is the form in which the comparison is usually stated to the public: but is it a just form?
1404	To what purpose then require the co- operation of the Senate?
1404	To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against States for the debts they owe?
1404	Upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation?
1404	What answer shall we give to those who would persuade us that things so unlike resemble each other?
1404	What are the MEANS to execute a LEGISLATIVE power but LAWS?
1404	What are the advantages promised to counterbalance these disadvantages?
1404	What are the characters which practice has stamped upon it?
1404	What are the chief sources of expense in every government?
1404	What are the proper means of executing such a power, but NECESSARY and PROPER laws?
1404	What are to be the objects of federal legislation?
1404	What colorable reason could be assigned, in a country so situated, for such vast augmentations of the military force?
1404	What difference can it make in point of expense to pay officers of the customs appointed by the State or by the United States?
1404	What equitable causes can grow out of the Constitution and laws of the United States?
1404	What has occasioned that enormous accumulation of debts with which several of the European nations are oppressed?
1404	What is a LEGISLATIVE power, but a power of making LAWS?
1404	What is a power, but the ability or faculty of doing a thing?
1404	What is the ability to do a thing, but the power of employing the MEANS necessary to its execution?
1404	What is the liberty of the press?
1404	What is the power of laying and collecting taxes, but a LEGISLATIVE POWER, or a power of MAKING LAWS, to lay and collect taxes?
1404	What is the reason on which this proverbial observation is founded?
1404	What is the spirit that has in general characterized the proceedings of Congress?
1404	What more could be desired by an enlightened and reasonable people?
1404	What more desirable or more essential than this quality in the governors of nations?
1404	What more natural than that they should be disposed to exclude from the lists such dangerous competitors?
1404	What relation is to subsist between the nine or more States ratifying the Constitution, and the remaining few who do not become parties to it?
1404	What shall we think of the motives which could induce men of sense to reason in this manner?
1404	What signifies a declaration, that"the liberty of the press shall be inviolably preserved"?
1404	What then are we to understand by the objection which this paper has combated?
1404	What then( it may be asked) is the use of such a provision, if it cease to operate the moment there is an inclination to disregard it?
1404	What time shall be requisite to ascertain the violation?
1404	What will be the conclusion?
1404	What will be the consequence, if we are not able to avail ourselves of the resource in question in its full extent?
1404	What would be the probable conduct of the government in such an emergency?
1404	What, but that he might be unequal to the task which the Constitution assigns him?
1404	What, it may be asked, is the true spirit of the institution itself?
1404	What, then, are the distinctive characters of the republican form?
1404	When armies are once raised what shall be denominated"keeping them up,"contrary to the sense of the Constitution?
1404	Whence is the dreaded augmentation of expense to spring?
1404	Where else than in the Senate could have been found a tribunal sufficiently dignified, or sufficiently independent?
1404	Where in the name of common- sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow- citizens?
1404	Where is the standard of perfection to be found?
1404	Where more desirable or more essential than in the first magistrate of a nation?
1404	Whether any part of the powers transferred to the general government be unnecessary or improper?
1404	Whether the entire mass of them be dangerous to the portion of jurisdiction left in the several States?
1404	Which the end; which the means?
1404	Which was the more important, which the less important part?
1404	Who are to be the electors of the federal representatives?
1404	Who are to be the objects of popular choice?
1404	Who can determine what might have been the issue of her late convulsions, if the malcontents had been headed by a Caesar or by a Cromwell?
1404	Who can give it any definition which would not leave the utmost latitude for evasion?
1404	Who can pretend that commercial imposts are, or would be, alone equal to the present and future exigencies of the Union?
1404	Who shall command the allied armies, and from which of them shall he receive his orders?
1404	Who shall judge of the continuance of the danger?
1404	Who shall settle the terms of peace, and in case of disputes what umpire shall decide between them and compel acquiescence?
1404	Who would be the parties?
1404	Who would be willing to stake his life and his estate upon the verdict of a jury acting under the auspices of judges who had predetermined his guilt?
1404	Who would not prefer that possibility to the unceasing agitations and frequent revolutions which are the continual scourges of petty republics?
1404	Why has government been instituted at all?
1404	Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?"
1404	Why should we consent to bear more than our proper share of the common burden?
1404	Why should we do more in proportion than those who are embarked with us in the same political voyage?
1404	Will it be said that the FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES of the Confederation were not within the purview of the convention, and ought not to have been varied?
1404	Will it be said that the alterations ought not to have touched the substance of the Confederation?
1404	Will it lean in favor of the landed interest, or the moneyed interest, or the mercantile interest, or the manufacturing interest?
1404	Will not the landholder know and feel whatever will promote or insure the interest of landed property?
1404	With what color of propriety could the force necessary for defense be limited by those who can not limit the force of offense?
1404	Would Connecticut and New Jersey long submit to be taxed by New York for her exclusive benefit?
1404	Would he on any occasion either have demanded or have received the like humiliation from Spain, or Britain, or any other POWERFUL nation?
1404	Would it have been an improvement of the plan, to have united the Supreme Court with the Senate, in the formation of the court of impeachments?
1404	Would not similar jealousies arise, and be in like manner cherished?
1404	Would not the mere circumstance of freight occasion a considerable deduction?
1404	Would not the principal part of its profits be intercepted by the Dutch, as a compensation for their agency and risk?
1404	Would she not have been compelled to raise and to maintain a more regular force for the execution of her design?
1404	Would the militia, in this supposition, be more ready or more able to support the federal authority than in the case of a general union?
1404	Would there not be the greatest reason to apprehend, that error, in the first sentence, would be the parent of error in the second sentence?
1404	Would they not be likely to prefer a conduct better adapted to their own immediate aggrandizement?
18	After all, may not another ground be taken on which this article of the Constitution will admit of a still more ready defense? 18 Why,"say they,"should we adopt an imperfect thing?
18	And how could it have happened otherwise?
18	And how far does this combination characterize the plan which has been reported by the convention?
18	And how far does this combination characterize the plan which has been reported by the convention?
18	And it is asked by what authority this bold and radical innovation was undertaken?
18	And what are the different classes of legislators but advocates and parties to the causes which they determine?
18	And what is there in all this that can not as well be performed by the national legislature as by a State legislature?
18	And who is there that will either take the trouble or incur the odium, of a strict scrunity into the secret springs of the transaction?
18	And who is there that will either take the trouble or incur the odium, of a strict scrunity into the secret springs of the transaction?
18	And will he not, from his own interest in that species of property, be sufficiently prone to resist every attempt to prejudice or encumber it?
18	Are fleets and armies and revenues necessary to this purpose?
18	Are not popular assemblies frequently subject to the impulses of rage, resentment, jealousy, avarice, and of other irregular and violent propensities?
18	Are not the former administered by MEN as well as the latter?
18	Are suppositions of this sort the sober admonitions of discerning patriots to a discerning people?
18	Are the State governments to be stigmatized as tyrannies, because they possess this power?
18	Are there engagements to the performance of which we are held by every tie respectable among men?
18	Are there not aversions, predilections, rivalships, and desires of unjust acquisitions, that affect nations as well as kings?
18	Are they agreed, are any two of them agreed, in their objections to the remedy proposed, or in the proper one to be substituted?
18	Are they not the genuine and the characteristic means by which republican government provides for the liberty and happiness of the people?
18	Are they not the identical means on which every State government in the Union relies for the attainment of these important ends?
18	Are they only to be met with in the towns or cities?
18	Are we afraid of foreign gold?
18	Are we entitled by nature and compact to a free participation in the navigation of the Mississippi?
18	Are we in a condition to resent or to repel the aggression?
18	Are"the wealthy and the well- born,"as they are called, confined to particular spots in the several States?
18	But SUSPICION may ask, Why then was it introduced?
18	But a right implies a remedy; and where else could the remedy be deposited, than where it is deposited by the Constitution?
18	But are they not all that government will admit, and that human prudence can devise?
18	But could an appeal be made to lie from the State courts to the subordinate federal judicatories?
18	But does it follow because there is a power to lay them that they will actually be laid?
18	But even in that case, may he have no object beyond his present station, to which he may sacrifice his independence?
18	But have they considered whether a better form could have been substituted?
18	But is it a just idea?
18	But is not the fact an alarming proof of the danger resulting from a government which does not possess regular powers commensurate to its objects?
18	But it may be again asked, Who is to judge of the NECESSITY and PROPRIETY of the laws to be passed for executing the powers of the Union?
18	But might not his nomination be overruled?
18	But ought not a more direct and explicit provision to have been made in favor of the State courts?
18	But the question again recurs, upon what pretense could he be put in possession of a force of that magnitude in time of peace?
18	But upon what principle is the discrimination of the places of election to be made, in order to answer the purpose of the meditated preference?
18	But was it necessary to give an INDEFINITE POWER of raising TROOPS, as well as providing fleets; and of maintaining both in PEACE, as well as in war?
18	But what inference can be drawn from this, or what would they amount to, if they were not to be supreme?
18	But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature?
18	But what is to be the object of this capricious partiality in the national councils?
18	But what would be the contest in the case we are supposing?
18	But where are the means to be found by the President, or the Senate, or both?
18	But whether made by one side or the other, would each side enjoy equal advantages on the trial?
18	But why is the experiment of an extended republic to be rejected, merely because it may comprise what is new?
18	But why, it is asked, might not the same purpose have been accomplished by the instrumentality of the State courts?
18	But will not this also be possessed in sufficient degree by a very few intelligent men, diffusively elected within the State?
18	But would not her navigation be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of being her own carrier in that trade?
18	By way of answer to this, it has been triumphantly asked, Why not in the first instance omit that ambiguous power, and rely upon the latter resource?
18	By what means is this object attainable?
18	Can it be said that the limits of the United States exceed this distance?
18	Can not the like knowledge be obtained in the national legislature from the representatives of each State?
18	Could the Supreme Court have been relied upon as answering this description?
18	Do the monitors deny the reality of her danger?
18	Do these fundamental principles require, particularly, that no tax should be levied without the intermediate agency of the States?
18	Do they begin by exciting the detestation of the very instruments of their intended usurpations?
18	Do they deny the necessity of some speedy and powerful remedy?
18	Do they require that the members of the government should derive their appointment from the legislatures, not from the people of the States?
18	Do they require that the powers of the government should act on the States, and not immediately on individuals?
18	Do they require that, in the establishment of the Constitution, the States should be regarded as distinct and independent sovereigns?
18	Do we owe debts to foreigners and to our own citizens contracted in a time of imminent peril for the preservation of our political existence?
18	Does the American impose on the Congress appropriations for two years?
18	Does the British Constitution restrain the parliamentary discretion to one year?
18	For what inducement could the Senate have to concur in a preference in which itself would not be included?
18	For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do?
18	From what quarter can the danger proceed?
18	Had not Congress repeatedly recommended this measure as not inconsistent with the fundamental principles of the Confederation?
18	Had not every State but one; had not New York herself, so far complied with the plan of Congress as to recognize the PRINCIPLE of the innovation?
18	Has commerce hitherto done anything more than change the objects of war?
18	Has it been found that bodies of men act with more rectitude or greater disinterestedness than individuals?
18	Has not the spirit of commerce, in many instances, administered new incentives to the appetite, both for the one and for the other?
18	Have republics in practice been less addicted to war than monarchies?
18	Have they, by some miraculous instinct or foresight, set apart in each of them a common place of residence?
18	Have we not had unequivocal experience of its effects in the course of the revolution which we have just accomplished?
18	Here another question occurs: What relation would subsist between the national and State courts in these instances of concurrent jurisdiction?
18	How can it ever possess either energy or stability, dignity or credit, confidence at home or respectability abroad?
18	How can it undertake or execute any liberal or enlarged plans of public good?
18	How can its administration be any thing else than a succession of expedients temporizing, impotent, disgraceful?
18	How can perfection spring from such materials?
18	How can the trade between the different States be duly regulated, without some knowledge of their relative situations in these and other respects?
18	How could recoveries be enforced?
18	How could the Senate confer a benefit upon the President by the manner of employing their right of negative upon his nominations?
18	How could they better gratify this, than by raising a creature of their own to the chief magistracy of the Union?
18	How far can they be combined with those other ingredients which constitute safety in the republican sense?
18	How far can they be combined with those other ingredients which constitute safety in the republican sense?
18	How shall we prevent a conflict between charity and judgment?
18	How will it be able to avoid a frequent sacrifice of its engagements to immediate necessity?
18	How would it be possible to agree upon a rule of apportionment satisfactory to all?
18	How, and when, and in what proportion shall aids of men and money be afforded?
18	How, in fact, could a majority in the House of Representatives impeach themselves?
18	I ask, What are these principles?
18	If any question is depending in a State legislature respecting one of the counties, which demands a knowledge of local details, how is it acquired?
18	If it should break forth into a storm, who can insure us that in its progress a part of its fury would not be spent upon us?
18	If one was attacked, would the others fly to its succor, and spend their blood and money in its defense?
18	If the latter, in what relation will they stand to the national tribunals?
18	If there should be an army to be made use of as the engine of despotism, what need of the militia?
18	If this be the design of it, who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?
18	If this be their true interest, have they in fact pursued it?
18	If, on the contrary, we ought to exceed this point, where can we stop, short of an indefinite power of providing for emergencies as they may arise?
18	Immediately after this clause follows another in these words:"The President shall have power to fill up??
18	Immediately after this clause follows another in these words:"The President shall have power to fill up??
18	In relation to what objects?
18	In what does our security consist against usurpation from that quarter?
18	In what manner is this influence to be exerted?
18	Is a bill of rights essential to liberty?
18	Is a law proposed concerning private debts?
18	Is a violent and unnatural decrease in the value of land a symptom of national distress?
18	Is an indefinite power to raise money dangerous in the hands of the federal government?
18	Is an indefinite power to raise troops dangerous?
18	Is another object of a bill of rights to define certain immunities and modes of proceeding, which are relative to personal and private concerns?
18	Is commerce of importance to national wealth?
18	Is it a fair comparison?
18	Is it here that suspicion rests her charge?
18	Is it improper and unsafe to intermix the different powers of government in the same body of men?
18	Is it not designed as a method of NATIONAL INQUEST into the conduct of public men?
18	Is it not( we may ask these projectors in politics) the true interest of all nations to cultivate the same benevolent and philosophic spirit?
18	Is it particularly dangerous to give the keys of the treasury, and the command of the army, into the same hands?
18	Is it possible that foreign nations can either respect or confide in such a government?
18	Is it possible that the people of America will longer consent to trust their honor, their happiness, their safety, on so precarious a foundation?
18	Is it probable that such a combination would exist at all?
18	Is it supported by REASON?
18	Is it to be presumed that any other State, at the same or any other given period, will be exempt from them?
18	Is it to be presumed, that at any future septennial epoch the same State will be free from parties?
18	Is it true that force and right are necessarily on the same side in republican governments?
18	Is not a want of co- operation the infallible consequence of such a system?
18	Is not the love of wealth as domineering and enterprising a passion as that of power or glory?
18	Is not the power of the governor, in this article, on a calculation of political consequences, greater than that of the President?
18	Is not this the true light in which it ought to be regarded?
18	Is private credit the friend and patron of industry?
18	Is public credit an indispensable resource in time of public danger?
18	Is respectability in the eyes of foreign powers a safeguard against foreign encroachments?
18	Is the CONSEQUENCE from this doctrine admissible?
18	Is the administration of justice between the citizens of the same State the proper department of the local governments?
18	Is the aggregate power of the general government greater than ought to have been vested in it?
18	Is the danger apprehended from the other branches of the federal government?
18	Is the doctrine warranted by FACTS?
18	Is the importation of slaves permitted by the new Constitution for twenty years?
18	Is the power of declaring war necessary?
18	Is the power of raising armies and equipping fleets necessary?
18	Is this the way in which usurpers stride to dominion over a numerous and enlightened nation?
18	Is this to be exclusive, or are those courts to possess a concurrent jurisdiction?
18	It has also been asked, what need of the word"equity What equitable causes can grow out of the Constitution and laws of the United States?
18	It has been asked, what is meant by"cases arising under the Constitution,"in contradiction from those"arising under the laws of the United States"?
18	It may be asked, Why, then, could not a time have been fixed in the Constitution?
18	It may be asked, perhaps, what has so long kept this disjointed machine from falling entirely to pieces?
18	Law is defined to be a rule of action; but how can that be a rule, which is little known, and less fixed?
18	May he have no connections, no friends, for whom he may sacrifice it?
18	Must it of necessity be admitted that this power is infringed, so long as a part of the old articles remain?
18	Or are they the inflammatory ravings of incendiaries or distempered enthusiasts?
18	Or shall we say they may be continued as long as the danger which occasioned their being raised continues?
18	Or to what purpose would it be established, in reference to one branch of the legislature, if it could not be extended to the other?
18	Or why is it suggested that three or four confederacies would be better than one?
18	Or, if such a trial of firmness between the two branches were hazarded, would not the one be as likely first to yield as the other?
18	Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions on foreign manufactures?
18	Shall it be a week, a month, a year?
18	Shall the Union be constituted the guardian of the common safety?
18	Should the people of America divide themselves into three or four nations, would not the same thing happen?
18	The remaining inquiry is: Does it also combine the requisites to safety, in a republican sense, a due dependence on the people, a due responsibility?
18	The same house will possess the sole right of instituting impeachments: is not this a complete counterbalance to that of determining them?
18	The true question to be decided then is, whether the smallness of the number, as a temporary regulation, be dangerous to the public liberty?
18	They must therefore depend on the information of intelligent men, in whom they confide; and how must these men obtain their information?
18	This is the form in which the comparison is usually stated to the public: but is it a just form?
18	To what purpose then require the co- operation of the Senate?
18	To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against States for the debts they owe?
18	Upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation?
18	We have neither troops, nor treasury, nor government.1 Are we even in a condition to remonstrate with dignity?
18	What answer shall we give to those who would persuade us that things so unlike resemble each other?
18	What are the MEANS to execute a LEGISLATIVE power but LAWS?
18	What are the advantages promised to counterbalance these disadvantages?
18	What are the characters which practice has stamped upon it?
18	What are the chief sources of expense in every government?
18	What are the proper means of executing such a power, but NECESSARY and PROPER laws?
18	What are to be the objects of federal legislation?
18	What colorable reason could be assigned, in a country so situated, for such vast augmentations of the military force?
18	What difference can it make in point of expense to pay officers of the customs appointed by the State or by the United States?
18	What has occasioned that enormous accumulation of debts with which several of the European nations are oppressed?
18	What is a LEGISLATIVE power, but a power of making LAWS?
18	What is a power, but the ability or faculty of doing a thing?
18	What is the ability to do a thing, but the power of employing the MEANS necessary to its execution?
18	What is the liberty of the press?
18	What is the power of laying and collecting taxes, but a LEGISLATIVE POWER, or a power of MAKING LAWS, to lay and collect taxes?
18	What is the reason on which this proverbial observation is founded?
18	What is the spirit that has in general characterized the proceedings of Congress?
18	What more could be desired by an enlightened and reasonable people?
18	What more desirable or more essential than this quality in the governors of nations?
18	What more natural than that they should be disposed to exclude from the lists such dangerous competitors?
18	What relation is to subsist between the nine or more States ratifying the Constitution, and the remaining few who do not become parties to it?
18	What shall we think of the motives which could induce men of sense to reason in this manner?
18	What signifies a declaration, that"the liberty of the press shall be inviolably preserved"?
18	What then are we to understand by the objection which this paper has combated?
18	What then( it may be asked) is the use of such a provision, if it cease to operate the moment there is an inclination to disregard it?
18	What time shall be requisite to ascertain the violation?
18	What will be the conclusion?
18	What will be the consequence, if we are not able to avail ourselves of the resource in question in its full extent?
18	What would be the probable conduct of the government in such an emergency?
18	What, but that he might be unequal to the task which the Constitution assigns him?
18	What, it may be asked, is the true spirit of the institution itself?
18	What, then, are the distinctive characters of the republican form?
18	When armies are once raised what shall be denominated"keeping them up,"contrary to the sense of the Constitution?
18	Whence is the dreaded augmentation of expense to spring?
18	Where else than in the Senate could have been found a tribunal sufficiently dignified, or sufficiently independent?
18	Where in the name of common- sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow- citizens?
18	Where is the standard of perfection to be found?
18	Where more desirable or more essential than in the first magistrate of a nation?
18	Whether any part of the powers transferred to the general government be unnecessary or improper?
18	Whether the entire mass of them be dangerous to the portion of jurisdiction left in the several States?
18	Which the end; which the means?
18	Which was the more important, which the less important part?
18	Who are to be the electors of the federal representatives?
18	Who are to be the objects of popular choice?
18	Who can determine what might have been the issue of her late convulsions, if the malcontents had been headed by a Caesar or by a Cromwell?
18	Who can give it any definition which would not leave the utmost latitude for evasion?
18	Who can pretend that commercial imposts are, or would be, alone equal to the present and future exigencies of the Union?
18	Who shall command the allied armies, and from which of them shall he receive his orders?
18	Who shall judge of the continuance of the danger?
18	Who shall settle the terms of peace, and in case of disputes what umpire shall decide between them and compel acquiescence?
18	Who would be the parties?
18	Who would be willing to stake his life and his estate upon the verdict of a jury acting under the auspices of judges who had predetermined his guilt?
18	Who would not prefer that possibility to the unceasing agitations and frequent revolutions which are the continual scourges of petty republics?
18	Why has government been instituted at all?
18	Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?"
18	Why should we consent to bear more than our proper share of the common burden?
18	Why should we do more in proportion than those who are embarked with us in the same political voyage?
18	Will it be said that the FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES of the Confederation were not within the purview of the convention, and ought not to have been varied?
18	Will it be said that the alterations ought not to have touched the substance of the Confederation?
18	Will it lean in favor of the landed interest, or the moneyed interest, or the mercantile interest, or the manufacturing interest?
18	Will not the landholder know and feel whatever will promote or insure the interest of landed property?
18	With what color of propriety could the force necessary for defense be limited by those who can not limit the force of offense?
18	Would Connecticut and New Jersey long submit to be taxed by New York for her exclusive benefit?
18	Would he on any occasion either have demanded or have received the like humiliation from Spain, or Britain, or any other POWERFUL nation?
18	Would it have been an improvement of the plan, to have united the Supreme Court with the Senate, in the formation of the court of impeachments?
18	Would not similar jealousies arise, and be in like manner cherished?
18	Would not the mere circumstance of freight occasion a considerable deduction?
18	Would not the principal part of its profits be intercepted by the Dutch, as a compensation for their agency and risk?
18	Would she not have been compelled to raise and to maintain a more regular force for the execution of her design?
18	Would the militia, in this supposition, be more ready or more able to support the federal authority than in the case of a general union?
18	Would there not be the greatest reason to apprehend, that error, in the first sentence, would be the parent of error in the second sentence?
18	Would they not be likely to prefer a conduct better adapted to their own immediate aggrandizement?