trigram

This is a table of type trigram and their frequencies. Use it to search & browse the list to learn more about your study carrel.

trigram	frequency
of the irish	684
the house of	307
one of the	303
of the people	276
of the country	255
the home rule	245
house of commons	239
the irish people	219
home rule bill	212
of home rule	200
as well as	192
in the house	188
part of the	183
sir edward carson	182
the fact that	181
out of the	174
on the th	171
it is not	170
it would be	170
would have been	167
on the other	158
of the land	154
of the british	150
the th of	150
the people of	144
and that the	144
of the ulster	144
the irish question	142
as to the	141
was to be	140
it was the	139
there was no	138
the united states	134
of the united	131
to be a	130
that the irish	130
and in the	128
of the english	128
the irish party	126
that it was	124
there was a	123
i do not	119
the prime minister	119
to the irish	119
of the government	117
members of the	116
the policy of	113
of their own	112
it was not	112
it was a	111
in which the	110
the end of	109
so far as	107
there is a	104
the other hand	104
of the most	103
of the house	103
in the country	103
some of the	102
of the new	102
to say that	102
there is no	102
that he was	102
the united kingdom	100
it is a	98
it may be	98
the hands of	97
the act of	97
to have been	97
and it is	96
the irish parliament	96
in the same	95
an irish parliament	95
at the same	95
is to be	94
of the great	93
the whole of	93
of the bill	93
in order to	92
the british empire	91
in the irish	89
could not be	89
it is the	89
the government of	89
and it was	88
the same time	86
the imperial parliament	86
house of lords	86
the rest of	86
to home rule	86
the name of	86
but it is	85
to be the	84
of the party	84
for home rule	84
that he had	83
in the world	82
of the union	82
in favour of	82
the question of	82
that of the	82
it will be	81
the english people	81
and of the	81
of those who	80
of great britain	80
of the empire	80
of the world	79
point of view	79
the case of	79
the cause of	78
of the home	78
the roman catholic	78
and the irish	77
the work of	76
member of the	76
in the united	75
of the war	74
the war office	74
the history of	74
of the whole	74
but it was	74
he was a	74
a number of	73
by the irish	73
the power of	72
the spirit of	72
of an irish	72
this is the	71
a matter of	71
that it is	71
of all the	70
for the first	70
which had been	70
the british government	69
the purpose of	69
a home rule	68
government of ireland	68
who had been	68
the unionist party	67
would not be	67
between the two	66
ulster unionist council	66
they do not	66
might have been	66
the ulster unionist	65
of the national	65
the part of	65
the first time	64
the liberal party	64
in great britain	64
of the old	64
the men who	63
the irish government	62
not to be	62
he did not	62
it must be	62
it has been	62
would be a	62
for the purpose	62
the land league	61
that home rule	61
it is true	61
the idea of	61
on the irish	60
which i have	60
had to be	59
the course of	59
the british parliament	59
one of them	59
as a whole	59
the state of	59
of his own	59
leader of the	58
of the two	58
that there was	58
was one of	58
on the part	57
end of the	57
in the north	57
was in the	57
were to be	57
that they were	57
fact that the	57
in the hands	56
the way of	56
as it was	56
the effect of	56
in the first	55
the right of	55
as they are	55
the result of	55
the beginning of	55
he had been	54
it would have	54
at the time	54
the union of	54
is not a	54
it had been	54
policy of the	54
that in the	54
so long as	53
most of the	53
it is to	53
in regard to	53
this was the	53
the position of	53
but in the	52
in the way	52
view of the	52
the land question	52
of which the	52
the influence of	52
ought to be	52
in the case	52
united irish league	52
more than a	51
to make the	51
that they are	51
a state of	51
due to the	51
power of the	51
which he had	51
the interests of	51
is not the	51
the man who	51
of the crown	50
to the government	50
at any rate	50
of ireland to	50
he could not	50
to which the	50
the control of	50
as it is	50
that the government	50
of a great	49
they have been	49
majority of the	49
in their own	49
was not a	49
and on the	49
said that the	49
that the people	49
the people are	49
that is the	49
as in the	48
the nationalist party	48
as i have	48
a sort of	48
the united irish	48
the irish members	48
say that the	48
with the irish	47
the character of	47
of the nationalist	47
a series of	47
a man of	47
england and scotland	47
the members of	47
that it would	47
in the past	47
as far as	47
the other side	47
the success of	47
he was not	47
history of the	47
the number of	46
in the ulster	46
that there is	46
the general election	46
to deal with	46
so that the	46
the board of	46
character of the	46
regard to the	46
to be found	46
settlement of the	45
and his friends	45
to the people	45
he would have	45
at the end	45
of the unionist	45
the head of	45
to the country	45
in the matter	45
in which he	45
part in the	45
the men of	45
to the english	45
not in the	45
side of the	45
will not be	45
seems to have	45
and all the	44
to meet the	44
the conduct of	44
people of ireland	44
would be the	44
of the present	44
of the population	44
up to the	44
home rule was	44
many of the	44
great britain and	44
against home rule	44
home rule is	44
the passing of	43
of the law	43
and when the	43
the ulster hall	43
the action of	43
in the last	43
they did not	43
of the north	43
the principle of	43
hands of the	43
from the first	43
parts of the	43
which the irish	42
there would be	42
to do so	42
but for the	42
there can be	42
the english government	42
the use of	42
of the imperial	42
it was in	41
they were not	41
the side of	41
in the name	41
is that the	41
the irish mind	41
be able to	41
the days of	41
the two countries	41
they are not	41
must have been	41
the condition of	41
of the nation	41
be found in	41
the country was	41
we do not	40
to those who	40
they could not	40
it should be	40
of the south	40
in other words	40
they will not	40
they would be	40
for a moment	40
in the course	40
the english parliament	40
the leader of	40
on the contrary	40
have been the	40
in spite of	40
of the same	40
the establishment of	40
to have a	40
in his own	40
the minds of	40
of the situation	39
believe that the	39
state of things	39
to go to	39
the new movement	39
to take the	39
in connection with	39
ought to have	39
more and more	39
that the english	39
of the movement	39
of men who	39
and to the	39
a man who	39
in the end	39
of the convention	39
for the irish	39
some of them	38
all over the	38
the congested districts	38
control of the	38
of the american	38
and at the	38
life of the	38
the leaders of	38
reference to the	38
would have to	38
the irish volunteers	38
at this moment	38
of the past	38
by which the	38
in the war	38
of the first	38
of the act	38
the time of	38
in the convention	38
and that he	38
should not be	38
of the department	38
this is a	38
support of the	38
and with the	38
a member of	38
and the other	38
ireland in the	37
if he had	37
by those who	37
the bulk of	37
to the fact	37
there had been	37
in addition to	37
union of hearts	37
that they would	37
the people who	37
have to be	37
from time to	37
of ireland and	37
on the same	37
which it is	37
the majority of	37
time to time	37
of a people	37
rest of the	37
knowledge of the	37
the attitude of	37
at all events	37
by the english	36
that is to	36
they have no	36
rank and file	36
those of the	36
and for the	36
of the question	36
if they were	36
appeal to the	36
given to the	36
on both sides	36
the sense of	36
as soon as	36
it was to	36
home rule act	36
and by the	36
which was to	36
condition of the	36
that if the	36
on the ground	36
the most important	36
that had been	35
could have been	35
to see the	35
was not the	35
leaders of the	35
in the south	35
to believe that	35
by the government	35
of such a	35
and the people	35
passing of the	35
it to the	35
the chief secretary	35
the basis of	35
the plan of	35
can be no	35
on the whole	35
the life of	35
a body of	35
the eyes of	35
over the country	35
of the men	35
in all the	35
of the day	34
in the great	34
this is not	34
the fate of	34
that he would	34
of public opinion	34
the destruction of	34
the value of	34
to the british	34
of this country	34
to which i	34
of the church	34
to make a	34
whole of the	34
which he was	34
he had to	34
will be the	34
action of the	34
the earl of	34
in the british	34
to make it	34
section of the	34
rest of ireland	34
and that they	34
it was only	34
of the catholic	34
much of the	34
with all the	34
way in which	34
men who had	34
in the land	34
at the present	34
any of the	34
two or three	34
said to me	34
landlord and tenant	33
meeting of the	33
the task of	33
more or less	33
of their country	33
on the question	33
on behalf of	33
but there is	33
be allowed to	33
president of the	33
the parliament of	33
of the state	33
the duke of	33
made by the	33
of the other	33
the development of	33
because it was	33
of the liberal	33
the strength of	33
the people were	33
that they had	33
he and his	33
when it was	33
for the most	33
many of them	32
for the sake	32
an act of	32
in the english	32
the sake of	32
in a position	32
spirit of the	32
of a new	32
should have been	32
but there was	32
the people to	32
in view of	32
are to be	32
in ireland and	32
the land for	32
told me that	32
on the land	32
i am not	32
representatives of the	32
let it be	32
the light of	32
large number of	32
those who have	31
which they have	31
had come to	31
of the last	31
of the case	31
i have seen	31
in their hands	31
be said that	31
the nature of	31
success of the	31
if it were	31
that the bill	31
is one of	31
which they had	31
at this time	31
the tory party	31
of its own	31
with which the	31
the day of	31
the loss of	31
bulk of the	31
a question of	31
on the subject	31
was that the	31
this was a	31
of the island	31
to all the	31
to their own	31
in ireland is	31
of the roman	31
the creation of	31
may be said	31
the subject of	31
conduct of the	31
the eighteenth century	31
the british army	31
back to the	31
and that it	31
of agriculture and	30
of the tenants	30
had not been	30
the point of	30
work of the	30
in which they	30
which it was	30
there is not	30
and i am	30
question of the	30
the mass of	30
the irish legislature	30
the mind of	30
in respect of	30
in relation to	30
look at the	30
the constitution of	30
portion of the	30
is in the	30
the price of	30
have been in	30
the failure of	30
the face of	30
the matter of	30
a majority of	30
the story of	30
members of parliament	30
home rule in	30
on home rule	30
according to the	30
as much as	30
me that the	30
the land conference	30
well as the	30
supremacy of the	30
for the future	30
they would have	30
found in the	30
but he was	30
of a nation	29
i have been	29
the exclusion of	29
to show that	29
the government to	29
can only be	29
congested districts board	29
of ireland in	29
as one of	29
on the side	29
in such a	29
the heart of	29
of the three	29
to do with	29
owing to the	29
home rule and	29
the opinion of	29
they would not	29
to be done	29
pointed out that	29
it did not	29
men who have	29
the way in	29
and they are	29
of ireland is	29
the land act	29
was the first	29
and he was	29
and the most	29
of the soil	29
and i have	29
the settlement of	29
the feeling of	28
to take a	28
home rule would	28
far as the	28
of the covenant	28
by no means	28
to be made	28
the introduction of	28
known as the	28
a right to	28
the importance of	28
to be taken	28
those who are	28
had been a	28
to the new	28
government of the	28
one of his	28
constitution of the	28
case of the	28
the form of	28
to carry out	28
went to the	28
the roman catholics	28
head of the	28
the country to	28
but they were	28
in the long	28
of the time	28
made in the	28
is due to	28
that was the	28
the grand old	28
come to the	28
in the days	28
that they have	28
the presence of	28
in england and	28
of ireland was	28
the interest of	28
a home ruler	28
could not have	28
in the following	28
he does not	28
the object of	28
the death of	28
of the volunteers	27
we have been	27
in which it	27
beginning of the	27
and a half	27
has been the	27
of the belfast	27
in the next	27
the system of	27
to the cause	27
in the face	27
the principles of	27
the irish are	27
we have no	27
the amount of	27
will have to	27
the possibility of	27
we have a	27
the support of	27
to the other	27
he would be	27
in the eyes	27
that they should	27
so as to	27
is not to	27
department of agriculture	27
sense of the	27
the best of	27
the irish nation	27
the means of	27
there will be	27
unity of the	27
the irish in	27
it in the	27
a system of	27
account of the	27
not only the	27
to give the	27
they have not	27
the nationalist members	27
the gaelic league	27
do not think	27
likely to be	27
in the history	27
at that time	27
to the ulster	27
if they had	27
land act of	27
it does not	27
it is in	27
if we are	27
plan of campaign	27
of the league	27
which would have	27
the growth of	27
general election of	27
what is the	27
the forces of	26
strength of the	26
dealing with the	26
as it were	26
i have said	26
the first of	26
it might be	26
of irish life	26
the right to	26
he was the	26
as they were	26
such as the	26
in one of	26
it as a	26
grand old man	26
they had been	26
when he was	26
to come to	26
the standing committee	26
those who had	26
in front of	26
to get the	26
had never been	26
to the national	26
in the event	26
of the best	26
the title of	26
on the spot	26
the maintenance of	26
for the last	26
to the imperial	26
of which he	26
more than the	26
in a state	26
of civil war	26
that we should	26
to have the	26
history of ireland	26
the parliament act	26
by means of	26
a great deal	26
people of the	26
the most part	26
man in the	26
would be to	26
seemed to be	26
on which the	26
in the interests	26
ireland and the	26
would be no	26
those who were	26
of the nationalists	26
the foundation of	26
go to the	26
on the one	26
it would not	26
interest in the	26
attitude of the	26
do not believe	26
report of the	26
the rank and	26
said to be	26
on the statute	26
was a great	26
nature of the	26
that is a	26
the south and	26
south and west	25
one or two	25
connection with the	25
away from the	25
of the earth	25
of the constitution	25
no less than	25
said to have	25
the battle of	25
of the chief	25
in the press	25
it is an	25
it can be	25
have been a	25
that when the	25
to that of	25
have been made	25
to pay the	25
the mansion house	25
england and ireland	25
opposition to the	25
opinion of the	25
a position to	25
the centre of	25
of the protestant	25
a few days	25
the ulster division	25
it is that	25
during the last	25
of local government	25
would not have	25
the land commission	25
favour of the	25
the bishop of	25
there was an	25
seem to have	25
as a matter	25
the service of	25
in the most	25
at any time	25
parts of ireland	25
in support of	25
the root of	25
the line of	25
the supremacy of	25
be made to	25
had been made	25
that he is	25
and from the	25
which they were	25
chairman of the	25
subject to the	25
the way to	25
a dublin parliament	25
do not know	25
of irish history	25
one of those	25
may have been	25
that such a	25
which would be	25
at the beginning	25
of the work	25
in ireland the	25
is to say	25
a few years	25
the irish race	25
lord mayor of	24
the duty of	24
men of the	24
mass of the	24
ireland would be	24
to set up	24
the aid of	24
nothing of the	24
the country and	24
has not been	24
the church of	24
th of march	24
is true that	24
the cost of	24
in the very	24
of sinn fein	24
i think it	24
all over ireland	24
with a view	24
responsible for the	24
the great majority	24
ireland has been	24
the irish land	24
them in the	24
the existence of	24
the absence of	24
by reason of	24
parliament in dublin	24
home rule to	24
for many years	24
believe in the	24
of the parliament	24
to the house	24
sympathy with the	24
a large number	24
solution of the	24
to the great	24
was not to	24
home rule as	24
by way of	24
part of ireland	24
seems to be	24
most of them	24
a part of	24
the ground that	24
men in the	24
as to what	24
to be an	24
by the people	24
to see that	24
law and order	24
the irish peasant	24
of the local	24
the irish unionist	24
it is said	24
the greater part	24
it came to	24
he was in	24
the government had	24
in the new	24
of the city	24
the voice of	24
and the land	24
by the land	24
the sinn fein	24
that the country	23
to be in	23
of the royal	23
up in the	23
in any way	23
all that was	23
was in a	23
a view to	23
or any other	23
came to the	23
on this point	23
that the british	23
a kind of	23
was on the	23
not be a	23
greater part of	23
forces of the	23
we have the	23
the law of	23
of the sea	23
that i have	23
in the general	23
the event of	23
to give them	23
he is a	23
the long run	23
the defence of	23
of the army	23
for it is	23
of the poor	23
in the army	23
the government and	23
the people and	23
the opponents of	23
the defeat of	23
in the main	23
down to the	23
policy of conciliation	23
him in the	23
in my opinion	23
of the fact	23
roman catholic clergy	23
as he was	23
committee of the	23
men and women	23
it is no	23
are going to	23
to give a	23
ireland to the	23
or in the	23
the unity of	23
as that of	23
the irish convention	23
th of april	23
in a few	23
the land of	23
we must have	23
a hundred years	23
the nineteenth century	23
and the rest	23
the place of	23
of one of	23
the poor folks	23
to the crown	23
of the french	23
in the light	23
side by side	23
an end to	23
than that of	23
there could be	23
with the ulster	22
secretary of the	22
a period of	22
that he could	22
for a time	22
the management of	22
it is only	22
the authority of	22
which have been	22
that he should	22
to bring about	22
these are the	22
to the same	22
britain and ireland	22
it seems to	22
it was an	22
connected with the	22
of ireland are	22
in the future	22
and if the	22
has been in	22
mind of the	22
not for the	22
the amending bill	22
so to speak	22
the people have	22
for the moment	22
to the land	22
the progress of	22
there has been	22
it to be	22
at the moment	22
i am sure	22
be said to	22
which they are	22
we have seen	22
by the act	22
english home rulers	22
in those days	22
in the old	22
the rule of	22
at the head	22
of law and	22
be remembered that	22
be expected to	22
as in england	22
to keep the	22
the problem of	22
for the people	22
whole of ireland	22
part of a	22
manner in which	22
the election of	22
of which was	22
whom he had	22
they will have	22
he had a	22
of the council	22
in ireland was	22
that this is	22
at a time	22
we are to	22
the curragh incident	22
mr dillon and	22
that there are	22
with which they	22
the ranks of	22
in ireland as	21
had not yet	21
here and there	21
i have already	21
for which he	21
we should have	21
was the only	21
act of parliament	21
in a country	21
to the front	21
i have not	21
this was not	21
for the whole	21
been able to	21
were in the	21
the conclusion that	21
all parts of	21
every part of	21
a time when	21
had been the	21
has never been	21
aspect of the	21
between england and	21
never have been	21
touch with the	21
the lord lieutenant	21
three or four	21
the north of	21
the consent of	21
the rights of	21
and if they	21
could be no	21
it could not	21
the brutal saxon	21
the irish problem	21
who have been	21
to accept the	21
of the race	21
of the times	21
has been a	21
the population of	21
was made to	21
of our own	21
the representatives of	21
which was the	21
did not know	21
a roman catholic	21
the government in	21
to which he	21
other parts of	21
god save the	21
as we have	21
to the empire	21
with great britain	21
difference between the	21
the bill would	21
the recess committee	21
was able to	21
to the last	21
of the purchase	21
to the policy	21
of the german	21
one of these	21
the irish were	21
as the irish	21
of the greatest	21
in the city	21
which has been	21
into the hands	21
deal with the	21
a good deal	21
he has been	21
opposed to the	21
of the landlord	21
feeling of the	21
in accordance with	21
for some time	21
the irish language	21
in dealing with	21
the opening of	21
they have the	21
we are not	21
to the present	21
state of the	21
of the seas	21
the young men	20
of the community	20
consent of the	20
the lack of	20
it is well	20
is not so	20
every one of	20
may not be	20
and those who	20
in ireland has	20
in this country	20
and so on	20
by the state	20
of irish government	20
to the tenant	20
opponents of home	20
the rate of	20
out of a	20
time of the	20
the country is	20
to the end	20
put an end	20
he had not	20
public opinion in	20
there was not	20
the landlord and	20
in a sense	20
and they have	20
as to be	20
place in the	20
the prospect of	20
irish people are	20
the manner in	20
the bottom of	20
they may be	20
declared that the	20
i believe that	20
the education of	20
for him to	20
of a national	20
a means of	20
to be paid	20
on their own	20
that the whole	20
began to be	20
result of the	20
as long as	20
for the good	20
is not in	20
in the streets	20
both sides of	20
the lord mayor	20
government in ireland	20
the protection of	20
heart of the	20
the irish leaders	20
a few weeks	20
the other day	20
from the irish	20
the conditions of	20
the passage of	20
will be a	20
he was to	20
the ulster people	20
and we are	20
we shall be	20
in the morning	20
so much as	20
appeared in the	20
to which they	20
sides of the	20
exclusion of ulster	20
it is clear	20
because it is	20
of the matter	20
by the british	20
of the priests	20
the causes of	20
they had no	20
and you will	20
hundred and fifty	20
and when he	20
there was nothing	20
and in a	20
the leadership of	20
that the land	20
that all the	20
be no doubt	20
the eve of	20
to some extent	20
change in the	20
the bill was	20
the benefit of	20
in the middle	20
which we have	20
authority of the	20
the middle of	20
that it should	20
member of parliament	20
there should be	20
be said of	20
sir edward grey	20
the solution of	20
position of the	20
the post office	20
out in the	20
man who had	20
on account of	20
borne in mind	20
with those of	20
in the whole	20
their own country	20
the shores of	20
the first and	20
they had to	20
and with a	20
that they will	20
could only be	20
letter to the	20
interests of the	20
to settle the	20
a letter to	20
a condition of	20
out of their	20
will be seen	20
in touch with	19
of the leaders	19
with his own	19
of the members	19
in any other	19
the catholic church	19
of which they	19
long as the	19
of sir edward	19
the working of	19
and so forth	19
true that the	19
a meeting of	19
which the people	19
the application of	19
the close of	19
he might have	19
cause of the	19
the help of	19
the french revolution	19
of ireland by	19
the national volunteers	19
of the measure	19
in the direction	19
of the majority	19
a measure of	19
in the eighteenth	19
no matter what	19
th of july	19
a spirit of	19
the danger of	19
home rule party	19
were in a	19
the land and	19
ireland for the	19
of land purchase	19
of the district	19
before the war	19
but the irish	19
church of ireland	19
in ireland in	19
get home rule	19
the country at	19
of england in	19
a hundred and	19
the land purchase	19
so far from	19
the people would	19
that we have	19
the land bill	19
the present moment	19
an appeal to	19
and not to	19
supposed to be	19
be in the	19
of this kind	19
to give it	19
that the ulster	19
is a matter	19
i would not	19
and that this	19
social and economic	19
the ulster volunteers	19
for their own	19
in the bill	19
for more than	19
but on the	19
for which the	19
of the parliamentary	19
in the party	19
the direction of	19
it is because	19
of local self	19
of the kind	19
loyalty to the	19
not believe that	19
was at the	19
with the government	19
by the war	19
of the west	19
things as they	19
in ireland a	19
of them were	19
to the union	19
to the very	19
with the same	19
none the less	19
not one of	19
they will be	19
if home rule	19
set up a	19
and the english	19
with which he	19
roman catholic church	19
in a very	19
by the same	19
the details of	19
led to the	19
he said that	19
than any other	19
the field of	19
he had no	19
the ulster leader	19
the king of	19
the outbreak of	19
ulster volunteer force	19
we have to	19
that can be	19
way to the	19
in any case	19
the circumstances of	19
far as i	19
a word of	19
the confidence of	19
that of a	19
the organisation of	19
the names of	19
as to whether	19
came to be	19
even in the	19
hands of a	19
the penal laws	18
in every way	18
in a letter	18
the english and	18
to the convention	18
after the war	18
return to the	18
the ulster volunteer	18
more than one	18
on the eve	18
if it had	18
would never have	18
body of the	18
point out that	18
ireland is a	18
a piece of	18
face of the	18
me that he	18
such was the	18
the reign of	18
but when the	18
matter of fact	18
the feelings of	18
in order that	18
the refusal of	18
and the great	18
that would be	18
story of the	18
the administration of	18
the hope of	18
act of union	18
to point out	18
a general election	18
of the hour	18
on the right	18
and technical instruction	18
on the home	18
for the present	18
the hope that	18
of the gaelic	18
to support the	18
out that the	18
government and the	18
the result was	18
seem to be	18
the welfare of	18
if it is	18
which is the	18
was not only	18
at the bottom	18
at last the	18
which may be	18
on the st	18
of the th	18
and could not	18
the mercy of	18
among the irish	18
education of the	18
not so much	18
they were to	18
the freedom of	18
the balance of	18
the abolition of	18
of his life	18
called upon to	18
must be a	18
north and south	18
at the outset	18
of some of	18
in the public	18
at such a	18
that the home	18
not a single	18
know that the	18
the force of	18
a couple of	18
interest of the	18
the national league	18
a party of	18
but this was	18
to sir edward	18
it was that	18
and when they	18
the southern unionists	18
and they were	18
the enemies of	18
defeat of the	18
for it was	18
upon the irish	18
the road to	18
a sense of	18
be given to	18
the legislative body	18
not fail to	18
board of erin	18
we did not	18
in the hope	18
to each other	18
relation to the	18
if the irish	18
in the minds	18
all the world	18
the greatest of	18
of the man	18
a few months	18
and some of	18
but to the	18
in the early	18
men who are	18
but they are	18
to bring the	18
of national education	18
and this was	18
face to face	18
of a very	18
that they may	18
the greatness of	18
that there were	18
not have been	18
and they will	18
the royal irish	18
were made to	18
under the control	18
to the state	18
england in the	18
them by the	18
they are told	18
were able to	18
and he had	18
and if we	18
in irish history	18
he would not	18
man who has	18
and that is	18
of the committee	18
th of september	18
the example of	18
the difference between	18
is a great	17
party in ireland	17
and there is	17
that sir edward	17
but as a	17
be called the	17
of the province	17
and there was	17
with regard to	17
that if he	17
they are the	17
has to be	17
he went on	17
of this book	17
defence of the	17
the kind of	17
have not been	17
i will not	17
people of ulster	17
of us who	17
in the present	17
to ireland of	17
there were no	17
to carry on	17
be dealt with	17
but at the	17
on one side	17
nothing to do	17
of a home	17
at the mercy	17
in the state	17
day of the	17
the claims of	17
of any other	17
on the basis	17
to form a	17
the same thing	17
to great britain	17
over and over	17
not only to	17
the archbishop of	17
the irish nationalist	17
share in the	17
the privy council	17
the nationalist leaders	17
the provisional government	17
it is of	17
the result that	17
had been in	17
provisions of the	17
at a meeting	17
and if you	17
who are not	17
that is not	17
of the landlords	17
of the general	17
a portion of	17
which must be	17
it was necessary	17
save the queen	17
it was no	17
of which is	17
the government were	17
the power to	17
battle of the	17
the irish had	17
minds of the	17
when he said	17
clear that the	17
the president of	17
on all sides	17
maintenance of the	17
in the presence	17
spite of the	17
to the war	17
that is what	17
the making of	17
lay in the	17
seems to me	17
influence on the	17
to face with	17
our national life	17
party and the	17
the demand for	17
the time when	17
which in the	17
of england and	17
of a century	17
of the clergy	17
the people in	17
the soul of	17
for all the	17
to be called	17
the convention was	17
by the way	17
who do not	17
of the king	17
can be done	17
it could be	17
those of us	17
in which we	17
influence of the	17
the advice of	17
effect of the	17
but he had	17
as for the	17
of the ancient	17
the results of	17
the ulster movement	17
possession of the	17
land and labour	17
be regarded as	17
great majority of	17
to those of	17
have come to	17
government for ireland	17
of the leading	17
i have no	17
of a small	17
that on the	17
on his own	17
see that the	17
share of the	17
the council of	17
no doubt that	17
agriculture and technical	17
who does not	17
during the war	17
quarter of a	17
the credit of	17
we are told	17
and the whole	17
in ireland to	17
the difficulty of	17
example of the	17
the attention of	17
in the field	17
when they were	17
pounds a year	17
referred to the	17
the formation of	17
leaders of public	17
for the government	17
that could be	17
less than a	17
no longer be	17
officers of the	17
the provisions of	17
to leave the	17
supporters of the	17
and over again	17
they had not	17
the sixteenth division	17
of the enemy	16
them to the	16
there were two	16
have nothing to	16
party in the	16
it is impossible	16
it was his	16
is for the	16
of his country	16
behalf of the	16
resistance to the	16
and it would	16
to maintain the	16
irish question is	16
it is now	16
of all parties	16
not going to	16
you will find	16
he is not	16
just as the	16
but this is	16
about to be	16
attention to the	16
the mother country	16
what has been	16
in the government	16
appeared to be	16
have not the	16
the north and	16
is said to	16
correspondent of the	16
the future of	16
are in the	16
i am a	16
in irish life	16
value of the	16
carry out the	16
of a common	16
failure of the	16
had not the	16
the importation of	16
in these days	16
edward carson was	16
but it would	16
to the king	16
to speak of	16
the english home	16
the government was	16
in the air	16
that ireland was	16
irish people have	16
as he had	16
no more than	16
the war of	16
was necessary to	16
lord randolph churchill	16
the only way	16
he was an	16
the city of	16
from the fact	16
the war was	16
of any kind	16
of the facts	16
the same as	16
to the whole	16
has been so	16
there was to	16
representative of the	16
home rule for	16
the country will	16
amount of the	16
north of ireland	16
but they have	16
the land is	16
ireland as a	16
we had to	16
the party of	16
is the most	16
what may be	16
a position of	16
for a long	16
in a speech	16
force of the	16
will of the	16
the irish catholic	16
a new and	16
head of a	16
to the landlord	16
would have the	16
and if he	16
the hearts of	16
they should be	16
of the political	16
the rd of	16
for a few	16
if they could	16
the person of	16
what he had	16
which was not	16
as to their	16
not less than	16
confidence of the	16
when the irish	16
at the ulster	16
of his followers	16
not to the	16
there is one	16
he told me	16
all that is	16
in which a	16
of my own	16
essential to the	16
regarded as a	16
on the continent	16
to do the	16
english and scotch	16
was full of	16
in the sense	16
home rule on	16
from the land	16
the cry of	16
the doctrine of	16
land for nothing	16
people of this	16
took place in	16
in some cases	16
is going to	16
all the more	16
from the government	16
agricultural organisation society	16
on the rd	16
we shall have	16
progress of the	16
and sir edward	16
of the nineteenth	16
a policy of	16
added to the	16
taken by the	16
and one of	16
land purchase act	16
people in the	16
as we are	16
the right thing	16
the advantage of	16
destruction of the	16
to be carried	16
will be remembered	16
there must be	16
to an irish	16
of the town	16
and not a	16
as part of	16
of the young	16
of ireland from	16
the concession of	16
the upper house	16
it was decided	16
in the act	16
of a man	16
is hard to	16
to be of	16
irish party had	16
now and then	16
of a large	16
of what was	16
it was at	16
of a few	16
and the ulster	16
if they did	16
the one hand	16
administration of the	16
with the english	16
the property of	16
in a manner	16
th of january	16
there was one	15
and of a	15
as if they	15
the orange lodges	15
and as the	15
the memory of	15
and that in	15
is a very	15
to feel that	15
out of it	15
a settlement of	15
that has been	15
of a long	15
that at the	15
the irish have	15
the city hall	15
question of home	15
by an irish	15
from the british	15
the department of	15
the local government	15
edward carson and	15
none of the	15
of its members	15
ireland to be	15
but it has	15
to the conclusion	15
in the shape	15
parliament and the	15
the purchase money	15
because of the	15
was no longer	15
irish government bill	15
the town is	15
not of the	15
to be held	15
but if the	15
had been for	15
that i am	15
across the channel	15
accepted by the	15
if we had	15
the streets of	15
him and his	15
the report of	15
a man to	15
of the very	15
in our own	15
i was in	15
dillon and his	15
to a man	15
what i have	15
of the latter	15
should be made	15
that they could	15
ireland by the	15
working of the	15
as it would	15
with each other	15
the irish tenant	15
the st of	15
compared with the	15
the man of	15
the ireland of	15
of the year	15
one hundred and	15
to prevent the	15
the new department	15
but i am	15
of the board	15
from the other	15
can never be	15
in the person	15
was likely to	15
out of his	15
that the time	15
the significance of	15
it is easy	15
introduction of the	15
as if the	15
the date of	15
may be the	15
importance to the	15
the aspirations of	15
to be said	15
of the future	15
the payment of	15
course of the	15
sir horace plunkett	15
to a great	15
a few of	15
ireland is to	15
as those of	15
there was only	15
the parliament bill	15
say nothing of	15
the weakness of	15
name of the	15
might not be	15
work in the	15
to join the	15
people and the	15
such a thing	15
the needs of	15
of whom were	15
the words of	15
at the front	15
the prosperity of	15
to give up	15
in the evening	15
a parliament in	15
appointed by the	15
redmond and his	15
and we have	15
be borne in	15
with the result	15
went on to	15
days of the	15
up by the	15
the present government	15
him to the	15
may be called	15
he had the	15
the idea that	15
on this occasion	15
and not only	15
the party and	15
of nationalist ireland	15
a very large	15
any part of	15
with the land	15
it cannot be	15
no home rule	15
the poor law	15
of ireland would	15
the statute book	15
the same day	15
to the effect	15
of the place	15
irish parliament would	15
in the west	15
to an end	15
the will of	15
the american constitution	15
faith in the	15
that ireland should	15
signs the covenant	15
by the landlord	15
what was the	15
these were the	15
is that it	15
a long time	15
that the first	15
that i was	15
the midst of	15
is the only	15
addition to the	15
idea of the	15
of a general	15
i am told	15
business of the	15
the acceptance of	15
irish agricultural organisation	15
the coming of	15
done in the	15
the moment when	15
i have had	15
irish in the	15
the son of	15
circumstances of the	15
ireland from the	15
the first to	15
have been expected	15
in the town	15
and not the	15
spirit in which	15
of our national	15
title of the	15
proved to be	15
is easy to	15
master of the	15
the resources of	15
and did not	15
the exercise of	15
what is called	15
the necessity of	15
opposition to home	15
the door of	15
significance of the	15
the judgment of	15
this part of	15
apart from the	15
have seen the	15
gladstone and his	15
the british people	15
and in every	15
unionist party in	15
will tell you	15
by this time	15
to destroy the	15
in his speech	15
they might have	15
which he has	15
left to the	15
to me that	15
if it be	15
of the subject	15
they believe that	15
the gombeen man	15
when they are	14
union of the	14
to be at	14
power in the	14
the triumph of	14
passage of the	14
act of the	14
to have an	14
of the problem	14
of england as	14
and the government	14
and labour association	14
of all ireland	14
of the lord	14
as it had	14
one of which	14
go back to	14
the adoption of	14
from the altar	14
more than once	14
to the political	14
of irish nationality	14
home rule question	14
to the party	14
we could not	14
to give to	14
would have a	14
was the most	14
relations of the	14
in the form	14
the process of	14
the phoenix park	14
the back of	14
great britain was	14
the passion of	14
the path of	14
the efforts of	14
because they are	14
the terms of	14
i went to	14
to the world	14
i propose to	14
of per cent	14
leadership of the	14
is necessary to	14
will at once	14
root of the	14
hostility to the	14
he is the	14
the present day	14
of the policy	14
the irish character	14
to fight for	14
of their lives	14
well as in	14
the sympathy of	14
to think of	14
would be in	14
for his own	14
or of the	14
but as the	14
not a few	14
who did not	14
speaking of the	14
and as a	14
in an irish	14
the same way	14
ireland should be	14
the dominion of	14
agricultural and industrial	14
and this is	14
more than that	14
a group of	14
submitted to the	14
in the open	14
worth while to	14
at the first	14
under home rule	14
a combination of	14
development of the	14
on the day	14
have the power	14
the country in	14
who were in	14
for the same	14
army of independence	14
all this is	14
to find the	14
of her own	14
number of the	14
it is hard	14
backed by the	14
centre of the	14
that it had	14
would have had	14
would be impossible	14
for all that	14
of the central	14
a handful of	14
and that a	14
english and irish	14
they were the	14
an irish legislature	14
and it has	14
had nothing to	14
paid by the	14
the belief that	14
object of the	14
of opinion that	14
is on the	14
needs of the	14
by one of	14
a quarter of	14
any attempt to	14
the honour of	14
bill would be	14
the parliamentary party	14
there is nothing	14
something of the	14
has ever been	14
the limits of	14
in a spirit	14
by men who	14
in the fact	14
of a settlement	14
of peace and	14
at least as	14
who had not	14
and an irish	14
the extension of	14
come to a	14
with reference to	14
in case of	14
for the defence	14
we get the	14
in mind that	14
of the four	14
that the same	14
want to be	14
a great and	14
the old irish	14
should be the	14
of the truth	14
the claim of	14
was given to	14
again and again	14
property of the	14
the character and	14
in the work	14
consideration of the	14
to submit to	14
it is necessary	14
of the way	14
the shape of	14
for which they	14
and under the	14
us that the	14
and said that	14
eve of the	14
and the same	14
no matter how	14
in ireland had	14
is at the	14
i know that	14
they ought to	14
seen in the	14
edward carson had	14
on the field	14
they were in	14
ulster and the	14
and that there	14
the irish farmer	14
the expense of	14
few of the	14
the grant of	14
in many parts	14
of them had	14
organisation of the	14
has been made	14
and who had	14
or the other	14
an end of	14
is supposed to	14
in this respect	14
the period of	14
do not want	14
of the cabinet	14
it will not	14
not at all	14
at the last	14
instead of being	14
of which i	14
ignorance of the	14
to make an	14
the disposal of	14
in the midst	14
home rule will	14
the legislature of	14
the relations between	14
the irish and	14
secretary of state	14
the employment of	14
responsibility for the	14
less than the	14
think of the	14
the secret of	14
to hear the	14
made to the	14
is based on	14
of ulster to	14
we must be	14
the other way	14
by far the	14
that was a	14
between great britain	14
i could not	14
do with the	14
duke of abercorn	14
eyes of the	14
by the most	14
one of their	14
as compared with	14
get rid of	14
in the street	14
at the root	14
have not yet	14
the home rulers	14
and by a	14
throughout the country	14
the need for	14
the irish nationalists	14
at the very	14
of the executive	14
every man who	14
an opportunity of	14
it is for	14
i wish to	14
the operations of	14
the irish difficulty	14
operation of the	14
which i am	14
that the only	14
the improvement of	13
but of the	13
the nationalists of	13
of the co	13
causes of the	13
condition of ireland	13
the consequences of	13
i did not	13
shoulder to shoulder	13
ranks of the	13
to secure the	13
the land to	13
the burden of	13
from home rule	13
by the house	13
by the ulster	13
must be the	13
you will be	13
system of government	13
the balmoral meeting	13
say that this	13
to his own	13
all the time	13
are on the	13
the signing of	13
the rejection of	13
of the meeting	13
recognition of the	13
that an irish	13
shores of ireland	13
on the floor	13
the return of	13
for ireland in	13
effect on the	13
and to give	13
be taken into	13
with which we	13
which is a	13
to the most	13
it with the	13
sir antony macdonnell	13
a letter from	13
it ought to	13
which will be	13
up of the	13
made for the	13
of the native	13
in the national	13
in many cases	13
ireland was to	13
the army and	13
of the penal	13
to get a	13
the glory of	13
and to make	13
and that if	13
it was thought	13
what would be	13
by any means	13
with the help	13
to resist the	13
the irish peasantry	13
the promise of	13
at that moment	13
and out of	13
of rural life	13
disposal of the	13
needless to say	13
the love of	13
like that of	13
the first instance	13
branches of the	13
more than half	13
take part in	13
if he were	13
debate on the	13
in new york	13
and in their	13
that they can	13
by the lord	13
but there are	13
made it clear	13
the appointment of	13
do not say	13
the plea of	13
to say nothing	13
the irish landlords	13
on which they	13
use of the	13
should be given	13
fourths of the	13
the statement that	13
the vast majority	13
captain james craig	13
irish home rule	13
land in ireland	13
to think that	13
under the new	13
half a dozen	13
ireland had been	13
the first was	13
the federal system	13
on the road	13
conditions of the	13
for the union	13
the machinery of	13
for the english	13
no part of	13
as a result	13
themselves and their	13
far as it	13
signs the british	13
the privilege of	13
with all his	13
i need not	13
the first step	13
given by the	13
the fortunes of	13
to prove that	13
but i have	13
be left to	13
rule in ireland	13
of thousands of	13
admitted that the	13
in the position	13
the country would	13
for the benefit	13
the meaning of	13
of the position	13
over to the	13
the national life	13
the democracy of	13
of what he	13
the peace of	13
the last few	13
the bill to	13
time when the	13
duty of the	13
the victory of	13
many of whom	13
efforts of the	13
of the court	13
the security of	13
a man in	13
the admission of	13
was that of	13
will have no	13
feature of the	13
as a means	13
order of the	13
if the people	13
the british covenant	13
there have been	13
within a few	13